Skip to main content

Full text of "American anthropologist"

See other formats








ROLAND B. DIXON, Chairman ex-officio ; F. W. HODGE, Secretary ex-officio; 

F. W. HODGE, Editor, Washington, D. C. 
J. R. SWANTON AND ROBERT H. LOWIE, Associate Editors. 


VOLUME 16 , 0/ 



, 3^ 











The Iiitlucnce of the Horse in the Development of Plains Culture. 

Clark Wissler i 

The Boomerang in Ancient Babylonia. James B. Xies 26 

The Circular Kivas of Small Ruins in the San Juan Watershed. 

T. Mitchell Prudden. (Plates i-ix) 33 

Portraiture Among the North Pacific Coast Tribes. George T. 

Emmons. (Plate x) 59 

Notes on the Plains Cree. Alanson Skinner 68 

The Maya Zodiac of Acanceh. Stansbury Hagar. (Plate xi) . . . 88 

Oglala Kinship Terms. James R. Walker 96 

La Combe, a Paleolithic Cave in the, Dordogne. George Grant 

MacCurdy. (Plate xii) 157 

The Ruins of Espiritu Pampa, Peru. Hiram Bingham. (Plate 

xiii) 185 

Prehistoric Objects from a Shell-heap at Erin Bay, Trinidad. 

J. Walter Fewkes. (Plates xiv-xix) 200 

A Piebald Family of White Americans. Albert Ernest Jenks. 

(Plates xx-xxiv) 221 

Petroglyphs of St Vincent, British West Indies. Thomas Huck- 

erby. (Plates xxv-xxix) 238 

The Cheyenne Medicine Lodge. George Bird Grinnell 245 

Ten Days with Dr Henri Martin at La Quina. Charles Peabodv. 

(With a Note on the La Quina Skull, by E. A.'Hooton) 257 

Tewa Kinship Terms from the Pueblo of Hano, Arizona. Barbar.\ 

Freire-Marreco 269 

Supernatural Beings of the Huron and Wyandot. C. M. Barbeau 288 
The Cultural Position of the Plains Ojibway. Alanson Skinner. 314 
A Prehistoric Stone Collar from Porto Rico. J. Walter Fewkes. 319 
The Man of Piltdown. George Grant MacCurdy. (Plate xxx) 331 
In Memoriam: Alexander F. Chamberlain. Albert N. Gilbert- 
son. (Plate xxxi) 337 

Primitive American History. John R. Swanton and Roland B. 

Dixon 376 


iv AMI-.RICAN ANTIlROrOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

Areas of Ainoriran Culluio riianutiTizalioii 'rcntatively Outlined 
as an Aid in theStud\(.l' Anti(|uities. W. II. Holmes. (Plate 
xxxii) 413 

Material Cultures of the North American 1 ndians. Clark Wissler. 

(Plate xxxiii) 447 

Physical Anthropology in America. Ales Hrdlicka 5<^>'^ 

The Present Condition of Our Knowledge of the North American 

Languages. Pliny Earle Goddard 5v55 

Ceremonialism in Xorlh America. Robert H. Lowie 602 


Ancient Lodge Sites on the Missouri in Nebraska (Sterns), 135. The 
Red-paint People of Maine (Moore), 137- The Mother-in-law 
Taboo (Goldenweiser), 139. Arrow-chipping by Means of Fire 
and Water, 140. Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier (F. W. H.), 
349. "The Red-paint People"— x\ Reply (Moorehead), 358. Tw& 
Alleged Algonquian Languages of California (Michelson), 361. 
International Congress of Americanists, 367. 


Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, 141. John Brown Dunbar, 
142. General James Grant Wilson, 143. Cornplanter Medal for 
Iroquois Research, 144. Frazer Fund for Social Anthropology, 145. 
Margaret Elliott, 145. Minor notes, 145. Peabody Museum 
activities, 369. University Museum expedition, 370. American 
Museum bequest, 371. Porto Rico research, 371. Rev. A. G. 
Morice, 372. Sylvanus G. Morley, 372. Death of Alcee Fortier, 
373. Minor notes, 373. 


American Anthropologist 


Vol. i6 January-March, 1914 No. i 



ONE of the important problems pertaining to the Indians of 
the Plains is the relation of the European horse to their 
culture. The initial difficulty lies in our inability to deter- 
mine the precise dates at which the successive tribes came into its 

Exploration in the Plains proceeded gradually from the east 
and south, chiefly during the eighteenth century. Certain Spanish 
accounts give us some data for the seventeenth and e\en the six- 
teenth century, but only for the extreme southern border. The 
early literature for the Missouri and Saskatchewan valleys is 
readily accessible, but an exhaustive search in the Spanish and 
French colonial archives for Louisiana and New Mexico will be 
necessary before a definite historical statement of the introduction 
of the horse can be made. However, a general resume of the 
literature at hand will give approximate dates at which horses are 
mentioned for many tribes. 

The great Spanish expeditions to explore the southern parts of 
the United States were well equipped with horses and even cattle 
and hogs. The adventurers were cavaliers; hence, horses were a 
necessity. De Soto carried some of his horses across the Mississippi 
in 1541. At about the same time Coronado reached the present 
bounds of Oklahoma from Santa Fe. Oiiate is belie\-ed to have 
visited the Pawnee and Kansas, 1599-1601, and Penalosa con- 

AM. ANTH., N. S., .6^1 I 


ducted an expedition to the Mississippi in 1662. From Coronado's 
time on there was a growing trade with the Indians of the Gulf 
coast, and trade to tlie interior from Santa Fe as a base began about 
1600. The pueblo village of Taos soon became the trade center 
for the Plains Indians. This trade seems to have reached its 
maximum about 1630. Doubtless the archives of Mexico and 
Spain contain data on the trade of this period, but nothing definite 
has so far found its way into literature. It is known, however, 
that the Indians of the Plains and especially the Pawnee were so 
troublesome in their {blundering raids for horses that a post was 
established in Kansas about 1704 and an unsuccessful expedition 
undertaken by Villazur in 1720. Yet, in 1719 du Tisne, a French- 
man, visited two Pawnee villages in Oklahoma where he counted 
three hundred horses. As early as 1682 Henri de Tonty found 
horse-using Indians on the lower Missouri.^ La Salle also states 
(1682) that the Gattacka (Kiowa-Apache) and Manrhoat (Kiowa?) 
had many horses.^ In fact they found horses in many places. 
This is about the earliest date we can hope to find for the Missouri,, 
but if horses were there at that time, it is most certain that the 
Pawnee were well provided with them. It seems, therefore, safe 
to conclude that some time during the interval 1600-1682, at least, 
the Caddoan tribes, the Tonkawa, and the Comanche, as well as 
the Kiowa, became fully equipped with horses. The Metontonta 
(Oto) came to see La Salle and brought a horse's hoof, stating that 
the Spanish made war upon them (1680). From the statements by 
Hennepin we infer that the Oto did not use horses at that time. 
J It is thus clear that the Indians below the Platte and lower 
Missouri were quite well supplied with horses by 1682, and there is 
no reason why many of them should not have had horses as early 
as 1600. Presumably those to get them first would be the Ute, 
Comanche, Apache, Kiowa, and the Caddo. As we move north- 
ward our historical data become a little more definite. 

The sons of La Verendrye made a journey to the Rocky moun- 
tains from the Mandan in 1742-43. They encountered horse 

1 See Kansas Historical Collections, vol. ix, p. 241. 

2 Mooney in Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 160. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 3 

Indians, also mules and asses, and on their return to Canada mention 
the horses of their Assiniboine companions.' On this journey to 
the Rocky moiuitains they seem to ha\e passed down west of the 
Black hills and to have reached the mountains in Wyoming or 
Colorado and on the return trip to have struck the Missouri in 
Nebraska or South Dakota. They were in fear of the Snake 
Indians. So far we have not been able to full>' identify the tribal 
names of these explorers, but Beaux Hommes seems likely to be 
Crow, and Gens de 1' Arc to be Cheyemie. Their " Le Crand ( hef " 
was evidently the chief of the Pawnee, and the Chevaux, the 
Comanche. They fell in with the Prairie Sioux on the return trip. 
On one point they are definite: that horses were in use all along 
their route after they left the Mandan country. 

Next we turn to the journal of La Verendrye's Mandan dis~ 
coveries, 1738-39. He set out from a camp of Cree on the Assini- 
boine river and made the journey ov^erland with a body of the 
Assiniboine. It is clear that the whole party were afoot, for "the 
women and dogs carry all the baggage, the men are burdened only 
w' ith their arms ; they make the dogs even carry wood to make the 
fires, being often obliged to encamp in the open prairie, from which 
the clumps of wood may be at a great distance."^ No mention of 
seeing horses among the Mandan and the adjoining villages is made. 
On the other hand, we are told that the Indians gave him to under- 
stand " that the Pananas and Pananis had horses like the whites,"^ 
living to the south of them. One of his Assiniboine companions 
narrated an engagement with horsemen in armor while his party 
was in a raid to the Mississippi. Yet, in 1741, when the sons of La 
Verendrye set out toward the southwest, their statements seem to 
imply the possession of horses by the Mandan and the neighboring 

A little later (1751) Saint Pierre states that he saw horses and 
saddles which the Indians obtained by trade from the west,^ and 

1 Decouvertes et etablissements des Frangais dans I'ouest et dans le sud de 
I'Amerique septentrionale (1614-1754), recueillis et publics par Pierre Margry, part 
6, pp. 589-611. 

' Canadian Archives, 1889, 13. 

' Ibid., 21. 

* Ibid., 1886, vol. 26, p. clxiii. 


notes a report from Fort Lajonquiere in the Blackfoot country 
that tlie natives there traded for horses and saddles to the west- 
ward. Tliis is tlie earliest suggestion of horses among the Blackfoot 

We ma>- now direct our search to the Hudson Bay posts of the 
north. Here we can refer directly to the journal of Anthony 
Hendry^ who in 1754 set out from York Fort in company with a 
returning party of Assiniboine to \asit the Blackfoot tribes of the 
west, who to his seeming surprise were well supplied with horses. 
Howe\er, when he returned, his superiors at York regarded such a 
statement as the grossest of fabrications and in consequence gave 
little weight to his report. This would seem to indicate that the 
traders of Hudson bay had never heard of horse Indians. On the 
other hand, it is clear that the Assiniboine who had regularly visited 
York Fort for some years could not have been ignorant of the fact, 
for Hendry states: 

"17. Saturday. . . . They are a tribe of the Asinepoet Nation: 
and like them use the Horses for carrying the baggage and not to 
ride on." (This restricted use of the horse is very significant.) 
This confirms the report of horses in the Blackfoot country in 1751. 

We have now accounted for practically all the tribes west of the 
Missouri and around the headwaters of the Saskatchewan. To the 
•east in contact with the Assiniboine were the Plains Cree and Plains 
Ojibwa. In 1776 Henry states that they had herds of horses like 
the Assiniboine.- In 1772 Cocking met Cree far to the west, but 
fails to state that they had horses, though their possession is implied. 
La Verendrye (1738) makes a curious remark concerning an Indian 
near the Red river: "as he had his vehicle [voiture] with him," etc. 
This may signify horses, but we cannot be sure. 

For the Dakota and other tribes above the mouth of the Mis- 
souri we seem to have negative evidence. As early as 1662 Radisson 
met a division of the Eastern Dakota in Wisconsin, and from his 
own quaint account of the manner of transporting baggage it is 

1 Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third series, 
vol. I, 1907, p. 307, and vol. 2, p. 89. 

'Alexander Henry, Travels and Adventures, etc., New York, 1809, pp. 289, 299. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 5 

clear that there were no horses there. These Indians were, it is 
true, not a typical Plains people, but Radisson tells of journeys to 
the Mississippi and to the vicinity of the Mille Lacs where he met 
other Indians of their kind. Nowhere have we noticed any implica- 
tion that horses were known. From 1665 to 1699 Nicolas Perrot was 
in frequent contact with the Siouan tribes, but we find in his account 
no suggestion of horses. Le Sieur penetrated the country of the 
typical Plains Dakota in 1700, and, though he goes into much detail, 
we find ho hint of horses being in the \icinity. Before his day 
neither Hennepin nor Du Luth mentions them for the Sioux country. 

Then we come to the journal of Peter Pond, 1740-45, where we 
are told that the Yankton division of the Dakota had horses in 

" Thay Have a Grate Number of Horses and Dogs which Carres 
there Bageag when they Move from Plase to Plase. . . . Thay Run down 
the BufFelow with thare Horses and Kill as Much Meat as thay Please. 
In Order to have thare Horseis Long Winded thay Slit thair Noses up 
to the Grissel of thare head which Make them Breath \'erey freely. 
I Have Sean them Run with those of Natrall Nostrals and Cum in 
Apearantley Not the Least Out of Breath."' 

Turning again to the Mandan we have no literature tmtil 1804 
when Lewis and Clark wintered among them, at which date all the 
Indians of the Missouri were well supplied with horses; together 
with the Arikara and Hidatsa they were trading horses and mules 
to the Assiniboine and Teton Dakota. However, in the journal of 
J. McDonnell (1793) we are told that at the Missouri the natives 
used horses to hunt buffalo. 

The result of our survey is then quite definite. Horses were 
numerous among theBlackfoot as early as 1751, and they were used 
by the Assiniboine about the same date. They had not been ac- 
quired by the Mandan in 1738, but were among their immediate 
neighbors to the south. They are first definitely mentioned for the 
Teton Dakota in 1742, and for the Yankton at about the same 
date. The Iowa seem to have had some horses in 1724.^ 

' Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. xviii, p. 353. 
* " In 1719, Du Tisne visited two villages of the Pawnees situated on a small 
stream some six leagues west of the Arkansas, probably in what is now Oklahoma. In 


[n. s., i6, 1914 









Gros \'entrc 











Plains Cree 







First \'isn 

1804 Lewis and Clark 
1738 La Vercndrye 
1658 Jesuits (?) 
1751 Saint Pierre 
1680 La Salle 
1 714 La Harpe 
1742 La Verendrye, Jr. 
1784 Umfrcville 
1738 La Verendrye 
1 60 1 Onatc 
1682 La Salle 
1676 Zenobius 
1738 La Verendrye 
1682 Tonty 

1761 (?) 

1694 Gravier 

1680 La Salle 

1541 Coronado (?) 

First Mention 
OF Horses 

1738 La Verendrye 
1742 La Verendrye, Jr. 
1 75 1 Saint Pierre 

1714 La Harpe 

1742 La Verendrye, Jr. 

1784 Umfreville 

1 741 La Verendrye, Jr. 

1682 La Salle 
1724 Mead 

1742 La Verendrye 
1682 Tonty 

1719 Du Tisne 

1704 Dunbar 
1738 La Verendrye 

1740 Peter Pond 
1784 Umfreville 
1742 La Verendrye, Jr. 
1742 La Verendrye, Jr. 

1804 Lewis and Clark 

1662 Radisson 

1784 Umfreville 

1742 La Verendrye 

1680 La Salle 

1 541 Coronado 

If these dates for first mention of the horse are tabulated or 
plotted on a map, we have a progressive series northward, beginning 
with 1682 and culminating on the Saskatchewan in 175 1. In every 
case, however, we must assume an earlier date for its introduction. 
There is no good reason why the Pawnee should not have had 
horses in 1650 or even in 1630, since they were available in the 

these villages he found 300 horses 'which they value very highly, and could not do 
without.' He procured from them two horses and a mule marked with a Spanish 
brand. Five years later Bourgmont endeavored to secure by trade with the Kansas 
a sufficient number of horses for his journey to the Paducas [Comanche] in western 
Kansas. They were unable to supply him with more than seven, and one of these was 
stolen by an Iowa Indian, who eloped thereon with a Kansas maiden to his own people. 
The Paducas, who seemed to be on good terms with the Spaniards, said they obtained 
their horses from them by barter, and that they had not yet been able to raise any 
colts." — Transactions of the Kansas State Historical Society, vol. x, 1907-1908, p. 107, 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE / 

Spanish and Pueblo settlements of New Mexico. On the other 
hand, the progressive nature of our data from southeast to north- 
west may be entirely due to the gradual extension of exploration, 
and so have no other significance. For example, it is only in case 
of the Assiniboine, Cree, Eastern Dakota, Mandan, and the tribes 
in Iowa, Wisconsin, and parts of Illinois that we have evidence of 
their existence without horses, and even in these cases we can only 
say that explorers did not mention them. 

In this connection we may gi\e brief consideration to the use 
of horses cast of the Mississippi. From the very first, the Spaniards 
were great importers of horses and other domestic animals. In this 
respect they stand in contrast to the French of Canada where the 
first horse (just one) was imported in 1647, the first cargo in 1665.^ 
The English colonists imported horses moderately, except in Vir- 
ginia, where the cavalier element, as among the Spaniards, brought 
in the horse, and where in 1669 wild horses became a pest. The 
first horses imported by the New England colonies came in 1629. 
Horses spread among the Indians of the Atlantic slope, but it was 
only in the south that they were numerous. According to Adair the 
Cherokee and other southern tribes were good horsemen. While 
these Indians could have secured their stock from Virginia, it is 
much more probable that they first came from Spanish settlements 
on the Gulf and even from the tribes west of the Mississippi. Ac- 
cording to Swanton, Du Pratz and others speak of horses as numer- 
ous in the south and note that they seem a different variety from 
the European horse, which suggests the Indian horse of the west. 

Adair gives us a good description of the riding gear of the 
Choctaw and other southern Indians. They had the rope for a 
bridle, made saddles with wood and green buffalo hide, and mounted 
from the "off-side," in all of which he recognizes the Spanish type 
and which reminds us of the Plains.- Even the saddles made by 
the Iroquois of New York are of this same western Indian type. 
All this strongly suggests that the dominant traits of horse culture 
among all the south Atlantic Indians came from across the Missis- 

- Charlevoix, Shea edition, vol. 3. p. 83. 

' Adair, James, History of the American Indians, London, 1775, p. 426. 


sippi, or at least indirectly from the same source as the western 
culture. The ultimate source was most likely the Spaniards. The 
French are a negligible factor because they settled at the mouth of 
the Mississippi after the horse had reached the Missouri. Even 
the English settlements in Virginia scarcely reached a point where 
they could supply horses to the Indians of the east before horses are 
reported in the west. It seems therefore clear that the Spaniards 
J must be credited with the introduction of the horse to the Indians 
of the Plains and the lower Mississippi both east and west; the 
greater number of horses must have come from their more numerous 
settlements in the Southwest and Mexico. ^ 

As to the Indians north of the Ohio we have very little data, but 
the Wyandot are said to have first secured horses at Braddock's 
defeat (1755).^ The Kansas also returned with horses during the 
same war.^ From Tanner's narrative it appears that the Indians 
around Detroit in 1775 made some use of horses. In a treaty made 
with the Sauk and Fox in 1804 it was stipulated that they return 
all stolen horses.-* From what information has come to hand it 
appears that before the French and Indian War horses were scarcely 

' The first accounts we find for English exploration in the interior of the Southern 
States have been made available by Alvord and Bidgood (First Explorations of the 
Trans-Allegheny Region, Cleveland, 1912). The period covered is 1650-1674 and 
the territory the Appalachian region. No mention of horses in the hands of Indians 
is made, but the explorers and traders used horses and often left them with the Indians 
for safekeeping. The Cherokee towns on the Virginia frontier were usually the base 
of operations. Thus, it is certain that these Indians had an opportunity to acquire 
horses during this period; but they had had some contact with Spanish traders for 
almost a century. In Adair's day chickens and hogs were abundant among the 
Indians, but as early as 1699 the French found chickens abundant in the Houma vil- 
lages. Needham and Arthur found wild hogs abundant in Georgia in 1674. When 
the French settled Louisiana they found peaches and figs under cultivation. These 
could scarcely have come from the English settlements of the Atlantic. Smith (An- 
thropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 6, p. 208) reports 
impressions of peach stones on pottery from a Kentucky site in which no traces of 
trade articles were found. At a very early date the Iroquois were raising peaches and 
apples. We have here a subject for investigation, but it is clear that the Southern 
Indians quickly took up certain traits brought in by the Spaniards whenever these 
happened to fit into their original culture. 

2 Transactions of the Kansas State Historical Society, vol. ix, p. 79. 

* Ibid., vol. X, p. 331. 

* Ibid., vol. XI, p. 334. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 9 

used in the Ohio valley and the Great Lakes country. Yet at this 
date they were in general use among the Indians of the South 
Atlantic and Gulf states and among all the tribes west of the 
Mississippi from north to south. We have previously noted the 
relatively late introduction of the horse to the tribes along the upper 

The phenomenon we have is now plain: Indian horse culture 
spread rapidly from the Spanish settlements of the Southwest and 
Mexico upward between the Rocky mountains and the Mississippi 
ri\-er,and thence northward between the Missouri and the mountains, 
to the west of the Black hills and thence to the Saskatchewan 
country. On the south it spread out over the Gulf states, but did 
not become prominent north of Virginia, or between the Ohio and 
the Great Lakes, and reached the upper Mississippi relatively late. 
It reached the lower Colorado on the west, but did not reach far into 
California or any part of the Pacific coast to the north. Likewise 
it reached up into the Plateau area, and even to the Dene area.^ 

The subject we have chosen for discussion is the relation of 
horse culture to other Plains traits and not the historical investiga- 
tion of the introduction of the animal by Europeans. The preceding 
data are presented solely to define the problem and make no claim 
to completeness. However, we cannot well discuss the influence 
of horse culture without fixing its relative time of origin, for, if it 
greatly preceded other strong European influences, its value as a 
cultural characteristic is high. While the fixing of such a date is 
quite speculative, we have its limits clearly defined, for we find the 
horse in the far north in 1751 and know that it could not have 
reached the Indians before 1500. 

It is generally considered that horses abandoned by De Soto's 
men in 1541 gave rise to the wild horses later found west of the 
lower Mississippi. This may be true. Recalling that at about the 
same time Coronado reached the Wichita, we have an increased 
probability that the nuclei of several wild herds were formed about 
this date. However, we have found no historical support to this 

' See Lewis, A. B., Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of Washington 
and Oregon, Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. i, part 2. 


theon-, for the first mention of wiltl liorses is much later. ^ How- 
ever, it ma>- be that tlie Indians profited by tlie use they saw made of 
horses and took possession of some abandoned animals. This 
would not have been difficult. The Pawnee have a story that the 
first horse they ever saw came into their village and permitted itself 
to be handled. Such could ha\e happened with domesticated 
horses just turned loose. In other words, a normal series of events 
could have placed the horse in the hands of Indians and at the 
same time started the wild herds. If this did happen in 1541, 1560 
could have found several tribes in the south well mounted and far 
advanced in horse culture. Then we must not overlook the tribes 
in southern Texas who even in 1541 could have easily reached 
Spanish posts on the other side of the Rio Grande. So 1600 could 
have found the horse at the headwaters of the Missouri and even 
among the Blackfoot. This is, of course, speculation, but it is well 
to note that for all we know the Crow and the Blackfoot, for 
instance, may have had horses for 150 years before their first mention 
in 1742 and 1751. In other words, we have an interval from 1550 
to 1850, or three hundred years, in which the horse culture of the 
Plains could have developed along its own lines. 

It seems quite reasonable to assume that horse raiding by the 
Pawnee and Kiowa had begun in the early years of 1600. If this 
is correct and these historic tribes were then in the same relative 
positions as later, 1650 should have found the horse abundant on 
the Saskatchewan. At least, we have positive historical data for 
the general use of the horse throughout all the area from the head- 
waters of the Saskatchewan, down the west of the Missouri and 
thence to the Mississippi by 1751, and data that make clear the 
possibility of such distribution as early as 1650. The tribes west 
of the Missouri and the lower Mississippi were practically free 
until after 1840 and, while subject to some cultural influence and 
external control before that time, were on the whole about as free 
to develop their culture as they could have been before the period 
of discover}'. We thus have a positive period of one hundred 
years in which the Indian was fairly free to develop his horse culture 

' Hendry (op. cit., p. 335) saw wild horses on the Saskatchewan in 1754. 

wissler] influence of horse in plains culture II 

and a v^ery probable period of another one hundred \ears in which 
many of the tribes were in no direct contact with whites of any 
description. We thus have a unique example of the de\elopment 
of a culture trait in response to contact with another culture and its 
transmission from one tribe to another among several distinct 
linguistic stocks, all of which suggests several important analytic 

Thus we may ask — 

1. Is the Plains culture as a whole older than the introduction 
of the horse? 

2. What changes in culture trails can be attributed to the 
influence of horse culture? 

3. What had the en\ironment to do witli the distribution of 
horse culture? 

If we take up the first and look for traits older than the intro- 
duction of the horse, we can lay hands upon at least one such. The 
use of dogs for transporting baggage is mentioned by Coronado's 
men, a date before the era of the horse. Furthermore, we have 
linguistic evidence in the names for horse, such as "mysterious dog" 
and "elk-dog," certainly implying a resemblance in the uses of the 
two animals. We should expect no one to doubt the assumption 
that dog traction, one of the most distinctive traits of Plains culture, 
was fully diffused over the area before the horse was known. 

As to the tipi in the form familiar in the nineteenth century, 
we are far less certain. Obviously dogs could not have transported 
the tipi of horse days with its long heavy poles and bulky co\er. 
Descriptions of the tipi have not been found by us at a period when 
the horse was unknown. The tents mentioned by Castafieda 
appear to be tipis, but we cannot be sure of their detailed structure. 
They were, however, transported by dogs. The distribution of the 
tipi among a few of the Central Algonkin and its analogous forms 
to the eastward among the Cree, may warrant a guess that it was 
diffused over the Plains in some form along with dog traction; but 
a mere guess will not help us here. Howe\cr, in another place we 
have called attention to the apparent relation between the travois 
and dragging tipi poles. The horse travois is made of tipi poles 

12 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

and the few dog travois we have seen had their poles pointed at the 
butts precisely like the tipi poles. Yet the true travois was found 
in the northern part of the Plains; the tribes of the south placed 
the load upon the horse and dragged the tipi poles at the sides. 
In Castaiieda's time this was the way for dogs. In short, there are 
several reasons for assuming that the northern travois was developed 
from the tipi poles dragged by dogs. If we accept this explanation, 
it is clear that a tipi of some form and the travois are historically 
associated and that the former is the older. 

Turning to less material things we may cite the coup and 
methods of warfare. It would seem that since almost everywhere 
in the Plains a war party set out on foot, even though they went 
after horses, it is safe to assume that the entire procedure had be- 
come a fixed custom before the advent of the horse. The coup is. 
so fundamental a matter in the warring system of the Plains that 
it also must have been there for a long time. This, however, is not 
a strong argument. 

As to the sun dance and the camp circle, two associated traits^ 
we have no evidence. The same is true of the police, or soldier 
system and societies for men. Yet there is one kind of evidence 
that applies in a general way to all traits: viz., historical tradition. 
As a rule, the Indians themselves are positive that the acquisition 
of horses was much more recent than the sun dance and other 
important traits of culture. While this has some weight we must 
not value it too highly, for the sun dance itself was but recently 
introduced to some of the Ojibwa and there are no good reasons 
why it could not have spread rapidly over the Plains at any time. 

If we turn to some of the intermediate tribes, like the Mandan, 
we can prove by archeology the existence of the earth -lodge before 
the horse. Maize also was among the Mandan. It seems most 
certain that Mandan culture was essentially developed long before 

The net result of this survey is, then, that we have positive 
evidence of the dog travois development before the horse, but that 
on other traits of culture we have only presumptions for the area 
at large. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 13 

If we turn to migration the case is equally difficult, for evidence 
of real migration in the Plains is rare. The Cheyenne are the one 
clear case, but it seems that the first stage of this southern movement 
must have occurred even before horses reached them. If we take 
the Blackfeet, we find them mounted when first discovered, but 
occupying practically the territory of later years; that they as a 
people de\eloped elsewhere may be, but they could scarcely have 
migrated during the years between getting horses and the record of 
them in 1754 or even earlier without having traditions of such a 
movement as definite as their traditions that horses were acquired 
from other tribes. Likewise the Pawnee did not change their 
habitat until moved by pressure of the Government. 

It may be correct to interpret the general tendenc\- of all the 
surrounding tribes to raid the Snake as due to the lattcr's possession 
of horses and lack of firearms with which to repel the invaders. The 
Pawnee with the sons of La \'erendr>'e in 1742 turned back at signs 
of Snake camps, indicating that they were a power to be considered. 
Blackfoot traditions indicate that in early days the Snake were 
frequently found hunting on the upper Missouri, but were e\'entually 
pushed back because they lacked firearms. If we accept this at 
its face value, we see that while it is probable that the presence of 
the horse urged the Snake eastward into the Plains like their 
brothers, the Comanche, this was equalized by the superior arms 
and plundering ambitions of other tribes. Thus, in respect to the 
Snake, the horse could have extended their ranges only to the 
north and west, if indeed it had any effect. 

It is true that some small movements seem to ha\'e occurred, 
but these are not ver>' significant and those of which we have his- 
torical knowledge took place chiefly among the tribes along the banks 
of the upper Mississippi where the horse was introduced last. In 
fact, very few of the Plains tribes are known to have pennanently 
shifted their homes during the period 1 680-1 860. We must there- 
fore accept their positions as we find them at the opening of the 
historical period. 

There is, however, a modified form of migration that must be 
noted — the practice of going on periodical hunts, when the whole 

14 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

social unit nlo^•cd and killed buffalo as an organized body. Of the 
typical tribes we have definite statements from the Blackfoot and 
the Teton- Dakota that they had permanent winter camping places- 
from which they set out in the spring and to which they returned 
in the autumn. ^ Their ranging was usually within recognized 
limits. That they also camped in winter and roamed in summer 
before the coming of the horse is probable. The agricultural 
tribes of the eastern border, such as the Pawnee, Osage, etc., were 
in historic times given to the planting of their fields and then 
setting off on a grand Inint. That this was not unknown before the 
time of the horse is suggested by Perrot's account of the Illinois.- 
While this proves nothing as to the true Plains tribes, it raises a 
strong presumption that the periodical hunt of the Pawnee, etc., cited 
above, was practised in pre-Columbian times; so the custom ob- 
served in horse days was merely a shift from dog to horse travois, 
and from walking to riding, and not strictly a new trait. Indeed, 
why should the Plains people have had the dog travois if they 
did not go on long journeys by land? Hence, I believe it must be 
granted that the circumscribed ranging of the Plains tribes was a 
cultural trait before the advent of the horse. 

On the other hand, the horse may have intensified this ranging 
and even extended it to the final extinction of maize planting. Thus 
Maximilian says of the Ponca: 

" They formerly lived, like the Omahas, in clay huts, at the mouth 
of the river, but their powerful enemies, the Sioux and Pawnees, destroyed 
their villages, and they have since adopted the mode of life of the former, 
living more generally in tents made of skins, and changing their place 
from time to time. . . . They plant maize, which they sell to the Sioux, 
but they had neglected to cultivate this grain for about three years, and 
obtained it from the Omahas."* 

1 Mooney has made an argument for the migration of the Kiowa from Montana 
to their present location 1 780-1 832 (Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau of American 
Ethnology, part i), but Scott dissents, bringing both historical and traditional evidence 
of their position south of the Pawnee before 168 1 (American Anthropologist, n. s., 
vol. 13, p. 372). Both may be correct, for the presence of the Kiowa in the north may 
have been due to their periodical wanderings. 

2 Perrot, Nicolas, Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi, etc., Cleveland, 191 1, 
p. 119. 

3 Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in the Interior of North America, translated 
by H. Evans Lloyd, London, 1843, p. 137. 


The Comanche were the great horse Indians of early days. The 
Pawnee sav that in former times other tribes named them horse 
Indians. The sons of La Verendrye met those they called Horse 
Indians, west of the Black Hills in 1741. There is said to be good 
evidence that they ranged even to the mouth of the Yellowstone. 
It seems but fair to assume that such an extensive range came after 
the use of horses. There are some traditional data, as for example, 
the Blackfoot believe their frequent journeys to the Missouri 
were not undertaken before they acquired horses. However, such 
evidence must be taken with reserve, for even in later times Black- 
foot war parties to the Crow and to the Dakota country usually set 
out on foot. 

Perhaps with more search we could find indications that the 
coming of the horse extended the range of the tribes. The posses- 
sion of this new means of transportation and this new element of 
property would no doubt act as a cultural stimulant. The Pawnee 
must have been at the flood-tide of their national life during the 
period 1 700-1 800. The Blackfoot seem to have reached theirs 
even at the time of Hendry in 1754, at which time the entire popula- 
tion rode horseback. Our difficulty here as elsewhere arises from 
the fact cited above that the horse reached many of the tribes 
before they came to the knowledge of explorers. Yet, if we take 
the available data into consideration there is good ground for the 
assumption that the most typical tribes all reached the high-water 
mark of expansion and culture in the eighteenth centur>\ 

\Ve must not, however, too hastily conclude that the introduc- 
tion of the horse during the scA^enteenth century was the chief 
cause of this. The presence of the white traders on the continent 
must be considered. Firearms were soon in the hands of the tribes 
along the Mississippi and so spread westward. These new weapons 
must also have brought feelings of power and confidence. Then 
again the trade by which they were received created new demands, 
new wants, and so stimulated production. Thus, it seems equally 
probable that the disturbed balances of power from the introduc- 
tion of guns and the necessity of visiting regions adjacent to trading 
posts, must have exerted a strong influence upon the periodical 

1 6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

ranging of tribes, a change in wliicli llic horse was undoubtedly a 
large factor, hut not tlie only one. 

We may recapitulate then by stating that while there is a pre- 
sumption that the horse stimulated periodic ranging on the Plains, 
there were other factors capable of exerting similar influences; 
but that actual migration was due to the horse is quite unlikely. 
The existence of former periodic ranging is proven by historical 
evidence in some cases and made inferential in others by the 
previous development of dog traction. In short, we may say that 
only those traits directly associated with the horse can be taken as 
later; the most characteristic traits, for want of evidence to the 
contrary, must be given priority, and that while the horse along 
with other European influences may have intensified and more 
completely diffused the various traits, there is no good evidence 
at hand to support the view that the horse led to the development 
of the important traits. In other words, from a qualitative point of 
view the culture of the Plains would have been much the same with- 
out the horse. It does not follow though, that these Plains traits 
were diffused over the same area as found in 1850. For example, 
the characterization of the southern Plains Indians in the Icazbal- 
ceta^ manuscript can scarcely be improved upon as defining the 
Plains type of culture, but we have no way of determining its extent. 

We may be reminded that in the Plains area are several subtypes 
of culture. There are first of all the nomadic tribes of which the 
Blackfoot, Crow, Teton, Kiowa, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Comanche 
may be taken as types. These are the great horse and buffalo 
Indians as we know them. They ranged north and south in the 
true plains while on either border were tribes of less intense culture 
and varied by additional traits. Our problem, therefore, is as to 
whether the development of this typical group in which the horse 
seems so important a factor did not occur after the acquisition of the 
horse. If so, then the true Plains culture may properly be said to 
have developed with the introduction of the horse, even though 
every trait may have been in existence somewhere in the area long 
before. A rather extended argument could be presented on this 
point, but a few suggestions must suffice. 

1 Winship, The Journey of Coronado (1904 edition), p. I94. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 1 7 

1. Though true migration since horse days is rare, there is a 
ver>' strong presumption that several of these typical tribes had 
scarcely reached their historic ranges by 1600; and in that event 
could scarcely have developed their present culture before the horse 

2. The high tide in typical Plains culture seems to have come in 
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While this was the era 
of trade, yet the horse increased the economic prosperity and created 
individual wealth with certain degrees of luxury and leisure; also 
it traveled ever ahead of white trade and the white trader. 

3. The horse was a great inciter of predatory warfare which 
must have increased the range and intensity of operations, thus 
intensifying tribal contact and increasing intertribal knowledge, 
all of which would favor diffusion. 

4. The culture of these tribes takes its individuality from ap- 
parent adjustments of traits to a more nomadic and intense form of 
life, the practical inhibition of such traits as pottery, basketry, 
agriculture, and fixed houses; rather than from the introduction 
of any new traits except those directly associated with the horse. 

Hence, we may formulate for further consideration the proposi- 
tion that while no important Plains traits except those directly 
associated with the horse seem to have come into existence, the 
horse is largely responsible for such modifications and realignments 
as give us the typical Plains culture of the nineteenth century, or 
which differentiate it from the subtypes in the same area. Thus 
we can see how practically all the essential elements of Plains culture 
would have gone on, if the horse had been denied them; but it is 
difficult to see how the vigor and accentuated association of traits 
forming the typical group and their intense occupancy of the true 
plains could have been what it was in 1800 without the horse. A 
type of culture, we should note, is the conception of an associated 
group of traits, and it is the manner of the association rather than 
the identity of the traits that determines it. 

We may now turn to a more specific examination of the point as 
to what distinct modifications of culture were produced. 

In the first place, the horse brought with it all its own associated 

AM. ANTH., N. S.. l6-2 

l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

elements of culture. Our collections show that saddles and other 
riding gear are quite uniform in type for the Plains and are on the 
whole after Spanish patterns. Even the use of the reata seems to 
be of Spanish-American origin. Riding itself was, of course, 
intrusive. Knowledge of how to care for horses would also come 
in from the Spanish. So we must surely have had a whole group 
of associated culture traits carried along with the horse. 

Thus we have a fine example of diffusion, like the sun dance, 
men's societies, etc. Could we show that the diffusion of horse 
culture preceded the diffusion of these other traits, we should have 
a strong case for the horse as a modifier of culture. As we have 
seen, what little evidence there is points in the other direction. 

The use of the horse in war and hunting may have greatly 
modified weapons, tactics, etc. Thus, it seems quite probable 
that the long spear of the Comanche and other southern tribes was 
developed for use on horseback, possibly even copied directly from 
the Spaniards. Yet we are dealing with elements of associated 
horse traits, constituting the horse cultural complex. Our problem 
is, however, as to whether there are other complexes created or 
modified indirectly by the presence of the horse. In this connec- 
tion we can offer little save speculation. As we have so far de- 
veloped the subject there is some reason for expecting that the 
relative intensities of many traits were changed, giving us a dif- 
ferent cultural whole. We have noted the probability that horse 
culture inhibited tendencies toward agriculture, pottery, and 
basketry, and favored the use and development of the tipi; but our 
observations can apply only to the less typical tribes who had these 
traits, since their mere absence is not satisfactory evidence of 
inhibition. As an intensifier of original Plains traits, the horse 
presents its strongest claim. Some of the early Spanish observers 
note the great use of large dogs, both for packing and travois trac- 
^ tion, and the almost entire dependence on the buffalo; here we have 
at least some of the highly characteristic traits of Plains culture 
in horse days. To such a culture the horse would most surely be 
a new and superior dog; he would like any greatly improved appli- 
ance enrich and intensify development in certain established direc- 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 19 

lions. It is also conceivable that this development had a similar 
effect on other material traits, but to varying degrees. We see,- 
however, no good ground for assuming that any important traits, 
material or otherwise, were either dropped or added among the 
buffalo-hunting dog-using rovers observed by the first Spanish- 
explorers. Economic prosperity and contact with the white race 
have greatly modified the material culture of the Indian, physio- 
logically b\- interbreeding and disease it has brought marked 
changes and politically it has stamped out his own government; 
but not even the great wealth of the Osage or the Pawnee has 
served to modify greatly their religious practices or their social 
ideals. It is chiefly the persistently driven wedge of the missionary 
and the teacher that is slowly overcoming that tenacious phase of 
culture. The familiar phenomena of tenacity of hold upon tribal 
religious, medical, and social practices seems a good argument 
against the great effects of new material traits upon culture in 
general. Thus, it would be exceptional to find that the introduc- 
tion of the horse was alone responsible for the typical Plains culture. 
We have noted the peculiar distribution of the horse, how it 
spread rapidly east and west of the lower Mississippi and especially 
on the west passed quickly northward, but west of the Missouri. 
We thus have the section between the Missouri and the Mississippi 
and eastward between the Ohio and the Lakes, in which horse 
culture made its appearance late, if at all. We noted also its 
failure to make progress in California. It has been suggested many 
times that the distribution of the horse was correlated with the 
geographical environment, but the causes for the above phenomena 
are by no means obvious. Thus, it is fair to ask what would have 
been the area of diffusion in a wild state if introduced over the 
Mexican frontier. In such a region the horse would live somewhat 
like he did upon the great ranches of some years ago, from which we 
might infer that the distribution would follow the boundaries of 
the grazing industry. The grazing area is fairly well defined — a 
broad stretch east of the mountains and through western Kansas 
and Nebraska, parts of the Dakotas west of the Missouri, and a 
small section of the Saskatchewan country. Ranchmen have said 

20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

that this area was marked by peculiar short grasses that cured 
well and furnished good winter grazing, also that the snow did not lie 
deep enough to prevent grazing except for very short periods. While 
this may be true, it does not follow that the horse in a wild state 
would confine himself to this area, for the buffalo did not. While 
this horse-using Indian area is in a way coincident with the grazing 
area, we have not fallen in with any study of the reasons why 
grazing was so confined. It is quite possible that it was largely 
accidental and due to political and economic factors, such as 
relatively greater profit from agriculture east of the range, the direc- 
tion of settlement, etc. Thus, unfortunately, no one has worked 
out this problem for us, so that we can only recognize a presumption 
that the region offered very favorable conditions for the inclusive 
diffusion of wild horses. The significance of this point lies not in 
the natural diffusion of horses, for the Indian was not by any means 
a passive factor in the case, but in its bearing upon the care given 
horses by their owners. Here again we lack information. The 
corn-raising tribes were the only ones producing suitable food for 
horses; they were also the only ones having buildings capable of 
sheltering horses. Thus Maximilian says of the Mandan: 

" Inside of the winter huts is a particular compartment, where the 
horses are put in the evening, and fed with maize. In the daj'time they 
are driven into the prairie, and fed in the bushes, on the bark of poplars. 
There are, probably, above 300 horses in the two Mandan villages."^ 

From Dunbar's account of the Pawnee we read : 

" They went into winter quarters in some place where water, wood 
and unburnt grass in abundance for the horses were to be had. Here 
they remained till forage became scarce, when another place was sought. 
If grass could not be found in sufficient quantitj^ they cut cotton-wood 
trees, and subsisted the horses on the bark and tender twigs. The return 
to the villages did not take place till young grass was started in the spring."* 

The Crow, according to Maximilian, possessed "more horses 
than any other tribe of the Missouri, and to send them in the winter 

1 Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in the Interior of North America, translated 
by H. Evans Lloyd, London, 1843, p. 272. 

2 Magazine of American History, 1882, vol. 5, no. 5, p. 332. 

wissler] influence of horse in plains culture 2 1 

to Wind River, to feed on a certain shrub, which soon fattens them" 

(P- 175)- 

Thus it is apparent that the Indians did take some care of their 
horses. In case of the Pawnee they roamed toward the "range 
area. " Yet all the typical tribes of the Plains from the Assiniboine 
of the north to the Comanche of the south had no buildings large 
enough to shelter horses, nor have we any record of their preparing 
hay or other feed for winter. Hence, in the main the horses of these 
Indians must have bred under conditions similar to those of the 
range in later times. Yet that this selective influence would cause 
the horses of tribes along the upper Mississippi to die out cannot 
be entertained, because each spring they could be replenished by 
raids upon their horse-using neighbors, and again it was these 
eastern tribes that raised an abundance of maize from which horses 
could be fed. 

Another point is as to the success of the Indians in breeding 
horses. Here again we lack good data. J. C. Mead states that the 
"Paduca [Comanche] who seemed to be on good terms with the 
Spaniards, said they obtained their horses from them by barter, 
and that they had not yet been able to raise any colts" (1724).^ 
Yet the herds of Indians must have increased because the Indian 
horse was a type of its own. Many tribes had special medicine 
formulae for increasing the number of their colts. Again, we note 
that Marcy (1852) found the Comanche still dependent upon theft 
or trade: 

" But as they have no commodity for exchange that the traders 
desire except horses and mules, they must necessarily give these for the 
goods, and large numbers are annually disposed of in this manner. As 
I have before mentioned, nearly all these animals are pilfered from the 
Mexicans; and as the number they traffic away must be replaced by new 
levies upon their victims, of course all that the traders obtain causes a 
corresponding increase in the amount of depredations."^ 

Spanish brands were noted by Umfreville on the Saskatchewan 
in 1784, and it is a fair assumption that the asses seen by Hendry 

* Kansas Historical Society Collections, vol. x, p. 107. 

* Marcy, Exploration of the Red River of Louisiana, p. 106. 

22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

among the Blackfoot in 1754 also found their way by theft and trade 
northward from Mexico. 

Thus, while a supply of horses was constantly introduced by 
predator\- warfare upon the Spanish settlements and passed along 
northward In' theft or nati\e trade, we have on the other hand the 
existence of a more or less distinct type of Indian horse which 
suggests a certain amount of breeding. There were, however, 
herds of wild horses in parts of the area with which this so-called 
Indian type of horse may be associated. 

While we have no direct data as to the extent of Indian propaga- 
tion, we have the experiences of the Government in adapting the 
Indians to reservation life. Horse raiding was broken up with 
great difficulty, and it Avas many years before the Indians made 
any headway with the increase of their own herds. This seems 
to imply that the traditional as well as the ideal way to acquire 
horses was by raiding. The environmental problem thus shifts 
from horse to man, the question being as to whether there were 
geographical causes restricting raiding to certain regions. 

The area in which such raiding was most in evidence was the 
region west of a line extending due south from Lake Winnipeg to the 
Missouri and thence along that river and the Mississippi to the 
present boundarv^ of Louisiana, thence southwestward to the Rio 
Grande. In raiding one must expect active pursuit. As the source 
of supply for horses was to the south, the tribes above the Missouri 
and the Ohio must needs have crossed over the Missouri or the 
Mississippi for their booty and likewise have ferried or swam their 
horses over on the return trip. This would be difficult under 
ordinary circumstances, but in a running fight would be disastrous. 
That the Indians of the Southeast did ferry horses across the 
Mississippi is most certain, but on the other hand, they did not 
develop horse raiding as the leading feature of warfare. The 
westward expansion of the English colonies did not place horses 
within striking distance of the Illinois tribes until long after horses 
were numerous among their western neighbors. Hence, our data 
seem to favor the view that the early spread of the horse northward 
west of the Missouri and not eastward was due to the physical 
barriers presented by the river. 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IN PLAINS CULTURE 23 

Still we must consider the possibility of ethnic factors, or 
ethnic differences, between these two regions. Nothing appears 
in the material culture of the Illinois and their neighbors that would 
offset the \alue of the horse for hunting and war, unless it be canoes. 
Their use for river travel was quite characteristic of the region and 
was adopted by the French. It may well be that the whole tend- 
ency of the French colonists to do without horses was due to their 
ha\ing taken up the canoe culture of tlic Indian. In no part of 
the great canoe area did horse culture secure a strong footing. 
While we must not give too much weight to this, it is reasonable to 
assume that where canoe travel was well developed, the value of 
the horse would be less. Hence, the canoe culture of the region 
we are considering may have offered effective resistance to the early 
diffusion of the horse. Obviously the horse could not be substituted 
for the canoe as readily as for the dog. 

The net result of this inquiry has then been to give some weight 
to the interference of canoes and to make quite probable the influ- 
ence of the Mississippi and the lower Missouri rivers as physical 
harriers to the northeastward spread of the horse by raiding. Both 
are doubtless correlated and to a large extent environmental 
factors. As to the presumption that the kind and quality of 
pasturage may have been an important factor, we find little support. 

Finally, among the ethnic factors we may consider relative 
tribal efficiencies as horse culture carriers. 

Our data on the northern plains point toward the Shoshone 
(Snake) as the chief distributors, but we can get no historical light 
on their relations with the Spaniards. We do know, however, 
that the tribes now at Fort Hall, Idaho, and those at Wind River, 
Wyoming, formed a fairly homogeneous group and still regard them- 
selves as close relatives. Their range seems to have been from 
eastern Colorado to the headwaters of the Missouri and westward. 
It is probable that in 1600 the Comanche were also a part of this 
group. Thus, while we lack definite historic data as to contact 
with the Spaniards, we have both territorial and ethnic conditions 
for the ready diffusion of horses among the Shoshone. If the Wind 
Ri\"er di\ision was not in direct contact with the Spanish settle- 

24 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

ments, they were within striking distance of the Pawnee. This, 
taken with the direct testimony of the Blackfoot as early as 1751 
and the still earlier statement of La Verendrye, makes a strong 
case for the Shoshone as the horse carriers to the Saskatchewan 
country and all points above the Platte. 

As evidence for the existence of a trade or plunder channel by 
which horses could readily pass from the Spanish settlements to 
the Saskatchewan, we may note that Hendry saw asses among the 
Blackfoot in 1754, a few years later Cocking saw mules, and later 
Umfreville (1783) saw horses with "Roman capitals burnt in their 
flanks with a hot iron." We have no evidSQQe that asses and mules 
were propagated by the Plains Indians, and above all the brands must 
certainly have been placed by Europeans. Further, the Blackfoot 
traditions are that their supply of horses came from the Snake and 
the Flathead. Thus, with the Shoshonean link we have direct 
contact between the headwaters of the Rio Grande and the Sas- 
katchewan. We see further that the Crow, Teton, Arapaho, 
Kiowa, Pawnee, and later the Cheyenne were in direct contact with 
the long range of the Shoshone. This also explains the early 
appearance of the horse among the Nez Perce and some of the 
Salish. As active carriers of horse culture the Shoshone must 
have exerted considerable influence on the early material culture 
of the typical northern Plains tribes, a phase of the problem we 
shall discuss elsewhere. In this connection they are an offset 
against the assumed influence of environment in turning horse cul- 
ture to the west. 

While the problem we have discussed is far too complex to 
permit a paper of this kind to be more than a suggestion of new lines 
of research, the following conclusions seem permissible: The horse 
reached most, if not all, of the typical Plains tribes from three hundred 
to two hundred years before they lost their cultural independence. In 
its diffusion over the area a large number of associated traits were 
carried along as a whole, or as a cultural complex. At least some 
of the tribes had developed dog traction to meet their nomadic 
wants before the horse came, and needed, therefore, but to substi- 
tute the horse for the dog in their own dog-culture complex and to 

wissler] influence OF HORSE IS PLAINS CULTURE 2$ 

take over the necessar>' parts of the Spanish horse-culture complex. 

Thus among the less sedentary tribes the whole basic structure of 

the later horse Indian culture was in existence when the horse came. 

We have found no reason to believe that the introduction of the 

horse did anything more than intensify and perhaps more com-v 

pletely diffuse the cultural whole previously formed. As such, 

however, it seems responsible for reversing cultural values in that the 

earlier dominant sedentary cultures of the Siouan and Caddoan 

tribes were predominated by the Shoshone and other formerly 

struggling nomads of their old frontier. As the leading horse 

carriers, the Shoshone played a large part in this development, 

but they lacked many of the strong cultural traits which the Crow, 

Teton, etc., received from the original Plains culture, in consequence 

of which they now fail to qualify as t\pical tribes. Finally, it 

appears probable that the accidental presence on the New Mexican 

frontier of a well-developed dog-traction culture was the chief 

determining factor in the direction of horse-culture diffusion 

though there were other ethnic factors as well as environmental 

conditions that could have contributed to the result. 

American Museum of Natural History 
New York City 




N Germany last summer my attention was drawn to a recent 
supplement of Kosmos, issued in the form of a monograph on 
the physical geography of the world during the several geo- 
logical epochs.! Maps showing the surface of the earth at each 
period form an interesting part of the little volume. By these maps 
it is shown that continents now separated by vast oceans were 
once united. 

However firmly we may believe this to have been the case, we 
must admit that the matter, at present, floats in an atmosphere of 
theory. The distribution of animals and other living creatures 
may offer, here and there, a thread of evidence. Unusual artifacts, 
in places widely separated, may point to a common source; though 
artifacts of almost similar character are best explained by psycho- 
logical response to similar needs the world over in all ages. There 
are, however, at least three objects which originated in a remote 
past, that would seem to require, in each case, a common source and 
to which the argument from psychology is not applicable. One of 
these is the cosmic step-pyramid, found in Egypt,^ Asia,^ and 
America,^ the same in appearance and purpose. Another is the 
swastica, or sun symbol, found in Europe, Asia, and America. The 
third is the boomerang, found in ancient Egypt^ and modern Aus- 
tralia. A weapon similar to it is found in northeastern Africa and 
southern India, and there can scarcely be a doubt that it was once 

iWilhelm Bolsche, Festlander und Meere imWechsel der Zeiten, Stuttgart, 1913- 

2 Wm. Flinders Petrie, Ten Years' Digging in Egypt, p. 141 et seq. 

3 Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, pp. 459-469- Hommel, Geographic, 

p. 126. 

4 E. G. Squier, Peru, pp. 130-133. Joyce. South American Archaeology, pp. 142, 

179. Max Uhle, Pachacamac, chap. xx. 

6 Erman. Agyptisches Leben, pp. 322. 329; also Grammatik, p. 310, no. 6. Prof. 
William Max Miiller is authority for the statement that boamerangs were not used 
as war weapons in Egypt after 2000 b. c, but for hunting birds they were used 

there much later. 



known on the American continent, the obtuse-angled rabbit-sticks 
of the Hopi of Arizona and Gabrieleiio Indians of southern Cali- 
fornia being similar in shape and characteristics.^ In such legends 
as "Coyote takes Arrows from Owl" we have also a vestige of the 
use of the boomerang. - 

It is not my purpose to present a paper on the boomerang, but 
to show, from the evidence of a cuneiform sign and its meanings, 
given in the Assyrian texts, that the boomerang was known in 
Babylonia not to the historic but to the prehistoric aborigines that 
first settled in Shumer and Akkad. The interest of this matter 
lies in the fact that, if we can thus reach back into prehistoric 
times in the case of one such sign, we may hope for information of 
value to anthropology from other signs as well and from other 
ideographic languages such as the Chinese, the Eg\'ptian, the Hittite, 
and the Aztec. 

In order that there may be no doubt as to what is meant by 
the word boomerang, a distinction, followed by a few words of 
explanation, will here be in place. We must distinguish between the 
boomerang and the throwing-stick. The latter was, perhaps, in 
universal use among prehistoric men and is found practically 
everywhere among contemporary primitives. It assumes \arious 
forms from a plain club-like stick to a hammer, and, when thrown, 
it does not return. 

The return-boomerang, on the other hand, is an implement 
made of a single piece of wood, in a form that varies from a parabola 
to an obtuse angle. The upper side must l)e con\cx and the lower 
flat. Northcote Whitbridge Thomas, in his article on this subject 
in the nth edition of the Encyclopcedia Britannica, says they are 
so modeled that the thickness is about one-sixth of the breadth, 
which again is one-twelfth of the length, the last varying from 6 
inches to 3 or 4 feet. In Australia the return boomerang is always 
curved at an angle of 90° or more, but the angle may \-ary from 70° 
to 120°. The weight also varies from 4 to 12 ounces, but 8 ounces 
may be regarded as the average weight. 

1 F. W. Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians, pt. 2, p. 348. 
^ Goddard, Apache Texts, 27, page 225. 

28 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Thomas states that the arms have a skew, being twisted two 
or three degrees from the plane, while the ends are raised above the 
plane of the weapon, and adds that "the peculiarity of the boom- 
erang flight depends mainly on its skew."^ It is thrown with con- 
cave side in front, and goes in a straight line, with a whistling sound, 
some 30 or more yards, with nearly vertical rotation. Then it 
inclines to the left, lying over on the flat side, and, rising in the 
air, after describing a circle of 50 or more yards in diameter, it 
returns to the thrower. 

In Berlin last summer I met Erman, the Egyptologist, and asked 
him whether he had, in the museum, any specimens of Egyptian 
boomerangs. He said, "Yes, several, but they do not return." I 
later saw these and found them to be a variety suitable for hunting 
birds. In his A gyptisches Leben he has an illustration of a scene taken 

Fig. I. — Egyptian boomerang from Gurneh, XVIII Dynasty or earlier, in the Met- 
ropolitan Museum, New York. 

from a papyrus in which a bird hunter is actually using a return-boom- 
erang. There can, therefore, be no doubt that it was known. Through 
the courtesy of Dr Lithgow I was able to examine a specimen that 
came from Gurneh in Egypt and is now in the Metropolitan Museum 
of Art. It was bought from a native in 191 1 and seems character- 
istic. It is slightly flat on one side, convex on the other, and has a 
rather wide angle, as the accompanying illustration (fig. i) will show. 
It weighs 6 ounces, is 4.3 cm. wide, 1.3 thick at the middle, 54 cm. 
round, 46 cm. across, and the arch is 13.5 cm. high. The angle 
I have not taken. I think this, like the specimens in Berlin, is 
a bird boomerang, and I hope Dr Lithgow will have a replica of it 
made for testing purposes. It does not seem to have the skew or 

1 Illustration in article "Boomerang," Encyclopedia Brilannica, nth ed. 




the elevation of 2° to 3° at the points, which Thomas states are 
necessary to give the weapon its pecuUar flight, but then one will 
find that these characteristics are also wanting in some of the 
boomerangs from Australia in the American Museum of Natural 
HistoPk- in New York.^ 

Fig. 2. — Archaic Babylonian tablet, kmwn as the Hoffman Tablet, in the library of 
the General Theological Seminary, New York. 2 

The question we have now to answer is, Did the boomerang 
exist in ancient Babylonia, or, rather was it, at any time, used by 
the race known as Babylonians, or Sumerians? 

1 Mr Van Shrum, an expert maker and thrower of boomerangs, during his recent 
engagement at the Hippodrome in New York examined this specimen and said it was 
peculiarly suited for bird hunting and would return, if thrown high, even though it 
lacks the skew. 

*For translation and discussion see article by Ogden and Barton in Journal of 
the American Oriental Society, 23, p. 19 ff. 

30 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Hidden in many of the highly conventionalized signs of the 
Assyrian language are pictographs that trace back to a remote 
antiquity. Babylonian writing ceased about 50 B.C. From that 
date backward there is an unbroken series of historical inscriptions 
to Ur-nina whose date is conservatively fixed as 3000 B.C., but may 
be much earlier. Before him are six or seven kings and patesis of 
undetermined dates. During all this time the simplification of 
signs from the often awkward and complicated pictograph went on, 
but, even in the early stages of the writing, it is not always possible 
to determine the pictographs from which many of the signs are 
derived, and it is evident that a considerable period must have 
elapsed between the time of the inscriptions and the purely picto- 
graphic stage of the writing. 

To a very early period belong such tablets as the Hofifman, now 
in the General Theological Seminary collection (fig. 2), an archaic 
tablet in the University Museum collection in Philadelphia, and 
the Blau monument in the British Museum. Apparently in these 
also the signs are to be read in a conventional way as ideograms 
and phonograms, though some have ventured to date these as early 
as 6000 B.C. They belong, without doubt, to a prehistoric time, 
and their study becomes properly a matter of interest to anthro- 
pologists as they reveal the practices, utensils, and weapons in use 
when the pictographs were in the earliest stage of evolution as 
written language. The type of Babylonian writing familiar to 
most of us is the cuneiform or wedge-sign type, but there is an 
earlier linear form which alone appears on such tablets as the 
Hoffman and on the majority of the seal cylinders. This linear 
was engraved on stone or other hard substance, and this was evi- 
dently the type from which the cuneiform was derived. It is 
clear that the linear originated in a different environment from the 
cuneiform. A primitive people uses the material to supply its 
common wants that is near at hand. The linear form originated 
where stone abounded. Babylonia is, however, a land without 
stone, but with abundance of clay. Making signs on clay is a 
different thing from engraving them on stones, and the inventors 
of the pictographs, after settling in Babylonia, hit upon the method 


of emphasizing the beginning of lines by means of wedges, to prevent 
the obliteration of lines on the soft clay. 

In Assyrian inscriptions the signs have become so con\ention- 
alized that the original pictograph is rarely recognizable. This 
is the case in the sign we are considering, whose name is gespu, 

M X 

eo-Babylonian. Clay's list, No. i66. 500 to 50 b. c. 

Assyrian. iioo to 650 b. c. 

f ^l I I >■ T* .! Kassite. Clay's list. No. 196. 1800 to iioo b. c. 

r<dl .e TSM First Dvnastv 

-mp> > ' I First Dynasty of Babylon. Ranke'slist, No. 177. 2200 to 1800 B. c. 
K^f7 nXJ- ^'^ Dynasty. 2400 to 2500 b. c. 

Gudea. 2600 b. c. 

On mace-head of Sargon. 2800 b. c. 

Eannatum. 2900 b. c. 

Ur-Nina. 3000 b. c. 

Proto-ElamitP. Shell's list, No. 932. Prehistoric. 


Fig. 3. — Development of the sign gespu from the pictograph of a boomerang. 

whose values are ni and sub, and whose meanings point to the 
boomerang. Cuneiform signs usually have a name, values, and 

Figure 3 shows the development of gespu from the latest back 
to the earliest times. This makes it clear that the sign could have 
been originally a picture of a boomerang. 

When now we turn to the meanings for this sign, found in various 


32 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

Assyrian vocabularies and bilinguals that have come to light/ 
we find such as throw, cast, strike, be in violent motion, down, 
destroy, finish, end, also turn, return, turn aside, separate, decide, 
portion, a bow, prostrate, overthrow, fall, especially naparshudu, 
to flee, deviate, i. e. to bend in running. As Barton, who thinks 
the sign had its origin in a bow, remarks, "From an extension of the 
idea of throwing or casting came the idea of giving," found in such 
words as sharagu, to give. All these meanings can be derived 
from some phase in the action of a boomerang and its effects, and, 
when this is considered in connection with the earliest pictographs, 
the argument seems conclusive. In fact there is no other object 
conceivable from which all the meanings given could be derived. 
In closing, I may say that little conclusive archeological evidence 
of the existence of the true boomerang in Babylonia has come to 
light. The object in the hand of Eannatum,- the sickle-like weapons 
on the shoulders of Ishtar that appear on seals,^ and the weapon of 
Ramman ^ on the boundary stones, may, however, be intended as 


The Sumerians evidently ceased to use the boomerang when 
they changed from a forest environment, where wood could always 
be found for making the weapons, to the plains, remote from all 
forests, in southern Babylonia. When that was we do not know — 
it was probably not in historic times. One thing is certain from 
such a sign as ru, and that is, that a written language, in this 
instance, began its process of evolution in prehistoric times. 

Hotel St George 

Brooklyn, New York 

1 Geo. A. Barton, The Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing, pt. Ii, 

no. 69, p. 34. 

2 Stele of Vultures, illustration in King, History of Sumer and Akkad, facing p. 


3 Seals of Ishtar, in Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia. chap. xxv. 
*WiUiam J. Hinke, A New Boundary Stone, fig. 11, no. 16. 



IX a paper, published in 1903, on The Prehistoric Ruins of the 
San Juan Watershed/ the writer called attention to the fact 
that a large proportion of the smaller house ruins in this region, 
standing in the open, show a definite and characteristic grouping 
and association of the pueblo or dwelling, the kiva, and the burial 
mound. This relationship is so constant, and apparently so signifi- 
cant in the study of certain phases of this primitive culture, that 
the residential complex was designated the "unit type" of ruin. 

It was so called because this type of habitation, with its acces- 
sories, not only represents a concrete and simple phase of the ancient 
house-builder's culture, and records certain dominant social and 
religious impulses of his time, but also because it finds expression 
in many of the larger and more complex ruins in this region, which 
are often, in fact, obvious aggregates of these "units," variously 
modified to suit the requirements of special situations and environ- 

Whether scattered at wide inter\'als over the pinon- and sage- 
clad uplands, or grouped in larger and smaller settlements along 
the meager watercourses or more favorable sags among the hills, 
these small habitation units consist first of the pueblo or dwelling. 

This is most frequently formed of a single or double row of small 
rooms, — four or five rooms in each row, — or, of a single row, with 
one or more rooms extending forw^ard at one or both ends, forming a 
shallow court, almost always facing southward. 

Directly in front of the pueblo, close by, and almost invariably 
to the southward, is a shallow pit or saucer-shaped depression of the 
ground, whose diameter is somewhat less than the length of the 

' American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 5, p. 224, 1903. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 16^3 XX 

34 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 191 4 

pueblo, and which is considered by archeologists as marking the 
site of a ceremonial chamber or kiva. 

Finally, still to the southward and commonly close by, is the 
burial ground, usually distinguishable at sight by the darker color 
and the texture of the soil, by fragments of pottery, liint chips, 
charcoal, etc., and often by tlie type of plants which flourish upon it. 

The reason for the maintenance of these three structural 
features in these primitive dwelling-places has become compre- 
hensible in the light which a study of the modern Pueblo culture 
has thrown on these earlier related folk. For if these simplest 
residences be recognized as marking family or clan units, as well 
as being structural units, the practices and traditions of the Pueblo 
people of to-day, which center in and are so largely determined by 
clan or other social relationships, make clear enough the impulse 
which led small groups of these earlier people, even in the near 
neighborhood of others, to maintain not only their separate houses, 
but also their separate ceremonial chambers and places of burial. 

But this complex, constituting the simplest residential unit of 
these prehistoric clifif-dweller-pueblo people, is here and there 
variously modified, w^iile preserving the characteristic features of 
the type. Thus two sets of single or double rows of living rooms 
may be placed end to end, or in longer series. Then, commonly, 
there is a duplication of the kivas, and sometimes of the burial 
mounds, corresponding to the increase in the dwellings. Or the 
wings may be prolonged, or even nearly or completely surround the 
kiva. Or finally, the latter may be enclosed on the sides and in 
front by a wall extending from the sides of the pueblo. 

These are some of the more common modifications of the primi- 
tive type, when standing on unincumbered sites in the open. 

The recognition of this simple structural type of ruin has proved 
useful in the surveys which in later years have been made of the 
larger and more complicated ruins, especially in this district. 

For example, in the great ruin masses in the open country, such 
as the Aztec Spring ruin at the eastern foot of Ute mountain; the 
Burkhardt ruin near the head of the Mc Elmo caiion; the Goodman 
Point and the Yellowjacket Spring ruins, and many others in the 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN SAX JUAX WATERSHED 3 5 

northern San Juan drainage. Most of these, at first sight, seem to 
be hopelessly confused masses of fallen walls, jumbled chambers, 
and recklessly scattered courts and kiva sinks; but they at once 
assume character and meaning when one recognizes them as 
congeries of more or less modified unit types, crowded on to 
irregular sites and adapted as best they could be to the exigencies 
of the conditions and the place. 

One of the most striking of these site modifications, in these 
larger irregular ruins, is in the burial places, which are variously 
placed, not so constantly to the southward of the j^ueblo as in the 
common unit type, often much scattered, and not infrequently still 
eluding discovery. 

In the ruins crowded around the heads of gulches, as in the 
Cannonball, the Hawkberry, and the Ruin Cafion group, and on 
various branches of Montezuma creek, a similar clue to topography 
is afforded by the recognition of the unit type in the composition. 
The ground-plan of the large mesa ruin partially excavated by 
KiddcT in 1908^ on a short western tributary of Montezuma creek 
in Utah, shows \'arious forms and combinations of the unit type. 

Finally, as Dr Fewkes has shown in the records of his illuminat- 
ing studies and restorations of the great clifif-houses of the Mesa 
Verde,- here too the adaptation of the unit type to special exigencies 
of site is evident, and in the light of the interpretations which 
his intimate personal knowledge of modern Pueblo life and tradition 
and ceremony justify, affords clues to the various structural features 
of these imposing ruins and others of their class, which are interest- 
ing and important. 

Should it be objected that the expression "adaptation of the 
unit type" of ruin to more complex sites and structures, assumes, 
without proving, that the simpler types were necessarily earlier in 
development; one may accomplish all that it is sought to express on 
this point in this paper by saying that the structural motive, 
embodying ceremonial as w^ell as secular impulses, which the simpler 

^ Amer. Jour. Archaol., 2d ser.. Jour. Archaeol. Inst. America, vol. xiv, no. 3, 1910. 
2 Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Spruce Tree House, Bulletin 41, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 1909. Also Cliff Palace, ibid., Bulletin 51, 191 1. 

36 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

type of ruins seems to express, appears to have been similar to 
that manifested by larger comnuinilies, but \ariously modified 
by the latter, as was ine\itable under more complex conditions of 
the site. 

Thus the interesting question whether the simple type of dwelling 
marks an earlier, a contemporaneous, or a later occupancy of this 
region than the others, may safely be left to further objective and 
comparative studies. 

During the series of summers which the writer devoted to a 
sur\ey of the ruins of the San Juan watershed, he was constantly 
impressed with the fact that the depressions supposed to mark the 
sites of the ancient kivas (kiva-pits, he has ventured to call them) 
of the small ruins of the unit type, nowhere in the whole great dis- 
trict revealed surface traces of a wall. Throughout this region, 
as well as in the drainage of the Little Colorado, where also many 
ruins of this type are found, these kiva-pits are simple saucer-shaped 
depressions, lying close in front of the pueblo to the southward and 
usually occupying the court, when such is formed by projecting 
wings or by an inclosing wall (pi. i, i and 2). These depressions, or 
shallow pits, are usually from twenty to thirty feet in diameter and 
from a few inches to two feet in depth at the center. Infrequently 
no depression at all is found, but simply a more or less stone-strewn 
level place. 

There are usually a few, sometimes many, trimmed stones, 
similar to those forming the pueblo, scattered in and about the 
depressions, and on the side abutting on the pueblo its fallen stones 
often form a continuous broken slope down well tow^ard the center 
of the hollow. But these stones, in no single instance coming under 
the writer's observation, out of nearly a thousand which he has 
examined in this and other districts, show wall lines conforming in 
shape and position to the pits. 

In the larger and more complex ruins of this district, such as 
have been named, standing in the open and usually upon rock sur- 
faces, one can often readily discover here and there among the 
secular rooms, portions of the circular walls of the ceremonial 
chambers. But these larger ruins are not usually so completely 

prldden] circular KIVAS IN SAX JUAN WATERSHED 3/ 

fallen and weathered into more or less compact and sage-grown 
heaps of stone, smoothed over and often half-engulfed by the sand- 
drift, as are commonly the smaller ruins of the unit type built 
upon the more or less level surfaces of the open ground. 

Although in the small ruins of the unit type no walls or other 
structural features are evident on inspection, the saucer-shaped 
depressions between the pueblo and the burial mound have been 
assumed to indicate the site of circular kivas. And this assumption 
would seem to be justified, in view of the numerous exca\ations 
and careful studies which have been made, in recent times, of larger 
and more complex ruins in this region, which have established 
certain definite and characteristic structural features of circular 
ki\-as, in close and constant relationship to groups of li\ing rooms 
similar to those clustered about these ki\'a-pits in the open country. 

But the writer is unaware of any record of the excavation of 
one of these circular depressions in ruins of the uncomplicated 
unit type in this region or elsewhere; so that their exact nature 
has been as yet only inferentially indicated, and the definite struc- 
tural features, if such exist beneath the ground, are still unknown. 

The Navaho Indian and the early settlers and present ranch 
folks are mostly of the firm conviction that these "sinks" were 
reservoirs for water, of which these early people so obviously stood 
in need. And without inquiring too closely into the obstacles 
which the lore of water sources, seepage, and evaporation might 
offer to a wide appeal for this genial hypothesis, they are disposed to 
laud the thrift and ingenuity of the erstwhile owners of this arid land. 

More seriously one might consider it possible that in such 
primitive habitations as many of these widely scattered units are, 
there was no walled structure at all beneath the ground, but that 
the kiva, on this level or sunken site, might have had the character 
of the still more primitive pit-dwellings of an earlier day, of which, 
indeed, in the opinion of most competent investigators in this field, 
the circular kiva of the cliff-dwellers is presumably a significant 
survival.^ In this case the moderate depressions in front of the 

1 See Nordenskiold, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, English trans., 1893, P- 168; 
also Fewkes, Antiq. of the Mesa Verde Nat. Park: Spruce Tree House, Bulletin 41, 
Bureau Amer. Ethn., 1909, p. 20. 


pueblos might indicate only the sites of such hut-like structures 
as have marked early phases in the evolution of the house-building 
art, along many independent lines of its development, in this and 
other lands. 

In A-icw of this lack of positive knowledge of the nature and 
structure of the alleged ki\a-pils in these small ruins of the unit 
type, it seemed to the writer worth while to make a complete excava- 
tion of a characteristic example, and at the same time to obtain 
such data as might be forthcoming which could throw light on the 
question of the relationship in period and culture between the 
builders of these simple isolated dwelling places and those who were 
led to construct those more complicated and larger communal 
houses, both in caves and in the open, which stand in close geo- 
graphical association with them. 

Ruin No. I 

The small ruin of the "unit type" which it was decided first 
to investigate,^ is one of a little group in the Montezuma valley 
in southwestern Colorado, near the town of Cortez. This ruin was 
selected because it lies but a few miles from the great cliff-houses 
of the Mesa Verde on the east, and only a little farther from the 
open-country Cannonball ruin to the west, in both of which circular 
ki\"as have been excavated and described. Furthermore, both 
groups of ruins are well known to the writer, as they were before 
and as they now are, after systematic excavation. Thus it was 
felt that the study of this small ruin might afford an instructive 
comparison with the larger and more complex types in the same 
general district. 

This group of ruins lies a few rods to the west of the highway 
which runs southward from Cortez and crosses the McElmo wash 
near Mitchell spring. Its exact situation is in the n.e. 34 of the 

1 The writer was assisted in this expedition by Clayton Wetherill, whose wide 
knowledge of this country and its ruins, and whose unfailing energy and resourceful- 
ness through many seasons of field work in this district have been of the greatest value. 
To Mr W^etherill and to Mr Henry H. Hun, of the Sheffield Scientific School, Yale 
University, whose volunteer services were most helpful, the writer wishes to express 
his sense of obligation. 

prl-dden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 39 

N.E. 14: of Township 35 N., of Range 16 W. of the New Mexico 

As the McEhno ri\er winds past Mitchell spring, about a mile 
and a half south of the \illage of Cortez, it makes a short turn 
westward between two low rock escarpments, cutting off from the 
adjacent wooded slope a rock islet, containing some forty acres, 
which slopes southeastward to the broad "Montezuma valley," 
facing the ragged western escarpment of the Mesa Verde. This 
sloping tract is covered, except at its northern end, with several 
feet of coarse sage-grown arid soil. 

On the crown of this knoll, and scattered irregularly down its 
slope, mostly from one hundred to three hundred feet apart, are 
several (thirteen well defined) isolated ruins of the unit type. 
Three of these had three kiva-pits, three had two, and the remainder 
one each. In three of the units which were nearest together, the 
burial mounds were merged. In the others they were distinct and 
in front of the ruins which all faced southeasterly. One of the 
single kiva ruins was selected for the excavation which it is the 
chief purpose of this paper to record. 

Many other similar ruins, single and in small groups, are 
scattered over this part of the Montezuma valley. Doubtless 
Mitchell spring, less than half a mile away, and a never-failing 
water source, in the earlier as at a later day, fostered settlement in 
this vicinity. 

This group, as well as many other ruins in this region, for more 
than a quarter of a century has been a favorite resort for those 
seekers after prehistoric pottery who owe no allegiance to the science 
of Archeolog>'. In the earlier, pre-irrigation days, it was of no 
slight importance to the settlers hereabouts to be able to eke out the 
scanty yield of an unwilling soil by prodding about in these abundant 
graveyards for the pottery which then, even more than now, had a 
considerable commercial \alue. Mr Walters, the former owner of 
the land on which this group is situated, estimates that the pieces 
dug out of the mounds of this one group would number not fewer 
than a thousand. 

In the past few years, the mounds being fairly exhausted, the 

40 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

addresses of the pot-hunters ha\c been largely directed to the 
little pueblos themselves; and through, in and under the walls and 
floors of the rooms of some of the houses, as well as in most unlikely 
places outside, the assiduous marauders have dug and pecked and 
prodded and destroyed. Only the gentle legend of the reservoir 
has saved the kiva-pits here, as all over the San Juan district, so 
that these are everywhere wholly undisturbed. This group of ruins 
was therefore as well adapted to the writer's purpose as those more 
inaccessible, which have suffered less at the hands of the destroyer.^ 

The general appearance of the ruin selected for special study is 
seen in plate i, 3. 

The heap of dressed stones which formed the pueblo, facing 
east of south, rises between three and four feet above the surface 
of the ground, and is about 50 feet long and 30 feet wide, including 
the throw of the fallen walls outward. Many of the fallen stones 
from the pueblo mound lay along the adjacent slope of the kiva-pit. 
The latter was about 20 feet in diameter, measured from the top of 
the slopes. The center of the pit was about three feet below the 
general surface of the ground. Both the kiva-pit and the pueblo 
mound were sparsely overgrown with sagebrush, greasewood, and 
other small shrubs. 

One of the rear rooms of the pueblo had been roughly cleared 
by some unknown person, and the stones and debris from this were 
scattered upon the rest of the mound, mostly on the rear slope. 
Also the exterior wall of the southwest corner room on the front 
row had been disturbed by a ragged trench dug outside the limits 
of the pueblo, apparently in response to the fatuous impulse of 
some curious treasure seeker. Otherwise this ruin was intact; save 
for the ravages of the burial mound common to all the units of 
the group. 


A short trench across the loose stones and soil of the southern 
border of the kiva-pit revealed, about 18 inches beneath the surface,, 
trimmed stones laid up and facing inward. This proved to be the 

1 The present owner of the ranch property on which these ruins lie, Mr Horace 
G. Husted, generously placed the entire group at my disposal, and I wish to acknowl- 
edge his cordial helpfulness throughout our studies here. 

prldden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 4 1 

outer wall of the deep recess of a typical circular kiv^a similar in 
general construction to those kivas which have long been known in 
the great cliff-houses of the Mesa Verde, and recently more ade- 
quately studied and described in detail, and in part restored by 

It resembled in type also some of the circular kivas, described 
by Morley, in the Cannonball ruin on a branch of the Yellowjacket,^ 
and some of those examined by Kidder in a large mesa ruin near the 
head of a small tributary of Montezuma creek in Utah.' 

Such kivas are circular-walled chambers with six recesses in the 
upper portion, separated from one another by six pilasters which 
rise flush with the lower wall of the chamber. These pilasters 
originally supported the roof timbers, and the southern recess is 
commonly deeper than the others. 

While this brief and incomplete characterization will for the 
moment suffice to establish the general relationship of this kiva 
with others in this district already known, it is necessary, in order 
to institute a more comprehensive comparison, to describe its 
contents and to record with more detail some of its other significant 
structural features. 

As it was my purpose, after photographing, to leave the ruin in 
suitable condition for inspection as an example of the type, all the 
loose stones and the refuse soil remo\ed from the kiva and from 
the pueblo were hauled away from the mound. 

After the loose surface debris had been disposed of, the contents 
of the kiva beneath were found so firmly cemented together that 
it was necessary, all the way to the bottom, to loosen the material 
with the pick, and, when more care was indicated, with trowel, 
brushes, and the fingers. A considerable part, perhaps a third of 
the contents of the kiva, consisted of trimmed stones, fallen in from 
its walls or roof, and especially on the northern side, from the front 
walls of the adjacent pueblo. From their position and shape, some 

1 Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park; Spruce Tree House, and Cliff 
Palace, op. cit. 

^American Anlhropologisl, vol. lo, 1908, p. 596. 

^ Amer. Jour. Archceology, 2d ser., Jour. Archaeol. Inst. Amer., vol. 14, no. 3. 


of these stones could be identified as coniinu; from the inner sides 
of the top courses of the pihisters on wliich the roof-timbers had 

Near the floor, about the center, there were several large flat 
stones (pi. VI, 2), not belonging in the structure of the walls, which 
one may conjecture formerly to have been placed upon the roof, 
as such stones often are on modern pueblo kivas, and to have fallen 
with it. In two instances there were deep fractured dents in the 
adobe floor under the corners of these loose flat stones, indicating a 
considerable fall. A large corrugated pot lay shattered under the 
edge of one of them. 

As the floor level was approached in the clearing, various arti- 
facts were exposed, the location and relationship of which seemed 
to be without especial significance. There were numerous segments 
of deer and turkey bones. There were several bone implements 
(see pi. 11) — awls, needles, cylinders, and scrapers. One black 
polished lignite pendant was found; it measured one by seven- 
eighths of an inch on the sides, was about one-eighth of an inch thick, 
and was pierced at one end for suspension. 

Of stone implements (see pi. ill) there were three roughly 
fashioned axes (i); one so-called "scraper" (2); one pounding- 
stone or maul (3), with slight depressions pecked on two sides; two 
each of roughly formed balls and thick discoidal stones (4) ; one 
discoidal and one elongated stone (5), both polished on one side as 
if used for grinding. Several manos, or hand grinding stones, were 
found, some blocked out in the rough, others smoothed and showing 
varying degrees of thinning from wear (pi. iv). There were many 
fragments of these hand grinding stones in the debris of the kiva, 
and one small fragment of a metate. There was one small sand- 
stone block, a little more than an inch square and nearly half an 
inch thick, with a deep concavity in one side, which was believed 
to be a small mortar (pi. iii, 7). Of stone projectiles, only an arrow- 
point and a spearhead, both roughly fashioned, were found (pi. 
Ill, 6). 

The pottery found in the kiva, as well as in the front rooms of 
the pueblo, was of corrugated and smooth ware; the latter being 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 43 

■finished mostly in white slip with black decoratixe designs. 
Throughout the contents of the kiva were scattered numerous 
unrelated fragments of both kinds. 

Although no whole pieces of pottery were found, either in the 
kiva or in the secular rooms, and all the renniants were badly 
shattered, it is deemed desirable, for the purposes of comparative 
study, to complete this record of one small ruin by a brief descrip- 
tion and by photographs of the most noteworthy pieces found in 
both, in such condition of partial repair as was practicable (pi. v). 

At the floor-level of the kiva, on the southwestern side, was a 
small food bowl, 6}/^ inches in diameter, white with black parallel 
linear decoration within, and a linear zigzag outside below the rim. 
The ware was thick, the edge flat and ornamented with black dots 
(see pi. V, d). 

Also on the floor, near the center of the kiva, were found parts 
of a large, handsomely decorated jar, about 12 inches in diameter, 
with broad terraced bands in zigzag around the upper segment, 
and set in triangular masses of thin parallel lines, and bands of 
dotted lines (see pi. v, c). This jar has three pairs of holes for 
suspension in the thick rim, which was recessed within for a cover. 
Near this was a large bowl, 14}4 inches in diameter, thin-walled 
and well finished, and decorated with spiral figures in bands, with 
masses of slender parallel lines (pi. V, a). The top of this bowl is 
gone; it originally had side handles,— both absent, — and several 
of the fragments of one side had been pierced with holes for mending. 
Parts of a mug, 2)/'2 inches high, narrower at the top than at the 
base, with linear decoration (pi. v, e), and fragments of a large 
corrugated jar were also on the floor. 

The above noted specimens of pottery from the kiva are, as 
will be seen, of the general type characteristic of the San Juan area, 
in the pro\"isional classification of Fewkes.^ 

On the southern side of the kiva, on the floor close beside the 
wall, was the entire skeleton of an infant, the skull lying northward 
and the well-preserv^ed bones considerably scattered. Some rabbit 

> Bullelin 41, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1909, p. 34; also Bulletin 5/. 1911, 
p. 67. 

44 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

skeletons, found at the inner ventilator opening, may well have 
been a later intrusion. 

In all parts of the kiva, as the floor was approached, there came 
to light larger and smaller, usually elongated masses, of reddish 
very hard adobe mortar, bearing the impress, at the sides, of small 
sticks and timbers. The rounded parts between these timber marks 
were hea\ily smoked and had evidently fallen with the roof. 

We found a few small fragments of wood, the largest about 4 
inches long and an inch thick, among these roof remnants; but 
they were much decayed, very friable, and largely disintegrated 
when exposed to the air. These and two fragments of thin strips 
and the slender lintels and rafters of the ventilator tunnel, presently 
to be described, were the only vestiges of wood found in the ruin. 
The clearing de\-eloped the following structural features of the 
kiva (pi. VI, i): It was walled throughout with well-trimmed and 
faced sandstone blocks, such as might readily be obtained from the 
abundant nearby ledges of the McElmo wash. These stones were 
laid in adobe mortar, and throughout, in the walls of the recesses 
as well as below these, they were backed against the densely packed 

The kiva was about 131^ feet in internal diameter, having a 
maximum variation of about 4 inches, in places, from an exact circle. 
It was 61-2 feet in height, from the floor to the level of the top of 
the pilasters on which the lower roof-timbers had rested. The 
walls were nearly plumb, showing in general a flare of only about 
two inches at the top. A sketch of the ground-plan of the kiva 
and the rest of the ruin is shown in figure 4. 

The deeper southern recess was 4 feet 6 inches deep; 5 feet 5 
inches wide at its inner edge, flaring to 7 feet at the outer wall. The 
banquette of this recess was 32 inches above the floor. The five 
shallow recesses were from 8 to 12 inches deep. The corresponding 
banquettes, formed of small flat stones set in adobe, were on the 
average 40 inches above the floor; 5 feet 5 inches long on the inner 

Beneath the deep southern recess, at about its middle, is a 
square-cornered opening in the side wall of the kiva, rising 13 inches 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 


from the floor level, and 13 inches wide (see pi. vi, 2). This opening 
leads to a tunnel, or flue, of approximately the same size, passing 
underneath the banquette and sloping slightly upward to its ter- 

5 Feet 

Fig. 4. — Ground-plan of Ruin Xo. I. 
V, Perpendicular ventilator shaft. T, Horizontal tunnel leading from the ven- 
tilator opening, E, at the floor level in the kiva to the upright shaft. D, Deflector, 
or fire-screen. F, Fire-pit. x. Conjectural sipapu in the floor, d. Doorway at the 
level of the northern banquette leading from the kiva to the expanded passage, a, 
opening in the floor of Room 6 by the manhole m. i 8, Rooms of the pueblo, s, s, 
s. Upright slabs set in the floor. 

mination in a perpendicular flue of stone, about 15 inches in diameter 
and circular at its top, rising to the surface of the ground 3 feet 4 
inches outside the outer wall of the deep recess (pi. vi, 3). 

4^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

The floor of the horizontal portion of the tunnel is continuous 
with the kiva floor and is plastered with adobe. Its sides are formed 
of the packed earth in which the kiva is sunk, while the top was. 
originally held in place !)>' thin wooden cross-pieces, now largely- 
decayed. The perpendicular portion of the passage is lined with 
well-laid stones. The number of these stones which had fallen 
into this, indicate that it had formerly risen some 18 inches above 
its present top at the surface of the ground. There was no smoke 
staining of either the tunnel or the flue of the ventilator. 

This passage from the kiva to the outside corresponds in all 
its essential features to structures well known in these ancient 
circular ki\'as. They no doubt ser\^ed, as has been shown by 
Fewkes,! as ventilators for these underground chambers, in which 
fires were so often burning. 

About 30 inches in front of this ventilator opening stands a 
sandstone slab (pi. vi, 2) firmly set in the adobe floor, its stability 
further secured by a rough mass of clay banked about its base. 
This slab, the deflector or fire-screen, serving to shield the fire- 
from the incoming air-current of the ventilator, is rounded at the 
top, measures about 24 inches high, 22 inches wide at the base, and 
from I to 2}4 inches thick, and is set slightly aslant. 

About 18 inches inward from the deflector, toward the center 
of the kiva, is a circular fire-pit (pi. vi, 2) about 22 inches in diameter 
and 10 inches deep. This fire-pit is lined with stone and clay, 
rounded at the bottom, and neatly bordered at its edge by flat 
stones set in adobe, at the level of the floor plastering. It contained. 
about half a bushel of ashes, among which were numerous fragments 
of charcoal, some more than three-fourths of an inch in diameter 
and showing the growth-rings of the wood, indicating that sticks- 
of considerable size, not always twigs, were sometimes burned in 
the fire-pit. 

On the northern wall of the kiva, where it abuts on the pueblo, 
was a doorway, 14 inches wide, opening from the level of the- 
northern banquette (pi. vi, i), the exact height of which could not 

'Ventilators in Ceremonial Rooms, A?nerican Anthropologist, n. s., vol. x, 1908^ 
P- 385. 

pri'Dden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 47 

be determined because it was caved off at the top;' but its height 
was greater than its width, as judged by a stone slab supporting 
one side. 

A short passage from tliis doorway, sloping upward under the 
line of the front wall of the adjacent pueblo, led to an irregular 
vertical cavity in the earth, bulging out northward to a diameter of 
about three feet (fig. 4, a). At the top of this cavity, and about 
4}/^ feet above its sloping floor, was a stone-lined manhole, some 
30 inches in diameter, in the floor of the south middle front room 
of the pueblo (pi. vi, 3, and fig. 4, m). This bulging passageway 
from the kiva to the pueblo was pecked out of the soil, was without 
special lining except at its entrances, and was heavily smoke-stained. 

In the lower kiva wall, on the pueblo side, are three niches or 
recesses, of the usual type (pi. vi, i, and pi. vii, i). The smaller 
of these, beneath the northern recess, is about 6 inches square, 
the others about 9 inches. All of these were filled with sand and 
contained no artifacts. 

There were no marks upon the floor or on the deeper southern 
banquette which would indicate the resting place of a ladder. Nor 
was anything found suggesting the position of an entrance, if such 
there were, to the kiva through the roof. 

About 3 feet 6 inches northeasterly from the northern edge of 
the fire-pit, and about 22 inches from the wall of the kiva, are two 
circular depressions in the floor (pi. vii, i). One of these is 3 inches, 
the other 33^2 inches in diameter; each is i34 inches deep, with 
smooth symmetrical concave bottom. These pits are made in 
adobe, similar to that which forms most of the kiva floor, save that 
here, as in a few other isolated places, in the floor, some whitish 
chalky material is mixed with the plaster. The floor level here- 
abouts is otherwise intact and smooth, as are the edges of these 
openings, except for a slight erosion of the top of the narrow parti- 
tion between them. A more highly magnified picture of these 
structures is seen in plate vii, 2. 

In no other part of the floor of this kiva was there any other 

* To prevent the caving in of the debris above this doorway, it was shored up with 
stones, as is seen in the illustrations. 

48 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

indication of a sipapu. This symbolic opening from the inuler- 
world, which plays so important a part in many ceremonies of 
some of the modern Pueblo Indians, Dr Fewkes was first to record 
in the floors of some of the circular kivas of this district, and to 
mterpret, thus developing an imi)ortant link between the ancient 
and the modern house-builders. 

The ancient sipapu commonly consists of a circular hole in the 
floor, from 232 to 4 inches in diameter, and from 4 to 10 inches deep; 
sometimes approximately c}'lindrical, sometimes bulging out, flask- 
like, below. The sides are usually plastered with adobe, the edges 
of the opening rounded, the top segment being occasionally lined 
with pottery. The sipapu in the old circular kivas is most fre- 
quently placed in the segment of the floor between the fire-pit and 
the adjacent pueblo, and is usually from 2 to 3 feet from the former. 
It is present in a part only of the excavated kivas of the Spruce 
Tree House and the Clifi^ Palace on the Mesa Verde, as recorded by 
Fewkes, and was found by Morley and by Kidder at the "Cannon- 
ball" ruin and on Montezuma creek, respectively.^ 

It is not yet quite clear to the writer whether these shallow but 
evidently carefully fashioned depressions in the floor should be 
regarded as atypical and unusually placed examples of this sig- 
nificant structure. 

The outer wall of the eastern recess and its banquette were 
caved in. Aside from this the walls of this kiva in general were 
well preserved, save that the inner layers of stones at the tops of 
each of the pilasters had fallen forward. 

The walls of the kiva were formed of a single thickness of 
dressed stone, laid in adobe and backing against the soil. Joints in 
the masonry were not broken, nor were the corners tied. The kiva 
had apparently been completely plastered within, though the 
plaster was largely in place only below the level of the banquettes. 
Here it formed a coating from a quarter to half an inch thick. It 
was for the greater part gray on the surface, without visible decora- 
tion. The fracture, in favorable places, showed many (in one place 
eighteen) thin bands or streaks — white, brown, yellow, gray, and 

^ Loc. cit. 

prldden] circular KIVAS /.V S.4.V JUAN WATERSHED 49 

black — marking successive freshenings of the walls. The plaster 
crumbled off considerably on exposure to the air and sun. 

The floor of the kiva was fairly smooth with adobe plaster, 
which showed several superimposed layers. In many places on the 
walls, as on the floor, fine rootlets, probably of the sage, which 
had penetrated the kiva through the top or through displacements 
of the masonry', formed a delicate organic pellicle between the 
stones or plaster and the debris, which in many instances facilitated 
the separation of the densely packed contents, and assisted in 
determining and following the level of the floor in clearing. 

It would appear, from the height of the undisturbed outward 
tops of the pilasters, that if the roof of this kiva were constructed 
in the fashion common to this region,^ the superimposed timber 
layers, together with the large mass of roof-mud and stones found 
fallen within, would have brought the level of the roof, or the roof 
plaza, to about that of the floors of the front rooms of the pueblo. 

It is interesting to note that, from the constructional point of 
view, the most vulnerable parts of the masonry of this kiva were 
the upper inner courses of the pilasters. As the flat stones in these 
situations were rather larger than the average, were not tied, and 
the joints were not broken, the result would naturally be, as was in 
fact invariably the case, that when the roof fell in, or afterward in 
the slow processes of degradation, these front segments slipped away 
inward, leaving a sloping surface at the tops of the pilasters. The 
latter surface corresponds to the slope of the surface of the ground 
which so completely conceals these sole projecting parts of the 
masonr>', after the sand and soil readjustments have filled the pits 
and smoothed them over into the shallow depressions which we see 
today. Thus the considerable depth of the wall beneath the 
surface, the inevitable disintegration of these inner projecting 
corners of the pilasters, and the inexorable sand-drift which, year 
after year, molds and remolds the open surfaces of this arid land, 
abundantly account for the general absence of surface evidence that 
these kiva-pits conceal elaborate stone structures. 

* Xordenskiold, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, English trans., 1893, p. 57. 
Fewkes, Bulletin 41, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 19, 1909. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 4 



The pueblo of this Ruin No. I is about 42 feet long and 21 feet 
wide. It is formed (see ground-plan, fig. 4) of two rows of rooms, 
four rooms in each row. The walls of the back row are now standing 
about two feet above the surface of the ground. The roomr. are, 
in general, from 8 to ii feet across, but vary considerably, the two 
situated westerly on the back being the larger. These two rooms 
appear to have been built first, for their enclosing walls are con- 
tinuous, while the masonry of the adjoining rooms in front and be- 
side them is not tied to them but simply abuts upon them. The 
alignment of the front wall of the back row of rooms is faulty, as is 
shown in the ground-plan. This fault is obviously in the construc- 
tion and not due to later shifting of the masonry. 

The walls of the pueblo are all rather rough and not so carefully 
laid as are those of the kiva ; those of the northern end being notably 
inferior to the rest (pi. vi, 3). An estimate of the original height 
of the walls was secured by piling the fallen stones from a measured 
section into a compact wall outside. This indicated that the pueblo 
was not more than one story in height. There was no trace of 
external doorways or other openings into the pueblo from the back 
or sides. 

The front wall of three of the front tiers of rooms and the 
adjacent partitions (see pi. vii, 3) had largely fallen, or in the course 
of time had gradually slipped down into the kiva. The lower tier 
of stones in the front of the southeast comer room were still in 
place, showing that the pueblo fronted close upon the adjacent 
kiva wall. 

One of the middle rear rooms had been partially cleared by an 
unknown treasure seeker, revealing within, walls of roughly dressed 
and carelessly laid small and irregular stones. The original plaster- 
ing was mostly absent here, and the mortar largely weathered from 
between the stones. The three remaining rooms of the back tier 
were not disturbed, because this did not seem necessary for the 
purposes of the present study. But what was left of the front 
rooms was cleared. 

In the room (5) lying on the southwestern side (fig. 4) were found 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED 5 I 

three upright stone slabs (s, s, s) set in the floor, or at about the 
floor level (pi. viii, i). While such slabs set in the side of a secular 
room suggest a milling outfit, neither the character nor the relation- 
ship of these would seem to justify this interpretation. 

In the debris of the front rooms 7 and 8, fig. 4, at the floor level, 
were found the badly shattered fragments of three large corrugated 
pots, the largest and most complete of which was 13}^ inches high 
and 15 inches in diameter; also one large smooth white bowl, 15 
inches in diameter, with crude linear decorations in black (pi. v, 
b). Here too were found three bone awls, several hand grinding 
stones, much worn, and numerous fragments of the same. 

The manhole leading from the pueblo to the kiva was, as has 
been indicated (see fig. 4, m, and pi. vi, 3) in the floor of room 6, the 
stoned opening being largely in place. Part of the top course 
however, as it now stands and is seen in the plate, was laid in by us 
in order to protect it, from stones recovered from the passage below. 


This burying place, lying southeast of the ruin, its nearest border 
some 20 feet away, measured about 74 feet north and south, by 
about 55 feet east and west. Though it had been thoroughly 
ravaged in past years, a strip about four feet wide at the southern 
side was turned over to determine depth and character of the mound. 
Parts of four skeletons with many fragments of pottery were found, 
all much scattered and displaced. One adult skeleton, without trace 
of the skull, lay in the flexed position, without adjacent potter\\ 
The dark earth of the mound was in some places about one foot 
deep; in most of the parts examined, however, it was from two to 
four feet in depth. 

The writer was informed by Mr Walters, the former owner of 
the property, who had been familiar with it since he came with the 
early settlers into the Montezuma valley, that in early days the 
search for burials was made only in the mounds by prodding with 
a sharpened iron rod to discover the location of the flat stones which 
often covered the bodies. The burials were, he said, sometimes 
near the surface, sometimes three or four feet deep, and the bodies 

52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

were often in the flexed position. The pottery near them was 
mostly pots and bowls, with few animal forms. Personal ornaments 
were vmcommon. 


This study shows that in a characteristic small ruin of the 
"unit type," one of a group of similar structures in the Montezuma 
valley, a stone-walled kiva lay beneath the shallow depression, 
commonly called a "reservoir," in front of the eight-roomed pueblo. 
That this kiva corresponded closely in structure to the ancient cir- 
cular kivas already known in more complex and larger ruins of this 
district; namely to those in the great cUfi'-houses of the Mesa Verde, 
in the open ruins of the Yellowjacket group, and on the Montezuma 
creek drainage. Its size and shape; its six recesses and pilasters; 
the ventilator, fire-pit, and deflector; the typical niches in the 
northern wall, and the passageway into one of the living rooms of 
the adjacent pueblo— all are characteristic of kivas of this type. 

The conjectural sipapu, however, differs from the usual type 
in form and situation, so that definite opinion as to its nature and 
significance may properly be reserved until further studies of similar 
ruins shall be made. 

Although it was not at this time practicable to undertake the 
complete excavation of other kiva sites in ruins of this type, it was 
deemed desirable, by an exploratory- trench here and there, to test 
the presumption that other similar kiva-pits also harbored buried 
circular recessed walls. The results of these further examinations 
will now be given in brief. 

Ruin No. II 
A small isolated ruin, lying about 80 yards southward from No. 
I, is an example of a very simple form of this type, having ap- 
parently only one large room at the back, with a square-walled 
enclosure around it and the shallow kiva-pit which lies southward 
(see pi. I, 2). A short trench was made across the latter, re- 
vealing, about two feet beneath the surface, a circular stone wall, 
with recesses and pilasters. Beyond the establishment of this point, 
the excavation here was not pursued. 

prudden] circular KIVAS /.V 5.-1 .V JUAN WATERSHED S3 

Ruin Xo. Ill 

Some 500 yards easterly from Ruin No. I, on the edge of a deep 
arroyo cut in the alluvial bottom by the flood waters of a short 
branch of the McElmo, the side of a circular kiva was exposed, to 
which our attention was called by pre\ious digging at its site. 

The pueblo of this kiva had been almost completely washed 
away in the formation of the arroyo, here about 20 feet deep and 
nearly 60 feet wide. There was remaining only a small fragment of 
what appears to be one of the corners, or one of the partition walls 
of an adjacent pueblo. About 10 feet of the northwestern segment 
of the kiva had fallen into the arroyo, and with it the corresponding 
part of the floor. A small portion of the floor farther in, and a 
narrow strip of the interior of the kiva wall on each side, had been 
exposed by pre\ious visitors. 

Notwithstanding its mutilated condition, we cleared this kiva 
because it showed on first inspection of its exposed faces some varia- 
tions in structure which gave promise of interest. It was filled with 
fallen stones, some of them partly or roughly trimmed, and with 
much earth, the latter near the bottom being closely packed. 

This debris contained few artifacts. There were small frag- 
ments of potter^', corrugated and smooth, with black linear decora- 
tion; a few hand grinding and pounding stones; a few fragments of 
turkey bones, and a bone awl. 

The cleared kiva is about 123^2 feet in average diameter, being 
however slightly unsymmetrical in contour. It has five remaining 
shallow stoned recesses, and the absent segment of the wall indicates 
the former presence of a sixth. The banquette of the southern 
recess (pi. ix, 2) is 23^ feet above the floor; it is 5 feet wide and 5 
inches deep. The other banquettes are about 3 feet above the floor, 
3 feet wide, and 4 inches deep. 

The tops of the pilasters, which are about 2 feet wide, are now 
about 4}/^ feet above the floor, but are considerably disintegrated at 
the top. The outer walls of the recesses rise to about the level of 
the pilasters; but in places some of their stones, which were backed 
against the earth, have loosened and fallen in. 

Below the banquettes the kiva wall is formed of the soil of the 

54 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

alluvial bottom, reinforced here and there, but quite irregularly, 
by small, variously shaped but mostly flat bits of stone imbedded in 
the soil usually several inches apart, and forming a rough face on 
which the plaster is thickly laid (pi. ix, i). This plaster layer 
below the banquettes was largely in place, but readily flaked and 
crumbled off on exposure. It was, on the average, about a quarter 
of an inch thick, and the fracture sections of the thickest parts 
showed twelve thin layers, black, white, and reddish brown. In 
some parts of the lower wall of the kiva the plaster was laid directly 
upon the earth wall of the excavation, without evidence of any 
artificial reinforcement or hardening of the latter. 

The pilasters were laid up largely with small flat stones, while 
the backs of the recesses were faced with a single layer of larger 
rough and often rounded stones, some slightly, others not at all 
trimmed. The southern, longer banquette was surfaced with small 
flat stones set in adobe; the four others were plastered directly upon 
the earth. While the walls above the benches had been plastered, 
the coating was in most places loose, and in many sections had al- 
ready peeled off and become merged in the debris. 

Beneath the longer, southern recess, at the floor level, is a square 
opening (pi. ix, 2) 12 inches wide and 16 inches high. This was 
supported at the top by a much-decayed wooden slab, and led to a 
Jiorizontal tunnel of about the same size as the opening, and without 
evidence of supporting walls other than the packed earth about it. 
This tunnel was followed for about 18 inches from the inner surface 
of the kiva wall, where all trace of it was lost. Beyond this point 
we found nothing indicating a perpendicular flue. But just south- 
ward of the kiva, and close to it, runs a shallow wash or sag whose 
bottom, it is evident, must be occasionally aflood, and has probably 
many times been washed out and reformed. It is therefore not 
surprising that a ventilator tunnel could not be followed far outside 
the kiva wall, nor a perpendicular flue, should such have once 
existed, be disclosed. 

About 3 feet 4 inches in front of the ventilator opening was a 
rough, rather irregular wall of stones (pi. ix, 2), about 10 inches in 
height and thickness, and 18 inches wide. These stones were closely 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN S.4.V JUAX WATERSHED 55 

but irregularly piled together, and a line of similar crudely trimmed 
stones lay between this pile and the western side of the ventilator 
opening. These stones did not appear to have been placed in 
mortar, and if laid at all were roughly set; so that I was in the end 
not able to decide whether they were remnants of a masonry 
deflector or had fallen there in the disintegration of the kiva. 

Still farther inward, 4 feet from the ventilator opening and near 
the center of the kiva floor, is a fire-pit (pi. ix, 2), 18 by 20 inches 
across at the opening, and 12 inches deep. The northern and 
southern sides of this were formed by flat stones set edgewise and 
sunk to nearly the level of the floor. The other, sloping sides of 
the fire-pit were formed of adobe mortar continuous at the sides 
with the plastering of the floor. The stones were much smoked 
and the pit contained a small quantity of ashes. Altogether it was 
crudely fashioned, the southerly slab being several inches longer 
than the other, giving an unsymmetrical opening. 

On the westerly side of the kiva floor, about 4 inches from the 
wall, were two shallow inclosures, or boxes (pi. viii, 2; ix, 2), built 
up of flat smooth stones, set edgewise, and adobe mortar. One was 
about 13 by 8 inches across, the other 13 by 11 inches. Both 
were about 7 inches deep, their bottoms, formed of adobe, being at 
about the level of the kiva floor. These small inclosures were set 
nearly parallel with the kiva wall, but at a slight angle with each 
other. The four-inch space between these boxes and the wall of 
the ki\a was nearly filled with mortar, as was the space between 
them. The flat stones forming parts of the sides of the boxes were 
from I to i}/2 inches thick, while the parts formed by adobe were 
thicker, sloping outside to the level of the floor. On both sides of 
these structures were rough masses of a mixture of clay and adobe, 
piled upon the floor against them. 

The writer has no clue as to the nature and use of these objects 
built into the floor of this kiva, which was roughly plastered with 

No sipapu was found ; but it should be remembered that about 
one-third of the northerly segment of the floor had gone down the 
arroyo, or had been "investigated" by our predecessors in the field. 

56 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 


It may safely be assumed that a pueblo was originally placed 
beside this kiva, though only a fragment of wall remains. And 
judging from the situation of the ruin among several others still 
in situ, scattered about this bottom land and in the group near by, it 
was probably of the unit type. 

While the study of tliis kiva was necessarily incomplete, owing 
to its demoralized condition, it presents several exceptional features 
which appear to be noteworthy. 

In the first place it differs from the completely excavated 
kiva, above described, in the crude character of its construction. 
The absence of a stoned wall in the lower segment of the chamber, 
and the plastering directly upon the earth, while the recesses and 
pilasters above are regularly stoned, are interesting variants.^ 

Again, while the southern recess is marked by a longer arc than 
are the others, it is also shallow and not much deeper, as is com- 
monly the case in these circular kivas. Finally, the curious stone 
and adobe boxes set in the western floor are quite exceptional. 

Ruin No. IV 

We now repaired to the high mesas north of the McEImo, some 
35 miles westward, where we purposed to examine one small ruin 
of the unit type in a district more remote from the Mesa Verde, 
and where they are scattered at wider intervals in what seems to-day 
a less favorable environment — situations, in other words, which 
would lend to such dwellings rather the character of solitary and 
perhaps more primitive ranch-houses than of village homes. 

We selected for our purpose a small ruin standing with one other 
about a hundred yards from it, on the Cohon mesa, near the 
head of a small eastern tributary of Cross canon.^ 

1 Kidder found in certain circular kivas in the Montezuma Creek region, that the 
lower part of the chambers and the pilasters were stoned and plastered, but that the 
backs of the recesses were formed by plastering directly upon the baked and hardened 
earth. Jour. Archceol. Inst. Amer., vol. xiv, no. 3, 1910. 

2 This ruin is close to the new road to Bluff City, which leaves the Dolores- 
Monticello highway near the head of Sandstone caiaon, and is less than half a mile 
from the so-called "Picket corral." 

prudden] circular KIVAS IN SAN JUAN WATERSHED S7 

The ruin is of the double unit type, and apparently character- 
istic, save for a series of low walls radiating from the back of the 
pueblo, and similar walls fomiing an open court to the kivas in 

The pueblo was 36 feet long, 17 feet wide, with two rows of 
rooms, and faced south. The kiva-pit which we examined lay as 
usual southward of the pueblo ; it was about 3 feet deep at its center, 
with no visible trace of a circular wall. The time at our disposal 
permitted only partial excavation. 

We found buried, about a foot below the surface of the ground, 
a walled circular kiva, about i63^ feet in diameter, with the pilasters 
and the backs of the recesses, as well as the banquettes, formed of 
large, roughly-dressed sandstone blocks, such as might readily have 
been procured at the edge of the nearby canon. 

The southerly recess was 3 feet 8 inches deep and 7 feet wide. 
The northerly recess, lying close against the front wall of the 
pueblo, was 15 inches deep and 6 feet wide, with remnants of plaster 
upon its ends and back and banquette. The sides of one end of 
this alco\'e weFe much smoked, and a mass of charred libers and 
charcoal lay upon the bench with smoked masses of adobe plaster, 
apparently fallen from the roof. 

From the level of the northern banquette, and about midway 
between its adjacent pilasters, a door 2 feet wide led into a sloping 
passage opening in the floor of one of the front rooms of the pueblo, 
about 5 feet from the kiva doorway. The sides of this passage 
were stoned for 18 inches from the kiva entrance. The top of the 
door and the roof of the passage had caved in. 

The faces of the pilasters, four of which only were exposed, were 
about 30 inches wide, and the front stones of their upper layers 
had slipped forward into the kiva. 

Only a few fragments of pottery were found in working down to 
the level of the benches. These were corrugated and smooth white 
ware with mostly linear decorations in black. The burial mound 
had been extensively ravaged. 

We did not have time to go below the level of the benches, but 
this preliminary study of the Cohon Mesa mound shows that here, 

58 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

too, a ruin of the unit type had a buried stone-walled kiva, with 
recesses, pilasters, and a pueblo entrance, which, so far as they were 
unearthed, were typical of the ancient circular kivas. 

General Summary 

This record of the study of the kiva-pits of four small ruins of 
the unit type in the San Juan watershed, — one completely and the 
others partially excavated, — shows that they all covered subter- 
ranean circular stone-walled and recessed kivas, and that the one 
fully examined conforms in most of its structural features to those 
typical circular kivas of larger ruins now known in this district, 
namely, pilasters, recesses, ventilator, deflector, fire-pit, niches, and 
door and passage into the adjacent pueblo. 

While it is desirable to obtain further data bearing on the details 

of structure of ruins of this type, it is clear from the studies here 

recorded that the builder of these primitive dwelling places in the 

open country was not less skilful in masonry, and not less punctilious 

in his devotion to his traditions and his ceremonies, than was the 

builder of the larger defensible structures in similar localities, or 

those who left the still more imposing ruins in the cliffs. Whether 

these were contemporaries or not will remain an open question until 

more data shall be obtained and interpreted in the light of the 

vanishing lore of the modern Pueblo Indians. 

160 West Fifty-ninth street 
New York City 




THE distinguishing feature of the old \illagcs of the Indians of 
the Northwest Coast was the wealth of ornamentation in 
carving and painting, totemic or emblematic in character, 
that covered the house fronts, heraldic and mortuary columns, 
ceremonial dress, personal ornaments, and war, hunting, fishing, 
and household implements. This ornamentation did not arise 
from mere love of ostentation, but owed its origin to the peculiar 
social organization and semi-religious worship of ancestry that 
controlled every action of the people and manifested itself in the 
display of the crest and the respect paid to it. The clan was the 
bond of union that held all together as the nearest blood relations, 
so its honor and rights were jealously guarded to that degree that life 
was freely sacrificed in its behalf. Among a highly sensitive, vain 
and proud people it is not dif^cult to understand how each clan 
would try to outdo its neighbors in material display, and the com- 
petition thus engendered stimulated artists and produced artisans 
whose originality of design and skilful handiwork may still be seen 
in the moss-covered carvings in the abandoned villages and in our 
museum collections. 

Under such conditions it might reasonably be expected that from 
conventionalized human forms representing prominent chiefs a 
demand for and a desire to produce their actual likenesses as portrait 
busts or statues would arise, and this is confirmed by the following 
stories. Dr J. R. Swanton, in his Tlingit Myths and Texts, ^ tells 
of "The Image That Came to Life," as follows: 

"A young chief on the Queen Charlotte islands married, and soon 
afterwards his wife fell ill. Then he sent around everywhere for the 
very best shamans. If there were a verj- fine shaman at a certain village 

' Bulletin 39, Bureau of American Ethnology. 


60 AMERICAX AXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

he would send a canoe there to bring him. None r)f them could help 
her, ho^ve^•er, and after she had been sick for a very long time she died. 
Now the \oung chief felt \er\- badly over the loss of his v/ife. 
He went from place to place after the best carvers in order to have 
them car^•c an image of his wife, but no one could make anything to 
look like her. All this time there was a carxer in his own village who 
could carve much better tiian all the others. This man met him one 
day and said, ' You are going from \illage to village to have wood carved 
like your wife's face, and you can not find anyone to do it, can you? 
I have seen your wife a great deal walking along .with you. I have never 
studied her face with the idea that you might want some one to carve 
it, but I am going to try if you will allow me.' 

" Then the carxer went after a piece of red cedar and began working 
upon it. When he was through, he went to the young chief and said, 
' Now you can come along and look at it.' He had dressed it just as he 
used to see the young woman dressed. So the chief went with him, and, 
when he got inside, he saw his dead wife sitting there just as she used to 
look. This made him very happy, and he took it home. Then he asked 
the carver, ' What do I owe you for making this? ' and he replied, ' Do 
as you please about it.' The carver had felt sorry to see how this chief 
was mourning for his wife, so he said, ' It is because I felt badly for you 
that I made that. So don't pay me too much for it.' He paid the carver 
very well, however, both in slaves and in goods. 

" Now the chief dressed this image in his wife's clothes, and her 
marten-skin robe. He felt that his wife had come back to him and treated 
the image just like her. One day, while he sat mourning very close to 
the image, he felt it move. His wife had also been very fond of him. At 
first he thought that the movement was only his imagination, yet he 
examined it every day, for he thought that at some time it would come 
to life. When he ate he always had the image close to him. 

"After a while the whole village learned that he had this image and 
all came in to see it. Many could not believe that it was not the woman 
herself until they had examined it closely. 

" One day, after the chief had had it for a long, long time, he ex- 
amined the body and found it just like that of a human being. Still, 
although it was alive, it could not move or speak. Some time later, 
however, the image gave forth a sound from its chest like that of crackling 
wood, and the man knew that it was ill. When he had some one move it 
away from the place where it had been sitting they found a small red- 
cedar tree growing there on top of the flooring. They left it until it 


grew to be very large, and it is because of this that cedars on the Queen 
Charlotte islands are so good. When people up this \va\- look for red 
cedars and find a good one, they say, ' This looks like the baby of the 
chief's wife.' 

" Every day the image of the young woman grew more like a human 
being, and, when they heard the story, people from villages far and near 
came in to look at it and at the young cedar tree growing there, at which 
they were very much astonished. The woman moved around \ery little 
and never got to talk, but her husband dreamed what she wanted to tell 
him. It was through his dreams that he knew she was talking to him." 

"Father" Duncan tells the following story of "The Man With 
The Wooden Wife": 

" At the old Tsimshian winter \illage of Metlakatla there li\ed, 
long ago, a man and his childless wife, who were greatly attached to 
each other. The husband went hunting for several days, and returning 
at night he found his wife sitting by the fire, which had burned low. He 
spoke to her, but received no reply, and when he spoke again she seemed 
to turn away without answering. Such conduct could onl}- mean that 
in his absence she had wronged him, so he left the house, launched his 
canoe, and canijied on the opposite shore. In the morning, as he was 
returning to the village, he met a canoe, and the occupants told him 
that his wife had died and had been cremated the evening before, so then 
he knew that it was only her spirit that he had seen the previous evening. 
He felt very sad, and wishing to remember her always as she was, he 
carved her image in wood with great truthfulness of features and clothed 
it as she had last appeared to him seated by the fire, and wherever he 
went in his canoe he carried it with him." 

Before the advent of Europeans, when the natives had only tools 
of stone and shell, any such refined work as portraiture must have 
been too difftcult of accomplishment to have proved satisfactory, 
but with the acquisition of iron, latent talent rapidly developed 
and the Victorian age of this coast was about the middle of the 
nineteenth century, before the contaminating influences of civiliza- 
tion and cornmercialism had paralyzed native art and artisanship. 
The work of this early period in wood, ivory, bone, and metal 
shows originality of design and accuracy of detail, but it gradually 
disappeared with the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company 
factories and the independent trading posts along the coast, which 

62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

resulted in such strong competition in the fur-trade that the natives 
became independently well off, and in the comparative cheapness 
of our commercial products they neglected home manufactures. 
Following the trader came the missionary, who discouraged all 
social and shamanistic observances and abolished ceremonial 
paraphernalia. Finally the exploiting of the salmon industry and 
the establishment of the numerous canneries gave congenial work 
and a living wage to all, and taught them the value of time and 
modern methods, but, unfortunately, brought liquor and disease 
which have crippled them physically, morally, and mentally, 
destroying their ambition and decimating their ranks. 

The accompanying illustration (fig. 5) shows, in the old and 
generally deserted Kitikshan village of Kitwankool, on the trail 
leading from Kitwangar on the Skeena to Kitlaghdamokx on the 
Nass, in British Columbia, what is possibly the best remaining 
example of a portrait figure. It consists of a comparatively rude 
body of wood, to which the limbs are joined by wooden dowel-pins 
and which in turn are jointed at the knees and elbow^s, so that the 
figure can be placed in a sitting posture and the arms arranged at 
w^ill. The feet and hands are carved in one with the tibiae and fore- 
arms. As the figure was fully clothed, the limbs are simply pro- 
portional in size, with little regard for exactness of form. The whole 
skill of the artist was expended on the features and expression to 
make them as lifelike as possible. A glance at the illustration will 
show with what success this was accomplished, while a comparison 
with the carved human faces in the rear of and above the image 
will show the great difference between the portrait face and the 
conventionalized human face of the totem-pole. The image is 
seated on an old trunk, which is secured, at an elevation of ten feet 
above the ground, to a totem-pole. The trunk contains the cre- 
mated remains of the deceased whose image is shown, and this with 
the figure was once partly protected by a shelter above and at 
each side, of which a portion only remains. Originally the figure 
was clothed, but time and the elements have left only shreds of 
the body-covering, head-dress, and ceremonial neck-ring of cedar- 
bark rope. As the face indicates, the deceased was a young man. 




He was of the Kon-nah-da clan of the higher class, and in this 
manner his memory was preserved. 

At the Kitikshan \illage of old Kitzegukela on Skeena river, 
about thirteen miles below Hazelton, in a typical small wooden 

Fig. 5. — Effigy of a young man seated on a box containing the cremated remains of 
the deceased at Kitwankool, British Columbia. 

grave-house, is a most lifelike image of a man who committed 
suicide. The body of the figure is completely clothed and has a 
cap on the head; it is seated in a chair on the box that contains the 

^4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

cremated remains. In the right hand, with butt resting on the 
floor, is an old type of Hudson's Bay Company's musket; in the 
left hand, extended, were the bullets with which he shot himself. 
The carved face of cedar, which has weathered to a Hght-brown 
shade approximating the complexion of the people, is so lifelike 
and the pose of the figure so natural that on seeing it suddenly 
through the small window of the liouse one instinctively draws back 
in surprise, thinking that it is a lifeless body exposed to view. 

In the Nishkar village of Aiyansh, on Nass river, I was shown 
a wooden figure, rude in body, with jointed Hmbs, but expressive 
in features, similar to the two figures seen among the Kitikshan. 
This was not exposed as a grave figure, although it might originally 
have been made for that purpose. The family in whose possession 
it was, said that it represented a chief who had been killed by the 
Haida about four generations before, and that at family feasts it 
was exhibited clothed, in memory of the dead. 

These three portrait busts or images are all that I found among 
the Kitikshan and the Nishkar, although the people told me that 
some years ago there were two similar figures placed on posts, one 
on the old trail from Kitwankool to Nass river, and the other on the 
trail between Hazelton and Kisgagass, at the mouth of Babine river, 
at points where men had died on the trail and had been cremated. 
These figures are called kitumghun, "man of wood," and were 
rare on account of their expense. They were always made with 
jointed limbs, so that they could be placed in different positions, but, 
so far as I know, were always seated. In some instances the hair 
of the deceased was cut off and locks thereof inserted and pegged 
into small holes in the head of wood. While the Tsimshian are 
said to have possessed such figures, no sign of them remains, as 
these people have wholly abandoned their primitive mode of life. 
From an experience of twenty-five years among the Tlingit of 
Alaska I have found no evidence that this custom ever existed 
among them, though they placed figures of human form, represent- 
ing spirits, in proximity to the grave-houses of the shamans to 
guard them from evil. The most realistic handiwork of the Tlingit 
is shown in the masks of the shaman that express sex, age, pain. 




death, and many emotions with wonderful fidelity. But while the 
artist in his conception must have had individual faces in mind, as 
they too were supposed to represent spirits seen only in dreams of 
the practitioner, they could not be accounted as likenesses. 

So far as the Haida are concerned, neither Dr Swan ton nor Dr 
Newcombe of Victoria, who are the leading authorities on this 
people and the Queen Charlotte islanders, have any knowledge of 
separate portrait figures like those found on the Skeena and Nass 
rivers, except in one in- 
stance, cited by Dr New- 
combe, where a chief of 
the village of Skidegate, 
on Graham island, when 
visiting \'ictoria, about 
1870, was arrested, im- 
prisoned, and fined for 
disorderly conduct when 
under the influence of 
liquor. Returning home, 
smarting under the dis- 
grace of confinement and 
the pecuniary loss sus- 
tained, he conceived the 
idea of humiliating the 
court b}' having the im- 
age of the judge carved 
and placed on one of his 
house-posts and that of 
the clerk of the court on 
the other, so that when he or his friends passed they would speak to 
the figures in derision and make insulting remarks about those they 
were designed to represent. This, according to native law, removed 
the disgrace from the owner's shoulders and subjected the court to 
ridicule. Whether or not these figures expressed exactness of feature, 
I cannot say. Unquestionably they were made as nearly recognizable 
as possible, and I understand that they exhibited a striking resem- 

AM. ANTH., N.S., 16 — 5 

Fig. 6. — Ceremonial head-dress mask represent- 
ing the bust of the deceased daughter of a Haida 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

blance, but their identification was made more certain by the 
carved drapery representing the long black frock-coat and high hat 
of the judge, and tlie peaked cap of the clerk. 

Possible instances in two 
car\ed wood head-dress 
masks in the United States 
National Museum show fe- 
male faces wonderfully real- 
istic and individual in fea- 
ture and expression. Both 
of these are of Haida work- 
manship. One (fig. 6) pre- 
sents the bust of a young 
girl naturally posed and 
dressed in the style of a 
generation ago; it is said to 
represent the favorite 
daughter of a Haida chief 
whose untimely death so 
saddened the father that he 
had her image carved in this 
manner in order that he 
might wear it on ceremonial 
occasions on the front of his 
head-dress. The other mask 
(pi. x), which is attached to 
the ceremonial head-dress, 
presents likewise the face of 
a young girl, named Soodatl, 
the daughter of a Skidegate 
chief. The face is ornamentally inlaid with small rectangles of 
the much-prized blue-green haliotis shell in imitation of the old 
custom, which prevailed among the higher classes, of sticking on 
the face, with spruce-gum, such small sections of this shell. These 
two carvings occurring on this type of family head-dress are re- 
markable, as the ornamentation of the wooden mask is invariably 

Fig. 7. — Skoolkah"s house and totem-pcle, 
Howkan, Alaska, 1888. 


totemic in character, representing the clan crest and generally in 
animal design. 

The man\^ human figures that appear on totem-poles, mortuary 
columns, and house-posts must be wholly dissociated from portrait 
figures. These, whether representing mythical heroes or indi- 
viduals known to the villagers at the time of their execution, are 
conventionalized forms, and while typically correct are expression- 
less and show no attempt to specialize particular features. Their 
identification or recognition depends wholly on their position, 
context, or association with crest or other figures. 

In the Haida village of Howkan, on Prince of Wales island, is 
still preserved the totem-pole of Chief Skoolkah, upon which is 
represented the uniformed figure, with a long beard, of a military 
official of Sitka who had extended some kindness to a former 
member of this family (fig. 7). The beard and uniform identify 
the white man and the official. No attempt at a likeness could have 
been attempted, as the artist, who lived at a later period, could 
hardly have seen his subject. 

In painting and weaving portraiture was never attempted by 
the Northwest Coast tribes. Foreshortening and shading were 
neither understood nor practised, and human figures were seldom 
employed except as grotesque forms on the shaman's dress. Animal 
forms predominated and were either realistic in outline or else 
highly conventionalized, exaggerated, dissected, or separated to 
that degree that they are unintelligible to the present generation, 

Princeton, New Jersey 


THE following data on ihc Plains Crcc were gathered during 
June, 1913, on the Keewistaihau reserve and adjacent res- 
ervations under the Round Lake agency, Saskatchewan. 
The writer's object in visiting this, one of the more easterly bands 
of Plains Cree, was to obtain information on their military organiza- 
tion for the American Museum of Natural History. The notes 
here presented were taken during lulls in the regular work, which 
was itself carried on vicariously, owing to the exceedingly restless 
habits of the Cree, who could not be induced to refrain from roving 
about. The rest of the material collected, including a brief descrip- 
tion of the Sun dance and about a score of myths and stories, mainly 
concerning the culture hero, will some time be published by the 
American Museum of Natural History. As the writer does not 
expect to go among the Plains Cree again, at least in the near 
future, these notes are offered with the permission of the Museum 
merely that they may be placed on record, as even brief and frag- 
mentary information often proves of value to the student. 

The principal informants were Four Clouds, Spotted One, 
Assiniboine, God's Head, God's Child, Neil Sawustim, and Jacob and 
Andrew Bear. The Miss Paget referred to is Amelia M. Paget, 
author of People of the Plains. 

Giving of Names. — While a child is still young it is customary 
for the parents to call upon four old men and to ask them to give 
it a name. This is done when the child is about one year old. The 
parents gather a quantity of clothing and other presents, and a lot 
of food; then four old men, whom the parents have selected because 
of their fame for powerful dreams and for their w^ar exploits, are 
invited by a runner who bears them tobacco and a pipe, Each 
tries to dream from then on, and when the appointed day arrives, 
the four men appear at the spot designated, where the parents have 


skinner] notes on THE PLAINS CREE 6g 

prepared a feast and where other guests are assembled. When all 
is in readiness, a pipe is filled and gixen to the si)okesman of the 
elders, who rises and addresses the people. He tells them of whom 
or what he has been dreaming, and gi\"es the infant a name that 
has some reference to his visions or to one of his adventures in war. 
He then turns to his three assistants and afterward to the people 
in general, asking each to repeat the name aloud and to call upon 
the namer's dream guardian to bless the child. ' 

After this there is a feast, for which each person has brought his 
or her own disii and spoon. Any of tne viands that cannot be 
eaten are taken home by the guests, as they are partly sacred and 
may not be thrown away. 

In former times it was taboo to ask a man directly for his name, 
although it is now done very freeh'. The only time a man ever 
mentioned his own name was when he had done a brave deed. On 
such an occasion he might repeat the story of his exploit to his 
friends, crying, for instance, "I am Kiwistaihau, and that is the 
way T am accustomed to do!" 

Sometimes a child was sickly, and the doctor on investigation 
would dream that it was wrongly named, and prescribe a change. 
If the diagnosis was correct, the child would recover in from a day 
to four days, and all was well. 

In People of the Plains (pp. 9-12) Miss Paget gives some data 
on naming customs which I could not get corroborated at the 
Crooked Lake reserves, but which seem to refer to the Saulteaux, 
and not to the Cree. 

Menstrual Taboo. — The law insisting on the isolation of women 
during their monthly periods is by no means so strong among the 
Plains Cree, or among the Saulteaux for that matter, as among 
the Central Algonkin. When a girl undergoes her first menses 
she is tabooed from society for a period of ten days. During 
subsequent menstrual periods she is not obliged to leave the family 
lodge, but only to eat from her own dishes and spoons during this 
time, except in the case of those who are the wives of the keepers 
of important medicines. Such women are obliged to camp by 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Menstruating women miglit not scratch their heads save with 
a stick. They wore their hair loose and were forbidden to comb it 
or to wash for four days. Four (^louds knew of one man who for 
some reason liad a i)ersonal taboo against head-scratching with his 
fingers, and always carried a stick for the purpose. 

Dream Fasting. — When a child, regardless of sex, approaches or 
reaches the age of puberty, it is given a course of training to inure 
it to the hardships of the ])uberty fast. The youngster is made to 

Fig. 8. — Cree tipis, one showing anthropomorphic thunderbird, the dream guardian 
of the owner. Ceremonial lodge frame at the left. 

take off all his clothing and wander naked in the bush without food 
or drink for a period of from one day to two days, and so on. When 
the time is come he is sent out naked into the bush; in the case of 
boys the entire body is painted white, or the face only is daubed 
with yellow ochre. The child is expected to build a little shelter 
of boughs, and there to await a dream of revelation. 

These dreams, it is said, are about animals of any sort, rather 
than about the gods, as among the Menomini, but owing to a strict 
taboo against telling these dreams which prevails among the Plains 



Cree, as well as among ihe members of the eastern dixision of that 
people, no examples were collected. The Plains Cree men were 
accustomed to fast a number of times during their lives for further 
revelation. These fasts sometimes lasted as long as ten days. 

Four Clouds said that 
the hrst time his father was 
put to the test in his early 
training before the great 
fast, his grandfather sent 
one of the old men of the 
band a pipe and some goods 
which he requested the old 
man to ' ' throw away ' ' . The 
ancient assented and ac- 
cepted the pipe to pray for 
the lad. Four Cloud's grand- 
father then stripped the bo}-, 
although it was in midwin- 
ter, painted him from head 
to foot with white clay, and 
sent him to the top of a high 
hill. The little fellow stayed 
out some time but felt the 
cold only a very little. When 
he returned the old man to whom the presents had been given 
smoked a prayer to the gods. 

The Plains Cree calls his dream guardian his "grandfather" and 
paints it on his tent more prominently than anything else. Judging 
by the figures seen on tipis, the Thunder, in semi-human or entirely 
bird form, is an object frequently dreamed of (fig. 8). Sexual 
intercourse is forbidden to anyone prior to attempting to dream, 
either before the puberty fast or later in life, and it is also tabooed 
to those about to attend a ceremony or go to war. Sacrifices of 
valuables are made to dream guardians to secure their good will 

(fig. 9). 

Marriage Customs. — With one exception all the Indians inter- 

FiG. 9. — A sacrifice of blankets, broadcloth, 
etc., to a man's guardian spirit. 

^2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

viewed said that there were no marital restrictions, except for 
members of the immediate family closer than what we call first 
cousins. Neil Sawflstim alone declared that in ancient times the 
bands were exogamous, at least as a rule. Attempts to find the 
truth by collecting data on individual marriages failed to show 
anything worthy of note, for the Cree have not followed any such 
rule from the time they began to live on reserves thirty or more 
years ago, and in the majority of cases the old men have younger 
wives taken from their own bands since they have lived on the 
reserve. Four Clouds' wife came from another reserve, but the 
occasion was quite by accident; he happened to meet her while 
visiting there. Inasmuch as the Plains Cree deny that they have 
the gentile system in any form, although recognizing its existence 
among the Saulteaux, it seems possible that there may never have 
been any definite marriage restrictions. Polygyny was practised, 
but has long been given up. Four Clouds' father had seven wives. 

The marriage procedure was simple — a youth simply asked the 
girl's father for her, or a man desiring to have a youth for his son- 
in-law would send his daughter to the young man's tipi with a suit 
of clothes of her own make. There was no feast or further cere- 
mony. A man went to live with his parents-in-law after marriage. 

If a man murdered his wife through jealousy, as sometimes 
happened, he had to pay eight horses to his wife's relatives, or, 
if he could not afford this, he might flee alone on the warpath, 
kill one of the foe, and return to paint the faces of his parents-in-law . 
with charcoal. They might then spare him. Eight horses, or an 
enemy's scalp, constituted the usual blood-money demanded by the 
parents of any murdered person. 

Parent-in-Law Taboo. — The taboo against a man speaking to 
his father-in-law or mother-in-law was formerly very rigidly 
enforced. When the son-in-law lived in the same lodge with his 
wife's parents, as often happened, a partition was put up to separate 
him from the others. This was often observed by Jacob Bear 
when he was a buffalo hunter. If a man wished to ask a question 
of his mother-in-law, he would inform his wife and then leave the 
tent. She on her part would not speak to her mother until her 




husband was gone. The father-in-law taboo was in force, but not 
so strongly. I have frequently heard Indians about the Round 
Lake mission say of individuals, "Why, he is like a half-breed; he 
talks to his mother-in-law." 

There was one occasion, however, when a man might speak to 
his parents-in-law. When he returned from a successful war 
excursion, he went directly to them, with his face blackened with 
charcoal, told them what he had done, gave them part or all of his 
spoils, and then blackened their faces, beginning with his father-in- 
law. This was a great honor to them. The taboo was never 
entirely lifted. 

The joking-relationship is said not to exist. 

Terms of Relationship. — The following terms are recorded : 

n ga'tvt or ntmama 

n' to sis 

n'okomis or nolawis 

n'gosis or (wrong way) n'danis 




notawi or nipapa 


nictic (or, not so good) nijoam 















my mother 

my mother's sister 

my mother's brother 

my mother's sister's daughter 

my father's brother 

my father-in-law (man or woman speaking) 

my father's brother's son 

my sister's or brother's son-in-law 

my father's brother's daughter 

my father 

my father's sister 

my elder brother 

my younger brother 

my younger sister 

my mother.'s or father's father 

my mother's or father's mother 

my wife 

my husband 

my elder sister 

my mother-in-law 

relation of parents-in-law to each other 

my mother's sister's husband 

my mother's brother's wife 

my brother's wife's brother 

my brother-in-law's wife 

my sister-in-law's husband 

74 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

nictau my sister's husband (man speaking) 

niti'm my sister's husband (woman speaking) 

my brother's wife (man or woman speaking) 
my brother's wife's sister (woman speaking) 

ninahacim my son-in-law 

nictim my daughter 

ninahaganickwim my daughter-in-law 

Burial Customs. — Among the Plains Crce bands assembled at 
the Crooked Lake agency, scaffold burial is not practised, and 
according to all of our informants it never has been. The funeral 
ceremonies are as follows: 

When a person dies the body is arrayed in all his best clothes. 
It is carried out through the side or back of the tent, the walls 
being raised for that purpose. As the body is taken out an old 
man especially invited for the purpose begins to count his coups, 
giving the proceeds of his past successful raids to the soul of the dead 
for use on its journey to the hereafter. This, as will be observed, 
is a modification of the typical Central Algonkin ceremony. The 
address to the corpse is somewhat as follows: 

" I went to war at such a time, I want to tell you. I took [so many] 
horses, and you shall ride on the best one of them. At [such a place] I 
killed [so-and-so] ; he will go with you and guide you and light your 
fires. I took meat and provisions from a lodge [in such a place] ; have 
that for your sustenance." 

There are said to be only two men now living under this agency 
(19 1 3) qualified to perform this rite. They are Big Head and 
Spotted One. 

From the head of the body of an old person a little hair is some- 
times cut off and saved. It is asked from time to time to give the 
survivors a blessing. In the old days when a man was a member 
of the Mitewin, the hair was eventually taken to the grave, the 
contents of the medicine-bag of the deceased was poured over it, 
and it was buried. The placing of the hair in a bundle to be kept 
by tlie chief mourner, as practised by the Central tribes, was not 

The grave is made small and lined with blankets. The body is 
placed in it, upright, with legs drawn up, and with it are placed 

skinner] A'OrZs.S ON THE PLAINS CREE 75 

all personal propcrt\'. a fact which accounts for the extreme rarity 
of antique articles among these Cree. A pipe and tobacco are 
always included, so that when the soul of the deceased reaches the 
other land it can give the ruler a smoke, saying, "My friends that I 
ha\e left behind are forlorn; I pray you give them good fortune." 

When the body has been deposited in the grave, sticks are placed 
over it to prevent the earth from touching it, and these are covered 
with a blanket, skin, or robe, and the hole is filled in. Over it is 
erected a little canvas-co\-ered tent roof, somewhat similar to the 
grave-houses of the Saulteaux and the Central Algonkin, but lacking 
the hole for egress of the spirit, and such of the deceased person's 
effects as cannot be placed in the grave are piled outside. The 
Reverend Dr Hugh Mackay informs me that large sacrifices of 
cloth were heaped on Loud Voice's grave, and Jacob Bear adds 
that his gun, bow, and pipe were also left outside. 

When the interment is completed, the mourners blacken their 
faces, loosen their hair, and attire themselves in rags. They slash 
their forearms and calves, and some even slash their horses. The 
period of mourning lasts for two years or less, but widows especially 
mourn for the longer time. The four nights' fire by the gra\e, so 
commonly lighted by the Central peoples, is not made by the Plains 

When the mourners return from the grave, a feast is celebrated, 
and each person present offers a spoonful of food to the dead. One 
year later the Wikokeo, or Feast of the Dead, is celebrated at the 
grave. If the deceased was a child, only children would be invited 
by the mourners, and so on. Old men, the elders of the tribe, were 
called on to offer food or pipes to the dead at long intervals there- 

Years ago, while trading with a band of Plains Cree far out on 
the northern prairie, Jacob Bear attended a "pagan" burial. He 
gave the following account of what he saw: 

" When the child died, a small hole was dug out on the prairie. An 
old man was called to the tipi where the body lay, to talk, and when 
there he counted his coups, saying, ' Those that I have killed will ac- 
company you to the hereafter and make your camps for you.' When 
he had finished, the body was taken out through the side of the tent 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

amid great wailing, and was carried to the grave, where it was caused 
to sit upright, was wrapped in dressed skins, and lowered into the hole, 
which was only a few feet deep. All its toys and utensils were placed 
about it; a roof of sticks was made over it. The child's parents cut off 
a lock of its. hair and cut off all their own just at the ears, as a sign of 
mourning. They put their hair in the grave with the body. They cut 
their arms and legs with a flint or a knife, and rubbed charcoal on their 
faces. Then the grave was filled, and the funeral was over." 

Jacob Bear added that when 
a man died his clothing was given 
away, and new garments fur- 
nished for the corpse. His tent 
was also given away. When a 
woman died her husband lost his 
tent in this fashion, but the peo- 
ple furnished him with a new one, 
something which was not done 
for a widow. Dr Mackay says 
that whenever a prominent man 
dies the Indians cease using the 
camping place where the death 

Souls. — There are two kinds 
of souls, one, the tcipai, which 
stays behind with the corpse in 
the grave, and another the niu- 
kaneo, which goes to the hereafter. 
The first, when seen, resem- 
bles blue fire; it is the sort that 
haunts folks. The second can 
sometimes be heard to cry out; it whistles like a gopher (a small 
burrowing rodent of the prairie that has a shrill call). When the 
northern lights are seen the Cree think them the spirits dancing in 
the hereafter. 

Tattooing. — Many men were tattooed in the old days — some 
because they dreamed they should be, others because their wives 
urged them to do so and show their bravery. The design usually 

Fig. 10. — Tattooing of Plains Cree. 
From a native sketch by S. Ichikawa. 

skinner] notes on the PLAINS CREE 77 

employed was sketched in part and described by Four Clouds as 
below. Jacob Bear has seen many also. The whole body was 
covered (fig. lo), but the neck was the most painful place to mark. 
Only certain persons might do the work, and they obtained the 
right through dreams. A man who desired to be thus marked had 
to fee the tattooer well unless he dreamed 
that he must be tattooed, in which case the 
work was done free of charge. Women 
were slightly marked on the face for the 
sake of ornament (fig. ii). 

The man desiring to be decorated comes 
to the dreamer and gives him tobacco. He 
receives it, and in return sings a song asking 
mercy of the spirit powers and help from 
doing wrong. The dreamer then burns the ^"^- " — i^aciai tattoo- 

, . , . . ing of woman. Drawing 

tobacco and pomts his pipestem downward, ^ g j^hikawa 
toward the region from which the powers 

sprang. The patient then lies down, and the dreamer commences 
to operate with eight needles fastened together. As he works he 
sings '^ Musintiwhage ye eh", etc. 

The patient writhed under the torture, and some young men 
fainted or cried out that they could not stand it. It was customary, 
when it was obvious that the youth was about to succumb, to call 
his sweetheart to sit beside him and so shame him into bearing the 
pain bravely before her. \Mien the operation was finished, medicine 
to allay the inflammation was put on like a poultice and held down 
by a cover made from the hard smoked part of the skin tipi. 

Mitewin, or Medicine Lodge Society. — There were four degrees in 
the Mitewin, members of each of which were distinguished by their 
facial painting, the design of which had some relation to their 
knowledge of medicines. 

Birchbark records holding the songs and rituals were kept. It 
is said that these birchbarks had the figures of animals drawn upon 

Medicine-bags were made preferably of otter, mink, or weasel 
skin, although some of snake-skin were used. Bear-skin bags were 
regarded as evil. 

78 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

A week was dex'oted to pra\'ing and fasting before the ceremony- 
was held. Then the lodge was erected. Old people joined because 
they were instructed to do so in their dreams, young persons in 
order to be cured of illness. A person who had thus joined the 
society was a member during the remainder of his life. 

After the week of preparation (the Central Algonkin devote only 
four days to this purpose), the last day is spent in supplication to 
the gods. The Cree at Round Lake denied any knowledge of the 
origin of the society, adding that their Saulteaux friends attributed 
it not to Nanibozhu but to the "Great Spirit". The Cree said the 
songs of the society came from K'ce Manitu. It is said that it no 
longer exists at Round Lake, as all the members are dead. The few 
who still know anything about the lodge have no birchbark writings 
with which to keep record. 

Wdhanowin. — The Wdbanowin performers were accustomed to 
plunge their hands into kettles of boiling water and remove objects 
without injury to themselves. They could take things from the 
fire, because they were protected by medicines which they rubbed 
on their bodies. Sometimes one of these shamans would swallow a 
red-painted or notched stick a couple of feet long; again an empty 
revolver would be gulped down and then brought up loaded. 

Conjurors. — The order known co the Ojibwa as Nibiked, or 
Jesaked, existed also among the Plains Cree. The performer was 
bound tightly hand and foot, and placed in a little tightly made 
lodge, which he caused to shake while he prophesied. Doctors used 
to drive away evil spirits with noises. One famous man had the 
skull of his grandfather, who was a celebrated physician, to aid 
him in his work. Prayer was much used. 

Medicines. — Jacob Bear was once overcome by the medicine-doll 
love-charm. A woman secured him for intercourse during broad 
daylight. He was unconscious of what he was doing. Afterward 
friends cured him. They cut the hair on his crown and both 
temples, and applied medicines. 

Jacob Bear says the Plains Cree have many powerful love- 
medicines which other Indians buy from them. There is also a 
medicine which is tied to a tree-top to make people crazy as it 

skinner] notes on the PLAINS CREE 79 

sways in the breeze. This "crazy medicine" (also known to the 
Menomini) consisted of a hair, a bit of nail-paring, or even some 
small shreds of the victim's garment that had been secretly pro- 
cured by a malignant sorcerer. The medicine was suspended from 
the branch, and the more the wind blew the more the medicine 
danced and the crazier the victim became. 

Tl'ar Exploits and Medicines. — Once Loud Voice was in a hole 
fighting, while the others were loading guns. Loud Voice was hit 
on the head and fell down but was not killed. Then he took 
bow and arrow and shot an enemy. He was saved by the potency 
of his medicine. 

BufTalo-hoofs, or rather dew-claws, were worn on the garments 
to deflect bullets magically. 

Archeological Data Bearing on Material Culture. — ^According to 
Spotted One, Four Clouds, and Jacob Bear, arrowpoints were 
fonncrly made of moose-bone. Stone points were picked up, but 
never made. In fact, they were thought to have been manufactured 
by the Memegweciwug, or Water Dwarfs. Four Clouds corroborated 
this statement, and added that his people found stone knives already 
made or else were obliged to utilize sharp-edged natural stones. 
Elk-antler tines were hollowed out and used to point arrows. 

Clay kettles were said to have been used, but no one remembers 
how they were made. Some have been found, it is said, on old 

Three kinds of grooved clubs, or hammers, were used. There 
was a large, heaw type for crushing bones, a smaller variety of the 
same form for pemmican pounding, and a pointed one for use as a 

Acting on these suggestions, the writer examined the northern 
bank of the Qu'Appelle river near the eastern end of Round lake, 
looking over the plowed fields about the Indian school. These 
fields are known to have been old Cree camping sites, and here, 
after a tedious search, were found flint chips, stone arrowpoints of 
both the stemmed and triangular types, a pointed grooved war- 
club head of stone, and numerous tiny potsherds. A large grooved 
maul for bone crushing, found by the Rev. Dr Hugh Mackay on the 

80 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 19 14 

same fields, was kindly presented by the finder, and a small j^em- 
mican maul found on another site was presented by an Indian, 
Neil Sawflstim. Other pemmican hammers seen came from the 
fields searched by the writer. Mr Boyer, clerk at Round Lake 
agency, has a fine large groo\-ed axe found nearby. 

The natural assumption is that these objects are prehistoric 
Plains Cree relics, as all tally with Cree accounts, except the stone 
points, and articles of this kind are known to have been made by 
the Eastern Cree.^ 

Games. — The following list of games was obtained from Four 
Clouds, Jacob Bear, and Neil Sawfistim: 

Bow-and-Arrow Games.— Trials of skill between youths, each 
playing with a partner, were common. The players, to the number 
of four to six or more, would first construct a mound about three feet 
high. In this they set up a stick which formed the mark at which 
they shot with bow and arrows. The winners took the losing arrows 
after each trial. 

The hand arrow game {tcimatatowu) consisted of the same ar- 
rangement of the mark, the same number of players, and the same 
rules as for the bow-and-arrow game, but the men threw the arrows 
by hand instead of using the bow. 

The men played a \^ariety of shinny called pagattiweivin, which 
seems to have taken the place of lacrosse. A crooked stick was used 
instead of a racquet, but the goals and the ball resembled those in 
vogue in lacrosse. 

The typical women's shinny game with the double ball was 
known. The opposing sides were small, usually numbering only 
four or five players each. 

Hand ball was played by the women, and, at present at least, 
a crude sort of football is played by the youths. 

The bowl and dice game, called pugeteivin, was much played. 

The game of moccasin (hiding a bullet in one of a row of mocca- 
sins) was in vogue until recently. 

Guessing in which hand a rival held a little stick, was called the 

1 See Skinner, Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux, Anthr. Papers 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. ix, pp. 24, 52. 

skinner] notes ox THE PLAINS CREE 8 1 

"hand game". The players, as in the moccasin game, resorted 
to every contortion and artifice to deceive one another. 

In the stick game a bundle of little sticks was divided into odd 
and even numbers by one player while the other tried to guess 
which hand held the odd number. Whichever side first successfully 
guessed four times, won the game. There were two on each side, 
and one always held the odd number and his partner the even. 
The game was called tipaskn'unamatmcin . 

The cup-and-pin game was played with buffalo dew-claws 
strung on a thong and caught on a bone pin. It was called napaw- 

Snow-snake {sosiman) was played. The "snakes" were made of 
wood and were about three feet long. The head-end was fended by 
a bit of the horn cut from a two-j^ear-old buffalo bull, as such bulls 
furnished the sharpest and straightest horns. The stick was greased 
before casting, to make it slide better. 

Whipping. tops made of stone or the tips of buffalo horns were 
beaten on the ice by the boys. 

Paints. — The favorite paints in olden times were deri\ed from 
clays found in cutbanks. White, yellow, red, and black were the 
colors usually obtained. The pigment was collected, pulverized, 
mixed with water, and formed into little cakes which were baked 
in a fire made from buffalo dung until they were red-hot. They 
were then removed and cooled, and afterward were kept in small 
bags. When wanted for use, a portion was scraped oft' the cake 
and mixed with hot grease. 

Fire-making. — The bow-drill was commonly used to produce 
fire. Oak was the best wood for the shaft; the base was generally 
of cedar, but sometimes other wood was employed. When a spark 
was generated it was caught in a bit of punk. It is said that 
sometimes, when fire was needed and no bow-drill was to be had, two 
sticks were rubbed together until a spark was produced. 

Cooking. — Cooking in a bark vessel was not known to or practised 
by the Plains Cree, but stone-boiling was commonly done by both 
men and women. A hole was dug about two feet in depth and a foot 
in circumference, and lined with a bit of fresh rawhide or a buffalo's 

AM. ANTH.. N. S., 


Stomach, which was pegged down with wooden pins about the rim 
of the hole. Water was poured in, then meat and blood were 
thrown in. Hot stones were now brought from a fire near by and 
dropped into this inipro\ised kettle. In this fashion the meat was 
soon cooked. In ancient days pottery vessels are said to have been 
used, but no one now knows how they were made. 

Meat was often roasted on a spit before the fire, or it might be 
wrapped in a buffalo tripe and thrown into the embers, where it was 
kept until roasted. 

Pemmican was made by cutting buffalo meat into long thin 
steaks and drying them first in the sun, then on a rack or scaffold 
over a slow but hot fire of buffalo-chips. The dry meat was then 
placed in a buffalo rawhide, over which another was laid and beaten 
upon with a flat stone or a stone hammer, or later with a wooden 
flail. When sufificiently macerated, the meat was mixed with 
melted buffalo lard, and sometimes with dried saskatoon berries 
as a relish. The resultant compound was allowed to cool, when it 
was sewTi up in rawhide bags to keep for future use. Pemmican 
thus preserved is said to have lasted indefinitely. Parfieches were 
rarely, if ever, used by these Plains Cree; although they knew of 
them, they preferred rawhide bags. 

When lost on the plains in winter, and in need of water, the old 
people were not always able to obtain wood to melt snow, hence it 
was customary to fill a kettle with snow and carry it under the 
blanket next to the body until it melted. 

Visitors were always invited to sit in the rear of the lodge in 
former times, and food was brought to them at once. 

Tanning. — When an animal of the deer kind, or a buffalo, had 
been killed, and the Indians wished to make its skin into leather 
for clothing or tent covering, the beast was flayed and its skin 
hung on a branch or a frame, and cleansed of flesh by means of a 
serrated chisel-like scraper of the forest type. In olden times 
such scrapers were made from the shinbone of a moose or a buffalo, 
and were provided with wrist braces of thong. If the skin to be 
treated was a buffalo hide, it was next stretched and pegged to the 
ground, and the hair removed by means of a hoe scraper with an 

skinner] notes on THE PLAINS CREE 83 

elkhorn or wooden handle. If it was a light deerskin it was thrown 
over a smoothed log, obliquely set up, and the beaming tool was 
brought to bear. Next the skin was greased and heated slightly, and 
deer or buffalo liver and brains, mixed to form a tanning fluid, were 
rubbed in and the skin left in this state all night. In the morning the 
tanning fluid was scraped off and the skin worked on a string attached 
vertically to a i^ost until it was flexible; then it was pulled and dried. 
The process was now finished, but for moccasin leather or tenting 
it still had to be smoked. To accomplish this the skin was sewed 
in a bag; reversed, the bottom slung from an inclined stick or a 
tripod, and the top pegged down about a little hole in which a 
punk-wood fire burned. In winter, when it was impossible to dig 
a hole, the punk fire was made in a kettle suspended under the 
inverted bag. 

Bows, Arroic-straighteners. — For the manufacture of bows the 
preferred materials were oak or cherry wood. When the bow 
was shaped, a green hide was boiled for a long time until it was of 
glue-like consistency. It was then taken and fitted to the back of 
the bow and tied firmly in place with sinew. Sometimes a snake- 
skin was pulled over the bow to ornament and protect it. 

The bowstring was made of sinew from the back or shoulder of the 
buffalo. It was moistened in the mouth, divided into three strands^ 
and twisted into cord by rolling on the thigh with the palm. It was 
then dried, stretched, and straightened before it was ready for use. 
Stronger ropes were made for other purposes with four strands of 

To straighten warped arrowshafts, buffalo ribs perforated in the 
middle were used. Buffalo-rib or antler bows, etc., were unknown 
to the Plains Cree. 

Buffalo Robes. — Buffalo robes were fleshed and reduced to a 
desired thickness with the bone scraper, then further reduced with 
the hoe scraper. After being dried, greased, soaked in brain and 
liver fluid, and scraped, they were ready for use.^ 

Tents; Women's Celebration. — Tents were made of twenty or 

' Miss Paget's book, op. cit., p. 72 et seq., has an interesting account of these 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

more hides, and \\liik" mamifailiirrd 1)>- Avonien were alwa>-s the 
]-)rc)perl\- of the iiien. When a woman liad Ihiislicd a sufficient 
number of skins for making a tent, she asked her friends to help 
cut and sew them. There were very few women who could cut 
the skins properly, so one woman was especialh' inxited to perform 
this task, and she presided in a way. The invitations were in the 

-i .*i^\, ■_' .-'^ ^-i*T.?;"KI3' 

Fig. 12. — Cree camp. 

form of tobacco and a pipe sent by a runner, and before the work 
w^as commenced a pipe w'as ofYered to the "Great Spirit" that his 
benediction on the w^ork and workers would be given. A feast was 
held in conclusion, but no men were present. There was no 

The man painted the tents. The principal figure used in the 
ornamentation was the man's dream guardian. Minor figures were 
various gods or potent spiritual powers, and in old days coups and 
ornamental figures. Buffalo horns were painted over the door 
opening to keep away malevolent spirits. Back-rests were used 
only in the soldier tents. 

1 See Miss Paget, op. cit., p. 94. 




The lodge Jiad a three-pole foundation and a small elliptical 
door opening, with raised threshold, which was covered with a 
skin flap of the same shape but larger, and was weighted with 
a wooden binding. The smoke-flaps had the poles attached 
through sockets. The prin- 
cipal parts of. the tipi are as 
follows (see fig. 13): 

A. Wesk-ci'atemilk, guests' 
place. Place for medicine at 

B. Place outside for medi- 
cine tripod during the day. 

c. Skiiteokan, fireplace. 

D-D. Pinutakgam, the op- 
posite sides, used by the oc- 

E. Iskzi'alem, or entrance. 

Dog Sledges and Harness. 
— Dog sledges were much 
used in winter. These were 

made like toboggans, and the dogs, three or four in number, were 
hitched tandem. Each dog was harnessed with a collar made of 
wood wrapped with long grass and covered wath buffalo leather. 
The traces extended through these collars and were attached to the 
leader's collar. The leader was selected for its superior speed and 
intelligence. Dogs w^ere preferred to horses because they could 
follow a trail, even during a blinding blizzard, and needed to be fed 
only once a day. 

Shields. — Shields were always made of iron in Four Clouds* 
recollection, but covered with a soft leathern case fringed with 
eagle quills and w^easel skins, and with a band of these ornaments 
stretched horizontally across it (fig. 14). A man always emblazoned 
his shield with bars in black, red, or yellow, indicating his exploits In 
war. If the owner had been a peacemaker, he added the appropriate 
number of crosses, one for each occasion on which he rendered 
peaceful service. The shield was hung from the neck by means of 
a leather strap. This reference to Iron shields does not agree 

Fig. 13. — Plan of lodge. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

with the account of Spotted One, who says they were made of 
bull-hide stretched with a stick bent and sewn round the edge, and 
pro^•ided with thongs crossed o\-er the back to facilitate holding. 

Oii'AppcJlc Rivcr.—This stream is designated Katepoisipi, "Call- 
ing river", because the Indians used to call all kinds of game there. 

Poison. — A man suspected of poisoning an enemy was tried by 
the chief and his councillors, and if found guilty he was executed. 

Grace for food. — I have repeatedly seen the old men hold a dish 
up and pra>- before eating. 

Fig. 14. — Cree shield. Restored from description. 

Bags. — Small bags of buffalo-calf skin were seen. These were 
used for the storage of medicines. A Saulteaux specimen was 
obtained, made of the foot skins of a buffalo calf. Woven bags of 
bark fiber were formerly made. 

River crossing. — The bullboat and the bark canoe were not used, 
but Jacob Bear said he and his companions made rafts to cross the 

skinner] notes ox THE PLAIXS CREE 8/ 

Missouri and ferry o\er sledges and meat. Such rafts were made 
by cutting two large logs of equal length for the sides and lashing 
others to them crosswise. Sometimes the Indians merely lashed 
two logs together and paddled across. They twisted long grass 
together to make the ropes for this purpose. Canoes were made by 
sewing two buffalo hides o^•er a boat-shaped frame; these were for 
descending the stream. 

Months and Seasotis. — January, Otcestuwicikauii-picim, Kissing 
month; February, Megisinci-picim, Eagle month; March, Niski- 
piciin, Geese month; April, Aiiki-picim, Frog month; May, 
Sdgibiikan-picim, Leaves coming out; June, Opineauwewi-picim, 
Egg month; July, Upaskuwi-picim, Molting month; August, 
Uskauhu-picim, Rutting month; September,- Tukwagi-picim, Fall; 
October, Kuskutnu-picim, Frost everything; November, Pauwat- 
citcnkinasis-picim ; December, Pauicatukiniim-picim. 

Sikii'un, spring; tukivagm, fall; pipun, winter; nipin, summer. 

American Museum of Natural History 
New York 

Fig. Iv — Cree youths. 


A FEW >'ears ago a wall about forty feet in length and covered 
with figures in stucco was discovered on the northern side 
of a mound at Acanceh, Yucatan, one hour's rail journey 
westward from Mcrida. The place was visited and studied by 
Maler, Miss Adela C. Breton, and Professor and Madame Seler. 
Photographs of the figures taken by the first and last named visitors 
are reproduced, with a carefully prepared drawing of the entire 
wall, in Professor Seler's paper on the subject. Miss Breton has 
drawn the figures in color and has also published a brief description 
of the remains.^ Mrs James of Merida has also visited and photo- 
graphed them. 

The inscription is divided horizontally into three parts. In the 
top band there is a series of alternating symbols, probably represent- 
ing the butterfly, which may be solar, and the stellar eye symbol, 
which is conspicuous in the Mitla mural paintings.^ In the lowest 
band are alternating symbols of the planet Venus and two inter- 
twined serpentine figures which probably symbolize the year marked 
by the northward and southward course of the sun along the ecliptic, 
and its daily course above and below the horizon. But the middle 
band contains the most important and varied symbols. It is 
divided into two rows or panels, the form of which cannot easily be 
described (pi. xi). The lower row contains eleven human and 
animal figures, while the upper is composed of seven birds and two 
human figures. All face toward the west, or left, as is usual in 
Maya inscriptions. Three figures in the upper row have been com- 
pletely obliterated, — one at each end of the inscription, and the 
fourth figure from the western end, — so there seem to have been 

1 Breton, Archeeology in Mexico, Man, viii, pp. 34-37. Seler, Die Stuckfassade 
von Acanceh in Yucatan, Sitzungsberichte Koniglich Preussischen Akad. d. Wisseri' 
schafien, XLVii (191 1), pp. 1011-1025. 

2 See Spinden, Maya Art, p. 213. 



12 figures in the upper row, making a total of 23 in the middle band. 
In the lower row the third and fourth figures from the western end 
have been almost wholly obliterated. The inscription terminates 
at each end in the conventionalized figure of a large bird. The 
interstices between the panels at the top of the middle band con- 
tain sacrificial cups and feathers. The purpose of this paper is to 
interpret the symbols contained within the panels. Dr Seler has 
identified them with various animals, birds, and deities, and I 
accept this identification in many, but not all instances. 

We shall read the symbols from east to west, or from right to 
left, in accord with the direction in which the figures face, revers- 
ing the numerical sequence used by Dr Seler. Beginning then 
with the first legible symbol in the lower line on the right we perceive 
the figure of a rattlesnake. Tzab-ek, Rattle Asterism, is the Maya 
name of the Pleiades in Taurus.^ The alignment of this star group 
readily suggests the rattle of the snake. Above the rattlesnake, 
in the next compartment on the left, appears a human figure 
plunging downward head-first. The writer has given reasons in a 
former paper for identifying this figure, as it appears in a zodiacal 
sequence in the Dresden codex, with the double sign Aries-Taurus. 
It seems to represent one of a group of stars called Tzontemoc by the 
Mexicans, whose fall from heaven with the lord of the dead was 
commemorated in the Quecholli festival held when the Pleiades 
were on or near the meridian at midnight, or when the sun was in 
the opposite sign Scorpio ruled by the lord of the dead. Now, just 
at this time the Taurid meteors were most numerous in the sky. 
They were so called because they emanated from a point in Taurus 
not far from the Pleiades, so it seems probable that this falling 
figure represented the descent of one of these meteors.^ In that 
case, the first two symbols refer to the sign Taurus. 

Next to the left in the lower line is a human figure with appar- 
ently abnormal proportions, suggesting the Mexican Xolotl, lord 
of twins and of deformed and monstrous beings. He shares with 

1 Brinton, Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphs, pp. 34-35. 

2 See Hagar in Proc. Internal. Cong. Americanists, i6th Session, p. 284. Dr Seler 
thinks the face of the Acanceh figure is that of an ape. Nothing in the astronomical 
symbolism confirms this. 

90 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

his twin brother Quetzalcoatl, the Di^•ine Twin, the rulership of 
the sign Gemini, the Twins. Abo\'e him is the quetzal bird, symbol 
of the deity just mentioned, whom the Maya called Cuculcan. 
Therefore this second group of symbols seems to represent Gemini, 
the sign following Taurus in the zodiac. 

Next in the lower line is a human figure with the head of a 
crocodile or some other amphibian. It is probably Imix, the 
eighteenth Maya day-sign. This name, according to Brinton and 
Forstemann, was originally mex, the cuttlefish, but it became cor- 
rupted and the meaning later associated itself with a crocodile or 
with some indeterminate sea-monster.^ Each of the twenty Maya 
day-signs was assigned in sequence to a definite part of the zodiac, 
Imix to Cancer the Crab, the sign following Gemini.- 

Above, an ara flies downward. It is the Kinich Kakmo, the 
Sun Eye and the Ara of Fire which descended from the sky upon an 
altar at the moment of the June solstice to consume the offerings. 
The sun is in the sign Cancer at this time, and the ara is perhaps 
the most prominent symbol of the sign. It was used by the 
Mexicans as well as by the Maya.^ The symbol of speech, song, or 
sound that issues from its mouth answers to the Cancer Uinal or 
months, Kayah, Song, and Cnmku, Thunder, also to the day-sign 
Cauac, one meaning of which is given as music. The reference is 
evidently to the season of storms, the thunder being regarded as 
the celestial drum.'* 

The next zodiacal sign is Leo, and in the following panel we 
see the unmistakable figure of a puma or jaguar which denoted that 
sign in both the Maya and the Mexican codices. Beside him is the 
severed head of a human victim. Above is a pelican in the act of 
swallowing its food. This bird is not elsewhere used as a Leo sym- 
bol, so far as the writer is aware, but it is sufificiently appropriate. 
The Maya festival of fishermen and hunters held during the uinal 
month Pop, when the sun was in Leo, supports other evidence of 
the association of the Maya sign with the deity of the hunt, for 

1 See Forstemann in Bui. 28, Bur. Am^r. Ethnology, pp. 566, 567. 

2 Hagar in Proc. Internal. Cong. Americanists, 17th Session, pp. 140 et seq. 
5 Hagar in Amer. Anlhr., n. s., xv, pp. 19-23. 

* See Seler in Bid. 28, Bur. Amer. Ethnology, p. 668. 

hagar] the MAYA zodiac at ACANCEH 9 1 

the ritual of the Maya annual festivals, like those of the Peru\ians, 
Mexicans, and the Pueblo tribes of the United States, reflected the 
attributes of the sign through which the sun was passing at the time 
when the festival was held. The pelican is a greedy fisher which 
takes its prey by ho\ering over the water and plunging upon it 
when it appears. These birds often i\y in large flocks, and their 
sudden swoop upon a shoal of fish is a striking and beautiful sight. 
The significance of the pelican as a Leo symbol is clearly indicated 
in this. 

The next lower panel contains an animal which may be a lizard, 
corresponding with the fourth Mexican day-sign Cuetzpalin of 
Virgo, though its tail does not seem to pertain to the animal named. 
The iguana is frequently represented in association with Kan, the 
grain of maize, Maya day-sign of Virgo. The figure in the panel 
above is the maize deity eating a maize cake. He is dressed in 
dancing costume and carries a basket which may contain tobacco, 
as Dr Seler thinks, or food. This is the deity who presides over the 
Maya \'irgo asterism. The dancing may refer to harvest rites. 

Under Libra, the following sign, the rattlesnake appears again 
beside a peculiar crescent-shaped object which I cannot identify, 
but which, to judge from allied symbolism, may represent the light- 
ning or thunderbolt. The snake here stands for Chicchan, the 
serpent, the second Maya day-sign under Libra. This word may 
conceal the name chuch, scorpion, the insect which represents Libra 
and Scorpio in the Mexican asterisms of Tezozomoc and Sahagun, 
and the latter sign in the fifth Maj-a day-sign Tzec or Scorpion. 
Above the rattlesnake is seen an owl, the recognized symbol of the 
Death God A of the Maya codices who rules the death-signs Libra 
and Scorpio. 

In the lower Scorpio panel is figured a man seated in a chair and 
wearing an artistic head-dress, probably indicative of high rank.^ 
His open mouth, from which issues a conspicuous symbol of speech, 
and his protruding tongue identify him with the Chilan or oracular 
priest, the Mexican Tlahtoani, who announces the responses which 
he was believed to obtain from the spirits of the dead. The animal 

• See Seler in Bui. 28, Bur. Atner. Ethnology, p. 380. 

92 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

tail beliind liim may be that of a scorpion. A similar figure repre- 
sents Scorpio in the Borgian and other Mexican codices. The 
Maya held the Chilan in such veneration that when he journeyed 
he was almost invariably carried in a litter. ^ 

A bat is represented above the Chilan. This animal pertains 
to the Libra uinal Tzotz, or Bat, so we may be sufficiently presump- 
tuous to suspect that the positions of the owl and the bat have been 
interchanged by mistake, or it may be that, as Libra and Scorpio 
were regarded in the codices as one double sign, care was not taken 
to dififerentiatc the positions of the symbols relating to its two 
parts. The sign of speech or sound issuing from the mouth of the 
silent bat may indicate the oracular symbolism of the sign just 
referred to. The glyph of the evening star occurs twice beside the 
wings. The bat deity in the Maya .codices devours the light as 
ruler of the subterranean cavern into which the sun sinks at 
setting.' This is probably a symbol of the autumnal equinox when 
darkness prevails o\er light and the evening star is appropriately 
placed with these symbols of darkness and night. 

The next lower panel is partially obliterated, but what seems to 
be a tablet of some kind is supported upon two legs, probably of a 
puma, or ocelot, and at the top of the panel we seem to see the head 
and antlers of a stag. Both the ocelot and the stag are used 
as symbols of Sagittarius amongst the Mexicans, and the ocelot 
amongst the Maya also. Mazatl, deer, is the corresponding Mexican 

The long round objects to right and left should be cases of 
arrows or other weapons to correspond with the attributes of the 
war god who rules this sign. The upper panel is entirely destroyed. 

Only a trace remains visible of the figure in the lower Capri- 
cornus panel. This trace includes a flame-like object which may 
pertain to the solsticial solar deity. Above is an unknown bird. 

In the lower Aquarius panel there is the figure of a squirrel or 
rodent, suggesting the tenth Mexican day-sign, Itzcuintli, some form 
of rodent. But this day seems to pertain to the preceding zodiacal 

1 Landa (Brasseur ed.), p. 160. 

2 See Fewkes, God D, Amer. Anihr., viii, pp. 209, 210, 1895. 


sign. The bird aho\e may be a vulture, corresponding with the 
Aquarius symbol in the Borgiano and related codices. 

Finally, the Pisces panel contains a frog which may represent 
the Virgo uinal Uo, Frog, as a catasterism. With it appears the 
glyph of the uinal twent>--day period. The spiral speech or sound 
symbol issuing from its mouth may refer to the noisy croaking of 
the frogs. The upper panel is obliterated. The inscription ter- 
minates on the east in a large conventionalized bird serpent, here, 
probably, symbolizing the sky deity. 

We have now found symbols of nearly all the zodiacal signs in 
proper sequence within the panels of the middle band. Aries is 
missing, the figure which should represent it at the eastern end of 
the inscription being obliterated. Sagittarius is doubtful or com- 
pletely obliterated, and Capricornus indefinite and obliterated, 
but the other signs are all represented, and from Taurus to Sagit- 
tarius ever>' symbol has been identified, with a single exception. 
It is now a simple deduction that the sacrificial cups in the top band 
refer to those used in the zodiacal ritual of the monthly festivals, 
•each festival being governed by a difTerent zodiacal sign. And as 
for the planet symbol in the lowest band, the planets were naturally 
figured in association with the zodiac because they mo\"e onh- 
wathin it. The zodiac of Acanceh is unique in that its symbols are 
presented in a double sequence, that is with two symbols pertaining 
to each sign. 

The symbols in the lower band may pertain to the asterisms 
themsehes, those in the upper band to the deities goxerning them, 
as follows: 

Sign Asterism Governing Deity 

Aries (Missing) (Missing) 

Taurus Tzab-ek, Rattle Asterism Tzojitenwc^ 

Gemini Xolotl, Lord of Twins^ Cuculcan, the Bird-serpent 

Cancer Imix, Water Monster Kinich Ahau, Lord Sun-Eye 

Leo Balam or Tzakmid, Jaguar Pelican Deitj' 

Virgo Cuetzpalin, Lizard^ Maize Deity 

Libra Chicchan, Serpent Death God- 

' Mexican name, Maya equivalent unknown. 

^ The positions of this and the Bat deity following should apparently be inter- 

94 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Scorpio Chilati, Oracular Priest Tzotz, Bat Deity 

Sagittarius Ocelot and Stag. (Obliterated) 

Capricornus (Obliterated) A Bird Deity? 

Aquarius Itzcitintii, Rodent^ Vulture Deity? 

Pisces I'o, Frog- (Missing) 

The Acanceh zodiac differs from that of Izanial In which each 
mound bore only the symbol of the sign which governed it, but it 
is similar to the continuous band of zodiacal symbols presented in 
the mural paintings at Mitla, and the Mexican or Nahuatl influence 
is marked throughout these symbols. 

We find in this zodiac the same sequence of symbolism which 
the writer has presented in previous papers on the star chart of 
Salcamayhua and the star lists of early writers, in the plan of the 
city of Cuzco and in the annual ritual of Peru, in the codices and 
ritual, the asterisms of Tezozomoc, Sahagun, and Duran, the names 
of months and day-signs and the plan of Teotihuacan in Mexico 
and in the codices and ritual, names of months and day-signs and 
the plan of Izamal in Yucatan. The writer believes that he has 
also found this sequence and hopes later to present it in the system 
of ceques, or shrine divisions, of Cuzco, on the inscriptions at Santa 
Rita in British Honduras, on the wall paintings at Mitla in Mexico, 
and in the annual ritual of the Pueblo tribes in Arizona and New 
Mexico. There is also evidence that some of the Mexican and Maya 
temples were dedicated to zodiacal signs. And between all these 
sequences the correspondence of the symbolism is marked. To the 
writer it seems that the existence of this nearly identical sequence 
in the instances named must be granted by those who examine 
the sources of information. If this be so it indicates the wide 
distribution and the importance of the symbolism on which it is 
based. Whether this zodiacal interpretation affords a satisfactory 
explanation of the oft-recurring sequence, the reader must judge. 
But, as the writer has previously pointed out, such a series of 
sequences cannot be produced either by chance or imagination, nor 
can an explanation which consistently explains them all in proper 

1 Mexican name, Maya equivalent unknown. 

2 \'irgo as a catasterism. 


order. And the explanation is based not on the possibility of per- 
ceiving in a certain group of stars one of the countless forms which 
imagination can locate there, but first upon positive evidence 
from star charts and lists, from ceremonials and place names, that 
certain forms were located in certain asterisms, and secondly on 
the fact that the other symbols consistently fit into the positions 
to which they must be assigned in the sequence, when the position 
of any one member of that sequence has been determined. Such 
is the basis on which rests the evidence of the existence and dis- 
tribution of an American zodiac known from Peru to Arizona. And 
it should be added that the analogies between the various examples 
of this American zodiac are but little more striking than the analogy 
between it and the zodiacs of the Orient, whatever this fact may 

Brooklyn Institute of Arts .and Sciences 
Brooklyn, New York 


THIS paper is based on information obtained from many sources 
among the Oglala Lakota. Much of the information was 
fragmentary and repetitive, and none of it was systematized. 
The best was a paper written in Lakota by Thomas Tyon, an 
Oglala. This, with an interlinear translation and interpretation, 
is hereto appended. 

When Lakota words or phrases are used they are followed by a 
translation in parentheses, and if this does not express the concept 
definitely it is followed by an interpretation, also in parentheses. 

A few of the Lakota terms cannot be translated ; for instance, the 
term oma-iva-heton, which expresses the relationship of the parent of 
a married child to the parent of the one to whom the child is married. 
The suffixes -a, -ksi, or -si indicate that connubial relation 
should not be had with the one to whom the relationship is expressed. 
The sufifixes -cu, -ku, or -tkii are the equivalent of the English 
preposition "of," as, for instance, hunku (mother-of). Sometimes 
this is duplicated, as in atkukii, from athii (father-of), the duplicated 
form being used in speaking of the father of a definite person. 

The suffix -la gives to a term an endearing significance, and is 
equivalent to the English sufifixes -ie or -y in such words as "auntie" 
and "sonny." This suffix may be added to most of the terms of 
relationship. It is habitually used with some of the terms, such 
as hoksila (boy), tiinkansila (grandfather), and many others. 
The suffix -pi indicates the plural. 

The suffix -ya with terms of relationship expresses the concept 
of "considered" or "considered as." 

The relationship to the first person is expressed by the possessive 
pronoun mi preceding the term, except in those cases where the term 
expresses this relationship. The relationship to the second person 
is expressed by the possessive pronoun ni (your) preceding the term. 


walker] OGLALA kinship TERMS 97 

The relationship to the third person is expressed by the suffixes 
-cti, -kit, or -ikii, the term being preceded by the name of the one to 
whom the relation is held. 

The possessive pronoun ta (his or her) is habilualh' used with 
some of the terms of relationship, but this does not alter the manner 
of expressing the relationship to the persons; for instance, ta-wicu 
(his-woman, wife) would thus be expressed in her relationship to 

persons : 

mi-ta-micu m\- wife. 

ni-ta-wicu }our wife. 

ta-uncii-kti his wife. 

This paper is written as if by an Oglala at the time when the 
customs and usages of the Lakota prevailed among them. 

Those who speak certain dialects and conform to certain customs 
and usages are Lakota. The Lakota are allied against all others of 
mankind, though they may war among themselves. They are 
oyate ikce (native people), and are ankantu (superior), while all 
others of mankind are oyate unma (other-people), who are ihukuyi 
(considered-inferior). This is the relation of the Lakota to all 
others of mankind, and if any refuse to acknowledge this relation 
they are tokoyapi (considered-enemies), and should be treated as 

The Lakota taku-kiciyapi (consider-one-another-kindred), be- 
cause they are all either oive (of-blood, of-one-blood), or oweyj, 
(considered-of-blood). The owepi are those whose ancestors were 
owepi. The oweyapi are those who have ancestors who were 
owepi, but who have one or more ancestors who were oyate unma 
(other people). 

The bonds of relationship of the Lakota are stronger between 
the owepi than they are between the oweyapi. These bonds depend 
on the following conditions: The Lakota are divided into seven 
otonwepi (of-own-blood tribal divisions), of which the Tinta-tonwan 
(Camp-on-plains = Teton) is the principal otonive. The Tinta- 
tonwan are divided into seven ospayepi (divisions), the Oglala being 
the principal ospaye of these seven. 

AM. ANTH., N, S., l6 — 7 

98 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

The Oglala are di\ide(l into seven ti-ospaycpi (tipi-divisions = 
bands) ; each ti-ospaye is composed of one or more wko-tipi (camps) , 
and each camp is composed of two or more ti-ognakapi (husbanded- 
tipis) . 

Thus the strength of the relationship of one Lakota to another 
is in the following order: i, ti-ognaka; 2, wico-tipi; 3, ti-ospaye; 
4, ospaye; 5, otonwe. 

A ti-ognaka is established in the following manner: A man should 
take a woman to be ta-un7i (his-woman, his-wife). It is better that 
she should not be wico-we (they-blood, of his immediate family), 
whose relationship to him is not expressed by a term ending in cu, 
ksi, or si, and it is better still if she is not of ti-wahe (belonging 
to-the-tipi = any relative of his family), and it is best if she 
should not belong to his ivico-tipi (camp). It is the most fitting 
that he should woo her and wohpe (pay-the price-of-a-woman) for 
her. The price of a woman is six buffalo robes or their equivalent 
in value, and should be paid to those who have the disposal of her, 
who are, in the order of the priority of their claims: her elder sister's 
husband; her parents; her elder brother; her elder sister; her 
liunka (adopted relatives.) 

If he cannot get a woman in this manner he may take her by 
capture, that is, take her without the consent of any one. Or, some 
one may present him with a woman, in which case he must accept 
her, though if he does not wish to keep her he may present her 
to another. If he has taken a woman as captive from another 
people, it is his duty to have her bear Lakota children, and if he 
is not inclined to beget children by her he should present her to one 
who will do so. 

By whatsoever method he gets a woman, when they have con- 
sumated their sexual relationship, he becomes hingna (husband), and 
she becomes ta-win (his woman) ; or in case she is a captive from 
another people, then she becomes ta-winu (his captive woman). 

If the woman he has taken has not a tipi of her own, they 
should do as follows: If he has wohpe he should go with her to the 
tipi where she has dwelt, for he is ta-wicu-ton (possession of his wife), 
and abide there until she shall erect her own tipi. He is then wica- 


woha (buried-man) to his wife's mother and sisters, and should not 
address them, neither should they address him while he abides in 
this tipi. If he has obtained the woman in any other manner, she 
should go to the tipi where he abides. Then she becomes wino-woha 
(buried-woman) to his father and brothers, and they should not 
address her, nor she them, while she abides in this tipi. 

It becomes the man's duty to provide her with skins so that she 
may make the material for a tipi as soon as possible. This should 
be done before their first child is born, because if a child is born to 
them while either of them is ivolia, it is of the wico-we (immediate- 
family) of the one whose tipi it is born in, and does not belong to 
the one who is woha. Further, while either the man or the woman 
is woha, they do not constitute a family, and are ti-wahe of the family 
in whose tipi they abide. They cannot be counted in estimating 
a U'ico-tipi, or camp. As soon as the woman erects her tipi she 
should lead the man to it and permit him to enter preceding her, 
and he should seat himself on the catku (honor-place; at the back of, 
inside the tipi, opposite the door). Then she should make a fire on 
the oce-ti (tipi-bottom ; fireplace at center, inside the tipi), and seat 
herself at the left side of the lire before him. When she has done 
this, they are wastel-keya (established well), and are freed from 
woha, and the tipi is ti-gnaka. He becomes hin-gnaku (husband of), 
and she becomes ta-wicu-ku (his wife of), and they are counted in 
estimating a camp. If a man take a woman w^ho has a tipi of her 
own, he seats himself on the catktc, and this makes of it a ti-gnaka, 
and it is estimated in counting a camp. 

If a man take a woman who has a younger sister, or sisters, he 
has the prior claim to take them as his women, and to the H'ohpe 
for them. 

If he takes one or more of them as his additional women they 
should dwell in the tipi of the sister already married to him, and 
there will be no additional ti-gnaka established. The relation to 
one another of sisters married to the same man is expressed by the 
term teyak, and they so address one another. But if a man takes 
an additional woman who is not a sister of the one he has had, then 
she should erect and establish a ti-gnaka of her own, which will be 


counted in estiniatino a camp. A tipi that is maintained by a 
woman without a hu8l)and is ti-gnaka-sni (not husbanded tipi), 
and is not counted in estimating a camp, because it belongs to the 
ti-u'ohe from which she came. A man who has more than one 
woman is icica-bluze (polygynous man). 

Tlie man is the head of the family, and his relation to his wife is 
that of an owner, and he may do with her as he pleases without 
being accountable to any one, except that he may not cripple or 
kill her. If he should cripple or kill her, he is accountable to her 
wico-we (immediate family), who may either maim him, or take his 
life, as the case may be, or accept the price of a woman, which in 
such cases is twelve buffalo robes or their equivalent in value. He 
may abandon her at his pleasure, or present her to any one, either 
as a temporary or as a permanent gift. To give a wife temporarily 
to another is the greatest courtesy that can be shown. To refuse 
to accept such courtesy is an insult to both the man and the woman, 
which are both free to resent in a marked manner. The woman 
owns the tipi and all that pertains to it, except the man's clothing 
and accouterments, and the children are by priority hers, except 
when the woman is a captive from another people. 

Her relation to her man is that of subservience, and she may not 
abandon him without his consent. If she does so, she forfeits all 
her rights to the tipi and the children, and becomes ivino-wanzka 
(lone-woman), and the man may inflict on her such punishment as 
he sees fit, usually by disfiguring her in some conspicuous manner, 
such as cutting ofi^ her nose or one of her ears. The relationship of 
children is considered first to their mother, and then to their father, 
but they belong to their father's camp. 

The relationships within the ti-ognaka are: 
OH-wahe. Belonging to tipi. The family. 

Oti-toka-hi. Coming-from another to tipi. The guests. 

The relationships of the family are : 

Wico-we. They-blood. By blood. 

Wico-un. They-usage. By usage. 

The terms expressing the relationship of wico-un and oti-toka-hi 




are the same as those expressing the relationships of ivico-we with 
the addition of the suffix -ya. The difference between the terms for 
idco-un and those for oti-toka-hi is that the former are permanent 
while the latter are temporary. 

The binding force of the relationship depends somewhat on the 
gender, but this varies according to the ages. The genders are: 









they or those 

of the mankind. 

The ages are: 

























boy, girl, child. 



boyish, girlish, childish 

ho k steal a 




The bond of relationship is strongest toward those whose ages 
are expressed by terms which have the suffix -la, and toward the 
females of such. It is the least binding toward the old females. 

The Oglala call their collective terms of relationship wowa-hecon, 
(do-mark). The ivowa-hecon of the ti-ognaka are as follows: 

Male Female Interpretations 

Hingna Ta-win Husband of one wife, only wife, wife of 

Bluze Ta-yak Husband of more than one wife, plural 

\yUe of husband not sister of other wife. 
Mita-yak Plural wife, if sister of other wife. 

Wi-nu Wife captured from another people, or 

wife loaned temporarily. 
Ta-wicu Wife of any kind, when connubial relation 

has been consummated. 
Hunkake Hunkake Ancestor. 

Tunkan Kun Grandfather, paternal grandmother (may 

be used by any one). 



[n. s., i6, 1914 








Kunsi ralcrnal graiulniolher (used only by 

grandchildren in addressing or speaking 
of their lather's mother). 

Onci Maternal grandmother (may be used by 

any one). 

Oncisi Maternal grandmother (used in this sense 

only by grandchildren when addressing 
or speaking of their mother's mother), 
mother-in-law (when used by any other 
than the grandchildren) ; a term of 
respect used when addressing any very 
old woman, i. e., wino-hca. 
IMaternal grandfather (used in this sense 
only by grandchildren when addressing 
or speaking of their mother's father), 
father-in-law (when used by any other 
than the grandchildren). 
Paternal grandfather (used in this sense 
only by grandchildren when addressing 
or speaking of their father's father) ; a 
term of respect used in addressing any 
very old man, i. e., wica-hca; a title of 
respect given to a high ofiftcial, such as 
the President of the United States; it 
is also a title of address by the Oglala 
to their superior god, Wi, the Sun. 

Omaheton The term used only by the parents of a 

married daughter when addressing her 
husband's parents. 
The term used only by the parents of a 
married son when addressing his wife's 
Father, mother. 

Papa (used only by children when address- 
ing their father or his brother). 
Mama (used only by children when ad- 
dressing their mother or her sister). 

Cun Son, daughter. 

Tokaza Grandchild. 

Wino-tokaza Grandson, granddaughter. 























Son, daughter, a definite person. 

Son, daughter, so addressed by the father 
and his brothers, and by the mother and 
her sisters, all of whom may address 
the son and daughter by the following 
ordinal terms: 

Son, daughter, first born. 

Son, daughter, second born. 

Son, daughter, third born. 

Son, daughter, fourth born. 

Son, daughter, fifth born. 

Son or daughter, last born. 

Son or daughter, one of twins. 

The following eight terms designate the relationship of the 
father's and mother's and father's brothers, and mother's sister's 
children to each other: 


Eldest brother, eldest sister, of male. 

Eldest brother, eldest sister, of female. 

Younger brother, younger sister, of male. 

Younger brother, younger sister, of 

The relation that the father's brother's 
children bears to the mother's sister's 
children, and vice versa. 

Relative to male, brother-in-law, sister- 
in-law (the elder sister of wife). 

Relative to male, sister-in-law (the 
younger sister of wife), and brother's 

Relative to female, brother-in-law (the 
sister's husband), sister-in-law (the 
brother's w'ife). 

Relative to female, uncle (the husband of 
the father's sister), and male cousin 
(the son of father's sister), sister-in-law 
(the wife of husband's brother), and 




















104 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

female cousin (tlie daughler of father's 

Taliansi Hankasi Relative to male, uncle (husband of 

father's sister), and nephew (child of 

sister), aunt (the wife of the mother's 

brother), and niece (the child of the 

Tonzan Tonska Relative to male, nephew, niece (child of 

wife's brother). 
Tozan Toska Relative to female, nephew, niece (child 

of brother or of husband's sister). 
Leksi Tonwin Uncle (the brother of the mother), aunt 

(the sister of the father). 
Hunka-wanzi Wino-htin Brother, sister, in a fraternal manner. 

Hunka Hunka Relative adopted with ceremony. 

Ateya Foster-father. 

My father's brother's children and my mother's sister's children 
speak to and of my father and mother as if these were their own 
parents, while my father and mother speak to and of such children 
as if they were their own. The terms of relationship of the father's 
and mother's children, and of the father's brother's children, and 
of the mother's sisters' children are the same as if they were all 
children of the same family. 

To make the distinction between the actual father and mother 
and their children, and the father's brothers' and mother's sisters' 
and their children, possessive ki (own) is used, usually with a 
pronoun following the term of relationship, for instance: 

tiblo (her elder brother) may be the son of her father or of her 
father's brother, or of her mother's sister. Tiblo wicaki (her elder 
brother their own) would be the son of her father. 

The same conditions apply to step-relatives. 

Text 1 

Lakota agina wowahecon tona un kin lenakeca ye lo 
Lakota among relationship as-many use the all-these 
The Lakota use all these terms of relationship. 

1 This is a copy of a paper written in Lakota by Thomas Tyon, an Oglala, with 
interlinear translation and interpretation. The terminal words lo, pe lo, we lo, and 
ye lo constitute an oral period as used in English composition, and they are represented 
accordingly in the translation. 

walker] 0GL.4L.-1 kinship TERMS I05 

Tokahcya -uviina li-anji lincaxa tawicun ton kij han taivicii mitaivicu 
Beginning now one man wife has own when wife my-wife 

The beginning is when a man has his own wife he addresses her as mi-ta-wicu. 

eya cekiya lo Na inx winyan kin mihingna eya cekiya lo 
says addresses . And while woman the my-husband says addresses . . 
While the woman addresses him as mi-hingna. 

Wanna hctan tokaheya ■n.'oii'ahecon otokaheya iyaye lo 

Now from-this beginning relationship beginning-of reckoned 
Now the relationship is reckoned from this beginning. 

Iho wanna cinca ivanji hokxila ca tonpi kinhan iyohakapa -wanji 
Well now child one boy may-be born the-when afterwards one 
Well now if a child is born it may be a boy, and then if afterwards another is 

tonpa yiinkan wicincala ca tonpi kinhan hokxila kin wacekiyan kte 
born and-if girl may-be born the-when boy the I-address will 

born it may be a girl, and then if the boy addresses the girl he will say mi-tanksila. 

cinhan mitanksila eya lo Na inx wicinca kin wacekiyin kte cinhan 
the-when my-younger-sister says . And while girl the I-address will the-when 

While the girl in addressing him will say tiblo. 

tiblo eye lo Iho wanna ake iyohakapi wanji yuhapi yunkan ake 

elder-brother says . Well now again afterwards one have and-if again 

Well now again if they have one and it is a boy, then when 

hokxila kinhan tokapapi qon heyus cekinyapi kte cinhan nnma winyan 

boy the-when first-born said either address will the-when other female 

those first born address him, though one is a female and the other a male, they will 

na unma wica qeyax nonpin yan misunkala eyapi lo Nahan 

and other male though both speak my-younger-brother say . And-when 
both speak the same and say mi-sunkala. And when 

inx eya hakakta kin wacekinyin kte ciiihan unma ciye eye lo 
while says youngest the I-address will the-when other older-brother says . 
the youngest addresses his elder brother he will say ciye. 

Nahan nnma kin tanke eye lo Iho hecel wicoivepi qon hena winyan 
And-when other the elder-sister says . Well thus family said those female 
And when his elder sister he says tanke. Well in this family in case the first is a 

wan tokapi ehantanx cunwe eya cekinpe lo Na haktala qon he he 

a first in-case older-sister say address . And youngest said that that 
female they address her as cunwe. And if the youngest is a female 

mitankala eya cekinyape lo Nahan wicowepi nonp wicapi ehantanx 
my-younger-sister say address . And-when family two males in-case 
they address her as mi-tankala. And when in case there are two males in the 

tokapa qon he ciye eya cekinyapi lo Na hakatala qon he 

first said that elder-brother say address . And youngest said that 

family they address the first born as ciye. And they address the 


misunkala cya cckinyapc lo Iho licccl icicasa wan ivinyan won 

my-younger-brother say acUIress . Well thus man a woman a 

youngest as ml-sunkala. Well it is thus, if a man and a woman are 

kici kiciytiza qon he tiblokic tankaku nainx 

together hold-each other said that clder-brothcr-of younger-sister-of and-while 
married and together as mentioned, then in case the woman has an elder brother, a 

cuwekii esa yukc ehantanx icinyan kin le hinknaku kin le 
elder-sister-of if there-are in-case woman the this husband-of the this 
younger sister, and an elder sister, the husband of this wife will call her sisters tanka. 
tawicti kin tanka yin ktc lo 

wife the younger-sister says will . 

Na wica ehantanx tahan yin ktc lo Na inx eya hektakiya 

And male in-case brother-in-law says wlil . And while says in-reply 

And in this case he calls the male tahan. And he will say in replying, 

tahan eya kte lo Na winyan kin han inx wica kin na 

brother-in-law says will . And woman the when while male the and 

'^li^"- And in such case the woman will say xice. 

xice eyin kte lo Iho hecel wicaxa nonp tanhan kiciyapi qon 
brother-in-law says will . Well thus men two tanhan call-each said 

Well when two men call each other tanhan and their 
icincapi kin hena iyuha -icinyan na inx wicapi qon hena winyaripi qon 
children-of the those all female and while males said those females said 
children are as mentioned, a female and males, in case the female children of the 
hena atkukupi cincapi qon winyan ca wacekinyan kte ehantanx xicexi 
those fathers-of children sd female may-be I-address will in-case cousin 
fathers address the males they will say xicexi. 
eya lo 
say . 

Na wica kin wacekinyin kte cinhan hankasi eya lo Wicasa nonp 
And male the I-address will the-when cousin say . Men two 

And the male addressing the female will say hankasi. When two 

tanhan kiciyapi qon unma tanhanku cinca wanji cekinyin kte civilian 
tanhan call-each other said other tanhan-of child one addresses will the-when 
men call each other tanhan if one addresses the child of the other, in case it is a 
winyan ehantanx tonjan eya lo 
female in-case niece says . 
female he says tonjan. 

- Na ivica kifihan tonxka eye lo Kinhan inx eya cekinyapi kte ehan- 

And male the-when nephew says . The-when while say address will in- 

And if it is a male he says tonxka. While if they address him in such case they 

tanxlekxieyapiktelo Nahan tawicu kin inx eya hak taku cinca 

case uncle say will . And-when wife the while says youngest-brother-of child 

will say lekxi. And if his wife addresses her youngest broth child, may 

walker] OGLALA kinship TERMS 10/ 

kin ceiinca kinyin ktc cinJuin ivinyan ca cekinyan kte cinhan tn 
the addresses- them will the-when female may-be addresses will thc-when niece 
be it is a female when she will address it and say tonjan. 

eye lo Wica ehantanx toxka eye lo 
says . Male in-case nephew says . 
If a male she says toxka. 

Nci i)!x eya aekinyapi kte nonpin tonunn eyapi ktc lo 
And while say address will both aunt say will . 
And both when they address her will say tonwin. 

Iho li'icaxa wan taiiicu qon he lawicu kin atkuku kin cekinyan tun- 
Well man a wife said that wife the father-of the addresses father- 
Well when a man addresses the father of his wife he will say tunkansi. 

kansi eye kte lo Na inx conwintku hingnaku kin cekinyin kte ehantanx 
in-law says will . And while daughter-of husband-of the addresses will in-case 
And in case he addresses the husband of his daughter he will say 

mitakos ayin kte lo Nahan hehanl ivicaxa ivanji tawicn hunku kin 
my-son-in-law says will . And-when then man one wife mother-of the 
mi-takos. And then when a man addresses the mother of his 

cekinyin kte cinhan oncisi eyin kte lo Kin hana inx eya mita- 
addresses will the-when mother-in-law says will . The when while says my-son-in- 
wife he will say oncisi. While she will address him as 

kos eyin kte lo 
law says will . 

Iho ito miya un Thomas Tyon micinca kin cincapi kin hena takoza 
Well so I am Thomas Tyon my-child the children the those grandchild 
Well I am Thomas Tyon, and the children of my child I call takoza. 

-iiica waye lo Kin inx timkansila mayanpe lo 
them I-call . The while grandfather call-me 
While they call me tunkansila. 

Ilehanyan hecetu we lo 

So far correct 
This is correct so far. 

Iho ake winyan wanji kiciwaun yunkan ehantanx cinca yuke 
Well again woman one I-am-together and-if in-case child there-is 
Well again, if I marry a woman and in case she already has a child, then I will 

cinhan cinca kin tawangan wayin ktc lo Na i^ix ate mayan kte lo Iho 
the-when child the step-child I-call will . And while papa call-me will . Well 
call this child tawangan. And it will call me ate. Well 

hecel micinca kin tawicu kin atkuku kin omawahetun wayin kte lo Na iiix 
thus my-child the wife the father-of the omawahetun I-call will . And while 
thus I will call the father of my child's wife omawahetun. And he 


eya omahctiin niay'ni kte lo 
says omahetun calls-me will . 
will call me omahetun. 

Xa Ickxi ciiica kin icacipi kin hciia tahanxi wicawayin Idc Jo 
And iiticle oiiiklrcn the males the those nephew I-call-them will . 
And I will fall the male children of my wife's brother tahanxi. 

Na uinyanpi kin hena hankaxi wicawayin kte lo Na inx eya ivicapi 
And females the those niece I-call-them will . And while say males 
And I will call his female children hankaxi. And the males will call 

kin hena tahanxi mayanpi kte Jo Nahan na winyanpi kin hena xicexi 
the those imcle call-me will . And-when and females the those uncle 
me tahanxi. And the females will call me xicexi. 

mayanpi kte lo Jho hclianl ivinyan nonp wicabluze kin teyaku 
call-me will . Well then women two polygynous the plural-wife-of 
Well, when two women are married to one man they will call each 

kiciyapi kte lo Wowahecon kin he cutve kiciyapi qiiyax onpi 
call-each other will . Relationship the that sisters call-each other though use 
other teyaku. Sisters do not use this term of relationship for when they ad- 

xni miteyaku kin eya cekiciyapi lo Iho liecel ito vntawicii 
not my-plural-wife-of they say address-each other . Well thus so my-wife 
dress each other they say mi-teyaku. When I speak of my wife's 

atkiiku kin tnnkan waye lo Na mitaivicu hunkii kin oncisi 
father-of the grandfather I-say . And my-wife mother-of the mother-in-law 
father I call him tunkan. And I call my wife's mother oncisi. 

waye lo Na inx nonpin takos mayanpi lo Na mitawicn kin atknku 

I say . And while both son-in-law call-me . And my-wife the father-of 

While they both call me takos. My wife's father and her 

na hunku kin kici omahetun kiciyapi lo 
and mother-of the each other omahetun call-each other . 
mother call each other omahetun. 

Na mitaivicu wicoivepi kin tona winyanpi kin iyulia hanka %vicaw- 
And my-wife family the as-many females the all hanka I-call- 
And I call all the females of my wife's family hanka. 

aye lo 
them . 

Na inx iyuha xice mayanpi lo Na mitaivicu hakataku wi- 

And while all xice call-me . And my-wife younger-brother-of they- 
And they all call me xice. And I call all of my wife's real j^ounger 

caki iyuha tanlian wicawaye lo Na i?ix eya tanhan mayanpe lo 
own all tanhan I-call-them . And while say tanhan call-me 
brothers tanhan. And they call me tanhan. 

walker] OGLALA kinship TERMS IO9 

Iho Iiccel micinca li'inyan kin cewakinyin kle cinhan ciinksi cpin kte lo 
Well thus my-child female the I-address will the-when cunksi I-say wil . 
Well thus when I address my female child I will say cubkxi. 

Na li'ica kin cinkxi epin kte lo Xa .iux mitaicicu kin han conwintku kin 
And male the cinkxi I-say will . And while my-wife the when daughter-of the 
And I will say to the male cinkxi. And when my wife addresses her daughter she 

cinhan cunkxi eyin kte lo Nahan cinca wica kin ecekinyan kte cinhan 
the-when cunkxi says will . And-when child male the address-to will the-when 
will say cunkxi. And when she addresses her male child she will say 

cinkxi eyin kte lo 
cinkxi says will 

Iho hecel ito micinca li'inyan he tuive tokeca wa'uiyunga cinhan 
Well thus so my-child female that who another I-speak-to the-when 
Well thus when I speak to another of my female children I will say this. 

heyin kte lo He tuwa cunwintkii so eyin lo Nahan micinca ivica kin 

say-this will . That who daughter-of ask says . And-when my-child male the 

I speak of her as cunwintku. And when my child is a male I 

kicihan he tuwe cinhintku so eyin kte lo Nahan micinca xni ehantanx 
when-for that who son-of ask say will . And-when my-child not in-case 
will speak of him as cinhintku. And when I speak of my step-child 

he tiiwe '■ tankii^ so eyapi lo 
that who step-child-of ask say 
I say tanku.' 

Na nakun he tima tawanganku so eyapi lo 
And if that who step-child ask say 
And if a step-child I say tawanganku. 

Iho hehanyan slolwa ye lo 
Well this-much I-know 
Well this is as much as I know. 
P'ORT LuPTON, Colorado 

• This alludes to the father's brother's children and the mother's sister's children. 
See above, page 103. 



Meeting of October 28, 1913 

A special meeting of the Society was held October 28, 191 3, in the 
National Museum building at 4:30 o'clock. 

Dr Ales Hrdlicka addressed the Society-, his subject being The 
Results of a Recent Trip to Peru, with Remarks on the Anthropological 
Problems of that Country, illustrated with lantern slides. In 1910 the 
speaker made a brief exploratory trip in Peru, which resulted in the 
acquisition of some valuable data and of important skeletal collections. 
The opportunity to extend the investigations came during the early 
part of 1913, in connection with the preparation of the anthropological 
exhibits for the Panama-California Exposition at San Diego. Three 
busy months were spent on the coast and in parts of the mountain region 
of Peru, in exploration of ruined cities and ancient cem.eteries. The prin- 
cipal objects of the trip were (i) the mapping, as far as possible, of the 
anthropological distribution of the prehistoric Peruvians, more particu- 
larly the coast peoples; (2) the determination of the physical type of the 
important Nasca group, which represents one of the highest American 
cultures; (3) further inquiry into man's antiquity on the western coast 
of South America; and (4) the extension of the speaker's researches in 
pre-Columbian pathology. The conclusions to which Dr Hrdlicka was 
formerly led were in the main corroborated. In regard to the mountain 
regions much remains to be determined. As to the pathology of the 
native Peruvians before contact with whites, the main work can perhaps 
be now regarded as practically finished, although individual variation 
in different morbid processes seems inexhaustible, and much in this line 
remains to be accomplished by future investigation. The ground covered 
was extensive and the skeletal material examined was enormous, the 
collections alone filling more than thirty boxes. No excavation was 
conducted, attention being restricted, on the coast, to the bones covering 
the surface of ancient cemeteries, exploited by the peones, and to burial 
caves and houses in the mountains. 

Since Dr Hrdlicka's trip to Peru three years ago, a change for the 
worse was observed in the state of preservation of the ancient remains. 
Also, where formerly there were seemingly inexhaustible quantities of 



skeletal material, there is now a dearth of it. Xo such collection as that 
made in 1910, when the speaker gathered 3,400 important crania, will 
ever again be possible from these regions. The major part of the old 
population of the coast region belongs to the brachycephalic type, 
intimately related to the Maya-Zapotec type in the north. Wherever 
they lived, these people of the Peruvian coast were wont to practise, 
more or less, the antero-posterior head deformation. Everywhere along 
the coast there are evidences of more or less admixture with a more 
oblong-headed element closely related to the Aztec and Algonquian 
types of North America. As among the North American Pueblos, 
nowhere was the aboriginal Peruvian population at any time as great 
as the relatively numerous cemeteries or ruins might lead one at first to 
suppose, for these burial grounds and ruins date from different, although 
not far distant, periods. 

The work done, while to some extent establishing a foundation, is 
merely a fair beginning. Similar investigations and collections wait 
urgently on the anthropologist in the important districts of Piura, Eton, 
and Moquegua, on the coast; in the western sierras from the neighbor- 
hood and latitude of Cajamarca to Arequipa; and in the eastern high- 
lands from Tiahuanaco to Moyobamba. The most important problems 
that await solution are (i) the derivation of the Peruvians; (2) the time 
of their advent into the country; (3) the extension and exact physical 
characteristics of the Aymara and Quechua; and (4) the genetic relations 
of the Peruvian to the Argentina and Chilean aborigines. Besides, there 
remains to be established in many places the correlation of culture with 
the physical type of the people. Dr Hrdlicka repeated what he stated 
in a former report, that, owing to the lack of scientific supervision of a 
great majority of the excavations that have been conducted in Peru, 
the archeological collections from that country consist of little more 
than curiosities which it is impossible to refer either to any definite 
people or to any specific period. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of November 4, 1913 

At a special meeting of the Society on November 4, 1913, Dr John 
R. SwANTON, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, read a paper 
entitled The Indian Village. Dr Swanton said that while it is a common 
notion that country life preceded urban life, this view is hardly correct, 
urban life in its germ going back almost as far as man himself. 
He then took up the various factors tending to produce the village, 

112 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

determine its character, and subsequently knit it together. These he 
found to be of three orders— material, social, and religious. Among the 
first he enumerated material available for the construction of houses, 
position with reference to the food supph" and fresh water, and occa- 
sionally also position with reference to the sun. Among social factors 
he treated trade, desire for exchange of ideas, need of mutual protection, 
and relationship, especially in the peculiar form it assumed under totem- 
ism. Finally the growth of a village or town cult was traced from the 
practical independence of shamanism pure and simple to the complete 
town ritual, sometimes directly, sometimes through the fusion of clan 
ceremonies, and sometimes through the rituals of religious or other 
societies. These factors were illustrated by reference to the tribes of 
the North Pacific coast and the Gulf area. A possible evolution was 
suggested in three stages: first, the haphazard collection of hunters, 
fishers, or perhaps agriculturists, in a certain spot; second, the develop- 
ment of social relations among them, particularly through intermaniage; 
and, third, a religious seal or stamp of unity, though it was not the 
speaker's intention to set this up as a hard-and-fast process of evolution. 
It was noted that totemic clans among some tribes might have been 
evolved in a similar manner. In conclusion a brief comparison was made 
between the Indian village and the modern city, attention being called 
to the fact that in the latter the most important determining factor is 
trade, while in the former relationship, religious observances, and to 
some extent motives of protection, were much more prominent. 

The subject was discussed at some length by Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, 
who confined his remarks to the village in the social organization of the 
Iroquois. The basis of the social organization was actual or fictitious 
blood kinship traced through the mother. The cohesiveness of the 
several units was obtained through the ties of duty and privilege sub- 
sisting between clans united by the marriage of their sons and daughters. 
The clans were organized into two phratries or sisterhoods of clans, 
one of which represented the masculine and the other the feminine, in 
nature. This division was maintained in all public meetings. The one 
side was therefore called the "father side", and the other the "child 
side", which of course was the "mother side". Strong lines of actual 
or artificial kinship and cleavage existed between these two groups. 
The clan totems have no especial religious significance at present, that 
is, there are no ceremonies in honor of them. That there were such in 
early times is quite possible. The decadence of the worship of the clan 
totem was due probably to the unification of the clan government into 


that of the tribe, and, hiter, of the tribe into that of the confederation. 
The great influence of the council of women, composed of mothers only, 
in the affairs of the village and tribe and confederation was emjihasized, 
and illustrated by the effectiveness with which they could stop or prevent 
a war. They needed only to forbid their sons to engage in warlike activ- 
ity under i^enalty of becoming outlaws to the tribe and confederation. 
The gradual adoption of the Tuscarora tribe of North Carolina by the 
Iroquois League on motion of the Oneida as their sponsors, was described, 
the Tuscarora being first regarded as infants, then as boys, then as 
huntsmen who were not allowed to take part in the wars and councils 
of the League, and finally as warriors having their chiefs to represent 
them in the Federal Council of the League. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of November 25, 1913 

The 469th regular meeting of the Society was held November 25, 
1913, in the new building of the National Museum, the president, Mr 
G. R. Stetson, in the chair. 

Dr Daniel Folkmar, who has charge of the report on "Mother 
Tongue" in the Bureau of the Census, addressed the Society on Some Re- 
sults of the First Census of European Races in the United States. Statistics 
of the mother tongue, or native language, of the "foreign white stock" 
of the United States are presented in the report soon to be issued by the 
Bureau of the Census. It was prepared under the supervision of the 
chief statistician for population, assisted by the speaker as expert special 
agent. There were presented, for the first time in the census, .figures 
directly relating to the ethnic composition of the white population of the 
United States, in so far as that is indicated by the native language. This 
term is taken to mean the language of customary speech in the homes of 
immigrants before immigration. 

One of the most interesting facts disclosed in this report is the great 
numerical preponderance which is still held by the mother tongues of 
northwestern Europe as a whole, notwithstanding the high rank numer- 
ically which has been gained by a few individual mother tongues from 
eastern and southern Europe — especially the Italian, Polish, and Yiddish. 
These three now^ stand third, fourth, and fifth in rank. The English 
mother tongue is by all odds the one most largely represented in the 
foreign white stock of the United States. The number, 10,037,420, is 
considerably greater than that of the German mother tongue, which 
latter contributes more than one-fourth (27.3%) of the total foreign 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6— 8. 

114 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s, i6, 1914 

white stock of tlio Uiiitcd States as reported in i()i(). Italian, Polish, 
and Yiddish come next in rank, but none of them number as much as 
one-fourth of the German. To tlu'se three mother tongues, intermediate 
in rank but considerable in numbers, may be added the Swedish, French, 
and Norwegian, all belonging to northwestern Europe, except a portion 
of the French. No other mother tongue than the eight thus far enumer- 
ated furnishes as much as 2% of the total of the foreign white stock of the 
United States, or numbers as much as 1,000,000. The eight major 
mother-tongue stocks already named account for 87.5% of the total 
foreign white stock. 

How small a factor the " new" immigration from southern and eastern 
Europe really is, to the present time, may be better shown by comparing 
it with the total white population of the United States. Taking as 
100% the total white population of the United States in 1910, numbering 
81,731,957, the so-called "native stock" constitutes 60.5% and the three 
great linguistic families of foreign stock from northwestern Europe con- 
stitute 27.1%, making a total of 87.6%. The elements from southern 
and eastern Europe constitute, therefore, less than 13% of the total. 
Of this the two principal Latin mother tongues — the French and the 
Italian — contribute less than 5%, and the two principal Slavic mother 
tongues — the Polish and the Bohemian — and the Hebrew, taken together, 
contribute also less than 5%, leaving to all the remaining mother tongues 
another 5%, or less, of the total. Of the total foreign white stock of 
the United States, 32,243,382, there are 8,817,271 persons who are of 
German stock when counted according to mother tongue, but a trifle 
under 8,500,000 (8,495,142) of German stock when counted by their 
country of origin, Germany. 

Immigrants from Austria are far more Slavic than Germanic. Rus- 
sian immigration is shown to be far more Hebrew (52.3%) than Russian 
(2.5%) or even Slavic. Immigration from Turkey in Europe is not so 
much Turkish as Greek and Bulgarian. Both the first and the second 
generations of immigration from Russia show that more than 50% report 
Yiddish and Hebrew as their mother tongue. The returns for "Yiddish 
and Hebrew" reflect ethnic composition less satisfactorily than the returns 
for other mother tongues. A part (how large a part there is no means 
of judging) of those whose ancestral language is Hebrew doubtless have 
reported German, English, Polish, or other mother tongues. Of the total 
number of Yiddish-speaking people 838,193 come from Russia, 144,484 
from Austria-Hungary, 41,342 from Roumania, 14,409 from the United 
Kingdom, and 7,910 from Germany, 


The paper was discussed by Messrs Stetson, Hough, and Farquhar, 

and Mrs James. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of December 9, 1913 

A special meeting of the Society was held at 4.30 P. M., December 9, 
1913, in Room 43 of the new National Museum building, the president, 
Mr Stetson, in the chair. About fifty persons were present. 

Dr Charles B. Davenport, of the Carnegie Institution, director 
of the laboratory at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, addressed the 
Society on Man from the Standpoint of Modern Genetics. He said that 
the problem of the origin of species has now become largely reduced to 
the problem of the origin and survival of the characters of the species. 
Since groups differentiated by a single character are called biotypes, the 
question of the origin of species is now that of the origin of biotypes. 
Man is a congeries of biotypes. If these do not exist as distinct elemen- 
tary species it is because of the tremendous hybridization that is taking 
place between biotypes. These biotypes are most nearly realized in 
islands, peninsulas, and out-of-the-way places. The most distinct 
of the human races exist today in such places as Australia and Ceylon, 
the Japan islands (Ainos), Cape Horn, and inside the Arctic circle 
within the Old and the New World. But in small islands of the coast 
where people have been long settled and little disturbed, they tend to 
approach a pure race or biotype. 

Under the shelter of this isolation, incidentally, opportunity has been 
afTorded for an adjusted race to spring up; but there is danger of deteri- 
oration through too close interbreeding. Hybridization, as stated, is 
constantly preventing the complete development of these biotypes. This 
hybridization has gone on with man since early times, so that few biotypes 
are now actually realized. It is now going on faster than ever, and even 
the rare fairly pure biotypes are fast disappearing from the globe. The 
work of the anthropologist of the future must be largely with these 
hybridized biotypes; his principal study will be the inheritance of the 
various difTerential tiaits. 

The method of inheritance of some of these traits has already been 
studied. Thus we know that the brown iris is dominant over its absence, 
as seen in blue eyes. The skin color of the negro is complex, being due 
to two double (or four) factors; and these may work independently of 
one another, so that we have over two, three, or four pigment factors in 
the skin, producing the typical quadroon, mulatto, Sambo, and full negro 


skin colonvti(Hi. Hark brown hair is doniiiiant over l)lond hair; so that 
when both ixirents have only blond hair the childien are all blonds. 
Two red-haired parents have only red-haired offspring. But two glossy 
black-hairetl parents may carry red hidden and so have red-haired chil- 
dren, as we so often see among the Irish. Kinky or curly hair is dominant 
over straight. Two straight-haired parents have, typically, only straight- 
haired children. 

Many "hereditary diseases" depend on a "diathesis", a non- 
resistance that is clearly inherited, and if matings of like or of relations 
occur extensively, we have the elements necessary for the production of 
a biotype. Among such diseases are Huntington's chorea, presenile 
cataract, and night blindness. Other diseases are inherited as sex-linked 
characters— such are color blindness and the "bleeding tendency". 
Very striking is the tendency to produce a real biotype of the imbecile 
class, because imbeciles tend to segregate themselves and to intermarry. 
This is the reason why we get such histories as the Nams of New York, 
the Hill Folk of Massachusetts, the Pineys of New Jersey, and the Jukes 
of New York. Any condition that fav.ors consanguineous matings, or 
matings of likes, favors the fotmation of a variety of the human race, 
as Dr Alexander Graham Bell (the Francis Galton of America) long ago 
pointed out. Thus most institutions which do not provide permanent 
custodial care tend to promote such marriages; for example, among 
the deafmutes. tubercular, nervous, paupers, and even alcoholics and 
users of narcotics. On the other hand, in consequence of social strati- 
fication, fine near-biotypes, like the Lowells of Boston, the Dwight 
Woolseys of Connecticut, the Bayard-Jay-Livingston complex of New 
York, and the "first families of Virginia" have arisen. Actors tend to 
marry each other and so rapidly produce nearly pure strains of histrionic 
talent. This nation owes more than it recognizes to its strains of in- 
ventors, surgeons, commanders, statesmen, authors, artists, and financiers 
that have made her famous and given her the high standing she has 
attained in the family of nations. 

Thus biotypes in man prove to be real things, and their study is 
quite as much within the proper field of research of the anthropologist 
as are the commonly recognized races of men. 

The paper was discussed by Doctor Hrdlicka. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 


Meeting of December i6, 1913 

At the 470th regular meeting of the Society held December 16, 1913, 
Mr James Mooney, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, delivered an 
address on The Gaelic Factor in the World's Population. The speaker 
dealt chiefly with the Irish Gaels and drew a distinction between the 
Irish of native Gaelic stock and the unassimilated alien element massed 
in several of the northeastern counties as the result of the "Plantations" 
under James I and Cromwell. This alien element was of English and 
Lowland Scotch stock, with a slight Highland Gaelic infusion, Protestant 
in religion and mostly Unionist in politics, while those of the old native 
stock were as solidly Catholic and Nationalist. Speaking broadly, in 
Ireland the Catholics represent the original Gaelic stock; the Episco- 
palians, those of English stock; and the Presbyterians and Methodists, 
those of Scotch origin, constituting respectively about 74, 13, and 11% 
of the total population. The present Gaelic race of Ireland is a blend of 
the Gael proper, a Keltic people who arrived in the country probably 
from northern Spain about 1000 B. c, and of all other races who preceded 
or followed them up to the end of the thirteenth century, including the 
neolithic man, the unknown megalith builders, the dark-haired Firbolg, 
the Picts, Danes, Xormans, and Welsh. The Irish immigration to the 
American colonies previous to the Revolution was mainly of the alien 
Scotch and English element, known sometimes as Scotch-Irish. The 
Gaelic Irish immigrants did not begin to arrive in any great number 
until after the war of 1812, excepting in Maryland. 

The w-ars growing out of the Reformation and the Stuart contests 
reduced the Irish race from an estimated 2,500,000 in 1560 to about 
960,000 at the end of the Cromwellian war in 1652. In 1845 it reached 
its maximum estimate of 8,500,000. Then came the great famine of 
1846-47. Within three years nearly 1,500,000 perished of hunger or 
famine fever. This started the great flood of emigration through which 
Ireland has lost virtually half of its population within sixty years. In 
191 1 it stood at 4,390,219, the lowest point reached in more than a 
century. Owing to governmental and economic conditions this decrease 
has been chiefly at the expense of the old native Gaelic stock rather than 
the Planter stock, the Gaelic percentage, as indicated by the religious 
statistics, having fallen from 83 to 74. In the sixty years ending March 
31, 191 1, according to the official British figures, 4,191,552 emigrants 
left Ii eland, or nearly as many persons as are now living in the country. 
About 3,000,000 of these came to the United States, the total Iiish 


iminigralion U) this country from 1S21 to 1900 being', oflirialh-, 3, ■'^71, 253. 
From 1821 to i<S50 the Irish constituted nearh- half of all our immigrants. 
Pre\ious to the Revolution the "Scotch-Irish" immigration was so great 
that in an official Parliamentary inquiry in 1778 it was asserted that 
nearK half the American RcNolutionary arm\- was of Irish origin. Since 
1870 the number of Irish-born in the United States has steadily decreased, 
by death and dwindling immigration. According to the census of 1910 
there are now in the United States — Irish born, 1,352,155; American 
born of full Irish parentage, 2,141,577; American born, one parent born 
in Ireland and the other in the United States (in most cases the result 
of an Irish immigrant niarr\ing an Irish American), 1,010,628; total of 
Irish birth or parentage, 4,504,360. This does not include any of the 
811,000 non-French Canadians in the United States, of whom a large 
proportion are of Iiish blood, nor any of the 876,000 coming from Eng- 
land, of whom also a large number are of Irish origin. Neither does it 
include any of the 1,177,000 American born "of mixed foreign parentage," 
including such parentage combinations as Irish and German, which alone 
probably runs above 50,000. Among the states, New York stands first 
with 1,091,000 of Iiish birth or parentage; Massachusetts second, with 
633,000; and Pennsylvania third, with 570,000. For all these figures 
it may be asserted that more than four-fiftho are of Gaelic stock. 

By the latest British census, 191 1, the population of Ireland was 
4,390,219, of whom all but 157,037 were native born. Of the native 
born about 74%, or 3,245,000, represent the old Gaelic stock. By the 
same census there were 375,325 persons of Irish birth then living in 
England and Wales, while an unofificial estimate puts those in Scotland at 
about 220,000, or nearly 600,000 for the whole island, which with the 
children of Irish parentage would probably total at least 1,500,000. 
The same census gives 139,434 Irish born to Australia, or perhaps 350,000 
of Irish blood. South Africa and the other British colonies, exclusive 
of Canada, have an estimated 100,000 of the same stock, while Canada has 
in round numbers 990,000 of Irish birth or parentage, of whom about 
750,000 are of Gaelic origin, as indicated by religious denomination. 
Outside the countries already named, Argentina has some 15,000 Irish 
born and the rest of Latin America possibh' as many more, with perhaps 
another 15,000 or 20,000 scattered over the rest of the world. To sum 
up, the total Irish-born population throughout the world is now about 
6,875,000, or about 1,625,000 less than the population of the home 
country alone in 1845, while the whole number of unmixed Irish blood 
may be about 16,000,000, of whom nearly 14,000,000 are of Gaelic 


Stock. The total Gaelic population — Irish, Scotch, and Manx — of fairly 
pure stock and racial identity, in every part of the woild, probably 
numbers close to 18,000,000. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of January 6, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held on January 6 at the National 
Museum, Dr Truman Michelson, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
delivered an address, Notes on the Fox Indians of Iowa. Their own native 
name is Meskii'a'ki\ig\ "Red-Earths"; the French name, les Renards, 
is derived from the appellation of a single gens, Wdgo Ag\ "Foxes"; 
the English name "Foxes" is a translation of the French les Renards; 
the term "Outagamies" (and variants) is derived from the Ojibwa 
UtAgdnng, "they of the other shore." Their closest linguistic relations 
are first with the Sauk, then the Kickapoo, then the Shawnee, and then 
the so-called Abnaki tribes. They are also comparatively close to the 
Menominee and Ciee as compared with the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Pota- 
watomi. The thesis that the Foxes were once an Iroquoian people and 
subsequently took up an Algonquian dialect cannot be substantiated. 
There, is presumptive evidence that the Foxes were once in the lower 
Michigan peninsula; however, their proper history begins in the last 
half of the seventeenth century in Wisconsin, on the Wolf and Fox 
rivers. The long French wars broke out in the early part of the eigh- 
teenth century. Even the transpoitation of Kiala (that is Kyandv/') 
by De Villiers to Montreal, and his subsequent exHe to Martinique, did 
not break their spirit; and De Villiers paid for his overconfidence with 
his life. Soon there was peace with sporadic outbreaks till Beauharnois' 
recall, when war began again in earnest; however, the Foxes assisted 
the French against the English. After the overthrow of French power 
in Canada the Foxes were favorable to the British interest. The fraudu- 
lent treaty of 1804 with the United States was probably responsible for 
the Foxes siding with the British in the War of 1812, and the subsequent 
troubles which culminated in the famous Black Hawk War. The Foxes 
claim that as a body they took no part in this; however, owing to con- 
tinued disturbances with Indians and the pressure of white settlers, 
the Sauk and Foxes sold their remaining lands in Iowa and agreed to 
remove to Kansas. Nevertheless small bands of the Foxes returned 
continually to Iowa, and it is even likely that a number of individual 
Foxes never removed to Kansas. In 1856 the Iowa legislature passed a 
bill enabling the Foxes to settle in that state; accordingly they purchased 

120 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

land with their own nione>-, near Tama, and fi(nn time to time tliis has 
been added to until they now own about 3000 acres. The main body of 
the Foxes, as a matter of fact, did not leave Kansas until the outlireak 
of the Ci\'il War, when MAminwaniga", the Fox chief, was unwilling to 
sign a proposal to allot the Sauk and Foxes in Kansas. He was deposed 
from his chieftainship by the agent for this reason, and went to Iowa 
with nearl\- all the Foxes, according to tradition. In 1896 the state 
relinquished jurisdiction of the Foxes to the Federal go\ernment, and at 
the same time certain claims of the Foxes against the Sauk were adjusted. 
There are some Foxes enrolled with the Sauk of Kansas and Oklahoma; 
the present population of those in Iowa is about 356. 

An abstract of Dr Michelson's paper, Notes »n the Social Organiza- 
tion of the Fox Indians, read at the New^ York meeting of the American 
Anthropological Association and largely incorporated in his present 
address, appears in the American Anthropologist for October-December, 
1913, pp. 691-693. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of January 20, 1914 

At the 471st meeting of the Society, held January 20, 1914, at the 
National Museum, Mr William H. Babcock spoke on The North Atlantic 
Island of Brazil, illustrating his address wdth lantern slides of early maps. 
North Atlantic geographical conditions were first shown by a recent 
current map. Attention w^as called to the region surrounding the Gulf 
of St Lawrence and to the three Brazils: that of South America: Mount 
Brazil in Terceira, where the old island name has been restricted to one 
eminence; and western Ireland, where the peasantry still believe in a 
great land called Brazil or Breasail west of them in the ocean. This last 
is probably the original Brazil, from which the others received the name 
directly or indirectly, it being identical with that of a mythical pagan 
Irish hero; also practically with that of St Bresal, otherwise Brecan, 
buried on the Island of Aran, where the belief in Brazil island is strongest. 
Outside of Ireland it first appears in the expression "grana de Brasile" 
— grain of Brazil — in a commercial treaty of Ferrara, Italy, dated 1193, 
and another Italian document of 1198. 

The speaker suggested that the primary Brazil, west of Ireland, 
may have been the region surrounding the Gulf of St Lawrence. The 
maps of Dalorto 1325 and Dulcert 1339 were presented as the first showing 
Brazil — a nearly circular figure west of southern Ireland; the Atlante 
Mediceo map of 1351 for the same and also as the first one applying the 


name Brazi or Brazil to Terceira, also the first to delineate the three 
sub-groups of the Azores and in particular Corvo, which had then sub- 
stantially its modern name, and is shown brought back toward Europe 
a long way from its natural position. Numerous other maps, including 
Giraldi 1426, Beccaria 1435, Bianco 1436 and 1448, and Pareto 1455, 
were offered to show the constancy of this disc or full-moon form and 
westward position. The same is true of Valsequa 1439, Fra Mauro 1459, 
and a great majority of the pre-Columbian maps of the fifteenth century. 
The Pizigani map of 1367 was exhibited for this, also for its curious 
multiplication of Brazils, applying the name not only to Terceira, but 
also to an island southwest of the circular Brazil, the same being of 
approximately crescent form and called Man, Mam, or Maida on most 
maps. It also contains a pictorial record of a disastrous Breton expedi- 
tion to this island, and obscure inscriptions referring to Arab voyages. 
The Catalan Atlas of 1375 and another were presented as showing an 
annular Brazil nearly in the usual position, but having for its interior 
an inclosed sheet of water dotted with islands, instead of the mottled 
interior appearance of the disc of Dalorta and Dulcert. The Catalan 
map of 1480 and that of Prunes 1553 were represented as instances of 
another and rather common type in which a channel divides the round 
island into two, generally from north to south and slightly curving 
westward in the middle. Pinelli 1384 was given as another aberrant 
form somewhat like the letter C wath its opening toward Europe. These 
various forms indicating interior water space were explained conjecturally 
as imperfect realizations of the nearly inclosed and island-containing 
Gulf of St Lawrence, its entrances and the land-wall surrounding it; the 
circular form by the tendency of the time toward symmetrical outlines; 
the inadequacy of distance from Ireland by a minimizing tendency of the 
map-makers in such cases evidenced in the far too eastward positions of 
Corvo and Greenland on many maps. The Catalan map of 1480 was 
also referred to as apparently harmonizing two traditions by presenting 
both. At the far west, though too far south, it shows Greenland, Ilia 
Verde, and just below it a second Brazil, large and circular. In that 
direction the nearest neighbor of Greenland is obviously lower Labrador 
or Newfoundland, a part of the region suggested. The map of Coppo 
1428 was given to show an earlier instance of Greenland as Isola Verde, 
but in proper place, also to illustrate the treatment of western lands 
generally as islands. The map of Sylvanus 151 1 and some others were 
given to show the transfer of the region about the Gulf of St Lawrence, 
as an island, eastward toward Ireland, the same performance ascribed 
to earlier map-makers by our conjecture. 

122 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

Tlie (.'\i)lanations hilhertt) gi\eii oi the word, the dividing 
channel, and the interior water, were briefly re\iewed and considered 
inadeciuate. The corroborati\x testimony of the Norse sagas as to 
Great Ireland, and the opinion of Dr Storm and Dr Fisher identifying 
Brazil with Markland weie mentioned as best sui)ported by the Catalan 
map of 1480. The alternative names Montonis (Dalorto), Montanis 
(Frediicci), Montorius (Benincasa) or Monte Orius, also that of Binar 
(Bianco) were brieflN' considered. The general argument was sum- 
marized as indicating chat some who spoke Irish reached the St Lawrence 
gulf and the region around it at a very early period and gave it the 
name Brazil, difTerent narrators stating its salient points differently or 
being sometimes misunderstood. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of February 3, 1914 

A special meeting of the Society was held at 4.30 P. M., February 3, 
1914, in room 43 of the new building of the National Museum, the 
president, Mr Stetson, in the chair, and about eighty persons present. 

Miss Frances Densmore, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
read a paper on Sioux War Songs, using the stereopticon, the phonograph, 
and vocal selections in illustration of her theme. She first showed lantern 
slides of the prairie, where the long war drama of the Sioux was enacted, 
then portraits of some old Sioux warriors, and, last, a number of native 
drawings of war incidents. Many war customs were illustrated by the 
details, as well as by the subjects, of these drawings. One phonograph 
record of a woman's voice was given in connection with the portrait of a 
woman who sang a song in honor of a relative killed in war. The remaining 
songs were given vocally, the melodies being those sung by the Indians, 
but no effort was made to imitate the Indian manner of singing. Each 
drawing had one or more songs which were either sung at the time the 
incident occurred or composed in honor of the event. These songs were 
phonographically recorded by the men who made the drawings, and were 
afterward transcribed in musical notation by the writer. 

It is said that the Sioux, among all the Indian tribes, were the best 
of friends and the worst of enemies. They were indeed men to be 
feared in the old days. One of their societies was well named the "Strong 
Hearts". They were trained from childhood to have "strong hearts", 
and they held to a purpose when others failed. The warriors of a certain 
society carried in war a lance to which was fastened the skin of a crow. 
When that lance was planted in the ground they dared not retreat from 


it. So in loyalty to a friend or in hatred of an enemy they thrust their 
lance into the ground and stayed by it. 

War among Indians had an aspect diflferent from that which it has 
among civilized nations. It was not an occasional calamity; it more 
nearly resembled a steady occupation. To the indi\idual it offered a 
career. A man could best become rich and honored by going to war. 
A man was rated according to his generosity, and having given away his 
goods there must be some way of securing a new supply of wealth. A 
war party afforded this opportunity. War was a means of revenge, 
and Indian revenge was a terrible thing. War was for the defense of 
the home, and the protection of the hunting ground which meant the 
food supply. Indian warfare was, after all, the physical expression of 
something which must always go on, only changing its form, as forces do, 
and passing from physical to mental battle grounds. 

There was much of interest on the warpath besides the killing of 
enemies and the capture of horses. A war party often traveled far and 
brought back strange tales of distant lands. New customs were fre- 
quently introduced into the tribe as a result of war expeditions or the 
taking of captives. 

Only a successful warrior could belong to the leading societies of the 
tribe, with their special tents for meeting, their feasts, and their parades, 
all of which were very attractive to the Indian. But the greatest reward 
was the right to sing of one's valor at the assemblages of the tribe. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of February 17, 1914 

The 472d regular meeting of the Society was held in the new building 
of the National Museum on February 17, 1914, at 4.30 o'clock, the presi- 
dent, Mr George R. Stetson, in the chair. The address of the afternoon 
was by M. J. X. B. Hewitt, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, on 
The Psychology of the Mytli. 

A myth, said Mr Hewitt, in part, is the utterance of savage man; it 
is a naive creative concept. A myth treats of one or more of the "elder 
l)eoi)le", the familiar "first people", whom men of later times call "the 
gods". The subject-mattei of myths is not human activity, for none 
relates to human beings and none treats of things done since the appear- 
ance of man on earth. A myth is fictitious only in form and letter, but 
it is true in substance and spirit; truth is eternal and universal. In 
terms of human attribute and activity myths explain, on the premises 
of their relators, in just what manner the present order of things arose 

1 2^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

from one or more antecedent ordeis of things, and just how it is main- 

The epos is the later dress or adornment of the mythos concept in 

poetic form as legend, saga, or story. 

The logos is the later literary criticism— the analytic and synthetic 
treatment of the mythos and the epos; it is the intelligent, interpretative 
analysis and exegesis of the concept of the mythos; it is logical, scientific; 
so mythology may be defined as the logic of the mythos. The first men 
had only myths; and whether as cosmogony or as religion they were 
final, conclusive. 

Hence, mythos, epos, and logos, all translatable by 7oord, repiesent 
thiee well-defined stages of human thought in the development of opin- 
ions. Whatever, therefore, the ultimate terms or concepts may be in 
which man may define his gods, the process of reasoning is always quite 
the same; the "unknown" is defined, though perhaps quite unconsciously, 
in terms of the "known"; and the "known" quantity is here man, 
whatever this concept may signify at the time and place. The phe- 
nomena and the processes of nature are personified, and so humanized. 
So that all powers and functions and attributes characteristic of man- 
no matter whether good or evil— are ascribed to the gods in a more or less 
idealized form. Not only this, but the arts and the social and the 
religious institutions of men are in like manner unconsciously attributed 
to the gods; and so the social and the religious institutions of the gods 
are an exact reflex of the human society believing in such deities. 

By so doing, men, unconsciously perhaps, in their myths and epics, 
gave a faithful picture of the early culture and civilization of theii own 
ancestors. In this manner, in brief, the gods later become the revealers 
of all history, the teachers of the arts and crafts, and the founders of 
the institutions— human and divine— of a people. Here the true 
source of prophecy and inspiration is found; for these divine beings are 
the offspring of the interaction of the powers and phenomena of nature 
and the mind of man in its conscious, its subconscious, and its super- 
conscious activities. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of March 3, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held March 3 at the National 
Museum, Mr W. E. Safford read a paper on The Pan-pipes of Ancient 
Peru and exhibited specimens. Mr Safford became interested in the 
music and musical instruments of the ancient Peruvians during a cruise 


along the western shore of South America in 1S87. At Arica, near the 
northern boundary of Chile, he found in a prehistoric grave two sets of 
pan-pipes made of graduated reeds closely resembling the syrinx, or 
fistula, of the ancient Greeks and Romans. At Payta, Peru, he witnessed 
a morris dance in which the dancers kept time to a pipe and tabor very 
similar to those which were used in England in early times. Afterward 
he found in collections terracotta vases on which were depicted men 
])laying these instruments, while others were dancing in rings or lines. 
Pipes made of bone similar to those observed at Payta were also found 
in prehistoric graves in Peru and northern Chile. Mr SafTord described 
the manner of playing the instruments and imitated the airs played upon 
them. In dancing, the tabor, or small drum, was suspended from the 
left arm, while the pipes were held in the left hand, leaving the right hand 
free to hold the drumstick and mark the rhythm. The occurrence 
among the ancient Peruvians of a pipe and tabor very closely resembling 
those used in the Old World is interesting, as is likewise the transforma- 
tion of an ancient Peruvian dance in which the performers wore masks, 
into a dance of the "Moros", or heathen Moors, before the march of 
Christianity. At Payta the occasion was the "Octavario de Corpus 
Cristi," in which a religious procession was preceded by the dancers. In 
l)lace of the regulation "hobby-horse" which pranced among the dancers 
in ancient England, there was at Payta a hobby-bull, with horns and tail, 
composed of two men concealed beneath a cloth stretched on a frame. 
Afterward, while acting as commissioner for the World's Columbian 
Exjiosition to Peru and Bolivia, Mr SafTord was so fortunate as to observe 
the performance of an entire orchestra composed of pan-pipes. These 
were played in pairs, each performer having a mate with a corresponding 
complementary instrument who played the alternating notes of the scale. 
Two instruments were necessary for playing any melody, the first 
> iclding the notes mi, sol, si, re, fa, la, do; the second producing the inter- 
vening notes re, fa, la, do, mi, sol, si, re. In running the scale the players 
would consequently alternate. That the pan-pipes of the ancient Peru- 
\ians were thus played in pairs is shown by pictures on prehistoric vases, 
in which two instruments are represented as being connected by a long 
loose string. The scale used, said the speaker, has not hitherto been 
understood, since the instruments in collections have as a rule been 
single, only one of a pair having been retained, its mate in many cases 
having been sent to some other collection as a duplicate. Mr Safiford's 
observations regarding this use of the instruments in pairs appears to be 
new. Other observers have commented on the alternation of tones pro- 

^^6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

duced by the pla>ers of pan-pipes, but no one, he said, has called atliMition 
to the fact that the pipes are paired, each ha\ing its complementary mate, 
without wiiicii it is powerless to produce a musical scale. 

The i)an-i:)ipes obser\-ed were in most cases composed of sixteen reeds, 
in two rows, one low superimposed upon the other, the row played upon 
by the performer ha\inu, the reeds closed at the bottom, the outer row 
having reeds with an opening at the bottom. The smallest pair pro- 
duced shrill notes like those of a piccolo; the middle {)air, tones an octave 
lower, like those of a llute; the largest i)air, with reeds twice as long as 
the middle pair and four times as long as the smallest pair, gave forth 
deeper tones very much like those of a barrel organ or a calliope. The 
alternation of notes ma}' be compared with that yielded by the mouth 
organ, or accordeon, effected by expelling and inhaling the air. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of March 4, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held March 4 at the National 
Museum, Dr A. B. Lewis gave an address on his Travels in the South 
Seas and New Guinea, illustrated with lantern slides. The four years 
of 1909-13 were spent in the South Pacific in the interest of the Field 
Museum of Natural History in Chicago, studying the natives and collect- 
ing ethnological material. The region chiefly concerned was in Mela- 
nesia, which includes the island groups extending northwestward from 
Fiji and New Caledonia through the New Hebrides and Solomon islands 
to New Guinea. Many of these islands are large and mountainous, 
covered with a dense tropical forest, and only partially explored. Though 
all are claimed by different European powers, only the smaller islands 
and the coasts of the larger ones are under control. The traveler is 
perfectly safe, however, except in a few regions which are well known. 
Transportation is the great difiiculty, and if one wishes to get away 
from the few settlements, it must be by small launches or sailing craft 
belonging to the scattered traders and planters, or by native canoes. 
These are of various kinds, and were illustrated by slides. In one of 
these canoes the speaker traveled more than a hundred miles, stopping 
at the native villages, sleeping in the native huts, with only natives as 
attendants and guides. 

The condition at present varies much in the different islands; Fiji 
is the most civilized. The natives of Fiji are all professing Christians, 
and read and write their own language. Except the ordinary things of 


everyday life, there is little of the old left. The native Fijian po])u!alion 
is about 90,000, the European 3,500, while there aie 40,000 to 50,000 
Indian coolies on the sugar plantations. Industrially, Fiji is far in 
advance of any of the other groups. For years New Caledonia was a 
French penal colony, and the natives are reduced to about 30,000 living 
on reservations, much as our American Indians. The New Hebrides are 
under the joint rule of France and England, but some of the large islands 
are still wild and unsafe. To the ethnologist, Malekula is the most 
interesting. More than twenty languages aie spoken on this one island, 
to sa>- nothing of dialects. The natives, houses, and dancing grounds, 
with huge carved drums and wooden figures, were illustrated with views. 
The Solomon islands are mostly English, but two are under German 
control. Including missionaries, there are probably not more than 300 
Europeans in the group. Some of the islands still are unsafe, even to 
land on the shore, except where there is a mission station or a government 
post. Xew Guinea is the largest and most interesting island of all. 
Except Greenland, it is the largest in the world, and the least known; for 
while even Greenland has been crossed several times, New Guinea has 
never been crossed except near the ends where quite narrow. More 
time was spent on New Guinea than anywhere else. A considerable 
portion of the coast was visited and short trips made toward the interior. 
There are but few Europeans in New Guinea, the greater number, about 
1,000, being in the British portion of the island, known officially as Papua. 
A considerable numbei of these are gold-diggers. In German New 
Guinea (Kaiser-Wilhelmsland) there are about 200 Europeans, and in the 
Dutch portion not more than 50. The old condition of warfaie among 
the natives has been stopped, so far as the government can extend its 
influence. The natives, as a rule, are friendly and hospitable. Many 
weeks were spent alone with them in their villages, with only native 
attendants. The habits, customs, and general appearance of the natives, 
while similar in general aspects, vary greatly in detail. Views illustrating 
the native villages, the people themselves with their characteristic dress 
and ornaments, and phases of native life, were shown from a number of 
different places, so that a general idea of their character and variety 
could be obtained. Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of March 17, 1914 

At the 473d regular meeting of the Society, held March 17 at the 
National Museum, Dr J. Walter Fewkes delivered an address illus- 
trated with lantern slides, on his Egyptian Experiences. He considered 

128 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

especially the significance of certain parallelisms in cultural objects of 
the Stone Age from Egypt and from the (V\\a valley, Arizona. These 
resemblances he ascribed in pari lo the inlliRMicc of an artificial system of 
irrigation in the evolution of an agricultural stage in development. 

Dr Fewkes began with an account of the unique shape and cultural 
isolation of the Nile valle\- in Neolithic times, and showed how man was 
isolated by deserts which protected him from outside marauders. His 
social advancement, at the dawn of history, mainly due to the inlUi.x of 
foreign ideas from the East, can be traced to the cooperative union of 
clusters of villages or nomes in order more effectually to irrigate the 
narrow valley fringing the Nile. This cooperation of the rulers of Neo- 
lithic Egypt led to a ruler over all, or the rise of a Great House, or 
Pharaoh, who later became King of Uppei and Lower Egypt. To the 
cooperation in constructing irrigation ditches may be traced a system of 
enforced labor, or corvee, in which the Pharaoh not only acquired all 
cultivated land and the water which alone made agriculture possible, 
but also controlled all the labor of the inhabitants. To these rights 
acquired from the rulers of the nomes in very early times may be traced 
the power exercised in constructing the magnificent monuments that 
are the world's wonders. 

In Neolithic Egypt there was a succession of villages along the river, 
each independent of the other, like a cluster of pueblos in Arizona. The 
remains of architectural constructions at this early epoch still remain, 
and are sometimes, as at El Kab, well preserved. They aie rectangular, 
massive, walled forts with an encircling wall of clay, not unlike the com- 
pounds at Casa Grande and the Great Houses elsewhere on the Gila in 
Arizona. Within these inclosures in Egypt and in Arizona were temples 
of mud or clay, public buildings and houses of priests, while around them 
were clusters of the hovels in which lived the people like the present 
Egyptians. The dead were buried in neighboring mounds, placed with 
the knees drawn to the chin and surrounded with mortuary offerings. 
These graves were rude excavations with floor of straw and roof of mud 
and boughs. Many resemblances between archeological objects from 
the Stone Age in Egypt and the Gila valley were pointed out. Among 
these are weapons, stone implements, pottery and its symbolic decora- 
tion, flat basket trays, bone and other objects. Certain common 
conditions of environment and the necessity for artificial irrigation had 
led the Stone Age people of different races, without connections, to de- 
velop a parallel culture. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 


Meeting of March 24, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held March 24 at the National 
Museum. Dr Albert Hale, of the Pan-American Union, addressed the 
Society on Modern Argeyitiua, illustrating his remarks with lantern 

After a brief description of the geographic relations of the Rio de la 
Plata region, with an outline of its ethnical and anthropological condi- 
tions, the speaker traced the history of Argentina only so far as it had 
an immediate bearing on material progress, and then gave in detail a 
comprehensive glance at the present aspects of the republic, its principal 
cities, industries, products, and activities. One of the interesting 
features about the republic is that in it is repeated a development com- 
parable with that which has been so characteristic of the United States 
in North America. In fact, this immense area in South America is the 
one most easily understood by the Anglo-Saxon who looks back upon the 
history of material progress and conquest in his own country. 

The ethnical elements of the population may be studied in the immi- 
gration statistics of Argentina more satisfactorily than in its census. In 
fact, no census has been taken since 1895, when the total population was 
3,954,911. In 191 1 it was estimated to exceed 7,000,000. The total 
number of immigrants in the years 1857-1912 was 4,248,355. It is inter- 
esting to note that more than half this number, or 2,133,508, were 
Italians. The Spaniards were scarcely more than half as numerous as 
the Italians, or 1,298,122, and other European races were represented by 
much smaller numbers than these. The French numbered only 206,912, 
and the "Russians" 136,659. Next to these came a race from western 
Asia, the Syrians, with a total of 109,234; then the "Austrians" and 
"Germans" with 80,736 and 55,068 respectively. The "Britons" 
numbered nearly as many as the "Germans," or 51,660. The Swiss, 
Belgians, and Portuguese numbered about 20,000 or 30,000 each; the 
Danes and Dutch 7,000 each; the "North Americans" 5,500; the Swedes 
1,700, and "others" 79,251. 

The relative proportions of Italians and Spaniards arriving during 
the last year of this period, 1912, were about the same as during the 
entire period, or 165,662 of the former to 80,583 of the lattei. It is 
worthy of note that the "Russians" and Syrians rose to the next two 
places in the list, with a total for the year of about 20,000 each. No 
doubt the "Russians" and "Austrians" in Argentina, as in the United 
States, are largely Poles and Slavs of other races than the true Russian, 
together with a certain proportion of Hebrews. The " North Americans" 

AM. ANth.. N. S,, 16 — 9. 


arrivinii during \U\2 luimhrriHi abcul 500. The total immigration for 
tl:c year was 323,40.v A high tide of immigration reached Argentina at 
about the same period as the United States, in the decade 1881-1890, 
when a grand total of 846,568 immigrants arrived in Argentina. This 
number was however exceeded in the last half-decade, 1906-1910, when 
1.238.073 arrived in Argentina, or a larger proportion than came to the 
United States during that period. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of April 7, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held April 7 at the National 
Museum, SeNor F. A. Pezet, Minister of Peru, read a paper on Contrasts 
ill the Development of Nationality in Latin and Anglo- America. Each 
of these populations, he said, has its special traits of character, born with 
the individual or developed through the environment. He first con- 
sidered the relative conditions, at the time of the discovery, of the terri- 
tories now known as the United States and Latin America; and, second, 
the type of the first settleis. The discoverers found Latin American 
territories organized into semi-civilized states, but Anglo-American 
territory occupied by savages. Two very different types came to 
America. The x^nglo-Americans were oppressed and persecuted by 
religious intolerance; the Latin Americans were adventurous soldiers of 
fortune. The former came to build up new homes; the latter, to tear 
down, to destroy, and to carry away everything they could lay their 
hands upon. The first Latin Americans were valiant, but ignorant and 
unsciupulous, principally from a country where religious bigotry was 
rampant. They were an admixture of virtues and vices and in marked 
contrast to the men who came to the shores of New England. Whereas 
the Anglo-Americans acquired the land as settlers and drove the natives 
westward, the Latin American military forces overthrew native govern- 
ments and established themselves as the governing class, reducing the 
Indians often to slavery. 

While the Anglo-zVmerican settlers brought their families, the Latin 
Americans did not until many yeais after the Conquest, but took to them- 
selves Indian women. The offspring became the mestizos, a mixed race 
that the pure Castilians of Spain never countenanced. Later the Creoles 
came into existence, the offspring of European parents born in America. 
The mixing of races was finally encouraged by the Spanish monarchy, 
the idea being to create a great middle class of uniform race. Soldiers 
were allowed great liberty. Before the year 1800 the mestizo population 


of Peru exceeded 250,000. While some mestizos received an education 
and were reared up with creoIe children, most were kept in ignorance. 
While Anglo-Americans readih- acciuired the art of self-government, our 
peoples did not; they knew how to rule, not how to govern. So, for 
more than two centuries the Europeans and the Creoles ruled the mestizos 
and the Indians. The mestizo is nearer the Caucasian than the Indian; 
|ihysically and morally he is superior to the latter. Although of less 
active intelligence than the European 01 the Creole, he is more strong- 
willed and painstaking. In the early days the mestizo who had one 
parent of rank was placed on an equal footing with the Creole; but as the 
mestizos became more numerous, the Spaniards began to distrust them 
and prevented them from obtaining certain social ]:)ositions or much 
education. All these years the Indians were oppressed, even by the 
mestizos. Aftei two hundred years of hatred and distrust, these elements 
e\entually, out of sheer exhaustion, became apparcnth- reconciled to 
their respective conditions. The colonial nationality which was finally 
evolved, was thus formed of Creoles and mestizos, and might have been 
a beneficent one if it had had time to develop. Ideas of republicanism 
were adopted from the United States and from France without prepara- 
tion for self-government, such as the people of the United States had. 
In the later nationality of the Latin American countries there were, 
therefore, racial divisions: the Creoles and the Spaniards formed the 
governing class; the mestizos strove to be on an equal footing with these; 
and, a long way down in the social scale, came the Indians, considered 
infeiior even to the African slaves. The same laxity permitted the 
mixing of the African with the other races. The Indian population, so 
long neglected, is now a matter of deep concern in many of the Latin 
American countries, for example, in Peru, where we have a large per- 
centage of pure Indian and of mestizo blood. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of April 14, 1914 

At a special meeting of the Society held April 14 at the National 
Museum, Mr S. M. Gronberger read a paper on The Origin of the 
Goths. The ancient home of the Goths was undoubtedly situated, he 
said, on both the northern and southern shores of the Baltic, and at the 
beginning of the Christian era this people had settled chiefly along the 
rivei Vistula in noitheastern Germany. Previous to the Christian era 
(about 200-300 B.C.), another division of this race had immigrated into 
Scandinavia, probably across the Danish isles. Somewhat later, at the 



time of Iho earliest Gothic inovcnuMU soulliward, about 215 A.D., the 
migrants were probably joiiuMl by their Scandinavian brethren who 
emigrated from "Scandza" (mentioned by Jordanes, the Gothic his- 
torian), and to this pCiiod the Gothic saga of Jordanes should be assigned. 
This emigration of the Goths from Scandinavia was due probably to 
some signal defeat in the savage warfare then carried on with the Swedes, 
or "Svear", of the Scandinavian peninsula. Names of regions and 
localities in Scandinaxia testify to their association with the Goths, and 
the names of Ostrogoths, or East Goths, and Visigoths, or West Goths, 
are recognized in Sweden today. Medieval Swedish 'history tells of 
constant conflicts between the Swedes and Goths, the latter of whom 
were the more ancient inhabitants. The two races aie now merged 
and constitute the modern Swedish nation. The Anglo-Saxon poem 
"Beowulf", by an unknown author, furnishes powerful testimony as to 
the eaily home of the Goths in the Scandinavian peninsula and the 
Danish islands. The Baltic island of Gotland received its name from the 
Goths, and great numbers of Roman and Byzantine coins and other ob- 
jects which have been unearthed in that island afford furthei proof of 
Scandinavian migrations. In addition to Jordanes, Cassiodorus, on 
whose history that of the first named was based, Tacitus, Procopius, and 
Paulus Diaconus, not to mention the earliest though doubtful evidence 
of Pytheas of Massilia (now Marseille), who had the advantage of having 
personally visited the regions he described, and many other Greek and 
Roman historians, testified to the Scandinavian or Baltic origin of 
the Goths. The most ancient tradition relating to the Goths was that 
they had come originally from Asia, the cradle of mankind, by way of 
southeastern Europe, under the leadership of their legendary hero and 
deity, Odin, or Wothan. 

One of the most remarkable runic inscriptions in Scandinavia is 
that of the so-called Rok stone, discovered in western Ostrogothia, 
Sweden, which is of great importance in connection with the early 
history of the Goths. It contains an epitaph and dates back to 830-840 
A.D., or the time of the introduction of Christianity into Scandinavia by 
St Ansgar. The inscription contains an allusion to Theodoric the Great, 
who afterward ruled as Ostrogothic King of Italy. Another part of the 
inscription refers to four kings of the Danish island of Zealand. The 
names of these four, who were brothers, and their sons, can be identified 
with names mentioned in' Jordanes's saga. The Rok runic iriscription 
affords one of the most important fragments of historical evidence con- 
necting the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy with the Goths of Scandinavia 


and contains moie points of resemblance with Jordanes's saga than any 
other known historic source. 

The evidence of relationship between the Gothic and Scandinavian 
languages found in modern Scandinavian tongues is also of great impor- 
tance. The most essential point of resemblance between these languages 
is the mutual retention in certain cases of gg before w and j iggj was 
changed to ddj in Gothic); as, for instance, in the genitive plural of Old 
English tweza (two), Danish twaeggie, Gothic twaddje, modern Swedish 
lii'cgge. Compare also the English true with Swedish, Danish, and Nor- 
wegian trygg, Icelandic tryggr, Gothic triggivs. 

Danikl Eoi.kmar, Secretary. 

Meeting of May 5, 1914 

At the adjourned 474th regular and 35th annual meeting of the Society 
held at 4 o'clock. May 5, at the National Museum, Dr Edgak J. Banks, 
field director of an expedition to Babylonia in 1903-05 under the auspices 
of the University of Chicago, read a paper, illustrated with lantern slides, 
on Bismya; or, the Lost City of Adah. Bismya flourished in central 
Babylonia throughout a period of two thousand years previous to 2000 
B.C. The mounds e.xtend a mile or more along the bed of an ancient 
canal, about halfway between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and five 
days' journey south of Bagdad. The highest of the mounds reach about 
fifty feet above the level of the desert. The surface is covered with 
pottery fragments. The workmen employed were Arabs of the hostile 
Bedier tribe. Near the surface were found bricks of the temple wall 
having on their under side the inscription of Dungi, King of Ur, of about 
2200 B.C., and below them bricks bearing his father's name, Ur-Engur. 
At a lower level was found a gold inscription of Naram-Sin and bricks 
of his father Sargon, the first known Semitic kings, of about 2800 B.C. 
Until recently the date of these kings was supposed to be about a thousand 
years earlier. 

Beneath the ruins representing these Semitic kings were the traces 
of the earlier civilization of the Sumerians, a cultured people who had 
occupied Mesopotamia for several thousand years. From them the 
wedge-shaped characters of the language and many of the Semitic 
religious forms were borrowed. An important discovery was a perfect 
large marble statue of a Sumerian king called Lugal Da-udu of about 
4000 B.C. Large numbers of stone vase fragments were found: some 
were inscribed with the names of the kings of the fifth iiiilUnium before 
Christ; others were engraved with intricate designs; and a few of them 

134 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

were inlaid with iM)i\- and bright stones. One bore the iiicture of the 
temple tower; one had the oldest representation of a musical instrument 
known to exist. Far down the shaft was discovered a long spike of pure 
copper terminating in a crouching lion. Lowest down, on the undis- 
turbed desert le\el, were found large numbers of pottery fragments, 
showing that perhaps fifteen thousand years ago a people with consider- 
able civilization occui)ie{l that spot. An ancient Sumerian crematory 
was found. It was a circular chamber with an oxnl platform connected 
with a furnace. The ashes of the dead were brushed into the pit beneath 
the ])latform. The Semite dead were buried in small house-like tombs of 
sun-dried bricks. In these were found the pottery to contain food and 
drink for the spirits of the dead, the jewelry of the women, and the seal 
cylinders of the men. Several palaces were found, and in them small 
collections of clay tablets containing the business documents of the people. 
In one large chamber were about five thousand of the tablets in a heap. 
In the residential portion of the city were found very narrow winding 
streets lined with houses o.f but a single room. Many of the houses 
were provided with vertical drains reaching into the ground forty feet 
or more, and with cisterns. Frequently there had survived the oven 
in which the bread was baked, the mortar for pounding the grain, the 
images of the household gods which were supposed to drive away disease, 
the toys of the children, the needles and knives of the women, and many 
other things necessary to life in those days. A public bath was found in 
the residential section of the city, provided with a vertical drain beneath 
the floor of bitumen, a furnace foi heating the water, and a cistern high 
up in the building. The people of Bismya were among the oldest who 
have left us evidences of a highly developed civilization, and the first 
occupants of the place, ten or fifteen thousand years ago, were as civilized 
as the present occupants of the surrounding desert. 

Mr James Mooney was elected President of the Society for the 
ensuing year, and the following ofificers were re-elected: Vice-President, 
Dr John R. Swanton; Secretary, Dr Daniel Folkmar; Treasurer, Mr 
J. N. B. Hewitt; Councilors: Mr Felix Neumann, Dr I. M. Casanowicz, 
and Mr Francis LaFlesche. 

Daniel Folkmar, Secretary. 


Ancient Lodge Sites on the Missouri in Nebraska 

Within the last few years several papers^ ha\-e been published by 
Mr R. F. Gildei of Omaha on prehistoric earth lodges in eastern Nebraska. 
Under the auspices of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University 
I have been investigating several of these lodge sites during the last 
three years and have covered a territory somewhat wider than that in 
which Mr Gilder did most of his work. In addition, several of the 
sites excavated were more favorable for the observation of certain features 
than those in which Mr Gilder worked. These facts furnish the excuse 
for the present notice. 

The principal feature in which my conclusions differ from those of 
Mr Gilder, as published in 1909, ^ is in the construction of the houses, and 
it is to this feature that I wish to call attention at the present time. In 
fairness to Mr Gilder, it should be stated that he has been convinced 
by his own later investigations* of the correctness of my conclusions. 

These lodge sites are now known to occur as far south as Union, 
Nebraska, and as far north as Walthill in the same state — a distance 
exceeding one hundred miles. At White Cloud, Kansas, there are sites 
which seem to be of the same type but which have not yet been investi- 
gated. The Museum expedition of the coming summer will excavate 
some of these and also some sites in northern Missouri. The type of 
lodge site here described has not been proved to exist east of the Missouri 
river, although several ha\e been reported which are probably similar. 

Of the five hundred or more known sites, all but four are situated 
either on the very tops of the highest bluffs or on the highest river terraces 
near their steep fronts. The spot chosen was usually one from which 
water would drain away on every side. Not a single site is known to 
exist more than three miles from the river bottoms, and very few more 
than half a mile away. The distance from the river to which they extend 
seems to be determined by the presence or absence of certain Pleistocene 

^American Anthropologist, ix, pp. 702-719; xi. pp. 56-84. Records of the Past, 
X, pp. 249-259; XII, pp. 107-116. 

2 Excavation of Earth-lodge Ruins in Eastern Nebraska, American Anthropologist, 
1909, XI, pp. 56-84. 

^Records of the Past, xii. pp. 107-116. 

136 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

gravels wliicli are the source of all the sjiriugs of the region. Where 
these outcrop to a considerable distance from the ri\er, the sites likewise 
so extend; and conversely where the outcrops do not occur, there are 
no sites. The few sites not on the ridges are near springs. 

With reference to each other, these sites are much scattered. Seldom 
are more than two or three close together, and sites isolated a mile or 
two from an\ i>ther occur. Usually they are strung out along the 
ridges a hundred or more yards apart. I have been unable to discover 
any traces of village grouping. Indeed, on the river terraces where 
definite village arrangement would be likely, they are still stretched out 
in a long line. This would seem to indicate that the builders were 
originally dwellers on the ridges and occupied the terraces only at a 
later date. However I have been unable so far to see any difference in 
culture between the sites on the bluffs and those on the terraces. 

The sites themselves appear on the surface of the ground as "saucer- 
like" depressions which are often called "buffalo wallow^s" by persons 
living in their neighborhood, and "circles" by those who know their real 
nature. They vary from a few inches to more than four feet in depth 
below the surrounding ground level. On excavation it is found that 
the actual house occupied but a portion of this depression, the remainder 
being due to surface wash. 

The actual lodge was not round, like the earth lodges of the historical 
tribes of the Missouri valley, but roughly rectangular or very nearly 
square. They measure from 35 to 40 feet to the side. The corners are 
somewhat rounded, but for at least 30 feet the w'alls are perfectly straight. 
In inany of the houses the walls have been burned to a brick-red, so that 
this rectangular outline can be traced with absolute certainty. Indeed, 
after my experience I can trace on the ground the position of the straight 
walls in many sites and not miss them by more than a few inches, in 
spite of the rounded appearance of the depressed area. 

The depth to which the original excavation of the house was carried 
is from three to four feet below the present depressed portion of the 
ground. This depression is now filled with from 15 to 20 inches of material 
which must have collected on the floor of the lodge w^hile it w'as occupied, 
9 to 15 inches representing the fallen roof, and over this 12 to 15 inches of 
accumulated black soil. Below^ the floor proper and near the walls, 
pits or caches were dug — some as much as six feet below the floor level. 
These number from two or three up to 20 in a single house, and in general 
are somewhat bottle-shaped. Their sides are often burned, and they are 
frequently filled with a mixture of charcoal, ashes, and clay. Often they 


are nothing more than rubbish pits, but some of them were used for 

There was a principal fireplace always in the center of the floor, 
but there were also smaller ones elsewhere. Indeed it seems that at 
one time or another nearly every part of the floor was so used. There 
does not seem to have been any excavation for the fireplace as is usual 
in the lodges of the Missouri river tribes. 

A feature of special interest is the entrance passage. This occurs 
in only a portion of the lodges, the others apparently having been 
entered by a ladder. Where such an entrance occurs it is quite long, 
sometimes extending as far as 20 to 25 feet beyond the edge of the house. 
Its direction is not constant, but it seems to be determined by the pre- 
vailing winds and the slope of the hill. None open to the north or north- 
west. It has another peculiarity in that it is not inclined, as are the 
passageways in the lodges of the historical tribes, but is almost level. 
It is continued to such a distance that the natural slope of the hill will 
bring it to the ground level. The houses are not orientated. 

The culture has been sufficiently described for the present in the 
papers of Mr Gilder, and only one or two points will be noted here. Of 
the food material, there are considerable quantities of charred grain and 
nuts, abundant bones of rodents and deer, but, except as implements, 
the bones of the bison are quite rare — a rather unusual feature for a Plains 
culture. The pottery shows a distinct development from north to south 
which will be described in a later paper. A few pieces were found which 
were definitely the result of trade — probably from the Red river region 
in Louisiana. There is no sign of contact with the white race. 

The connection of these people with known tribes has yet to be 
determined, but it is certain that they were not Omaha nor Oto. On the 
present evidence, Catlin's theory of a Mandan origin can be regarded only 
as a myth. There are many reasons for believing they were not Pawnee 

nor Arikara. 

Fred H. Sterns. 
Peabody Museum, Harvard University 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 

The Red-paint People of Maine 
In the American Anthropologist for January-March, 1913, Professor 
Warren K. Moorehead describes his archeological research in Maine and 
tells of what he calls the " Red-paint People," whose remains were dis- 
covered there. Excepting the strange remains of the cave-people of the 
Ozark mountains (which also were investigated by Professor Moorehead), 

138 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

nothing ]-)crhaps found in iho United States in recent years, he tells us, 
is comparable in interest with the ]irobleni of the " Red-paint People " of 
the lower Penobscot valley. Unless the interest connected with the 
"Red-paint People" depends on considerably more than the placing of 
red paint in deposits, and the small proportion of remains of burials, 
found in the graves, it is a question if Professor Moorehead has not 
accorded himself overmuch praise. 

Mr D. I. Bushnell, Jr, in the American Anthropologist for October- 
December, 191 3. takes up this question of the " Red-paint People " and 
lH)ints out. among other things, that the deposit of red paint wdth burials 
and artifacts is far from being a recent discovery. 

Although Mr Bushnell leaves little further to be said as to the " Red- 
paint People," I should like to quote from my " Certain Sand Mounds 
of the St. Johns River, Florida," ^ Part I, w^here my investigation of the 
Mt Royal mound, made famous by the descriptions of both the Bartrams, 
is detailed. 

" Beginning at the margin of the base, a layer of sand, colored by 
admixture of powdered hematite, covered the entire mound. This layer 
attained a maximum thickness of seven feet on the noitheastern portion 
of the summit-plateau and adjacent slope. The general tint of the layer 
was what is called crushed strawberry by dealers in ribbons, though at 
many points, and especially in the vicinity of relics, the sand in consider- 
able quantity was dyed a brick red, even reaching what is termed Indian 
red by vendors of colors. At times streaks and local layers of highly- 
colored sand throughout the entire mound led to implements, pottery, 
etc., and while the discovery of objects in the yellow sand was not un- 
common, still in the majority of cases they lay in contact with that having 
an artificial color. Realizing this fact, the 21 colored men in our employ 
worked wdth their hands alone in the presence of sand tinted with the 
red oxide, and it is doubtless owing to this that but two objects in pottery 
were broken by the spade during the seventeen days comprising our 
investigation." (Page 19.) 

Next are named three mounds in which were deposits of the red oxide 
of iron (a list considerably increased in later explorations), and reference 
is made to the late Mr Andrew E. Douglass having noticed a similar 
use of hematite in mounds on the east coast of Florida. Attention also 
is called to the caves of Mentone where Dr Riviere repeatedly found 
objects tinted by contact wuth the red oxide, while Dr Verneau en- 
countered a layer of earth artificially colored by the use of iron ore, in 
which bodies had been deposited. 

' Journal Acad. Nat. Sci. of Philadelphia, vol. X, 1894. 


As to the condition of human remains in the Mt Royal mound, we 
are told, " In no mound of the St Johns have human remains been found 
so fragmentary through the ravages of decay, and it is probable that 
traces of many burials have entirely disappeared. In certain cases 
human remains were rei)resented by hardened sand retaining nothing 
but the shape. Man>- fragments of bones resembled moistened powder 
and crumbled at the touch. Beyond a few crowns ot teeth no remains 
were sa\ed. It is probable that an admixture of shell with the sand of 
the mound would have preserved the bones to a material extent. " (Page 
20.) Clarence B. Moore 

132 1 LoctST Street 

Philadelphia. Pennsylv.\ni.\ 

The Mother-in-law Taboo 

In a paper read before the Academy of Inscriptions, Paris, on Sep- 
tember 8, 191 1, Salomon Reinach propounded a theory of the mother-in- 
law taboo which may be of interest to anthropologists. The paper sub- 
sequently appeared in V An thro polo gie (191 1, pp. 649-662) and is now 
reprinted in the fourth volume of the author's Cultes, Mythes et Religions 
(Paris, 1912). Reinach notes that of a total of some 65 cases of avoid- 
ances between relatives recorded in Frazer's Totemisvi and Exogamy, 
43 refer to the relations of son-in-law and mother-in-law. This may 
thus be regarded as the "typical" avoidance. The author reviews and 
rejects the various theories propounded to account for the origin of 
the custom: the theory of Frazer, who regards the custom as a safe- 
guard against incest between the son-in-law and the mother-in-law; the 
theory of Lubbock, who sees in it a suivival of marriage by capture; 
the theory of Tylor, who explains the taboo as a reaction of the wife's 
family against the intrusion of her husband; and the theory of Crawley, 
who sees in marriage a breach of a sexual taboo which, by extension, the 
son-in-law applies also to his mother-in-law. 

Reinach's own theory rests on two postulates: the savage does not 
distinguish between appearance and reality (here special reference is 
made to the work of Levy-Bruhl) ; the horror of incest is a most powerful 
emotion, universal in its distribution, while the responsibility for an 
incestuous act falls mainly on the male. We may assume that the hus- 
band's residence with his wife's people is, like maternal descent with 
which it is correlated, a more ancient practice than paternal descent 
and the wife's residence with her husband. It is to be expected that on 
his installation in his wife's household the husband would soon be on 

140 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

terms i)f t'aniiliaiil\' with lior niotluT and presently would learn to call 
her "mother". The suggestion of actual blood-relationship carried by 
that term would not fail to react on the view taken by his mates of his 
marital union: if his wife's mother is his mother, incest has been com- 
mitted: he has married his own sister. In order then to discourage all 
suspicion of incest, it is best to avoid all relations with one's mother-in- 
law, to iiiuore her. "Thus," concludes Reinach, "avoidance of the 
mother-in-law seems to me to be nothing else but an emphatic, categorical 
denial of the possibility of incest between brother and sister: the 
definitive proof that my wife is not my sister lies in the fact that I do not 
know^, refuse to know, her mother; and that the latter professes a similar 
attitude toward me." A. A. Golden weiser 

Columbia University 
New York City 

Arrow-chipping by Means of Fire and Water 

Following is a quotation from a communication by Ed. Nagle, 
an old fur-trader of the far north of Canada, w^ho is now in British Colum- 
bia, addressed to Mr Frederick W. Godsal of Cowley, Alberta, regarding 
the flaking of stone arrowpoints among the Athapascan Indians of Great 
Bear Lake, Mackenzie Territory: 

"I am sure you have given up all hopes of hearing from me on flint 
arrow heads question; but I was simply trying to find out for certain 
how they manufactured these arrow points from the rough, and here it 
is. I sent to Edmonton for my note book used while on a trip to Great 
Bear Lake, and here are my notes: 'Flint is not chipped with stone or 
with metal, but with water. When an Indian wished to make an 
arrow head he held a piece of flint in the fire until it was very hot, then 
allowed a drop of water to drip from the end of a stick upon the spot to 
be chipped ofT.' The sudden cooling made the flint chip ofT immediately; 
some cunning is of course necessary in the shaping of the arrow head, 
but the old Indian method is the best that has been found as yet. When 
I wrote you previously to this it was an arrowhead made from a slate 
stone, which the Esquimeaux use in place of flint for boys." 


Wyoming Historical and Geological Society. — Although the Wyoming 
Historical and Geological Society of W'ilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, may 
be classed among the local scientific organizations of the country, by 
reason of the fact that its activities are properly restricted to a limited 
field, there is probably no society that is doing better work of its kind 
or that is covering the ground in a more intelligent and enthusiastic 
manner. Organized in 1858, during those troublous times when scientific 
endeavor was retarded rather than stimulated owing to stress of political 
conditions, the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society has continued 
its work without cessation, and during the period of its existence, extend- 
ing over more than half a century, has reared a lasting monument for 
itself and for learning. The publications of the Society include thirteen 
volumes of Proceedings and Collections and twenty-five miscellaneous 
pamphlets, which are replete with valuable historical and scientific data, 
including papers on ethnological and archeological subjects. Its collec- 
tions include 26,000 Indian artifacts, of which all but about a thousand 
are from the Susquehanna watershed in Pennsylvania. The library of 
the Society consists of 20,000 volumes not duplicated by any library in 
northeastern Pennsylvania; the membership numbers nearly 400 (in- 
cluding 207 life members), and its invested endowment funds exceeded 
^53,000. A special endowment fund of ?i,ooo pro\ides for the publica- 
tion of an annual ethnological paper, and the Coxe Publication Fund of 
?io,ooo guarantees the annual volume of Proceedings and Collections. 
It is thus shown that the Society is in a most prosperous condition, thanks 
largely to the personal interest and activity of its corresponding secretary 
and librarian, the Reverend Horace Edwin Hayden, who has contributed 
unstintingly of his time and energy to the work of the Society. 

In 1912 the Society published volume XII of its Proceedings and 
Collections under the Coxe Publication Fund, and volume XIII has just 
been issued. These two attractive volumes contain the usual share of 
articles of ethnological and archeological interest. In volume XII are 
papers by the Reverend W. M. Beauchamp on "Iroquois Pottery and 
Wampum" and by the Reverend Horace Edwin Hayden on "Echoes of 
the Massacre of Wyoming, No. 2," and Christopher Wren's "Some 
Indian Grav'es at Plymouth, Pennsylvania." Volume XIII includes Mr 



Haydcn's "Echoes of the W'xdiuint; Massacre, No. 3," and "A Study of 
North Appalachian Indian Pottery," by Christopher Wren. These 
papers, of course, are in addition to numerous others of a strictly historical 
or geological interest, which need not be mentioned here. 

Air Beauchamp's paper, above mentioned (vol. XII, pp. 55-68, 3 pi.), 
published at the exi)ense of the Augustus C. Laning History Fund, treats 
of two phases of material culture that are alwa>s of interest and to which 
the author has devoted many years of study. In the continuation of his 
"Echoes of the Massacie of Wyoming" (vol. XII, pp. 69-104, pi.; vol. 
XIII, pp. 124-130) Mr Ihuden speaks with authority and presents a 
series of historical documents bearing on certain participants in the 
massacre of 1778, which thus are preserved for future students of this 
bloody episode in Pennsylvania history. Mr Wren's article on "Indian 
Graves at Plymouth" (vol. XII, pp. 129-204, 3 pi.) gives historical refer- 
ences to and the results of excavations in an Indian burial j^lace. The 
second paper by Mr Wren, above cited (vol. XIII, pp. 131-222), describes 
and illustrates, with thirty plates and numerous figures, the Indian 
pottery of eastern Pennsylvania, northern New Jersey, and southern 
New York, and is an extension of the results of the studies embodied in 
his paper on "The Aboriginal Pottery of the Wyoming Valley Region," 
printed in volume IX of the Proceedings and Collections. The memoir 
is introduced with a brief account of the potteries of Palissy and 
Wedgwood, followed by a "Chronology of pottery and china making 
in Europe." A description of the Appalachian region of Pennsylvania is 
given, and a general account of the principal features of the aboriginal 
pottery of the area, including materials used, form, method of manufac- 
ture, size, thickness, decoration, uses, and age. The greater part of the 
work is devoted to descriptions of the plates illustrating earthenware 
objects, which afiford an adequate conception of the character of ab- 
original pottery from the area treated. The collection of Algonquian 
pottery in possession of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society 
is said to be the finest in existence. 

F. W. H. 

John Brown Dunbar, an authority on the Pawnee Indians, died at 
Bloomfield, New Jersey, on March 12. Mr Dunbar's father, the Rever- 
end John Dunbar, a native of Massachusetts, was sent as a missionary 
to the Pawnee in 1834, and settled at Bellevue, Nebraska, nine miles 
above the mouth of the Platte, the leading post and agency nearest the 
Pawnee country, where the son was born, April 3, 1841. During his 


missionary labors the father learned enough of the Pawnee language to 
enable him, when he returned to Massachusetts "for a visit in 1836, to 
have printed at Boston a small elemental y book in the Pawnee tongue 
which was afterward used by the children in the missionar\- school. The 
son received his primary education from the father, spent one year at 
Hopkins Acadeni}-, Hadley, Massachusetts, and was graduated from 
Amherst in 1S64. He served in the Civil War successively as private, 
sergeant, and lieutenant of artillery in Nims' battery, a year of the time 
being spent in Louisiana and nearly two years and a half in Virginia. 
From 1869 to 1878 he held the chair in Latin and Greek in Washburn 
College, Topeka, Kansas, and while here married Miss Alida Stella Cook. 
After leaving Topeka, Professor Dunbar served for three years as super- 
intendent of the public schools of Deposit, New York; subsequently he 
filled a similar position for sixteen years at Bloom field. New Jersey, 
and in 1897 became connected with the Boys' High School in Brooklyn, 
New York, although retaining his residence at Bloomfieid. Professor 
Dunbar was deeply interested in philology, and in the early history and 
exploration of the general region of his birth. In 1872-73 he assisted 
Father Gailland, of St Mary's Mission, Kansas, in the preparation of a 
Grammar and Dictionary of the Potawatomi language, which remains 
unpublished. He also compiled, but not published, a brief grammar and 
partial vocabulary of Pawnee. Among Dunbar's published writings are 
the following: 

The Decrease of the North American Indians. Kansas City Revieiv 
of Science and Industry, September, 1880. 

The Pawnee Indians. Magazine of American History, April-Novem- 
ber, 1880; November, 1882. 

The Pawnee Language. In Grinnell, G. B., Pawnee Hero Stories and 
Folk Tales. 

Professor Dunbar rendered cheerful and valued aid to numerous 
students of American ethnology, including Brinton, Grinnell, and Shea, 
and to various institutions. He left a number of incomplete manuscripts 
which doubtless contain much information on the Pawnee, with whom he 
was brought into such intimate contact during his early life. 

General James Grant Wilson, soldier, author, died in New York 
on Februar>' l. General Wilson was born in Edinburgh, April 28, 1832, 
but his family settled at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., during his infancy, and in 
that city he spent his childhood and youth. He received an academic 
education and also instruction by private tutors (D.C.L., St Stephen's 
College, 1894; L.H.D., Hobart College, 1895), and in 1857 founded and 

144 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

edited the Chicago Record, said to be the first iHay,a/ine of art and litera- 
ture pidilished in the Northwest. Five years later he entered the army as 
a major in the Fifteenth Illinois Cavalry; he took an active part in 
Grant's X'icksbiirg cainpait;n, and in l<S63 became colonel of the Fourth 
Regiment of United Slates colored cavalry, serving under General N. B. 
l^anks from 186,-^ to 1865, and being breveted a brigadier-general of 
\-olunt('ers, March 3, 1865, "for faithful and meritorious services." He 
resigned in the following June. From the close of the war General 
Wilson was engaged in literary work in New York, the product of which, 
covering military history, biography, and other historical topicr., is 
voluminous. He was a leading spirit in a number of organizations 
having for their purpose the advancement of the interests of literature, 
history, and genealogical and biographical study, and took a prominent 
part in imi)ortant movements looking to civic progress. In 1894 he was 
knighted by the Queen Regent of Spain for his services in having a statue 
of Columbus erected in Central Park, New York. General Wilson 
became an active member of the American Ethnological Society in 1887, 
and when the Society was rehabilitated in 1900 he was made its president, 
which office he held until shortly before his death, when he was elected 
honorary president. 

Cornplanter Medal for Iroquois Research. — On February 28, 1914, 
the Cayuga County Historical Society of Auburn, New York, conferred 
the "Cornplanter Medal for Iroquois Research" on Mr J. N. B. Hewitt 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C, for his work 
in the field of Iroquois anthropological study. The medal is of silver, 
and its artistic finish represents the excellent handiwork of Tiffany and 
Company of New York. The Cornplanter medal was founded in 1901 
largely through the efiforts of Professor Frederick Starr of the University 
of Chicago and the public spirit of a number of his friends who aided in 
providing the necessary means. The administration of the Cornplanter 
medal for Iroquois Research was then undertaken by the Cayuga County 
Historical Society. Four classes of workers are eligible to receive it, 
namely: (a) Ethnologists making worthy field-study or other investiga- 
tions of the Iroquois; (&) Historians making actual contributions to our 
knowledge of the Iroquois; (c) Artists worthily representing Iroquois 
life or types by brush or chisel ; (d) Philanthropists whose efforts are 
based on adequate scientific study and appreciation of Iroquois needs and 
conditions. Those who have previously received the award of the medal 
are, in their order. General John S. Clark, of Auburn, N. Y.; Rev. William 


M. Beaiichamp of Syracuse, N. Y.; Dr David Boyle of Toronto, Canada; 
Hon. William P. Letchworth, and Reuben Gold Thwaites. 

Frazer Fund for Social Anthropology. — It has been suggested that 
the completion of the Third Edition of The Golden Bough might give the 
many friends and admirers of its author, Dr James G. Frazer, a fitting 
occasion for ofTering him some token in recognition of his great services 
lu learning. It is therefore proposed that a Frazer Fund for Social 
Anthropology be established to make grants to traveling students of 
either sex, whether connected with a university or not, with a view to 
tlieir in\ cstigating i)r()blems in the culture and social organization of 
primitive peoples, a department of Anthropology which Dr Frazer has 
always been eager to promote. This proposal affords an opportunity to 
that wide public, both at home and abroad, whose interest has been 
stimulated by Dr Frazer's work, to cooperate in doing honor to a student 
whose reputation is world-wide and whose speculations, founded on an 
immense accumulation of facts, have aft'ected the main current of thought 
in several important subjects. It is also proposed that, in order to 
secure continuity of administration, the fund be held in trust by the 
Uni\ersity of Cambridge, and that the grants from it be made by seven 
managers, representing the various anthropological schools of the country. 
All persons interested in anthropological research are invited to join the 
committee, of which Mr F. i\I. Cornford, Trinity College, Cambridge, is 
the secretary and treasurer. Contributions to the fund may be sent 
either to him or to the " Frazer Fund Account," Messrs Barclay & Co., 
Mortlock's Bank, Cambridge, England. 

Margaret Elliott, the clan matron of the Iroquois, died on the Six 
Nations reserve, Ontario, on April 6, in her 95th year. Mrs Elliott 
was a daughter of Chief John Smoke Johnson, who was speaker of the 
council of the Six >sations for many years, and it is said that it was he 
who caused the burning of Buffalo in the War of 1812. Johnson laid the 
corner-stone of the Brant monument at Brantford, Ontario, in 1886, and 
died three weeks afterward, aged nearly 94. By the death of Margaret 
Elliott her tribal duties fall upon her niece, Mary Jacket Hill. Her sons 
J. M. W. Elliott and James Elliott, both chiefs, survive her. 

The following illustrated lectures have been announced by the 
University Museum, Philadelphia: February 21, Dr George Grant 
MacCurdy, of Yale University, "The Dawn of Art." February 28, 
Dr A. B. Lewis, of the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 
" Four Years Among the Islands of the South Seas." March 7, Professor 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6— lO. 

146 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16. 1914 

Walton Brooks McDaiiicl. of iho University of Pennsylvania, "Cattilliis 
and Lake Garda." March 14, Professor Masaharu Anesaki, of the 
Imperial University, Tokyo, "Japanese Art." March 21, Professor 
James H. Breasted, of the University of Chicago, "Through the Cata- 
racts of the Nile, or Cam]) and Caravan in Ancient Elhioi)ia." March 
28, Professor Breasted, "Egyptian Art." 

Intending visitors to Madrid are informed that the Museum of 
Archeology and Ethnology is closed for alterations and will remain so 
till the end of the year or longer. The famous Sahagun manuscripts 
are also unavailable. The portion at the Academia de la Ilistoria is 
said to have been sent to Seville for the exhibition which takes place 
there in the autumn. The volume belonging to the Biblioteca del 
Rey "has been placed in the reserve." After refusing any inspection 
of it, the Director now states that, as an especial favor, it might be seen 
twice for three hours " pues no es posible distraer para este asunto, por 
mas tiempo el personal de la Real Biblioteca." Adela C. Breton 

Professor George Grant MacCurdy, of Yale University, de- 
livered the fourth of the winter series of public lectures under the auspices 
of the Pennsylvania State Museum and the Harrisburg Natural History 
Society at Harrisburg, Pa., on January 21. He lectured on "The 
Antiquity of Man in the Light of Recent Discoveries." On March 
loth Professor MacCurdy completed a tour of the eastern Canadian 
circuit where he lectured on "The Dawn of Art," by invitation of the 
Archaeological Institute of America, at St John, Halifax, Quebec, Mon- 
treal, Ottawa, Toronto, and Hamilton. He also gave two lectures at 
Rutgers College on March 25 and 26, one before the New Jersey State 
Microscopical Society on "Primeval Man," the other before the Phi 
Beta Kappa Society on "The Dawn of Art." 

The Cahokia Mound Association was organized at St Louis on 
March 13th, with Dr H. W. Whelpley as president. The legislative 
committee of the Association has recommended that a tract of not less 
than seventy acres be included in the limits of a p\-oposed park surround- 
ing the Cahokia mound group, which Congress will be asked to reserve 
as a national monument, but it is hoped that eventually an area of 750 
acres will be reserved for the permanent preservation of this important 
archeological landmark. 

Sir Aurel Stein, superintendent of the frontier circle of the Archeo- 
logical Survey of India, has been deputed by the government of India 
to resume his archeological and geographical explorations in Central 


Asia and westernmost China, in continuation of the work he carried out 
between 1906 and 1908. For his journey to the border of Chinese 
Turkestan on the Pamirs he is taking on this occasion the route which 
leads through the Darel and Tangir territories, which have not been 
previously visited by a European. 

The department of anthropology of the American Museum of Natural 
History, New York City, has offered a course of four lectures dealing 
\vith the social and religious customs and beliefs of primitive peoples. 
On January 8 and 15, Dr Robert H. Lowie lectured on "Social Organiza- 
tion," and on January 22 and 29 Dr Pliny E. Goddard lectured on 
"Religious Observances" and "Religious Beliefs." 

Professor V, Giuffrida-Ruggeri has been elected a corresponding 
member of the Societe Imperiale des Amis d'Histoire Naturelle, d'Anthro- 
pologie et d'Ethnographie of Moscow. Professor GiufYrida-Ruggeri has 
recently been appointed professor of ethnology in the Real Institute 
Orientale of Naples, under the Royal Ministry of Colonies, the only 
colonial institute in Italy. 

Mrs Huntington Wilson has established for the year 1914 a lecture- 
ship in eugenics, and has placed a fund of ^2,500 for the purpose in the 
care of the Eugenics Record Ofifice at Cold Spring Harbor, N. Y. Mr 
A. E. Hamilton, of Clark University, has been appointed to this lecture- 
ship and will be available for colleges, societies, and clubs. 

Alphonse Bertillon, founder of the system of identifying criminals 
by means of anthropometry, died in Paris on February 13 at the age of 
60 years. He added luster to a name already made famous by his 
father, a noted ethnologist and demographer, associated with Broca in 
the founding of the Paris Society of Anthropology. 

It is stated that the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior is giving special 
attention to the archeological relics and treasures in his state, and is 
taking steps to create an archeological department in Gwalior. In 
furtherance of this object he has sought the advice and cooperation of 
the director-general of archeology in India. 

A new scientific monthly, devoted to the growth of the human child 
and adolescent, has appeared at Saint-Raphael (Yar), France, under the 
name Croissance. It is edited by Dr Paul Godin, well known through 
his extensive researches on human growth and development. The 
yearly subscription is six francs. 

The death of Dr Edwaid Singleton Holden, astronomer and librarian 
of the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, on March 15, recalls 

148 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16. 1914 

to students of Maya hieroglyphs his "Studies in Central American 
Picture-writing" published in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology in 1881. 

The Soci6t6 Imperiale des Amis des Sciences Naturelles, d' Anthro- 
pologic et d' Ethnographic, of Moscow, celebrated its semicentenary 
October 15-28, and on August 27 held a fete in honor of the seventieth 
anniversary of the birth of its president. Professor Dmitrii Nicolaievitch 

Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier, distinguished authority on 
Spanish American archeology and early history, and lecturer in Columbia 
University, died in Seville, Spain, on March 19, aged seventy-four years. 
An extended account of Bandelicr's life and activities will appear in the 
next issue. 

Dr Henry Fairfield Osborn of the American Museum of Natural 
History and Columbia University, New York, has delivered the Hitch- 
cock lectures for 1914 at the University of California, his subject being 
"]\Ien of the Old Stone Age in Europe: their Environment, Life, and 

Dr a. B. Lewis, assistant curator of African and Melanesian 
ethnology in the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, delivered 
an address at the Museum, November 22, on The Joseph N. Field South 
Pacific Expedition. 

The Societe Paleontologiquc et Archeologique de TArrondissement 
Judiciairc de Charleroy, France, celebrated its fiftieth anniversary on 
October 5, wdien an archeological excursion was made by its members and 

The Tenth Session of the Congres Prehistorique de France will be 
held at Aurillac (Cantal), from August 23d to 29th, under the presidency 
of M. Pages-AUary. The general secretary is Dr Marcel Baudouin, rue 
Linne 21, Paris. 

Dr Albert N. Gilbertson will have charge of the instruction in 
anthropology at the University of Minnesota in the absence of Dr Jenks, 
who is traveling in Europe and Africa. 

Records of the Past, volume XH, part v, consists of a table of 
contents, an index of the illustrations, and a general index of the first 
twelve volumes of the series. 

A lecture was delivered on October 7 at the University of Birming- 
ham by Professor Arthur Keith, F.R.S., on "The Present Problems 
Relating to the Antiquity of Man." 


The Imperial Society of the Friends of Natural History, "Anthro- 
pology, and Ethnology, of Moscow, has elected Piofcssor W. M. IJavis 
to permanent membership. 

Professor George Grant MacCurdy of Yale University has been 
elected a corresponding member of the Numismatic and Antiquarian 
Society of Philadelphia. 

Mr F. \V. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, has been 
elected an honorary member of the Sociedad Cientifica Antonio Alzate 
of the City of Mexico. 

Dr Clark Wissler has been elected vice-president of the Section of 
Anthropology and Psychology of the New York Academy of Sciences for 
the ensuing year. 

The old Chateau at Les Eyzies (Dordogne) has been purchased by 
the French Government and will be converted into a museum of prehis- 
toric archeology. 

Dr J. Walter Fewkes, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, has 
been elected a member of the National Academy of Sciences. 

The Vienna Prehistoric Society was recently founded with Professor 
Moritz Hoernes, of the University of \'ienna, as its president. 

The hundredth anniversary of the foundation of the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta, is to be celebrated next February. 

American Anthropological Association 





5 rue de la Chainc, Toulouse, France. 


IS rue derEcolede Medicine, Paris, France. 


Morney Cross, Hereford, England. 


Ethnographical-Anthropological Museum, 
St Petersburg, Russia. 

Friedrichstr. 1, Steglitz bei Berlin, Ger- 



Railway Exchange Building, Chicago. 

805 Century Building. St. Louis. 

111 Devonshire St., Boston. 

4 East Forty-third St., New York. 
Mr P. G. GATES. 

South Pasadena, Cal. 

400 Chestnut St., Philadelphia. 


60 Broadway, New York City. 

Hispanic Society of America, Audubon 

Park. New York City. 

11 Broadway, New York City. 

53 Rue Dumont d'Urv^Ue. Paris. 

1321 Locust St., Philadelphia. 



Philadelphia, Pa. 

1138 Charles ave., New Orleans, La. 

71 Broadway, New York City. 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

2041 N. Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis 

Santiago del Estero 1298, Buenos Aires, 


Broadway and 156th st.. New York City. 

77th St. and Central Park, West, New 

York City. 


104 South Fifth St., Philadeli>hia, Pa. 

Indiana Harbor, Indiana. 

Herrick Hall, Yale University, New Haven, 


216 S. Main St., Poplar Bluff, Mo. 

Zoological Park, Washington, D. C. 

Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa, 


Museum of Comparative Zoology, 

bridge, Mass. 

Seneca, Newton Co., Mo. 

Public Museum, Milwaukee, Wia. 


1 Members whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are Founders of the Association. 



I ;i 


5903 Pitt St., New Orleans, La. 

132 Commerce St., Montgomery, Ala. 

Pahula. Kaui, Hawaii. 

Box 437. Charleston, Mo. 

Beloit, Wisconsin. 

787 Prospect st.. New Haven, Conn. 

2309 Washington St., San FransciscoS 


* Honolulu, H. I. 

Apartado No. 95, Mazatlan, Mexico. 

Columbia University. New York City. 

10 Avenue d'lena, Paris. France. 

St Matthews, Ky. 

Sedalia. Ky. 

Jakobsgatan 4, Stockholm, Sweden. 

121 Northampton st , Springfield. Mass. 

223 East 17th St.. New York City. 

Stanford University. California. 

Box 358. Montgomery. Ala. 

Supreme Court of Louisiana. New Orleans. 


Care Wltsrnd Dorset Bank, Bath,England. 

204 W. 7th St.. Austin. Texas. 

McGill University. Montreal. Canada. 

Eastern Parkway. Brooklyn. N. Y. 

2124 P St.. N. W.. Washington. D. C. 
DR MacMILLAN brown, 

Holmbank, Fendalton, Christchurch, New 


Providence, Rhode Island. 

Carbondale, III. 


Ridge Road, Park Hill South, Yonkers, 
N. Y. 

University. Va. 

State House. Indianapolis, In'*' 

San Francisco, Cal. 

84 William St., New York City. 

2017 I St.. N. W.. Washington. D. C. 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Clark University, Worcester, Mass, 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Springfield. Mass. 

Drawer 1, New Haven, Conn. 

356 W. 122d St., New York City. 

New York City 

49 Park ave., Wakefield, Mass. 

Ithaca, New York. 

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyn, 

N. Y. 

Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Seattle, Washington. 

6433 Monitor St.. Pittsburgh, Pa. 

226 West 78th St.. New York City. 

1733 I St.. N. W., Washington, D. C. 

Elizabeth. New Jersey. 

Washington, D. C. 

Wanamaker Auditorium, Philadelphia, 


Harvard University. Cambridge, Mass. 

Wistar Institute of Anatomy Philadelphia. 

Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. 

» Died April 8, 1914. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 


220 S. Main St., Franklin, N. H. 

New York Public Library, N. Y. City. 

Honolulu, H. I. 

Princeton, N. J. 
Atzcapotzaico, Mexico, D. F. 

CO Wni. Erdis, Manayunk. Philadelphia, 

University Museum. Philadelphia, Pa. 

P. O. Box W, Pasadena, Cal. 

553 Sth Av., Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

1337 Madison ave.. New York City. 

460 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn. 

214 First St., S. E., Washington, D. C. 

Stoneleigh Court, Washington, D. C. 

1839 Ontario Place, Washington, D. C. 
Waupun, Wisconsin. 

936 West Seventh St., Plainfield, N. J. 

St. Michaels, Ariz. 

Potter's Croft, Woking, England. 

University of Pennsylvania Museum, Phila- 

Point Loma, Cal. 

R. F. D. No. 2, Great Barringtom 

Ottawa, Canada. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Afifiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal. 

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 

4371 Washington ave., St Louis, Mo. 


American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

619 West 127th St., New York City. 

Frederick, Maryland. 

University Pennsylvania Museum, Phila. 

Grand Rapids, Mich. 

30 William St., New York City. 

238 East 15th St., New York City. 

Normal College, New York, N. Y. 

1909 Wallace ave. (Van Nest), Bronx, New 
York City. 

48 Wall St., New York City. 

The Rectory, Brown's Town, Jamaica, 
B. W. I. 

240 Fourth ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 

University of Pennsylvania Dormitories, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

903 Park ave.. New York, N. Y. 

110 N. Pine St., Chicago, IlL 

c/o Administration Bldg., Panama-Cali- 
fornia Exposition, San Diego, Calif. 

University of Pennsylvania Museum, Phi- 

60 Broadway, New York City. 

Highgarth, Gloucester, England. 

Royal Ethnographical Museum, Stock- 
holm, Sweden. 

Battle Creek, Mich. 

Pyraeus, Greece. 

Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 

Peabody Museum., Cambridge, Mass. 

Pleasanton, California. 

St. Joseph's Seminary, Yonkers, N. Y. 

1 Died May, 1914- 




Loleta, Humboldt Co.. Cal. 
Box 1056, San Antonio, Texas. 

School of American Archaeology. Sante Fe. 
N. Mex. 

Bucklands, Abbotsford, B. C. 

113-115 East Fourth St., Cincinnati, O. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

2669 California St., San Francisco, Cal. 

5545 Forbes ave.. Pittsburgh. Pa. 

U. S. National Museum, Wcisbington, 
D. C. 

Media. Pennsylvania. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge. Mass. 

Winnetka, Illinois. 

National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

New Orleans. La. 

832 Hohman St., Hammond, Ind. 

131 Marlboro st., Boston, Mass. 

Library Building, BuflFalo, N. Y. 

National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

Union Station Annex, Kansas City, Mo. 
347 Humphrey st., New Haven, Ct. 
DR H. M. HURD.* 

Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md. 

Monte Cito, Santa Barbara, Cal. 

% Friedlaender & Sohn, Berlin, Germany. 

Champaign, 111. 

Indianapolis, Indiana. 

Iowa City, Iowa. 

63 E. 52d St., New York City. 

19 East 47th St.. New York City. 


Merida, Yucatan. 

East India Marine Hall, Salem. Mass. 

University of Minnesota. Minneapolis. 

Quito, Ecuador. 

Imperial Russian Geographical Soc'y. St. 
Petersburg, Russia. 

Chicago, 111. 

127 South avenue, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Care Martinus NyhofI, The Hague, 

Babylon, L. I. 

University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 

Harvard University, Cambridge,'.Mass. 

Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

1103 Rutger St., St. Louis, Mo. 

University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

79 South St., Northampton, Mass. 

1819 O St.. Washington, D. C. 

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal 

214 First St., S. E., Washington, D. C. 

Museo de La Plata, La Plata, Argentina. 

1816 Lear st.. Dallas, Texas. 

Apartado Postal 279, Quito Ecuador. 

Field Museum of Natural History .[Chicago. 

Museo de la Plata, La Plata, Argentina. 

LIBRARY. Stanford University, Cal. 

31 Park st., Gardner, Mass. 

Casilla 844, Santiago de Chile. Chile. 

1724 S. University ave., Ann Arbor, 



[n. s., i6, 1914 


Warren, Pa. 

I Mountfort St., Boston, Mass. 
MR M. C. LONG,* 

Missouri ave, and Main St., Kansas City, 


1706 Brazos St., Austin, Texas. 

American Museum of Nat\iral History, 

New York City. 

129 E. 17th St., New York City. 

Lyme, Conn. , 


Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 
DR J. B. McGEE,* 

8117 Woodland ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 
MR T. A. McKAY. 

R. R. 1, Edge water, Colo. 

200 Highland st., Syracuse, N. Y. 

Box 22, Burns, Oregon. 

II William St., New York City. 

212 West Chelten ave., Germantown,'Pa. 

121 E. 44th St., Chicago, 111. 

Hotel Oxford, Boston, Mass. 

2017 I St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

American Museum of Natural History, 

New York, N. Y. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

4434 Westminster PI., St Louis, Mo. 

The Northumberland, Washington, D. C. 

140 Elm St., Worcester, Mass. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

4018 Spring Garden St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

State University, Columbus, Ohio. 

Milwaukee, Wis. 

Cedar Rapids, Iowa. 


St Louis, Mo. 

Bellevue, Nebraska. 

State Normal School, Upper Montclair, 

Toronto, Canada. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 
REV. A. G. MORICE, O. M. I., 

Saint Boniface. Man., Canada. 

School of American Archeology, Santa Fe, 

N. M. 

Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. 

16 High Rock Way, AUston, Mass. 

Buenos Aires, Argentina. 

Lincoln, Neb. 

American Museum of Natural History, 

New York City. 

150-152 Market St., Paterson, N. J. 

Army Medical Museum, Washington, 
D. C. 

Chicago, Illinois. 

138 Dallas Road, Victoria, B. C. 
AND M. A., 

Durham, N. H. 

New York City. 

46 North Los Robles ave., Pasadena, 

REV. J. B. NIES,* 

Hotel St. George. Clark St.. Brooklyn. N. Y. 

108 North St., Walton, N. Y. 

Casa Alvarado, Coyoacan, D. F., Mexico. 

Museo Nacional de Historia Natural, 

Buenos Aires, Argentina. 

State Dep't of Archives and History, Mont- 
gomery, Ala. 




1855 Morris ave.. New York City. 

University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 

115 E. 72d St.. New York. N. Y. 

84 Griswold St., Detroit. Michigan. 

197 Brattle St.. Cambridge, Mass. 

Cambridge, Mass. 

309 \V. loth St. , Austin, Texas. 

222 Drexel Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 

255 Roseville ave., Newark, N, J. 

Burlington, Vermont. 

347 Church St., Webster Groves, Mo. 

Bureau of Plant Industry, Washington. 

1221 Stratford ave., Bridgeport, Conn. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Franklin, N. H. 

160 West 59th St., New York City. 

Davenport, Iowa. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Davenport Academy of Science, Daven- 
port, Iowa. 

Chateau de Ledeberg, Ledeberg-lez-Gand, 


318 College ave.. Houghton, Mich. 

Marine Biological Laboratory, Heligoland, 


Lakefield. Minn. 

Pomeroon River, British Guiana. 

147 ('aroline street, Derby, Conn. 

St Louis, Mo. 

Geological Survey, Ottawa, Ont. 

47 Harvard St., Worcester, Mass. 


10 East 33d St., New York, N. Y. 

318 Winona Ave., Germantown, Phila., Pa. 

Webster Groves, Mo. 

255 W. 108th St., New York City. 
GEN. H. L. SCOTT, U. S. A ,* 

U. S. War Department, Washington, D. C. 

4622 Maryland ave., St Louis, Mo. 

1424 Eleventh St., N. W., Washington, 

D. C. 

Bellevue Flats, Laporte, Ind. 

41 Sherman ave., Tompkinsville, N. Y. 

218 13th St., Toledo, Ohio. 

Geological Survey, Ottawa, Ont. 

Historical Museum, Christiania, Norway. 

University Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 

209 Dyckman St., New York, N. Y. 

American Museum of Natural History, 

New York City. 

Daniel Baugh Institute of Jefferson Medi- 
cal College, Philadelphia. 

Chicago University, Chicago, Illinois. 

The Hermitage, Kerrisdale, Vancouver, 
B. C. 

Geological Survey, Ottawa, Canada. 

1136 O St., Lincoln, Nebraska. 

1102 W. Main St., Kalamazoo, Mich. 

Grosse He, Michigan. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

50 West 93d St., New York City. 

Hanover Bank Building, New York City, 
N. Y. 

Spences Bridge, B. C. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 


Museo Xacional, Lima, Peru. 

Chicago University, Chicago, 111. 

Columbia University, New York City, N. Y. 

20 Newbury St., Boston, Mass. 

Wooster, Ohio. 

70 Main st.. Sag Harbor, New York. 

Toronto, Canada. 

Museo Nacional, Buenos Aires, Argentina. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

La Plata, Argentine Rep. 

33d and Spruce sts., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Jalta, Crimea, Russia Vorontzovski street, 


University of Pennsylvania Museum. Phil- 
adelphia, Pa. 

York, Pennsylvania. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Phila. 

8315 Shawnee St., Chestnut Hill, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

204 Dearborn st., Chicago, 111. 

Princeton, New Jersey. 

University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

43 Hawkins st., Room 43, Boston, Mass. 

Hartford, Conn. 

University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. 

1 Died May 2, 1914. 


2238 N. isth St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Duquesne, Pa. 

996 Haight st., San Francisco, Cal. 

84 John St., Newport, Rhode Island. 
1 St. Luke's Hospital, Cathedral Heights, 

N. Y. City. 

2342 Albion place. St. Louis, Mo. 

1734 N St. N. W., Washington. D. C. 

Fairbanks, Alaska. 

414 W. Gales St., Seattle. Wash. 

Smith College. Northampton. Mass. 

Bismarck. North Dakota. 

25 Broad St.. New York City. 

Department of State, Washington. D. C. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Castine, Maine. 

Old Capitol, St. Paul. Minn. 

American Museum of Natural History. 

New York City. 

1006 Beacon st., Brookline, Mass. 

58 Pearl st.. Worcester. Mass. 

Manila, Philippine Islands. 

Oberlin, Ohio. 

2d ave. and 20th st.. New York City. 

3448 Longfellow Boulevard, St. Louis, 

LL. D. 

107 South ave, Syracuse, N. Y 


American Anthropologist 


Vol. i6 April — June, 1914 No. 2 



DLTRING the summer of 19 12, after having completed a tour of 
the paleolithic caves of France and Spain, I found myself 
in the picturesque little village of Les" Eyzies with a desire 
to know more about troglodite culture and two or three weeks still 
at my disposal. I had always wanted to explore a Quaternary cave. 
Knowing this, Peyrony came to my rescue. Some five years 
previously he had made a sounding near the entrance to the small 
cave of La Combe (Dordogne) about one hour's walk to the south 
of Les Eyzies, and had found enough in the way of flint chips and 
bones to warrant further search. Moreover within the cave Peyrony, 
Peyrille, and young Casimir Mercier, son of the proprietor, had 
each found several specimens, including a bone point with cleft 
base, several perforated shells, and a polishing stone. The per- 
forated shells and polishing stone later came into possession of 
Professor Max Verworn of Bonn, Germany; while I obtained through 
purchase from Peyrony and Mercier the bone point and a few flint 

I obtained a lease of the cave, and with two workmen, Marcelin 
Berniche and Casimir Mercier, began excavations on August 5th. 
Our route lay southward. We crossed the Beune and paralleled 
the narrow valley of La Gaubere to its source near the village of 
La Mouthe, that gave its name to the cavern in which Quaternary 
mural art was discovered by Riviere in 1893. From La Mouthe a 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 1.6^11 '57 

158 A MKKICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

foot-path leads ()\cr a land elc\ati()n and down to the brink of a 
narrow valley, La Combe (meaning "little \alley"), extending in a 
w^esterly direetion and tributary to the Vezere, only a few kilometers 
distant. At this point the little valley is almost precipitous along 
its northern boundary. At the top of the escarpment and less than 
a hundred meters above the stream bed are a number of caves, one 
of which is called La Combe. It has a southwestern exposure and 
is on the property of Fran^-ois Mercier whose farmhouse is at the 
bottom of the valley trough. 

Berniche accompanied me from Les Eyzies where he had arrived 
the same morning from Les Combarelles some two kilometers to 
the east of Les Eyzies. It was his father who sold the cavern of 
Les Combarelles to the French Government for a national monu- 
ment after paleolithic engravings had been discovered on its walls. 
Berniche had to his credit a wide experience in cave exploration, 
having been employed in that capacity for more than twenty years. 
For the last four years he had worked for Dr Lalanne at the famous 
rock shelter of Laussel ; he was in fact the lucky workman who 
uncovered the remarkable bas relief of the female holding a bison 

On our arrival at La Combe a few lusty calls brought Casimir 
Mercier with his tools and the key to the cave; for the entrance 
had been walled up and the cave used as a storehouse. We began 
excavations outside the present limits of the cave proper and in 
line with the sounding made by Peyrony, who had sunk a pit to 
a depth of 1.6 meters. This pit we sank an additional 60 c, finding 
flint flakes, very few of which had been retouched. The deposit 
is dark yellow to reddish loam. At a depth of 2.2 m. we struck a 
pure, stratified sterile layer of sand of brighter yellow than the loam. 
A smaller pit was sunk in the sand 1.2 m., and a bar of iron was 
driven an additional 40 c. without reaching rock bottom. The 
sand deposit is of Tertiary age. The original pit was more than 
3 m. outside the shelter of the overhanging rock at the entrance to 
the cave. From this as a point of departure the deposits were 
removed section by section in the direction of the entrance. The 
stone wall (west of the door) and door that guarded the cave entrance 




were finally removed so that the excavations might continue 
uninterrupted to and within the cave proper (pi. xii). 

The cave has a depth of 7 m., a width of 5 m., and a maximum 
height above the floor accumulations of some 2 m. It is the distal 
remnant of a cave that originally had a depth of about 30 m. The 
roof exposed to the surface had fallen in ages ago. A ground-plan 

Fig. 9. — Ground-plan of La Combe. (R, R, large rocks.) 

(fig. 9) will give at least a partial idea of the present and past history 
of the cave as well as its relation to the escarpment. The jambs of 
what was once the cave entrance are seen in the lower half of plate 
XII, which is a view looking across the valley of La Combe to the 

The section just outside the entrance to the cavern revealed the 
following components, beginning at the top; 

5. Surface soil -2 m. 

4. Yellow clay, Aurignacian industry .5 m. 

3. Yellow clay, Mousterian industry with coups de poing common .6 m. 
2. Reddish sandy clay, Archaic Mousterian industry' with eolithic 

facies -5 rn- 

I. Sands . . . Tertiary 

Both within the cave and outside the entrance foyers had been 
sunk by barbaric races. Not only because of the color but also on 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

account of the presence of potsherds and post-paleolithic kitchen 
refuse these black hearths were easily distinguishable from the 
yellow Aurignacian deposits into which they were sunk. In one 
or two cases they penetrated even into the Mousterian layer proper, 
thus bringing potsherds in close contact with coups de poing. Some 
hearths were superposed on other older hearths. The pottery 
dates from the first to the eleventh century A. D. 

Archaic Mousterian 
To begin with the oldest industry, we found in the layer of red 
sandy clay many non-utilized fiint chips and bone fragments. The 
flints that could be called artifacts were somewhat rare in com- 
parison. The patination was pronounced and the angles were 
often reduced by wear due to transport or use. If found in valley 
deposits these flints would easily pass for eoliths. The notched 
scraper or spoke-shave is the most common type (fig. 10). This 
old industry at La Combe resembles that in the lowest horizon at 

Fig. 10. — Notched scrapers or spoke-shaves. Archaic Mousterian. (f ) 

La Micoque, but the specimens from La Micoque are not so worn. 
It resembles even more closely the lower layer in the classic station 
(upper terrace) of Le Moustier, the layer immediately below the 
level of the typical Mousterian points and side scrapers. At Le 
Moustier the worn condition of many of these archaic specimens is 




likewise to be noted. Brcuil reports a similar industry from the 
base of the floor accumuhitions of the small entrance (the one not at 
present used) at Font-de-Gaume. The eolithic type of cave 
industry was also found by Rutot in the cavern of Fond-de-For^t, 
Belgium; and by Schmidt in the lowest culture-bearing layer at 
Sirgenstein, southern Germany. 

Fig. II. — Utilized and retouched flint chips. Archaic Mousterian. (f) 

The race that left the Archaic Mousterian industry was either 
lazy and careless or else incapable of producing anything but in- 
different results in the way of chipping flint. The nodular crust 
shows on many of the specimens and a lack of method is manifest 
in the retouching or working of flint flakes (fig. ii). The result 
is that the chipping often shows on the bulb or inner surface of the 
flake instead of the outer surface or back, where one would expect 
to find it. In some specimens one margin is chipped from the bulb 
side and the other from the back. Certain nodules from which 
flakes have been detached resemble rude Ghellean forms (figs. 12 
and 13). These were found at the top of the Archaic Mousterian 
layer. One rude implement made from a quartzite pebble (fig. 14), 
the only one of its kind, was found near the base of the Archaic 
Mousterian deposit. The typical Mousterian side scraper and 
point as well as the coup de poing do not occur in the Archaic 
Mousterian layer (No. 2). In this lower layer were found curious 
points with thick squarish base (fig. 15). Here also was found a 
fragment of a large bone {Bison or Bos) that had seen extensive 



[x. s., i6, 1914 

sen-ice as a chopping block or compressor (fig. 16). Utilized bones 
of this class first came into general notice' through the researches 
of Dr Henri Martin in the Moiisterian of La Quina (Charcnte), 

Pig. 12. Flint core resembling a rude Chellean implement. Archaic Mousterian. (f) 

PiQ J3 — Flint implement of pre-Chellean type. Archaic Mousterian. (f ) 

where they are very abundant. They have also been found by 
Pittard at a station in the valley of Les Rebieres (Dordogne), and 

1 Many years ago Dupont discovered utilized bones associated with Mousterian 
stone industry in the cave of Hastiere, Belgium. 




elsewhere by others. The bone compressors found by Martin and 
Pittard are htnvcxer associated with upper Mousterian stone 

^FlG. 14. — Rude quartzite implement. Archaic Mou-i. . .>z;i. 

Fig. i.s-- \-' I- 

\I"Usterian points, (f) 

industry- characterized by the side scraper and the point. The 
specimen from La Combe came from the base of the Archaic 
Mousterian. After the termination of mv work at La Combe I 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

visited Professor Commont at Amiens and learned that he had 
recently found similar bone compressors in the gravel pit of Boutmy- 
Muchembled at Montieres, a suburb of Amiens. This pit is in 
the lowest or fourth (youngest) terrace. The utilized bone frag- 
ments were foimd in a whitish gravelly deposit below the recent 
loess and associated with Mousterian industry and a warm fauna. 
Commont believes the deposit to date from the Riss-Wurm inter- 
glacial epoch. Montieres and La Combe therefore would seem to 
prove that bone compressors were in use during the ancient archaic 

Mousterian phase. 

Typical Mousterian 

Immediately above the reddish sandy layer is a thick deposit 
of yellow clay, the lower half of which contains typical Mousterian 
industry and the upper half Aurignacian industry. There is no 
perceptible intervening sterile layer. 

Fig. 16. — Bone compres- 
sor. Archaic Mousterian. 

Fig. 17. — Archaic Mousterian form from the 
base of the typical Mousterian layer, (f ) 

Near the base of the Mousterian proper one still encounters 
scattering specimens of the archaic types common to the layer of 
reddish sandy clay beneath (figs. 17 and 18). At the middle and 
upper Mousterian levels are found the classic side scraper (racloir) 

maccurdy] la combe, A PALEOLITHIC CAVE 1 65 

and point, as well as a relatively large number of coups de poing, 
usually rather small and of the Acheulian type; the largest of these 
has a maximum length of 12 c. and the smallest 4.8 c. The collec- 

FiG. 18. — Archaic Mousterlan type from the base of the typical 
Mousterian layer, (f ) 

tion from La Combe comprises some 30 coups de poing. This type 
of specimen is rare in the deposits of caves and rock shelters. In 
the great station of La Ferrassie (Dordogne), for example, the finding 
of a coup de poing is an event of unusual importance. 

On the last day of our excavations and within a few minutes of 
closing time Berniche found one of the finest coups de poing that 
ever came from a paleolithic cave (fig. 19). It was found in situ 
at a depth of less than a meter from the surface. The specimen 
is intact; the flint is of excellent quality and from the heart of a 
nodule as indicated by the small bit of nodular surface (near the 
base), the plane of which is perpendicular to the plane of the length- 
and-breadth axis of the specimen. The work is done with a delicate 
sense of symmetry. The implement is more pointed than the typical 
limande of the valley deposits in northern France, resembling more 
in form and workmanship a late Acheulian implement found by 
O. Herman in 1906 at Miskolcz, Hungary. The Hungarian 
specimen is however considerably smaller than the one from La 
Combe. Within a few centimeters from the fine specimen we found 

1 66 


[n. s., i6, 1914 

another coup dc poiiiii. lin-gcr and of much cruder workmanship. 
The Hint of \vhii-h ii was made was hkcwisc of i)oorer (luaHty. In 


Fig. 19. — Coup de poing from the typical Mousterian layer, (f ) 

the Mousterian layer were found flint drills and hammerstones of 
which figures 20 and 21 are good examples. The hammerstone is 
a water-worn quartzite pebble and is abraded at several points. 

In both the archaic and typical Mousterian horizons were found 
small, carefully selected, nearly spherical pebbles of which figure 
22 in a good example. The presence of these so-called balls, or 
spheroids, of which some were at least artificially shaped in part, 
has been noted in numerous deposits of Mousterian (and even pre- 
Mousterian) age. One of the first to mention them was de Roche- 
brune as early as 1866. Chauvet illustrates examples from the 
Charente and elsewhere. Martin reports the finding of 76 cal- 
careous spheroids at the Mousterian station of La Quina (Charente). 
At Les Robieres I, a Mousterian station in the Dordogne, Pittard 
found a curious association of balls in groups of three. The balls 
thus grouped were nearly alwaj^s of quartzite. He also found 




calcareous spheroids, many of them pecked into shape. There are 
se\eral theories regarding the use to which these stone balls were 
put. Were the>- gaming stones, or did they serve a more practical 

Fig. 20. — Flint drill. Typical 
Mousterian. (i/i) 

Fig. 21. — Hammerstone of quartzite from 
typical Mousterian layer, (f ) 

purpose as sling-stones, or perhaps bolas similar to the weapon in 
use among the natives of the southern part of South America? 
Darwin describes two kinds of bolas. 
One consists of two round stones, 
covered with leather and united by a 
thong about eight feet long; the other 
kind has "three balls united by thongs 
to a common center." The finding 
by Pittard of these balls in groups of 
three favors the presumption that bolas 
of the triple-ball type were used by 
the Mousterians of western Europe. 
The bolas had been lost or laid aside 
intact, but the skin covering and unit- 
ing thongs have long since decayed, 
leaving the three balls in a tell-tale position 

Fig. 22. — Selected pebble 
from the typical Mousterian 
layer, (f) 

1 68 


[n. s., i6. 1914 


As has been said, there was no sterile layer separating the 
Mousterian horizon from the Aurignacian. The latter was the 

Fig. 24.— Side scraper from the typical^Mousteriau layer. (4) 

last paleolithic occupancy of the cave. There seem to be no types 
representing the earliest and latest phases of Aurignacian culture. 




The oldest distinct lithic type is the Chatelperron blade (fig. 25), 
which first made its appearance near the summit of the lower Aurig- 
nacian. On the whole the industry is typical or middle Aurignacian. 
The combination gra\er-perforator rej^roduccd in figure 26 seems 

Fig. 25. — Chatelperron blades from the Aurignacian layer, (i/i) 

to be of an early type; but those represented in figure 27 are not 
earlier than the middle Aurignacian, and the lateral graver with 
notch (fig. 28) is even suggestive of the upper Aurignacian. Many 
splinter-like chips produced in the manufacture of gravers were 
found in the Aurignacian deposit. Implements of the type shown 
in figure 29 were rather common. One end of the blade-like flake 
is chipped to a point ; while the other is rounded by chipping to form 
an end scraper. The lateral margins are retouched. The working 
shows only on the outside of the flake. 

A remarkably fine flint blade (fig. 30) was found in a gently 
oblique position. It measures 15.2 c. in length and is made of a 
yellowish flint similar to the w^ell-known "beeswax" flint of Pres- 
signy-le-Grand (Indre-et-Loire). The base is square. The right 




Fig. 26. — Combination 
graver- perforator. Aurig- 
nacian epoch, (i/i) 

Fig. 27. — Flint gravers. Aurignacian epoch, (f) 

Fig. 28.— Combination graver Fig. 29.— End scrapers. Aurignacian epoch, 
and spoke-shave. Aurignacian (3) 

epoch, (i/i) 




margin is retouched for its entire length, as is also the left margin 
for more than 2 c, thus giving to the blade a distinct point. The 
left margin is likewise retouched for a space of 4 c. beginning at 


Fig. 30. — Long pointed flint Fig. 31. — Flint knives. Aurignacian epoch, (f) 

blade. Aurignacian epoch. (§) 

the base. The only secondary working to be seen on the inner or 
nuclear face of the blade is on the left margin from 3 to 6 c. below 
the point. 

Flint knives similar to the larger one in figure 31 were common. 
Carinate scrapers (fig. 32) were comparatively rare. 

A number of crude hammerstones were found in the Aurignacian 
deposit. The quartz pebble reproduced in figure 33 is a good 



[n. s.. 16, 1914 

example. Slight abrasions centrally located on each side seem to 
indicate that this specimen might have served also as an anvil 
stone. A flat elongate pebble from a fine-grained crystalline 
igneous rock is one of the smallest anvil stones (fig. 34) found at 
La Combe. 

In comparison with the primitive Mousterians the Aurignacians 
were men of new ideas, practical as well as esthetic. In the early 

Fig. 32. — Carinate scrapers. Aurignacian epoch, (f ) 

days of the science it was customary to speak of the two grand 
divisions of the Stone Age as the period of chipped stone implements 
and the period of polished stone implements. Later the terms 
paleolithic and neolithic came into general use, and fortunately so, 
since the terms formerly employed had become misnomers for two 
reasons. In the first place perhaps more than half of the neolithic 
stone implements were never polished; and secondly stone objects 
of undoubted paleolithic age bearing marks of the polishing process 
have been reported from various stations, including Les Eyzies, 
Laussel, La Ferrassie, and La Combe, to mention only the Dordogne. 




The art of polishing bone in paleolithic times is a phenomenon of 
common occurrence and need not enter into the discussion here. 
For some reason not easily explained it never occurred to any of 
the paleolithic races to polish flint implements. In fact the polishing 
process in paleolithic times, so far as stone is concerned, seems to 
have been wholly incidental and not a means to an end. The 

Fig. 33. — Hammerstone of cjuartz. Aurignacian 
epoch. (5) 

Fig. 34. — Pebble used as an anvil 
stone. Aurignacian epoch. (5) 

abrasions on a primitive hammerstone and anvil stone are the results 
of their use as such and not of their manufacture. This is likewise 
true of the polished facets on the upper and nether rubbing- or 
grind-stone; and the constant polishing of bone needles would finally 
leave grooves in the stone on which the work was done. 

A fine example of the rubbing stone (fig. 35) was found in situ 
within the cave on the western side and at a depth of 50 c. from the 
surface of the cave deposit. It is a weathered, slightly flattened 
oval water-worn pebble from a rock of igneous origin. The op- 
posite sides are much reduced by polishing; the pebble had been 
extensively employed evidently as the upper or active rubbing 

AM ANTH., N. S.. l6-J2 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Stone. In the center of each poHshcd surface are two groups of 
scars. The pebble had therefore been used as an anvil stone or a 


Pig. 35.— Combination rubbing stone, Fig. 36.— Granite pebble that had served 

hammerstone, and anvil or chopping as a rubbing stone. Aurignacian epoch, 
block. Aurignacian epoch. (5) (2) 

Fig. 37. — Combination passive rubbing stone and chopping block. 
Aurignacian epoch. (2) 

chopping block. The battered ends and the bruised condition of 
one of the margins prove that the pebble had likewise functioned 




as a hammerstone. The relation of the contused to the polished 
surfaces establishes the fact that the implement had last served as 
a rubbing stone. A few weathered granite pebbles that had been 
employed as active rubbing stones were found. One of these is 
reproduced in figure 36. In figure 37 is represented a fragment of 
what must have been a rather large nether or passive rubbing stone. 
It has a thickness of 6 c. Both sides bear evidence of extensive 
wear. The piece was likewise employed as an anvil stone. It is a 
compact fine-grained granitoid rock. 

That paleolithic man was quick to seize upon objects in nature 
that bore a resemblance to some cherished or familiar form is at- 

FlG. 38. — Perforated effigy stone resembling a bird's head. 
From the Aurignacian layer. (1) 

tested by numerous examples dating from various epochs. There 
are in the first place the flints which fortuitously or otherwise 
resemble animal forms familiar to man. Examples may be found 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

in almost any ancient gravel bed. They might well have attracted 
the attention of earh' man. Whether they did or did not is a 
question that has not yet been definitely answered. Whether a 
freak of nature may also be classed as a fetich depends entirely on 
human association. If found in a place of human habitation, and 
especially if nature's work has been supplemented in some unmis- 
takable way, all reasonable doubt is removed. For example, 
Peyrony found, in the Aurignacian layer at La Ferrassie, a fiint 


Fig. 39. — Bone point with cleft 
base. Aurignacian epoch, (f ) 

Fig. 40. — Bone polishers, 
epoch. (I) 


nodule bearing a marked resemblance to a human cranium with 
the two orbits, nasal bridges between, etc. In addition some of 
the asperities had been artificially removed, thus enhancing the 
likeness. Examples might be cited dating from times long sub- 
sequent to the paleolithic. For example. Flinders Petrie found in a 




prehistoric temple at Ahydos ape figures in terra-cotta and ivory; 
also pieces of stone rudeh- blocked out to suggest baboons. With 
them was a single unworked flint nodule of suitable size and shape, 
which "seems to have been kept for its likeness to a baboon." In 
the Aurignacian layer at La Combe we found a calcareous rock 
roughly shaped like the head of a bird with short beak (fig. 38). 
The eye is represented by a perforation presumably natural and 
apparently rendered somewhat more shapely by artificial means. 
This piece would have made an excellent hammerstone, but it was 
evidently preserved for less prosaic uses. The original crust of 
the rock is everywhere intact except for a slight chip removed from 
the base of the neck. 

Fig. 41. — Piece of worked ivory. 
Aurignacian epoch, (f) 

Fig. 42. — Perforated toe-bone of the rein- 
deer. Aurignacian epoch. (|) 

Implements of bone and horn were rare, there being but a single 
point with cleft base, typical of the beginning of the middle Aurig- 
nacian (fig. 39). Three bone polishers are shown in figure 40. The 
largest was evidently made from the rib of some large animal. 
Only one piece of ivory was encountered, an implement cut from 
near the center of the tusk (fig. 41). 

Among various phalanges of the reindeer one first phalanx of 

178 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16. 1914 

the inner functional digit (III) of the right foot has a squarish and 
what seems to be an artificial perforation near the proximal end 
(fig. 42). 

The Aurignacians are known to ha\e been a race of surprisingly 
artistic ability. And they accomi^lished what they did without a 
background of art inheritance; for their predecessors, the archaic 
Mousterians, left nothing that might be called art in the strict 
sense — only utilitarian artifacts. Any efforts they might have made 
along artistic lines were of a perishable nature and have completely 
disappeared. The presence of bits of ochre and oxide of manganese 
in deposits of Mousterian age at numerous stations suggests the 
practice of painting or tattooing the body; at all events the use of 
red and black coloring matter for purposes ceremonial, magical, 
ornamental, or otherwise; for many of the pieces were genuine 
crayons with w^orn facets. Peyrony reports the finding of mineral 
colors not only in the Mousterian layers at La Ferrassie, Pech de 
I'Aze, Tabaterie, and Combe-Capelle, but also in practically every 
Mousterian deposit excavated by him. It is possible therefore 
that the fine arts had their birth in man's love of color (as well as of 
form) and that the old Neanderthal race made at least a beginning 
in that field. Certain it is that the love of ornament is at least as 
old as, if not older than, the fine arts. 

At La Combe several fragments of ocher were found, especially 
in the Aurignacian level. The Aurignacians were in fact the first 
to leave a permanent record in the fields of sculpture, bas relief, 
engraving, and painting. It is a pity their robes and shields of 
bison skin could not have survived ; for both offered fitting surfaces 
for embellishment. No art objects, either portable or mural, 
were found at La Combe, but various ornaments were encountered. 
The canine of a stag with the root worked down on both sides and 
perforated, and with three tally marks on the side of the crown, is 
reproduced in figure 43. 

A large incisor of the stag is grooved near the end of the root 
(fig. 44). The dentine has been cut away in such manner as to 
leave a distinct shoulder in the direction of the root end only. In 
the end of the root there is the beginning of a conical perforation. 




Perforated animal teeth were quite extensively employed as a 
means of ornament during the upper paleolithic period. So far as 
I have been able to ascertain, no perforated human teeth have 
hitherto been reported from a European paleolithic cave. My 
surprise and satisfaction were both great, therefore, on finding one 
such tooth at La Combe. It is a large lower left first or second 

Fig. 43. — Perforated 
canine tooth of the stag 
bearing tally marks. Au- 
rignacian epoch, (i/r) 

Fig. 44. — Grooved 
incisor of the stag. 
Aurignacian epoch. 


Fig. 45. — Perforated human 
lower molar tooth. Aurignacian 
epoch, (i/i) 

molar with unusually large and spreading roots (fig. 45). On the 
front face of the anterior root is a conical hole that passes entirely 
through the root. The posterior root being in the way, no attempt 
was made to bore from the other side. It should be remembered 
that perforated teeth almost without exception have but a single 
root. Above and leading to the hole are a number of distinct 
incisions, and below the hole is a short gutter leading to the tip of 
of the root. The tooth has been submitted to a number of experts 
(A. Hrdlicka, J. W. Gidley, G. S. Miller, G. A. Dorsey, F. A. Lucas, 
W. D. Matthew, and Roy Andrews), all of whom agree that it is 
human. Dr F. C. Baldwin of New Haven, a dentist, is of the same 
opinion. He has extracted molar teeth as large as the one from 
La Combe and with roots perhaps equally spreading. 

While the use of human teeth as ornaments seems to have been 
very rare indeed among the paleolithic cave-dwellers of Europe, 
the practice was more common in the New World, especially in 
South America. Many human teeth with perforated or worked 

l80 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

roots, evidently once serving as ornaments, were found at Sacsa- 
huaman, Peru, in 1912, by the expedition in charge of Professor 
Hiram Bingham of Yale University. 

Parts of the human skeleton are known to have been adapted 
as objects of adornment or utility both in the Old World and the 
New. At the cave of Le Placard (Charente), M. de Maret found 
several cranial calottes that had been so fashioned as to serve as 
drinking cups. They are of Solutrean and Magdalenian age; some 
of them were recently published by Breuil and Obermaier. Small 
bone disks cut from the walls of the human cranium, some of them 
perforated for suspension, have been found in French stations dating 
from the neolithic period. 

In the Edwin Harness Mound of Ohio, Mr W. C. Mills gathered 
interesting data bearing on the use of the human jaw, both upper 
and lower, as an ornament. Examples of the lower jaw are more 
frequent than of the upper. A mandible with a perfect set of teeth 
w^as selected, the ascending rami broken away and a hole bored on 
each side of the symphysis. In one instance where three incisor 
teeth were missing, they had been replaced by incisors of the deer. 
The long roots of the deer incisors were cut off so that the teeth 
might fit properly in the human sockets. The ascending rami of 
this particular specimen were left intact save for notches cut near 
the neck, indicating that the jaw was suspended from this point. 
The coronoid process is also slightly worked, "and parts of the body 
of the jaw show polishing and cutting." The superior maxillary 
was converted into ornaments by cutting away the bone from the 
face well above the alveoles and leaving the palate intact. The 
posterior palatine canals served as perforations for the suspension 
of the jaw; these had been enlarged by boring. 

There was something in the white smooth enamel of teeth, both 
human and animal, that appealed to the primitive esthetic sense. 
" It was no easy matter to make the perforations preliminary to the 
stringing or otherwise suspending. The teeth in situ reproduced in 
a measure the desired effect and removed the necessity Of making 
the perforations. Hence the use of the jaw with its already strung 
teeth. The jaws of other animals, such as the mountain lion, black 


bear, and wildcat, were used in the same manner. Since primitive 
races are not well versed in comparative anatomy, it is probable that 
parts of the human anatomy were employed sometimes unwittingly. 
The replacing of human incisors by deer incisors would seem to 
favor such a view. 

At the Roebuck site, eight miles from Prescott, Ontario, Mr 
Harlan I. Smith recently found both tools and ornaments made of 
human bone. The proximal half of a human ulna, for example, 
was converted into a bone punch. Several circular disks, some four 
inches in diameter and cut from the human cranium, were each 
perforated in several places e\idently in part at least for purposes 
of suspension. The site is thought by Smith to be Iroquoian. 

Among the most notable examples of appropriating human 
bones for decorative purposes were reported by Putnam and 
Willoughby from the Hopewell and Turner mounds in Ohio. The 
incised pattern on pieces of the human fem.ur from the Hopewell 
mound and on an ulna from the Turner mound are elaborate and 
evidently of special symbolic as well as decorative import. 

The perforated teeth, including one human molar to which 
reference has already been made, prove that the art-loving Aurig- 
nacians were likewise fond of ornament. Pen- 
dants of bone and ivory, as well as perforated 
shells, were objects of personal adornment. 
So far as shells are concerned, both bivalves 
and univalves were employed, the latter how- 
ever predominating. The cave men used not Fig. 46.— Perfor- 
only shells of existing species, but also fossil ^^^^ ^^^^^ °^ ^''^'^• 
shells from the Miocene Faluns of Touraine. At ""S"^<^^^" ^po^ 
La Combe w^e found only one perforated shell of 
a bivalve, that of Area (fig. 46). Of univalves we discovered 
more than a score. Some of these are in a fragmentary con- 
dition, so that it is not possible to say whether they had been 
perforated or not. They include Littorina littoria (fig. 47), L. ohtu- 
sata (fig. 48), Purpura lapillus (fig. 49), Turritella sp. (fig. 50), 
Nassa, and Natica; all are marine forms evidently brought from the 
Atlantic ocean more than 160 kilometers to the westward. Ac- 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

cording to Professor A. E. Verrill they resemble the forms still 
li\-ino in English waters of the North Sea.^ The perforations are 

Fig. 47. — Perforated shells of Lillorina 
littoria. Aurignacian epoch, (i/i) 

Fig. 48. — Perforated shells of Lillorina 
oblusa. Aurignacian epoch, (i/i) 

usually round, some however are in the shape of slits m.ade evidently 
by sawing back and forth (fig. 48). 

Some of the graves in the caves of Mentone are marked by a 
prodigality in the use of shell ornament. The skeleton found by 
Riviere in the cave of Cavillon was accompanied by perforated 
shells to a number exceeding 200 on the skull and 41 about the 

Fig. 49. — Perforated shells of Purpura lap- 
illus. Aurignacian epoch, (i/i) 

Fig. 50. — Perforated shell of Tur- 
ritella sp. Aurignacian epoch, (i/i) 

leg-bones just below the knee. Immediately over the skeleton 

of a child discovered by Riviere in the Grotte des Enfants were more 

than a thousand shells of Nassa neritea that had evidently been 

attached to a belt. The adornment of the men was even richer 

than that of the women, as noted by Verneau in the cave of Barma 


Recent Hearths 

Five recent hearths were encountered at La Combe. Two of 
these were outside the cave proper, two were just within the cave 

1 Deshayes had previously noted that L. litloria shells from Cro-Magnon resemble 
closley the same species now living in northern waters. 

macclrdy] la combe, A PALEOLITHIC CAVE 183 

and underneath the stone wall placed there by the present pro- 
prietor, and one well within the ca\e. These hearths were all 
recognized by their black color and the loose disturbed condition 
of the deposit. In one were a few fragments of a very coarse- 
grained poorly fired kind of potter>% parts of at least two vessels. 
One of these has a thickness at the rim of 12 mm., the other 18 mm. 
The curvature proves that the vessels must have been of large 
size. Judging from the straight squarish finish at the rim the walls 
of the vessels must have been approximately vertical. They were 
left here in Gallo-Roman times by a barbaric race. The pottery 
from the other hearths is comparati\-ely fine-grained, well-fired, and 
turned on the wheel. It represents types that were common from 
the III to the XI century a. d.^ There are fragments of three 
vessels dating from the V or VI century. The walls are thin, the 
bottom flat, the sides rounding, with a body diameter much greater 
than that at the gracefully recurved rim. In one of the three there 
is a relief ornament on the shoulder produced by pressure of the 
finger-end against the interior. There is a quantity of iron rust 
on the rim of this particular sherd. In two of the hearths were 
fragments of large pitchers of terra-cotta ware. The short spouts 
are bridged at the rim, and the vertically placed loop handles are 
especially strong. This type belongs to the Middle Ages from the 
VIII to the XI century. 


The fauna- of the Archaic Mousterian includes the horse. Bos 
primigenius, Cerviis elaphus, and Capra ibex. The first three of 
these recurred in the typical Mousterian, where we likewise found 
Ursiis spelcEus, Sus scrofa, Arctomys marmotta, and fox. The Aurig- 
nacian faunal remains comprise the wolf, Ursus spelcBUS, Cervus 
elaphus, Sus scrofa, Bos primigenius, Capra ibex, and reindeer. 


In a summar>^ of the results at La Combe two features stand 
out prominently: (i) The Archaic character of the oldest industr>^ 

' Determination by M. Pages-Allary. 

' For the greater part identified by Dr George F. Eaton. 

184 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

represented by ciuanlitics of rude implements with eolilhic fades; 
(2) the relati\e abundance of coups de poing in the typical Mousterian 
layer. In excavating this paleolithic cave the author had two 
purposes in view, both of which were realized. The lesser of these, 
the systematic gathering of an authentic collection, is by no means 
unimportant. The chief object was a personal test of the European 
system of paleolithic classification. The absence at La Combe 
of distinct alternating sterile layers increased the difficulties in the 
way of a clear-cut demonstration. To any one familiar with the 
problem, however, the sequence was unmistakable: Archaic Mous- 
terian, typical Mousterian, and Aurignacian. 

Any lingering doubt due to the obscurity of the conditions at 
La Combe was dispelled by personal tests made at other stations. 
One day was spent at the rock shelter of La Ferrassie (Dordogne) 
in company with Messrs Capitan and Peyrony, the lessees. There 
the sequence is visible at a glance, owing to the comparative dark- 
ness of the relic-bearing deposits. Beginning with the Acheulian, 
I found a coup de poing after five minutes' work with my steel 
hook. Later I gathered in turn typical specimens from the suc- 
cessive horizons — lower and upper Mousterian, and lower, middle, 
and upper Aurignacian. 

At the cave of Castillo, near Puente Viesgo, northern Spain, 
where I spent two weeks with Professor Obermaier (in charge of the 
excavations), the sequence is equally clear and even more com- 
prehensive. The section has a total thickness of about 13 meters 
composed of alternating sterile and relic-bearing layers, the latter 
numbering twelve. Beginning with the oldest, they are: three 
layers of Mousterian age, four Aurignacian, one Solutrean, two 
Magdalenian, one Azilian, and one eneolithic, the last representing 
the transition from the neolithic to the age of metals. It will thus 
be seen that in a single station there is represented nearly the entire 
system of a classification, which is likewise justified by a compara- 
tive study of many stations. 

Yale University 

New Haven, Connecticut 


IN July, 191 1, while visiting Don Pedro Duque in Santa Ana, in 
the Province of Convencion, Department of Cuzco, Peru, I 
learned that in 1902 a local prospector, named Lopez Torres, 
said he had seen some Inca ruins in the montana at a difficult 
place to reach, named Conservidayoc. Lopez Torres had died, and 
I could find no one, either in Santa Ana or in the \ illage of Vil- 
cabamba, the nearest village of any importance to Conservidayoc, 
who had seen the ruins or who had even been near them. 

Thanks to the cooperation of the government officials, however, 
we succeeded in finding some Indians in the village of Pampaconas, 
near Vilcabamba, who had been in ConserAddayoc. Enlisting their 
services as guides and carriers, we descended the hitherto unmapped 
Pampaconas river for four days, most of the time on foot over a 
trail that was impassable for dogs' or mules. 

At the end of a difficult journey in a country where there is 
extremely little flat land, we found, at an elevation of about 3,300 
feet above sea level, a small alluvial plain. It was called Espiritu 
Pampa, or Pampa of Ghosts, and was covered with dense forest and 
jungle (fig. 60). A feAv members of the Campa tribe of savages 
(figs. 55-58) had made some recent clearings. The region was 
called Conservidayoc, a Spanish-Quichua hybrid meaning a place 
possessing the quality of preservation. 

In one of the clearings we located the ruins of a village which 
had eighteen or twenty primitive circular dwellings. All that 
remained were walls from two to three feet in height with a single 
opening. The measurements of these ruins are given in the accom- 
panying table. 

These houses were arranged in an irregular group. In the 
woods not far away there seemed to be the remains of other circular 


1 86 


[n. s., i6, 1974 

houses of about the same size, with walls from three to four feet 
in height. 







Diameter 15 ft. 



21 ft. X 16.5 ft.; 
"handle" 10 ft. wide 



Diameter 15 ft. 


15 " 

Contained fragments of Inca 



18 " 

Contained Inca potsherds 



17 " 


Nearly round 

21 " 



13 ft. X 19 ft. 



16 " X35 " 

Contained Inca potsherds 
scattered about the floor 



Diameter 18 ft. 



21 " 

Contained potsherds 


Roughly circular 

15 " 


" " 

15 " 



16 " 

Contained potsherds 



16 " 

" " 



18 " 

" - " 


Apparently semi- 

Very ruinous condition 



Diameter 16 " 

Contained potsherds 

On a promontory above this alluvial plain was a rectangular 
ruin of Inca style about 12 ft. X14 ft. Leading from it down to 
the plain we noticed the remains of a stairway nearly a third of a 
mile in length made of rough blocks of stone, the steps being four 
to five feet in width, the risers about a foot in height, and the treads 
a foot and a half deep. 

Half an hour's walk from the ruined village of circular houses 
is a place called Eromboni Pampa, where there are several terraces 
and a long rectangular building, 192 feet in length and 24 feet in 
width, with twelve doors in front and twelve behind, the doors 
being about 3.5 feet in width. The building was in a ruinous 
condition, none of the roof remaining, much of the walls being 
almost totally destroyed, and none of the stone lintels of the door- 
ways being in place. One section of the wall appeared to have 
been plastered with mud. Near here was a fountain with three 
short spouts (pi. XIII, 3), somewhat resembling the fountain men- 
tioned by Squier and Bandelier on the Island of Titicaca. 

bingh.\m] the ruins of ESPIRITU PAMPA, PERU 




[n. s., i6, 1914 

About 200 \-ards away was the most ini]:)ortant group of the 
Espiritu Pampa ruins. These were all, with one exception, rec- 
tangular. All except one or two had gable ends (fig. 59). One of 
the buildings stood apart and was rounded at one end, having a 



Figure 52. 

single door at the other end. Another, standing by itself, appeared 
to have no door at all. Its four niches are arranged with extreme 
irregularity, and are more than two feet deep, an unusual dimen- 
sion. It had also a recessed niche outside, facing the little plaza 
around which the buildings were grouped. 

Most of these buildings resemble those at Choqquequirau in 
being built of rough blocks of stone, not squared or otherwise 
fashioned, except occasionally on the corners and in the doorways. 



Fig. 53. — Pierced grave stone and Inca stone utensils found by Saavedra, and Inca 

pottery now in use at the sugar plantation of Conservidaj'oc in the 

Pampaconas valley. (Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

Fig. 54. — Three large characteristic Inca jars found at Conservidayoc in the Pampa- 
conas valley. (Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 16-13 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

The stones were laid in mud. The lintels of the doors were not 

monolithic, but were made of three or four long narrow stone blocks. 

The two most important buildings of this group were carefully 

constructed, and were well i^rovidcd with niches symmetrically 

arranged. The niches in these houses arc all small, being about a 



Fig. 55. — Group of Campa Indians at Espiritu Pampa, Pampaconas valley. 
(Photo, by H. L. Tucker.) 

foot deep and nearly a foot and a half in height. The gable ends 
of these houses were ornamented by roughly cylindrical blocks 
protruding at the point where the wooden rafters had once been. 
These two houses were situated on an artificial terrace, but their 
entrances faced the hillside, and they had no windows, unless 
possibly the small openings high up on the side walls be considered 
as ventilating windows (pi. xiii, 2). 

The drawing (fig. 52) gives a good idea of the general arrangement 
of this group, and of the relative sizes of the houses. 

The inside dimensions of the principal buildings as shown on the 
plan of the ruins at Espiritu Pampa are as follows : 

Room A. Length 28 ft.; width 14.6 ft.; thickness of walls 3.2 ft. 

B. " 23.5 " " 14.6 ". 

C. (Walls in too ruinous condition to make inside measurements 




Room D. (Walls in too ruinous condition to make inside measurements 
E. Length 17 ft.; width 14.6 ft. 
F.- " 20 " " 143 " 
G. " 25.5 " " 15-5 " 

H. " 25.8 " " 15.5 " ; thickness of walls 2.5 ft. 

I. " 26.1 " " 157 " 

J. " 29.5 " " 15-3 " 

K. " 35 " " 20.8 " 

Fountain L. " 9-3 " " 4-7 "; length of spout i. ft. 

width " " .5 " 

Fig. 56. — Campas with painted faces living at Espiritu Pampa in the Pampaconas 

valley. The one-eyed man on the left is the chief of the small group living there. 

(Photo, by H. L. Tucker.) 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

The present Indians call this group of houses Tendi Pampa. 

Rooms H and I are on a lower terrace. M is the stairway 
leading from the upper to the lower terrace. Nearly all the houses 
have potsherds and some have charcoal remains. 


Fig. 57. — A Campa Indian in Conservidayoc. He is said to be one of the leading 
men of the tribe, and to have three wives. (Photo, by H. W. Foote.) 

In rooms H and I the comers are laid up with more care than 
the other buildings. There are far more niches, and evidently 
these were the houses of the chief people of the place. As the doors 
face the terrace, there is no outlook, and the houses had no windows 



except little ventilators, as shown in plate xiii, 2. In these two rooms 
we found fragments of better pottery than in the other buildings. 
This may have been due to the fact that H and I appeared to be 
unknown to the Indians, as they had been covered with very dense 

Fig. 58. — Two of the wives of the chief of the group of Campa Indians at Espiritu 
Pampa, and three of his children. (Photo, by H. L. Tucker.) 

vines and heavy jungle. The niches in these two rooms were about 

I foot in depth, 1.5 in height, and 1.2 in width. These were roughly 

the measurements of all the niches in the group, except those in E. 

The walls of room K were in a very ruinous condition, and it was 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

impossible to be sure whether this building was constructed at the 
same time as the others or not. There is no reason why it should 
not have been a primitive chapel, built by the missionaries near the 
old Inca settlement. The fact that the walls have not stood as 
well as those of the other structures might be taken to indicate a 

Fig. 59. — Gable end of a house at Espiritu Pampa. 
(Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

later and more hasty construction. The semicircular end of the 
building isnot characteristic of Inca architecture. Atthe same time, 
the primitive circular and oval houses near the modem Indian 



huts might lead one to conclude that this was an earlier ruin than 
the characteristic Inca houses near by. 

A small fountain (fig. 61) near the doorless house gave an 
opportunity for water-jars to be filled without going any great 

Fig. 60. — General view of typical jungle at Espiritu Pampa. showing in foreground the 

east end of building H, with projecting cylindrical stone. 

(Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

In and around the houses were remains of water-jars, numerous 
potsherds, and pieces of several fine Inca aryballi. Two or three 
small bronze axes had been picked up in this vicinity by the Indians, 
and Seiior Saavedra, a Peru\ian who had a ver>' primitive sugar 
plantation not many miles away, was using three or four large Inca 
jars which he had found in the woods near the ruins (fig. 54). 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

Near the ])lantation Saavedra reported discovering several 
bottle-shaped graves covered with flat stones. One of these flat 
stones was pierced, as shown in the illustration (fig. 53), and this 


Fig. 61. — Single fountain near building H at Espiritu Pampa. 
(Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

hole was covered with a thin piece of beaten silver. In the graves 
he said he had found nothing except some very yellow clay. Be- 
sides the bronze axes and the characteristic sherds, he had also 
found several stone mortars and pestles. 

With one exception, everything about the fragments of pottery 
and the architecture of the houses was unquestionably Inca. This 
exception was the presence of a dozen or fifteen roughly made 



Spanish roofing tiles of varying sizes. On account of the small 
number of them and of the great irregularity of their sizes (one of 
them was 1.6 feet in width, another 1.9 in width; one was 1.6 feet 
in length, another 1.9 feet), it seemed to me possible that these 
tiles had been made experimentally by recent Peruvians or possibly 


Fig. 62. — Stone bridge at the ruins of Espiritu Pampa. (Photo, by H. W. Foote.) 

early Spanish missionaries, who might have come to this place three 
centuries ago. The Indians could offer no explanation of the 
mystery. Apparently none of the houses ever had tiled roofs, as 
the number of fragments was not enough to cover more than a few 
square feet, and nearly all were outside the buildings. 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

I believe that the ruins of Espiritu Pampa were constructed by 
the Incas, possibly soon after the Spanish occupancy of Cuzco, 
when, under the young Inca Manco and his sons, they occupied this 
region. Arable land was extremely scarce, and here on this alluvial 


Fig. 63. — West end of building F, showing projecting cylindrical stones and two 
roofing tiles, a number of which were found lying near these ruins. 
(Photo, by Hiram Bingham.) 

fan, the largest within a radius of many miles, they were able to 
raise coca, peanuts, corn, yucca, and other semitropical products. 
In the Relacion of Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa of his visit 
to the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui (published and edited by Dr 
Richard Pietschmann), there is an account of his meeting the Inca 
in the village of Pampaconas. The Inca evidently came from 


somewhere down in the montafia — it may have been from Espiritu 

Rodriguez relates how he received a present at Pampaconas 
from the Inca Titu Ciisi of a macaw and two hampers of peanuts. 

It was interesting to find that the Indians at Espiritu Pampa had 
eight tame macaws which the}- were i^lanning to send to market, 
and that Saavedra had quantities of fine peanuts. 

There appears to be no reason why the ruins of Espiritu Pampa 
are not those of the residence of the Inca Titu Cusi Yupancjui in 


So far as I am aware, no other Inca ruins have been found so 
low down in the Amazon jungles. The elevation here is about 
3,300 feet above sea-level. The location is lat. 12° 55' S., long. 
73° 24' \V., as determined by Mr Kai Hendriksen, the topographer 
of the expedition. 

Yale University 

New Haven, Connecticut 




IN the winter of 1912-13 the author visited the Lesser Antilles 
with a view of gathering data for a contemplated memoir on 
the aborigines of those islands. ^ He visited the more important 
private collections of prehistoric objects, as well as those in public 
libraries and museums on the islands. Incidentally he carried on 
excavations, of a limited nature, at Banana bay, Balliceaux, where 
the Black Caribs of St Vincent had a settlement before they were 
deported to Ruatan on the coast of Honduras. Excavations 
believed to be important were made in a shell-heap in Trinidad, 
one of the largest and culturally most important of the Lesser 
Antilles. The present paper considers the more instructive results 
of the work last mentioned. 

Trinidad is well adapted for the home of an aboriginal people. 
It has- constant fresh water, an abundant supply of food, its moun- 
tains and plains being well stocked with animals, the sea affording 
an abundance of fish, mollusks, and crabs, and its soil yielding a 
large variety of edible roots and fruits. The island lies in full view 
of the coast of South America and was visible to the natives in- 
habiting the Orinoco delta. On its lee side the water is shallow, 
but landing can be made at many places in small craft. There are 
high hills in the interior, level savannahs along the coasts as well 
as inland, and streams of fresh water that open into brackish 

Early historical references to the Indians inhabiting Trinidad 
date from the discovery of the island by the great Genoese, As 

1 This visit was made under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
and the Heye Museum. The specimens collected are in the latter institution. 


Columbus on his third voyage, in 1498, sailed with his companions 
along the shore of the newly discovered island which he had named 
after the Holy Trinity, writes Peter Martyr, "From their ships 
they could see that the country was inhabited and well cultivated; 
for they saw well-ordered gardens and shady orchards, while the 
sweet odours, exhaled by plants and trees bathed in the morning 
dew, reached their nostrils." Following the shore somewhat farther, 
Columbus " found a port sufficiently large to shelter his ships, though 
no river flowed into it." There was no sign of any habitation in the 
neighborhood of this harbor, but there were many tracks of animals 
similar to goats, and in fact the body of one of these animals was 
found. On the morrow' "a canoe was seen in the distance carrying 
eighty men, all of whom were young, good looking, and lofty of 
stature. Besides their bows and arrows, they were armed with 
shields, which is not the custom among the other islanders.^ They 
wore their hair long, parted in the middle and plastered down quite 
in the Spanish fashion. Save for their loin-cloths of various colored 
cotton, they were entirely naked." Columbus naively declared 
that he followed in this voyage the parallel of Ethiopia, but recog- 
nized that the people he found in Trinidad were not Ethiopians, 
for the "Ethiopians are black and have curly, woolly hair, while 
these natives are on the contrary white [lighter in color?] and have 
long, straight blond hair."- 

According to Las Casas, who is said to have possessed accounts 
of the third voyage of the great Admiral which are now lost, the 
sailors of Columbus saw human foot-prints on the shore of Trinidad 
and discovered implements showing that the aborigines were 
fisherman. As Columbus skirted this coast he observed houses 
and cultivated fields "hien prohada a labrada,'' indicating that 

1 The Orinoco Indians had elaborate shields. — J. W. F. 

- It is not improbable that in ancient times there was frequent communication 
between the inhabitants of the mainland of South America and Trinidad, a com- 
munication that was kept up until quite recently, for it was only a few years ago that 
canoe-loads of Indians were accustomed to land at Erin baJ^ at rare intervals, and 
make their way by an old Indian trail to the present city of San Fernando, via Siparia, 
through the original forests. These visits are now made primarily for trade and are 
probably a survival of a custom quite common in prehistoric times. Well-marked 
"Indian trails" can still be followed through the forest depths. 

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

agriculture as well as fishing was practised by the natives. In the 
meager reference to the people given by Las Casas, he says incident- 
ally that "they were lighter and better proportioned than those of 
the other Antilles, and wore their hair long like the women of Castile. 
They wore variegated cloth head-bands, and girdles on the loins. 
The men were armed with bows and arrows, and, unlike the in- 
habitants of the other Antilles, had [war] shields."' The identity 
of these people is not clear from this early account, but somewhat 
later they were referred to as Arawak. 

Sir Robert Duddeley, in 1595, made a journey through Trinidad 
and lodged in "Indian towns," finding the natives a fine-shaped 
and gentle- (sic) people, naked and painted red. 

Later, Sir Walter Raleigh enumerated the following "nations" 
or races in Trinidad: Yaios, Amecos (Arawak), Salvagay (Salivas), 
Nepoios, and Carinepagotos. At the end of the seventeenth cen- 
tury there were said to have been fifteen Indian towns in Trinidad, 
but the 2,032 aborigines recorded as inhabiting the island in 1783 
had dwindled to i ,082 ten years later .-^ 

In some of the early historical references to Trinidad, all the 
natives are classed as Arawak."* Thus Davies^ writes: "It was 
when the Captain was engaged for the war against the Arawages 
who inhabit Trinity [Trinidad] Island, and to that purpose he made 
extraordinary preparations." In other references to the Trinidad 
aborigines which might be quoted, the name Carib does not occur, 
and indeed there is no good evidence that there were Carib on the 
island, notwithstanding several of the above-mentioned tribes are 
supposed by some authors to be divisions of " Caribs." 

1 The Warrau, who lived on the mainland, have a large square shield called ha-ha, 
used in athletic sports. (See E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, London, 
1883, p. 327.) 

^ This is not characteristic of the Carib, according to ideas current then or in later 
times. It may be noticed, en passant, that there is no mention of Carib in the early 
accounts of the Indians in Trinidad seen by Columbus. 

3 On Bryan Edwards' map of the West Indies an "Indian town" appears on the 
east coast of Trinidad. 

* The historical evidences all agree that the people of this island were an agri- 
cultural race allied in culture to Arawak. 

^ History of the Caribhy Islands, 1661. 


The nearest approach to pure-blood aborigines of Trinidad live 
at Arima, in the middle of the island; but aboriginal features can 
still be found elsewhere among the inhabitants, although the author 
was unable to learn of a person who could speak any aboriginal 
language once spoken on the island, or that there were any Indians 
of pure blood remaining. There survive in Trinidad numerous 
Indian place-names, as Arima and Naparima; but while some of 
these suggest names existing in Porto Rico and St Vincent, they 
are as a rule dissimilar, indicating different languages. The pre- 
historic inhabitants of Trinidad were probably linguistically distinct 
from those of the other islands. 

Additional knowledge of the culture of the aborigines of Trinidad 
can be acquired either by archeological research or through sur- 
vivals in folklore, which are very common. 

Erin Bay Trinidad 

The small settlement at Erin bay consists of a few shops, two 
churches, and a number of dwellings along a well-built road that 
passes through the town to a warehouse on the shore. Small 
steamers anchor at intervals a few miles from the coast, but the 
best way to reach the settlement is by steamer from San Fernando 
to Cap de Ville and by carriage from the landing. It can also be 
visited from San Fernando by road, via Siparia. The only accom- 
modations for remaining over night at Erin are at the Government 

The present population consists almost wholly of blacks and 
East Indian coolies indentured to English planters or overseers, 
who own or manage the larger estates. The vernacular is a French 
patois of peculiar construction and incomprehensible to any but the 
inhabitants. The plantations are large and considerably scattered; 
they produce profitable crops, mainly cocoa and tropical fruits that 
are shipped to Port of Spain for export. 

Not far from Erin there are remnants of the primeval forests in 
which game, monkeys, and tropical vegetation abound. The land 
is rich and productive, and the estates are prosperous. There are 
a few small kitchen-middens on the coast, not far from Erin, some 

204 . AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

of wliich will well repay excavation, hut their isolation is a prac- 
tical difficulty unless complete and systematic work be done.^ 

There are several shell-mounds on the eastern coast of Trinidad 
which show fragments of pottery and other rejecta, and several 
heaps on the southern shore that are superficially composed of 
shells. In the so-called shell-heaps at San Jose, the shells are few 
and inconspicuous, but in a midden at Point Mayaro, which covers 
a fairly large area, many characteristic potsherds may still be found 
on the surface. As a rule these shell-heaps are not far from the 
shore, but in several instances they lie inland. ^ 

Fragments of pottery from this region sent to the author by 
Mr Dearie of Port of Spain differ from those of Erin bay, but appar- 
ently were made by people in the same stage of culture. There is 
a small collection from this region in the Heye Museum, obtained 
after this report was completed, which contains a number of highly 
instructive heads and other fragments. This pottery is colored 
white and purple-red, whereas that from the shell-heap at Erin 
bay is painted bright red, although the color is often worn, showing 
gray beneath. 

Tcip-Tcip Shell-heap 

The largest shell-heap in Trinidad, locally known as Tcip-tcip 
hill, situated at Erin, a short distance from the shore, covers several 
acres and forms a considerable elevation. Upon this mound are 
constructed the government buildings, the police station, and the 
warden's office. The author obtained from the assistant warden, 
Mr John Menzies,^ permission to make excavations in that part of 
the shell-heap situated on Crow^n land, but was obliged to suspend 

1 Trinidad has never been regarded as a remunerative field for archeological 
investigation. The first results of tlie author's efforts in the island were not very 
promising, but after some discouragement, excavations of a shell-heap at Erin bay, 
in the Cedros district, yielded important data bearing on the former culture of the 
aborigines in this part of the island. 

- Efforts to find evidences that man inhabited the numerous caves in Trinidad, or 
used them for burial purposes, have not been rewarded with success, although many 
caves, especially those near Pedro Martin's basin, were examined. 

? The author is very grateful to Mr Menzies for his aid, and takes this opporcunity 
to thank him for his many kindnesses while at Erin bay. He is likewise indebted to 
Mr Dearie, of Port of Spain, for voluntary aid in the excavations. 


work on the private land adjoining, as it could not be thoroughly 
explored without injury to the property. The specimens, although 
limited in quantity, are the most numerous known, and give a fair 
idea of the nature of the contents of a typical Trinidad shell-heap, 

Tcip-tcip hill was first described by Mr CoUens, whose excava- 
tions therein were rewarded with several fine specimens, now on 
exhibition in the Victoria Institute at Port of Spain. These objects 
are figured by Collens in his Handbook of Trinidad, and are also 
.illustrated by the present author in his Aborigines of Porto Rico} 

Some limited excavations were also made at Tcip-tcip hill by 
the Reverend Thomas Huckerby, of San Fernando, several years 
after Collens finished his work, but only a few fragments of pottery, 
now in the Heye Museum, were obtained. 

The extent of the Tcip-tcip mound could not be determined, as 
it extends far into the cocoa plantation under a dense tropical growth. 
Its surface, except where cleared by the Government for the erection 
of buildings, was covered with vegetation. Some distance from 
the hill, where a ceiba tree had fallen, the roots showed a consider- 
able deposit of shells, indicating that the extent of the heap was 
great and furnishing a clue for continued excavations. 

The shells in the mound at Erin are in layers alternating with 
vegetable mold, ashes, and soil, forming a sticky mass^ that clings 
tenaciously to the specimens and almost conceals their identity. 
The terra-cotta heads, when dug out of the earth, were completely 
coated with mud which had to be removed by washing, and by so 
doing some of the red pigment which covered them disappeared. 
As the ceramic objects had been painted after they were fired, the 
color is not permanent, and the length of time they had been in 
the ground caused it to come off even more readily. 

As mentioned, a vertical section of the mound exposed alter- 
nating layers of shells and ashes, mingled in some cases with humus 
and with frequent fragments of charred wood. Sometimes the 
strata were composed entirely of shells, but their thickness was not 
uniform, especially at the periphery of the mound. Over the entire 

' Twenty-fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pi. Ixxxv. 
2 During the author's work in Trinidad it rained almost every day. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 14 

206 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, i(>i4 

surface of the niouiul there was a dense growth of trojjical vegetation, 
with clearings at intervals for cocoa and plantains. The fallen 
trunks of palms, live shrubs, and trees formed an almost impene- 
trable jungle extending into the neighboring forests where the ground 
had not been cleared. On the sea-side the mound is only a short 
distance from the shore and is separated from the bay by a lagoon 
inclosed by a narrow strip of land. Near by is a spring from which 
the shipmates of Columbus obtained drinking water in 1498. 

In their general character the objects found in the Tcip-tcip 
moimd are not unlike those occurring in other West Indian middens, 
although they differ in special features. As is usually the case, the 
majority of the specimens are fragments of pottery, which are 
among the most instructive objects by which culture areas can be 
defined. These will be considered first. 


Comparatively little has been published on the pottery of the 
Lesser Antilles, although specimens of whole jars and innumerable 
fragments are found in various museums and private collections. 
The Heye Museum is the richest in the world in these objects. The 
potter's art was practised by aboriginal people from Trinidad to 
Cuba and the Bahamas, but while there is general similarity in 
the product, there are very marked specific differences. 

The several beautiful specimens of pottery in the Victoria 
Institute at Port of Spain, Trinidad, two of which, through the 
kindness of the offtcers of that institution, were photographed, 
have been reproduced by the author, ^ who has quoted the description 
in the appendix in Collens's Guide to Trinidad, here reprinted as it 
contains practically all that has been published on the archeology 
of Trinidad. 

"The discovery of some interesting Indian relics at Erin during the past 
month [May, 1888] is, although I had brought my work to an end, of sufficient 
importance to demand a brief notice. On the occasion of a recent visit of His 
Excellency, Mr. W. Robinson and suite to the southern quarter of the island, the 
Hon. H. Fowler, who was one of the party, observed a mound of shells. Dis- 

1 Aborigines of Porto Rico, Twenty-fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American 
Ethnology, pi. Ixxxv. 




mounting, a closer inspection revealed some pieces of rude pottery, and subsequent 
excavations by Mr. A. Newsam, the Warden, led to the unearthing of some 
capital specimens, indicating beyond a doubt this had been the centre, at some 
period more or less remote, of an Indian settlement. The pottery is of two 
kinds, glazed' and unglazed, the latter dating back to a time anterior to the 
discovery of the New World, for the art of glazing was unknown to the early 
Indians, nor is it likely that they became acquainted with it after the Spanish 

The following specimens are figured by Collens: 

Fig. I. A hollow stone, smooth in the concave part, forming a rude mortar. 
The Indians used a hard, smooth pestle for pounding their seeds and grains. 

Figs. 2, 3, 4. Heads of animals in burnt clay, more or less grotesquely shaped. 
The eyes and mouth are exaggerated, a few, broad, bold lines serving to 
bring out the most striking features. In fig. 4 the head of the monkey is 
fantastically crowned. All these are probably deities or ornamented attach- 
ments of earthen vessels. 

Fig. 5. A well shaped squirrel. Perhaps a toy whistle. 

Fig. 6. An earthen bowl in fine preservation, about the size of an ordinary vege- 
table dish. With the lid, which is unfortunately missing, there would 
doubtless be a good representation of a turtle; as it is the head and tail are 
clearly, and the limbs somewhat clumsily shown." 

The best entire vessel found by the author in his excavations at 
the Erin bay midden is the shapely brown vase shown in figure 64. 
This receptacle was buried two 
and half feet beneath the 
surface, in a thick layer com- 
posed wholly of shells. Its 
association and situation show 
no indication that it was de- 
posited with care, and it 
could not have been a mor- 
tuary vessel, as no bones 
were found near by: it ap- 
peared rather to have been 
abandoned or dropped by its 

owner where it was found. The shape of this vase is an un- 
common one in prehistoric West Indian pottery. In form it is 

1 The author regrets that he cannot support Mr Collens's statement that glazed 
pottery occurs in the Tcip-tcip mound. — J. W. F. 

Fig. 64. — Bowl with ring at base and in- 
cised decoration. 

208 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST ' In. s., i6. 1914 

enlarged eciuatorially, and tapers above to a recurved lip, which, 
as is rarely the case in West Indian earthenware, is without 
handles or lugs, and below, in which region the exterior is slightly 
convex, to the base. Decoration in the form of incised lines appears 
on the surface of the upper area, but the under portion is smooth 
and without ornamentation. This decoration consists mainly of 
parallel grooves alternating with crescents, and circles with central 
dots. The walls of the vessel are thinner than is usual in West 
Indian pottery, and the surface is little worn. An exceptional 
feature of this receptacle is the base, which consists of a circular 
stand, thus rendering stability to the vessel. Similar bases of other 
specimens, being much more substantial than the bodies, are fre- 
quently preserved entire while the remainder has disappeared. 
This form of base is of common occurrence in fragments also from 
St Vincent and Grenada, but is rare in Porto Rico. 

Several bowls had been so long in the moist soil of which the 
Tcip-tcip mound is composed that they crumbled into fragments 
when an effort was made to lift them from their matrix. Although 

FiG. 65. — Bowl wiih Mat base. 

the forms of these bowls vary somewhat, several resemble that 
shown in figure 65, which may have been used for condiments or 
for pigment.^ The walls of this vessel are thick, with smooth 
undecorated surface; its bottom is flat. The rim shows two 
opposite imperfections that may indicate the position of heads 
which served as handles.^ 

1 Many fragments of red and green pigment were found in the mound. The 
majority of the vessels here described are of gray or bright red ware. 

2 After pottery objects were taken from the mound they hardened considerably, 
but the handles of this vessel may have been broken from the rim previous to its 




Fig. 66 — Pottery rest. 

Figure 66 represents a small rude pottery rest, of spool-shape, 
with flat base, very thick walls, smooth undecorated surface, and 
somewhat flaring rim. Its size suggests that it was once used as 
a toy or as a ceremonial vessel, but 
it was more likely designed as a 
support for a bowl. Some beauti- 
ful pottery rests from St Vincent 
are in the Heye collection, several 
of which, in a fragmentary con- 
dition, were obtained by the author 
at Balliceaux. The most elaborate 
of these measures about six inches 
in height, is perforated on the 
sides, and has a face in high relief. 
This object will be fully described in a subsequent report. 

The rectangular clay box shown in figure 67 has thick walls, 
a flat bottom, and squatty legs continuous with the sides. Its 
longer sides bear incised S figures surrounded on three sides by a 
straight furrow. The narrow sides of the vessel are ornamented 
with incised crescents also partly framed with straight lines. From 

the broken places at 
the two opposite shorter 
sides of the rim it would 
seem that the vessel had 
been provided with han- 
dles, probably in the 
form of heads, but it is 
also possible that a head 
may have been attached 
to one side and a tail 
opposite, thus producing 
an efligy vessel. Rectangular receptacles of this kind are rare 
in collections of West Indian pottery, a fact which imparts special 
interest to this example. 

The object shown in figure 68 is a fragment of a bowl, shaped 
like a turtle, with head and tail, and the left legs drawn up to the 

Fig. 67. — Rectangular vessel. 



[n. s.. i6, 1914 

remaining side of the boch-. This interesting spceinien is ahiiost 
identical with the unbroken turtle effigy vase figured by Collens, 
to which reference has already been made. Although nearly half 

Fig. 68. — Fragment of a turtle eff gy bowl. 

of^this specimen is absent, enough remains to enable a determination 
of its form and of the general character of the relief decoration, 
which was no doubt identical on the two sides. ^ The head, which is 
not attached directly to the rim of the vessel but to the upper side, 
is rather long, with blunt snout, and mouth extending backward; 

Fig. 69. — Effigy bowl possibly representing a turtle. 

the nostrils are indicated by pits, the eyes by slits. The tail 
consists of two buttons separated by grooves, and the fore and hind 

1 Unlike the clay turtle figured by Collens, this specimen has no raised rim about 
the base. We know from historical sources that the turtle plaj-ed an important part 
in Antillean mythology, which accounts for its frequent appearance on ceramic and 
other objects. 



21 I 

legs, with no indication of flippers, are modeled close to the body. 
Like many Antillean earthenware vessels, the walls are thick and 
the rim not decorated. 

The vessel shown in figure 69 is also supposed to be a turtle 
efiig\-, an almost featureless head being attached to the rim. Oppo- 
site the head the rim is broken, indicating where there may have 
been formerly an appendage representing the tail. This object 
fortunately is one of the few whole specimens in the collection. 

In sharp contrast W' ith 
the thick-walled, coarse 
bowl last mentioned, is 
a fragmentary vessel 
(fig. 70) which may be 
regarded as one of the 
finest and most elabo- 
rately decorated speci- 
mens found at Erin bay. 
This beautiful example 
represents the highest 
type of incised decora- 
tion of which the Antil- 
lean potter was capable. 
It shows the base and 
practically a quadrant 

of the lateral decoration of the bowl, which was probably repeated 
on the missing side. 

In addition to the specimens of entire pottery above described, 
many fragments, some of which represent characteristic forms, were 
excavated from the Erin shell-heap. The best of these are sections 
of rims and handles, which, being less fragile, are more readily 
preserved. Their chief features w^ill now be considered. 

Fig. 70. — Decoration on food bowl. 

Handles of Vessels 

Considerable variation occurs in the form of the handles of 
earthenware vessels, several of which are still associated with 
portions of the side or rim, while others show how the handle was 

212 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

attached at botli extremities. Some of the handles are mere knobs 
or bosses, other examples are in the form of elaborate heads, the 
various modifications of which recall the pottery heads of Porto 
Rico and Santo Domingo. 

The handles of bowls shown in the accompanying illustrations 
(pi. xiv-xix) are broken from their attachments; sometimes they 
are ver>- simple in form, but more commonly they represent heads 
which vary more or less in shape. The specimen (pi. Xiv, a) 
whicli has a fragment of the bowl attached is one of the simplest 
forms, loop-shaped with a conical projection near the rim. The 
handle is broad, with ample space for the fingers. In some speci- 
mens the handles are even simpler, as they are without the conical 
elevation, while the upper end, instead of being attached to the rim, 
rises from the side of the bowl. In other examples the handle 
takes the form of a lug or knob. 

In plate xiv, b, instead of a conical knob, the handle consists 
of a simple head in which the eyes, nose, and mouth are crudely 
indicated, as in other West Indian vessels. 

Plate XIV, c, shows a specimen in which the head surmounting 
the handle is modeled in greater detail, and a sufficient part of the 
body of the bowl remains to show the incised ornamentation of 
the exterior surface as well as of the handle. Incised lines unite 
at the throat and continue down the middle of the handle throughout 
its length. 

The figure of the handle illustrated in plate xiv, d, is similar 
to that of plate xiv, c, but the two incised lines ornamenting it 
continue along the rim of the bowl and end above an oval elevation 
evidently representing the body of the animal. The slender head 
of the animal projects upward; the eyes are small, and incised 
crook-shaped lines extend along the head and partly surround the 
eyes. The equatorial girt of this vessel is somewhat larger than 
the circumference of the rim and is decorated with two incised 
parallel lines. 

Another variation in form of effigy handle is show^n in plate 
xiv, e, the head represented in this case having a somewhat pointed 
snout, oval eyes surrounded by circular grooves, an open mouth, 


and projections separated by grooves on the head. This is more 
massive than the handles before described; it is not incised, and 
its breadth at the middle is somewhat less than at the point of 
attachment to the body of the vessel. 

One of the most elaborate heads ornamenting a handle partly 
free from the body of the \-essel is shown in plate xiv, /. This 
handle, like the preceding, is thick and broad. When placed with 
the rim of the vessel uppermost, the two grooves may be identified 
as lips, the crescents above them as nostrils, and the ring on the 
side as an eye. If, however, the figure is turned in such manner 
that the rim is vertical, the eyes and what was identified as the 
forehead become the snout with nostrils and mouth. 

The handle shown in plate xv, a, instead of being broad is small 
and rounded; it is decorated with incised lines, and the efifigy 
portion is larger than the handle proper. The head is protuberant 
and the eyes lenticular. Although the other features of the head 
are considerably distorted, it would appear that the handle in this 
specimen extends from the top of the head instead of from the neck, 
thereby turning the mouth uppermost, as in the last example. 

In the sections of the rims of vessels next to be described no 
handles are present. Plate xv, b, represents a rim ornamented 
with two incised, horizontal, parallel furrows, alternating with 
vertical grooves. This rim is broad and flaring, with rounded 
margins, imparting a convex surface to this portion of the bowl, 
which has a straight body and a flat base. 

The incised ornamentation on the example shown in plate xv, c, 
is more elaborate than the last. In this case the rim is quite broad, 
somewhat pointed, and covered with furrows, indicating an elaborate 
figure which unfortunately cannot be wholly determined on account 
of its incompleteness. 

Plate XV, d, exhibits a well-modeled rim probably representing 
a turtle with open mouth and rounded eyes. The pits under the 
lower jaw are uncommon, but like other features are suggestive of 
a turtle's head. The two appendages at the side evidently represent 

The well-modeled head indicated in plate xv, e, is attached to 

214 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

a section of the rim, but i)laced lengthwise instead of vertically as 
in other specimens. The snout is elongated, while the mouth 
extends far backward; the eyes are indicated by pits, and a round 
projection separated by grooves appears on the forehead. 

The degree of conventionalization in these specimens is some- 
times very great, as in plate xv, /, where practically all resemblance 
to a head is lost. Here we have a disk attached by one margin to 
the rim of a bowl, which is ornamented with a rude incised design. 
A handle distantly related to the last is illustrated in plate xvi, a. 

It often happens that the walls of the orifice of a flask-shaped 
bottle are modified into a perforated clay head,^ as in the specimens 
shown in plate xvi, a, b, c. 

Plate XVI, b, c, d, e, show varying forms of effigy heads which 
served as handles of vessels. All of them have well developed 
nostrils, eyes, and other facial features. The presence of nostrils 
differentiates these heads from many others and affords a hint, 
although obscure, as to the identity of the animal designed to be 
represented. We find similar nostrils in certain three-pointed stone 
idols from Porto Rico, which we have other good reasons to identify 
as reptiles, hence the conclusion is fairly logical that these heads 
were intended to represent similar creatures. 

The two projections on top of the head and the form of the eyes 
and nose of the effigy shown in plate xvi, /, are exceptional. The 
crescentic mouth is suggestive of the same organ in certain unde- 
termined Porto Rican stone idols of three-pointed form. 

A remarkably well miodeled reptilian head is shown in plate 
XVII, a. Its great elongation distinguishes it from the head shown 
in plate xvii, b, which is almost spherical and has the organs repre- 
sented by incised lines rather than in relief. The same general 
tendency to rounded forms is exhibited in plate xvii, c, d, e, but in 
these the nose is notably exaggerated. 

The head, and especially the position and form of the nose, of 
the handle shown in plate xvii, /, remind one of pottery from the 
Grenada region, a specimen of which is figured in the author's 

1 This is the first example of a head from a prehistoric flask-like vessel from 
Trinidad or the Lesser Antilles, although common in Hayti and Santo Domingo. 




report on the Aborigines oj Porto Rico} In this instance eyes, nose, 
and mouth are indicated by hemispherical protuberances; the 
nostrils are represented l)y parallel slits, the eyes by pits in the 
middle of a circular disk, and the lips by a transverse furrow in a 
circular boss. A somewhat similar method of indicating these 
parts is shown in plate XViii, a, while in /; the form of the head 
reminds one of a peccary, or wild hog. The mode of attachment 
to the rim of the vessel is quite apparent in this instance. 

The unpaired nostril of the efifigy shown in plate xviii, c is in- 
dicated by a single pit in the summit of a conical projection; the eyes 
are prominent and contain crescentic slits. This head, as shown 
by a fragment of the rim still attached, projected farther beyond the 
bowl than is usually the case. The flat form of the head suggests 
an alligator, but it was evidently designed to represent a mytholog- 
ical conception rather than a realistic animal. 

If superficial likenesses of conventionalized figures are regarded 
as reliable for identification, plate xviii, d, might well be considered 
to represent a shark's head, for the position of the mouth in this 
specimen is well below the snout, which tapers above uniformly 
to its end. There is no doubt that the protuberances above the 
mouth were intended to represent eyes, while those near the rim 
of the vessel may have been designed for fins or other organs. No 
representations of nostrils or ears are apparent in plate xviii, e, but 
the broad flat head has two eyes and a well developed mouth. 
The break at the point of attachment shows that it was a handle 
of a vessel. 

The heads illustrated in plate xix, 
c, d, e, cannot, by reason of their 
highly conventionalized character, be 
readily assigned to any of the forms 
above considered. There remains a 
considerable number of other potter>' 
heads obtained at the Erin Bay mid- 
den, some of which are too greatly 
mutilated for identification. Fig. 71— Pottery stamp. 

' Op. cit., pi. lxx.\iv. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Figure 71 illustrates a clay stamp, one of a class of objects not 
uncommon in the Lesser Antilles. The face of this specimen is 
circular, with an incised design, and was probably used either for 
decorating pottery or in a manner similar to the clay cylinders 
elsewhere described. ^ These stamps are often elaborate. Some 
of those lately obtained by Mr de Booy from Santo Domingo bear 
images on their surfaces and rattle when shaken. 

Stone Implements 

Stone implements from the Erin Bay midden consist of celts, 
axes, chisels, pecking-stones, mortars, pestles, and other forms. 
A number of almond-shaped celts, like Porto Rican petaloids, were 
collected in Trinidad. The most interesting axe is flat, with notches 
cut at opposite edges, as shown in figure 72. 

There is general similarity in the forms of the mortars found in 
the West Indies, but the pestles vary in different islands. In the 

Fig. 72. — Notched axe. 

Fig. 73. — Jadeite pendant. 

Santo Domingo-Porto Rico area pestles commonly have handles 
decorated with animal heads or even with entire animals, but in the 

1 Aborigines of Porto Rico, pi. Ixxxvi, a. 


St Kitts region they are simple unornamented cones, pointed at one 
end, circular or oval at the opposite end, but with no differentiation 
of base, handle, or head. The Guadeloupe and St Vincent pestles 
are of the same general character as those from St Kitts, which are 
identical with those found in Trinidad. 

There are several stones in the collection from the Erin shell-heap 
that were evidently used for pecking other stones or for pounding 
pigments or bruising roots. They are elongate, sometimes angular, 
with shallow pits on two or all four faces which served to facilitate 
handling by providing convenient places for the thumb and fore- 
finger. Circular stone disks, probably used as grinders, were like- 
wise found. 

A small finely polished pendant (fig. 73) made of jadeite, per- 
forated at one end, was found buried deeply among the shells in 
the Erin Bay midden. In finish this beautiful specimen recalls 
certain finely polished green petaloids collected in Porto Rico and 
other islands. The stone of which these objects are made does not 
occur in the West Indies, a fact indicating that the pendant, as well 
as the celts, was brought from the mainland, probably from South 

Bone Objects 

Considering their occurrence in soil saturated with moisture, 
it is remarkable that bone objects were preser\-ed in the Erin Bay 
mound, but many unworked animal bones and a few bone im- 
plements were exposed in the course of the excavations. One of 
the latter is from an unidentified animal, and its flattened form 
resembles a spatula used in pottery' making. Among other bone 
implements may be mentioned a tube of uniform diameter, supposed 
to be an ornament, cut off at both ends and having a slit extending 
along two-thirds of its length. 

Objects of Wood 

A fine black finger-ring, similar to the rings made and worn by 
the natives in several islands of the West Indies, was found deep 
in the shell-heap. It is made from a seed of the gougou palm. 
An angular fragment of lignite of irregular form, with an artificial 
groove encircling it, was found in one of the deepest exca\-ations. 

2l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Comparison of Prehistoric Objects from Trinidad with Those 
FROM Other Islands 

As is generally the case in archeological studies, pottery, from 
its greater durability and variety in form, is (me of the most reliable 
types of artifacts for the study of prehistoric culture areas in the 
West Indies. The Erin Bay shell-heap shares with the middens of 
other islands a predominance of earthenware with efifigy forms and 
relief decoration, and the incised ornamentation of potteiy vessels 
from this mound are strictly Antillean. When we compare these 
specimens with those from Porto Rico, we notice certain specialized 
features which are distinctive. In geometric designs the incised 
lines do not end in an enlargement, nor are their extremities ac- 
companied by pits as is almost always true of pottery from Santo 
Domingo and Porto Rico. Comparatively few elongated heads of 
reptiles are found on pottery from Porto Rico, but such forms are 
common from the shell-heap at Erin bay. The heads from Porto 
Rico are mainly grotesquely human in form. As a rule the rims 
of the earthenware vessels from Porto Rico have approximately the 
same thickness as the vessels themselves, whereas in Trinidad they 
are often enlarged, or turned back, and are commonly ornamented 
with figures as in the pottery from Grenada and St Vincent. 

While it has been necessary to make comparisons mainly from 
fragments, it is believed that the number of characteristic forms of 
pottery figures from this and from more northerly islands are 
sufficient to separate the two and to lead to the belief that the 
pottery from Trinidad is most closely allied to that of the Grenada 
area, as would be naturally suspected, and that it is only distantly 
related to that of the Greater Antilles.^ 

While the evidence is not decisive, it appears from the material 
available that the Trinidad pottery is nearer that of South America 
than to any of the northern islands of the West Indies. This fact 
may be explained by the situation of Trinidad, which lies within 
sight of South America, a fact that led to an interchange of cultures 
and peoples of the two localities. 

1 The author has many drawings of St Kitts pottery which shows still greater 
difference in form and ornamentation. 



The nearest point in South America where excavations of shell- 
heaps have been made is the Pomeroon district, ^ British Guiana, 
whence we ha\e a few specimens of pottery. None of these are 
so well made as those from the Erin shell-mound, and there are other 
indications that the ceramic art had reached a higher development 
in the islands than on the adjacent mainland. 

Regarding the Pomeroon shell-heaps, im Thum reached the 
following conclusions: (i) "That they were not made by resident 
inhabitants of the countr>', but by strangers; (2) that these stran- 
gers came from the sea, and not from farther inland, and (3) that 
these strangers were certain island Caribs, who afterward took 
tribal form in Guiana as the so-called Caribisi, or, as I have called 
them, true Caribs." 

Attention has been called at the beginning of this paper to the 
fact that the Trinidad aborigines are not spoken of as Carib, and 
the archeological objects show no likeness to the work of this 
people, but rather to that of the Arawak, who were the great 
potters of the Orinoco. 

The well-made pottery of Erin bay suggests an agricultural 
population rather than the nomadic Carib people, and the form of 
certain flat clay platters, or griddles, is not unlike those used by 
the Arawak in the preparation of meal for cassava cakes. The 
aborigines who made these objects were in a stage of culture similar 
to that of a people of the West Indies before the coming of the Carib 
in prehistoric times. Pottery making is more strictly a character- 
istic of meal eaters, and as the South American Arawak were well- 
known potters, we cannot go far afield if we ascribe the pottery 
from Trinidad to a kindred people. The nearest South American 
people to whom we would look for their kindred are the Guaranos, 
or Warrau, some of whom still inhabit the delta of the Orinoco, 
only a few miles across the Gulf of Paria, an inland sheet of water 
which separates Trinidad from the continent. 

Although im Thum identifies the builders of the Pomeroon 
shell-mounds as insular Carib, he gives some weight to the theory 

' E. F. im Thurn, Aynong the Indians of Guiana, London, 1883. See also Rev. 
VV. H. Brett, The Indian Tribes of Guiana, Their Customs and Habits, London, 1868. 

220 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 | 

tliat thev were Warrau, which theory, however, he does not discuss 
and apparently does not accept. It seems to the author that the 
pottery found in the Tcip-tcip mounds indicates a culture higher 
than that of the Carib, and more advanced as art products than 
any thus far collected from the Warrau. He regards it as a local- 
ized or autochthonous development originally of South American 
origin, but belonging to the same great prehistoric insular culture 
found in the Antilles from South America to the Bahamas and 
Cuba. This culture had been submerged by the Carib in some of 
the smaller islands, but persisted into the historic epoch in the 
larger islands which Carib could not conquer. 

The conclusion reached from a comparison of the objects from 
the Erin Bay midden is that while there is a general likeness in 
pottery from all the islands of the West Indies, there are special 
ceramic culture areas in different islands. It is also believed that 
the Carib had no extensive settlement in Trinidad, and that they 
came to the other islands long after agricultural people had de- 
veloped on them, or were renegades from some of the islands where 
the uncertainty of crops drove them to become marauders on 

Bureau of American Ethnology 
Washington, D. C. 


IN an American university is a member of an old-line American 
family now living in the Northwest and scattered over at least 
four states, which for three succeeding generations exhibits an 
unusual marking of the skin. I have examined and photographed 
piebald members of each of these three generations. My informant 
tells me of a piebald cousin of his father whom he well remembers, 
thus affording knowledge of piebaldism in four succeeding genera- 

I shall not take time to describe the exact markings of the skin 
of the three persons shown in the accompanying illustrations; how- 
ever, there are some important facts that should be noted. The 
light areas, or spots, are strikingly bilateral, with considerable 
symmetry; they occur with marked consistency at the more im- 
portant joints of the body — as ankles, knees, hips, wrists, elbows, 
and shoulders. There is also a tendency to a median dorsal light 
line. This light dorsal area is the opposite of what Castle reports 
in his family of spotted negroes.^ He found a dark dorsal area. 

Family History 

The American history of this family, so far as is now known to 
me, is as follows : The family is of Welsh and Scotch origin. Though 
no part of the family has had its American ancestry traced com- 
pletely, the first man known in America bearing the common patro- 
nymic was living in New England in 1668. Members of this family 
believe that this New Englander is their original American ancestor. 

My chief informant (number 7 in the genealogy chart, fig. 74) 
tells me that his father (number i) was bom in Ohio in 1813 and 
moved to southwestern Michigan when a youth. There he married 

' Q. I. Simpson and W. E. Castle, A Family of Spotted Negroes, American Natiir- 
alisl, Jan., 1913, pp. 50-56, ills. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 16— 15 221 




6^ /f^v^ y ^ ^ ^ ^^^ ^ 


25 29 



Normal male 

Normal female 

Abnormal male 

Abnormal female 


No knowledge- 


No knowledge,but probably abnormalJ 
Died in early childhood'-- 


Fig. 74. — Genealogical chart. 


a young woman whose family had also migrated from Ohio. xXumber 
I lived all his life on his farm in Michigan, became the father of two 
daughters and se\en sons, and there at the age of fifty-one years 
died of lung fe\'er — "what would now be called pneumonia." 

The genealogy chart (fig. 74) shows that my chief informant is a 
piebald male. He well recalls his personal boyhood knowledge of a 
cousin of his father who was also spotted, and who lived near his 
father's home in Michigan. This person is number 2 in the geneal- 
og>^ chart. No descendant of number i has knowledge of any 
piebald members of the family other than those shown in the chart. 
No opportunity has been opened for study of the still existing 
Michigan branch of the family, though I have personal knowledge 
of some of its members whom I knew by name during my college 
days. I can vouch for said persons as above the average in educa- 
tion and moral fiber; one I recall well, even in facial features, who 
was a college trustee. 

Individual History 

A shdrt individual history of the descendants of number i follows. 
First appears a list of persons in the first filial generation, though it 
is the second successive generation known to bear piebalds. 

Number 6 was a male of unknown pigmentation, born in 1838, 
unmarried, who died of rheumatism at 55 years of age. 

Number 7 is a pigmented male, born in 1840. He has married 
twice, and is the father of two children by each wife. Today he 
lives in Minnesota; he is my chief informant concerning the history 
of this family. He is shown in figure 75, and more facts about him 
will be presented later. 

Number 8 was a female of unknown pigmentation, bom in 1842, 
who died of unknown cause at 3 or 4 years of age. 

Number 10 was a male of unknown pigmentation, born in 1845, 
who died of unknown cause at 3 or 4 years of age. 

Number 11 was a male of unknown pigmentation, born in 1846 
or 1847, who died of unknown cause at 4 or 5 years of age. 

Number 12 was a female of unknown pigmentation, born in 
1848, married but without children. She died of dropsy at about 
25 years of age. 

224 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Number 13 was a male of unknown pigmentation, born in 1849, 
who died at 22 or 23 years of age in an asylum, after having suffered 
some time with epilepsy. 

Number 14 is a male of unknown but probably abnormal pig- 
mentation, born in 1850, and still living in Missouri. He has been 
afflicted with dropsy, but has completely recovered; now has ex- 
cellent health and works all the time. 

Number 15 was a male of unknown pigmentation, born in 1853; 
was not \evy strong and in consequence was given the lighter tasks 
about the farm, but he was never sick. At the age of about 30 
he went to California and was for 8 or 10 years a successful collector 
there. He disappeared completely in 1892; all efforts of the family 
to trace him have been futile. 

Two of the above described persons, numbers 7 and 14, have 
descendants. One of the two, number 7 and my chief historical 
informant, is shown in figure 75. By his first wife (normally pig- 
mented, number 16) there are two children, numbers 19 and 20; 
number 20 is abnormally pigmented. By his second wife (normally 
pigmented, number 17) there were also two children, numbers 21 
and 22 ; number 22 is abnormally pigmented. 

The wife of number 14 (normally pigmented, number 18) has 
borne him two children, numbers 24 and 25; number 24 is abnor- 
mally pigmented. 

The following descripti\'e list contains the second filial generation 
of number i, and the third successive generation known to bear 

Number 19 is a normally pigmented male, born in 1862. He 
has a blond complexion, with brown hair and gray eyes. His 
health is excellent and he is a successful professional man. He is 
married, and his wife (normally pigmented, number 26) has borne 
him two children, numbers 30 and 31. 

Number 20 is an abnormally pigmented female, born in 1871. 
She has a blond complexion, with brown hair and gray eyes. She 
has excellent health and is successfully engaged in public professional 
activity. She is widowed, and by her husband (normally pig- 


mented, number 27) is the mother of number 32, shown in accom- 
panying plates XX and xxi.^ 

Number 22 is an abnormally pigmented female, born in 1894. 
She has a blond complexion, with brown hair and gray eyes. She 
has excellent health, is unmarried, and is a successful college student. 
The chief pigment spots of this subject are shown on the drawing 
in plate xxii. More facts will be presented later concerning her. 

Number 24 is an abnormally pigmented female, born in 1882. 
She has a blond complexion, with brown hair and gray eyes. She 
has excellent health, is married, and by her husband (normally 
pigmented, number 28) has a son, number 33, born in 1908. 

Number 25 is a normally pigmented male, born in 1884. He was 
married in 1912, has excellent health, and is a successful young man. 

The following persons are members of the third filial generation 
of number i, and the fourth successive generation know^n to bear 

Number 30 is a normally pigmented male, born in 1890. He has 
a rufous complexion, with light-brown hair and gray eyes. He is 
unmarried, has always had delicate health, and seems to be generally 

Number 31 is a normally pigmented female, born in 1894. She 
has a blond complexion, with light-brown hair and gray eyes. She 
is unmarried, has excellent health, and is successful.. 

Number 32 is an abnormally pigmented male, born in 1892. He 
is a blond, with straw-colored hair and blue eyes. He is a successful 
uni\-ersity student in excellent health. He is shown in plates xx 
and XXI, and more facts concerning him will be presented later. 

Number 33 is a normally pigmented male, born in 1908. He has 
a blond complexion, with light hair and blue eyes. His health has 
always been excellent. 

Description of Pieb.ald Individuals 

Number 2 in the chart is the first such person of whom I have 
knowledge; and the only knowledge of him I now possess is that 

' I am indebted to Dr Frary, of the School of Chemistry, University of Minnesota. 
for his photographic work in connection with the plates of persons shown herewith. 


[n. s., i6, 1914 

about 60 years ago he li\-ecl on a farm in southwestern Michigan 
and was "as sjiotted as a leopard" — as described by number 7. 
Concerning his two brothers (numbers 3 and 4) I have no knowledge 
other than that they once existed. 

Our knowledge of num- 
ber 7, shown as figure 75, 
is cjuite complete. And 
the facts disclosed by his 
descendants are as satis- 
factory as though one had 
been equipped to carry 
on breeding experiments 
with domestic animals. 
By his normally pigmented 
first wife, number 16, this 
man has two children. One 
of these, the son, number 
19, is normally pigmented, 
and has two grown chil- 
dren, both of whom are 
normally pigmented. The 
other offspring of numbers 
7 and 16 is number 20, an 
abnormally pigmented 
daughter. She is the 
mother of an abnormally 
pigmented son, number t,2 
(pi. XX and xxi) by a 
normally pigmented hus- 
band, number 27. By his 
normally pigmented second 
wife (number 17) this man 
(number 7) also has two children; one, number 21, died in infancy, 
the other is the abnormally pigmented young woman shown in 
plate XXII. 

Additional interest is developed in the problem of the inheritance 

Fig. 75. — Rear view of pigmented male (No 
7 of the chart). 




of the character of abnormal pigmentation when it is known that 
female number 17, the normally pigmented second wife of number 7, 
has living today a twenty-two year old normally pigmented son 
(miniber 23) by a normally pigmented first husi)and (number 9). 

The man, number 7, is a hard-working farmer in Minnesota 
whose health has been excellent during his 74 years, until recently 
when he was severeK- injured by a falling tree. His toil has been 
successful, so he has given a college education to the two children by 
his first wife, and his living daughter by his second wife is now a 
college student. He has the reputation in his home neighborhood 
of being a hard-working, "smart," very generous man, who knows 
more about general farming than most of his neighbors. He is keen 
and alert about personal and public matters, and the saving sense 
of humor runs through his philosophy of daily life. When I first 
consulted him in May, 1913, he regretted that unusual weather 
conditions had kept him for three days from reading the daily 
papers. This was a disappointment to him, as he was alive to the 
intricacies of the Balkan war and the daily developments in the 
national problem of tariff revision. 

The abnormally pigmented young woman, number 22 (pi. 
xxii), is a college student in excellent health, whose physical 
development is above the average for her age. To substantiate 

Gvmnasium Records^ 

Number 22 

Average of 392 Girls 

Age (years) .... 
Height standing. 
Height sitting. . 

115. 7 cm. 
61.5 cm. 


no. 2 cm. 

61.3 cm. 

Number 22 

Average of 51 Girls 

Age (years) .... 
Height standing. 
Chest expansion . 
Grip, arm, right. 
Grip, arm, left. . 
Chest, depth. . . 
Lungs, capacity. 


115. 7 cm. 






115. 7 cm. 






> This young woman (number 22) was measured, and the other measurement 
records were furnished me by Dr Anna Norris, Director of Physical Education for 
Women, University of Minnesota. The illustration (pi. xxii) is introduced to show 
only the principal pigmented areas. 


appearances I present her gymnasium record at the age of i8 
years and lo months, as compared with 392 Connecticut and 
Nebraska college girls at 19 years of age, so far as the first two 
measurements are concerned. For the other measurements number 
22 is compared with 51 of the above girls who were of the same 
height, as well as the same age, as herself: 

These records show that number 22 is physically very safely 
above the average, and the number whose average is taken is suf- 
ficiently large to make the results of scientific value. 

Her scholarship record practically duplicates the average of her 
106 classmates, and it improves with experience in college. 

The young man (pis. xx and xxi) has a blaze face such as is 
seen in Castle's negroes and also in most of the piebalds shown in 
A Monograph on Albinism in Man.''- 

The blaze extends up to the crown of the head, where there is a 
small patch of white hair. White hairs occur also on the following 
parts of his body: both thighs in front, and slightly on the back of 
the left thigh; both shins in front; right side of pubic hair area, 
and entirely across immediately above the penis. There are no 
white hairs on pigmented skin areas, but there are many white skin 
areas producing only normally colored hairs. 

The young man, number 32, has even a more favorable record 
in both the gymnasium and the class-room than the young woman : 

Number 32 was far above the average when first measured — 
seen especially in his "total strength" of 772 points when a fresh- 
man as against 570.7 for the average of 1200 freshmen. This total 
strength has increased during the sixteen and one-half months which 
elapsed between the first and second measurements — advancing 
from 772 to 801. His heart action has also greatly improved. In 
his university a student's scholastic record is kept in terms of "excel- 
lent," "good," "pass," and "not pass." Since one's graduation 

' Atlas, pt. 2, published by Karl Pearson, E. Nettleship, C. H. Usher, and B. C. 
Lamb, London, 1913. The first illustration published of Castle's piebald Negroes, 
so far as I have seen, is that of Sir Jonathan Hutchinson in an article entitled "On 
Palseogenetic Face-pattern in Acroteric Piebalds," pp. 1 479-1 481 of The British 
Medical Journal, vol. i, June 18, 1910. This plate was again reproduced as plate W 
(picture 138), entitled "The Three Striped Graces," in A Monograph on Albinism in 
Man, atlas, pt. i, London, 191 1. 


depends on his percentage of "goods, " an excelletit and a pass cancel 
each other and make two goods. The following records are given, 
therefore, with the excellent marks omitted. 

Gymnasium Records of Number J2 and 1200 Other Freshmen^ 

No. 32 No. 32 Aver Meas. ot 

Nov. 18, 191 1 Apr. 2, 1913 I200 Freshmen 

Girth, chest, depressed 34+ 34-2 33.1 

inflated 37+ 36.8 36.2 

" normal 35-5+ 35-8 34-7 

Capacity, lungs 251 — 249 257 

Times, push up 12 + 12 7 

" pull up 7— 10 8 

" sum 19 22 — 

" weight kilos- 62.5+ 63.9 61.9 

Strength of arms " 119 140 — 

" chest " 20+ 17 12.8 

" back " 165+ 193 161 

legs "375+ 352 210 

" right forearm . . " 49 = 50 49 

left forearm ... . "44— 49 45 

total " 772+ 801+ 570.7 

Pulse, before push up 90+ 68 77 

after " " 130+ 117 no 

Scholastic Records of Number 32 and Other Students 
One hundred freshmen and sophomores (both men and women) 
selected at random averaged: 

Good Pass Not Pass 

27 27 27 

Whereas, for the same two years number 32 averaged : 

Good Pass Not Pass 

25 ^ 

27 27 27 

' All measurements in this table were made for me by Dr L. J. Cooke, Director of 
Physical Education for Men, University of Minnesota, and his assistant, Mr William 

2 One kilo equals 2.2046 lbs. Weight and strength are expressed in kilos except 
push up and pull up, which are expressed in number of times. Measurements are 
expressed in inches and tenths of inches. Lung capacity is expressed in cubic inches. 
Pulse rate is expressed in number of beats per minute before and after strength tests. 

230 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 1914 

The average marks of women are higher than those of men, so 
his record is clearly nuich above the average for men — as it is even 
abo\'e the average for both men and women. 

The men in his fraternity averaged the first semester of 1912-13 
as follows: 

Excellent Good Pass Not Pass 

ij% iH lit 1% 

Whereas number 32 averaged for his first two years — 

Excellent Good Pass Not Pass 

T 8 -2-4- 2 O 

IT6 3i6 ^ 

This record is considerably above the average of his fraternity 

So, in spite of the rather unfavorable vital history of this family, 
the intimate facts presented about the three abnormally pigmented 
persons shown in the accompanying illustrations, and the facts 
known about the two other abnormally pigmented persons shown 
in the chart, present conclusive evidence that so far as those in- 
dividuals are concerned the abnormal pigmentation does not appear 
to have weakened them physically, mentally, or morally (i. e., 
volitionally toward present-day ideals and conventional conduct). 

When the genealogy chart is examined there seems no question 
about this statement that the character of abnormal pigmentation 
exhibited by persons numbers 32, 22, and 20 is hereditary; further, 
the character behaves like a simple Mendelian dominant; still 
further, it appears that these persons are heterozygous for this 
character of abnormal pigmentation. If this is true, then it is 
expected that number i (the father of number 7), and also males c 
and e, who are brothers, and who are fathers, respectively, of' 
numbers i and 3, were also abnormally pigmented. So, also, the 
female b or the male a was probably abnormally pigmented; in 
the chart I have suggested that it was probably the male a. My 
reason for this will be made clear near the close of this paper. 


This character of abnonnal pigmentation is not sex-limited, as 
is plainly seen by the fact that numbers 2,7, and 32 are males, while 
numbers 20, 22, and 24 are females; also by the fact that male 32 
inherits directly from his mother, number 20, while females 20 and 
22 inherit directly from their father, number 7; while, again, male 7 
must have inherited through the male for three antecedent genera- 
tions to arrive at a common ancestor for the first two known ab- 
normally pigmented persons, numbers 7 and 2. 

Though this character of abnormal pigmentation is hereditary, 
the visible patent condition of skin spotting is not known to be 
congenital. These three persons illustrated here show what is 
scientifically known as "partial or imperfect albinism." I shall 
call it "progressive albinism." 

That white hairs and light skin areas of person number 32, the 
member of the youngest generation known to be pigmented, are 
strictly albinistic is proved by microscopic examination. White 
hairs from the head of this man were examined £ind proved to be 
without pigmentation. Plates xxiii and xxiv present three draw- 
ings of the skin taken from the right side of the body of this man. 
The place from which the skin was taken is marked by the circle 
shown in plates xx and xxi.^ 

A piece of skin, including both light and dark areas, was fixed 
in a mixture of formalin, corrosive sublimate, and acetic acid im- 
mediately after excision. This was later imbedded in paraffin and 
cut into very thin sections. Some of these sections were stained 
and others were mounted without staining. The preservation of 
the epidermis proved to be perfect, and the pigment granules were 
well preserved in both the epidermis and corium. Both light and 
dark areas are included in the same section, thus greatly facilitating 
comparison of the two areas.^ 

Plate xxiii is a drawing, under low power, of the portion of the 
section which passes through the boundary line between the light 

' The operation for the removal of this section of skin was performed by Dr Earl 
M. Hare, of the College of Medicine, University of Minnesota. 

* Dr Hal Downey, of the Biological Department of the University of Minnesota, 
gave me unstinted time in the preparation and microscopic examination of the skin 
and hair of this man. 

232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16. 1914 

and dark areas. It shows ihc general structure of the skin and 
the distribution of the pigment granules in the section. 6"/^. cor. 
is the stratum corncum; Str. ger. is the stratum germinacivum; 
Epi. p. is an epidermal papilla; and D. p. is one of the papilhe of 
the connective tissue portion of the skin, the so-called dermis or 
corium. Plate xxiv reproduces two accurate drawings, under high 
power, of epidermal papillre of the light non-pigmented area, and of 
the dark area, respectively. 

In the living skin there is visible a sharp boundary line between 
the light and pigmented areas, as is well shown in plates xx and xxi, 
but in the microscopic sections such a sharp line is not so evident. 
In the section from which plate xxiii was made the first pigment 
granules appear in the epidermal process {Epi. p.) on the left of 
the figure. The figure shows that the pigmentation involves several 
cells of this papilla. In other sections examined the first pigment 
is not so abundant, and does not involve so many cells as in the one 
shown as plate xxiii. This is especially true of those sections in 
which the first pigment granules appear in the basal cells of the 
epidermis which lines one of the furrows of the skin. In those 
cases only a few cells contain the granules, and those first granules 
are small and not numerous in any one cell. 

The epithelium of the light areas, as is shown in plate xxiii, is 
absolutely devoid of pigmentation, but the corium contains an 
occasional irregular or branched pigment cell. As we approach 
the dark area the scattered pigment cells of the corium are seen to 
become more numerous, especially along the ducts of the sweat 
glands, but as yet no pigment is to be seen in the epithelium. Ex- 
amination of several sections of the same piece of skin show that the 
pigment of the Malpighian layer appears first in the basal layer of 
cells of the epithelium lining one of the furrows of the skin, or in 
the basal cells of the epithelial processes between the dermal papillae 
(pi. XXIII, Epi. p.). These first pigment granules are confined to 
groups of four or five cells in the above locations, the intervening 
cells being free from them. As we pass further into the dark area 
there is a gradual increase in the number of cells which contain 
pigment granules, and also in the amount of pigment within the 


individual cells. The cells which contain the granules are still 
confined to the grooves and epithelial processes, but the pigmen- 
tation gradually spreads to the sides of the epidermal papilla? and 
into the middle layers of cells of the stratum germinativum, where 
it is found in all but the two or three uppermost layers. However, 
this is not true of all of the epidermal papillse of even the most 
highly pigmented region, as is seen from an examination of plate xxiv 
(upper) where most of the granules are in the basal layer. In papillae 
of this type there are usually a few scattered cells above the basal 
layer which contain pigment granules. Three such cells are seen in 
the lower drawing of the same plate. In the region of greatest pig- 
mentation the granules are not confined absolutely to the epidermal 
papillae and stratum germinativum lining the furrows, but may 
be seen in a few of the cells covering the dermal (connective tissue) 
papillae. In this location the granules are very small, and they 
are not numerous. 

In general the pigment tends to collect in the basal layer of the 
epidermal processes and of the epithelium lining the grooves, but 
when it becomes very abundant it spreads to the upper layers and 
to that part of the epithelium which forms a covering to the con- 
nective tissue papillae. All the granules are w^ithin the epithelial 
cells; none were seen between the cells. 

The pigment granules may be found in all parts of the cell, but 
usually they are more abundant in the outer portion of the cell, 
toward the free surface of the skin (pi. xxiv, lower). If granules are 
present in the basal region of the cell they are usually smaller and 
less numerous than in the region of the outer pole. 

In the light areas of the skin the irregular branched pigment cells 
of the corium (connective tissue portion of the skin) are ver>' rare, 
but as these cells are not numerous in normal skin, the number seen 
here probably corresponds to the normal. In the pigmented areas 
their structure and location are the same as in the normal skin, but 
their increase in number is far beyond the normal. The epidermis 
of the dark areas contains a great deal more than the usual amount 
of pigment, but the general location and distribution of it are about 
the same as in the normal skin. 

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

Careful stuch- of the sections leads to the conclusion that there 
is nothing abnormal about this skin excepting the peculiar dis- 
tribution of its pigment. There apparently is concentration of 
pigment in the dark areas with corresponding deficiency of it in 
the epidermis of the light areas, but its general form and distribution 
in the dark areas is normal. It is as though there was a repellent 
force in certain foci of the skin driving the pigment cells to other 
areas. The lack of pigment is the only feature which distinguishes 
the light area of the skin from the dark. The dermal papillae and 
the epithelial processes between them are of the same general shape 
and size in both areas of the skin. 

Without going further into details at this time, I may summarize 
the apparent positive results of this research so far in hand, as 
follows : 

That in the family before us we see — 

1. Hereditary spotting of the skin. 

2. The character of spotting behaves as a simple Mendelian 

3. The piebald persons are heterozygous for this character of 

4. The condition of spotting is albinistic, and is progressive 
rather than fixed, giving progressive albinism — sometimes called 
dynamic leucosis. 

It may be well to present here definitions of albinism in its three 
commonly recognized phases : 

Complete albinism affords no visible pigment anywhere in skin, 
hair, or eyes. 

Incomplete albinism affords visible pigment of various degrees 
of diffusion everywhere in skin, hair, and eyes. 

Partial or imperfect albinism affords visible pigmentation limited 
to areas separated by unpigmented areas. This gives "piebald" 
and "spotted" cases. 

Concerning the probable close interrelation between these 
various phases of unpigmented skin, Pearson says: 

" When we consider the relative rareness of complete albinism, of the spotted 
or splashed condition and of xanthism, their relatively frequent coincidence in 


the same stock suggests that these abnormal pigment conditions arc not wholly 
independent, and that as a working hypothesis it is reasonable to suppose that 
complete albinism, partial albinism, incomplete albinism, and xanthism, all 
static forms of leucosis, are phases of the same process and are probably linked with 
leucoderma and possible other forms of dynamic leucosis. By ' linked ' we suggest 
that they mark the complete, incomplete, local or progressive failure of the same 
metabolic process, which may never start at all, never start in certain areas, or be 
imperfectly started, and again being started may fail to maintain itself; further, 
that every variety of this failure may individually or collectively be associated 
with certain stocks, which may either show hereditary failure of one phase, of 
several, or exceptionally of all phases of pigment metabolism. "i 

Pigmentation is due to pigment metabolism. In "complete 
albinism" pigment metabolism completely fails to start. In 
"incomplete albinism" pigment metabolism occurs only incom- 
pletely. In "partial or imperfect albinism" pigment metabolism 
locally fails or never starts. In "progressive albinism," or dynamic 
leucosis, pigment metabolism, though having apparently once 
started at some time, fails in certain areas. 

Some of the problems we are still working on in connection 
with this study are the following: 

1. Whether the albinistic areas are more heavily haired than 
the pigmented areas, since complete albinos are frequently said to 
be more hairy than normally pigmented persons. Schwalbe says 
that the skin under heavily coated growths of hair is lighter in 
color than in less heavily coated areas. Max Weber, Rawitz, and 
Kuekenthal say, conversely, that the most heavily pigmented areas 
are denuded. If Weidenreick is right in saying that "we are 
accordingly justified to see in the hair a special organ for accumu- 
lating pigment of the cutaneous or epidermal pigment layer," then 
these albinistic areas will be found to be more heavily haired than 
the pigmented areas. 

2. Whether the albinistic areas extend their borders after once 
having been knowTi, or whether there is, instead, a progressive 
failure of pigment metabolism within a definite area. 

1 Anomalies of Pigmentation among Natives of Nyasaland; A Contribution to 
the Study of Albinism, by Dr Hugh Stannus Stannus, pp. 333-365 (quotation from 
pp. 361-362), Biometrica, Oct., 1913. 

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16. 1914 

3. Whether an at-one-time albinistic area ever revives within 
itself the process of pigment mctaboHsm. 

4. The meaning of the median dorsal light area. Castle found 
a dark median dorsal area on the negro family he recorded. The 
dorsal area of most vertebrates is more heavily pigmented than 
adjoining areas; yet there is exception in the case of certain 
cattle with the white "line-back," and the frequent case of skunks 
with white patches along the dorsal line. I accept the theory so 
well outlined and defended by Weidenreick^ that the function of 
cutaneous pigment in vertebrates is to throw off the penetrating 
light and to transform light rays into heat rays. Yet if this theory 
is true, what is the meaning of the consistently light median dorsal 
area in the persons illustrated herewith? 

5. (In general.) The entire family, just so far as collaterals and 
descendants may be discovered, will be studied as completely as 
possible as a check on the work so far done. 

The following pathologic description of the first man now 
known to have borne in America the patronymic of this spotted 
family in consideration, and who lived in New England in 1668, is 
worth preserving in this place. The description is found in a letter 
of a physician dated October 4, 1668, and copied by him on the 
fly-leaf of one of his medical books. I am indebted to the librarian 
of a New England college library for the corrected copy of this 
epistle, which follows. I present it with the suggestion that if more 
complete research proves, what members of this family believe, 
that this early New Englander is their family ancestor, his physical 
condition may have been the cause of the present hereditary skin 
spotting. It was because of this possible connection that I pre- 
ferred to suggest in the genealogy chart that it was the male a 
instead of the female b who was probably abnormally pigmented. 

"Deacon [George] Bartlett: I have been often sollicited to doe for 

[name given in original letter] in his. sad condition, & have oft visited 

him & administered in time of his distemp: since his sores breaking out and 

1 Franz Weidenreick, Die Lokalisation des Pigmentes und ihre Bedeutung in 
Ontogenie und Phylogenie der Wirbeltiere. pp. 59-140 in Separat-Abdruck aus der 
Zeiischrift fiir Morphologic und Anthropologic, Stuttgart, 1912. 


running I have seen them, used meanes to cleanse them & have from time to 
time informed them that he must have constant attendance, & be under a course 
of phisick if his life be saved, if meanes be not used he will live long in misery, if 
much meanes be used it is not for one man to beare the burden, neyther is one 
only called to shew mercy. I have not refused to attend him, but rather desyre 
some other, & I will be double my portion towards the expence. Whoever attends 
him, it will be double the charge to attend him in the place where he is, wherever 
comfortable dyet must be sutable to his weaknes & distress, & attendance added 
beyond w' his wife can doe. a society of Indians will ioyne helpfulnes to one of 
there owne in distress, he must take a course of phisick to Divert the currant of 
humors if one running sore be healed, the humors will have vent at another place, 
& p'jently will be another swelling they say he is to weake to take phisick, but tis 
a stronger thing to dy then to take phisick, & if he becomes tenn times weaker, 
yet then he must take phisick or dy. these things I write to discharge myself, 
& let the loss of life & neglect of mercy ly at the right doore." 

Subsequent research shows that the man in question died October 
16, 1668, or twelve days after this descriptive letter was written. 

University of Minnesota 
Minneapolis, Minn. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 16 


THE island of St Vincent was discovered on the 22d day of 
January, 1498. This being, according to the Spanish 
calendar, the day of St Vincent, the island was named in his 
honor. At that time it was inhabited by a large number of Indians. 
Dr Coke states that there were two distinct tribes. Red and Black 
Caribs.^ There are many evidences of long prehistoric occupancy, 
of which the petroglyphs are among the most important. 

Speaking of the West Indies, Dr J. Walter Fewkes states^ that 
"not the least significant of the many survivals of a prehistoric 
race in the W^est Indies are rude pictures, cut in the rocks and called 
' pictographs ' or 'petroglyphs.' A study of their forms, geograph- 
ical distribution, and meaning is an important aid to our knowledge 
of the origin and development of Antillean culture: it affords valu- 
able data bearing on the migration of the race and points the way 
back to its ancestral continental home." The above statements 
do not too strongly set forth the position in relation to this important 
subject. Tribe may have succeeded tribe in the occupancy of these 
islands, but the petroglyphs have remained in the same position 
as they were when first chiseled by the prehistoric artist. Such is 
not necessarily the case, however, with the stone implements, 
earthenware utensils, and other artifacts which are constantly 
coming to hand, since it is certain that many of these were brought 
by the various tribes when they migrated to these islands from 
their original homes. 

The full significance of the West Indian rock-carvings cannot 
be realized until all the examples known to exist in the various 
islands have been carefully photographed and compared with the 
examples found on the mainland. As a preliminary contribution 
toward the accomplishment of this desirable object, this short 

1 T. Coke, History of the West Indies. 

2 Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, 1903-04. 



article is written. ' At the present time we propose to deal exclu- 
sively with the petroglyphs of St Vincent. On some future occasion, 
should the opportunity be presented, we hope to be able to consider 
the other sections of this field. Probably there is not an island 
of greater interest than St Vincent to the student of the rock- 
carvings of the Antilles. It also may be said that throughout the 
West Indian archipelago there is nothing of greater archeological 
importance than the St Vincent petroglyphs. 

For the purpose of the present article the petroglyphs now being 
considered may be classified under three heads: (i) Deeply incised, 
(2) shallow, and (3) cave. This classification is followed herein 
when individual examples are discussed. 

The process by which the distinct types of petroglyphs were 
made must have been somewhat different. In all probability 
examples of the first and third classes were produced by means of 
a primitive chisel; the outlines of the shallow type may have been 
first scratched out and then finished by friction.^ Im Thurn 
states that in British Guiana the deeply incised and shallow en- 
gravings are never found in the same district. In St Vincent, the 
areas in which they are found are separated by only a few miles. 
Nevertheless it is quite possible that they represent different periods 
and cultures. 

Our notes may incidentally throw some light on the debatable 
question of the antiquity of the aboriginal occupancy of St Vincent. 
It is an accepted fact that Indians occupied this island under settled 
conditions long before the coming of Columbus. But how long? 
This is a question for which it seems impossible to find a definite 
answer. Judging from the appearance of the rock-engravings and 
the fact that the older figures had probably become effaced by the 
time the later incisions were made, it would seem that man found 
a home in this island much farther back in prehistoric times than 
is often supposed. Unfortunately it is not possible to estimate, 
with any degree of precision, how long a period would be required 
for the petroglyphs to have become obliterated by natural processes. 
It is probable that occupancy of the island gradually developed from 
occasional visits to settled and permanent residence. 

' Everard F. im Thurn, Amo7ig the Indians of Guiana. 

240 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

Another question of importance to the thoughtful student is, 
What tribe was responsible for these art remains? Generally it 
has been assumed that the petroglyphs date from the period of the 
Carib occupancy, but this theory should not be given undue weight. 
At the time of the discovery, the Carib women spoke a different 
language from that of the men, from which fact it has been con- 
jectured that the males of the community represented the intruders, 
and the females the original inhabitants of the island, the supposi- 
tion being that the Caribs had defeated the aborigines, exterminated 
the men, and taken the women as their wives. To account for the 
persistence of the two languages it has been said that the females 
were the slaves of the males and that there was very little actual 
association between the two. All this may be true, but it would 
not satisfactorily explain the existence of this condition over a long 
period. In process of time, and that not very prolonged, were the 
theory above mentioned tenable, the women would inevitably 
adopt the speech of the men. Hence it follows that the Carib 
invasion must have taken place not very long before the time 
of the discovery; and taking this fact into consideration, together 
with the almost certain antiquity of most of the petroglyphs, it 
seems unlikely that all the examples are the work of the Caribs. 
There may have been several prehistoric tribal migrations from 
various parts of the mainland. The large number of petro- 
glyphs of one class suggests that the occupancy previous to the 
incoming of the Caribs extended over a considerable period. It 
is probable that most of the Antillean islands were peopled by one 
tribe before the Carib conquest, and the deeply incised figures may 
have been produced by them. The Petit Bordel petroglyph is the 
only one of the shallow type. We are of the opinion that this 
represents a much later period than the petroglyphs of the deeply 
incised class. If it is possible to ascribe any of the rock-carvings 
to the Caribs, it can reasonably be done in this case. 

What these pictographs originally signified it would be impossible 
to say. We cannot imagine that they were produced simply to 
while away the time. The recurrence of particular figures (see the 
notes on Buccament Cave) indicates a definite intention. Prob- 


ably some of the petroglyphs had a religious significance. In every 
part of the world, at some time or other, one of the most common 
objects of worship has been a block of stone. In St \'incent it is a 
ver>- common belief that such stones were used as sacrificial altars. 
This is not impossible. It is a well attested fact that the Indians 
of the time of the discover>- were cannibals. When Columbus dis- 
covered Guadeloupe he found the huts of the natives strewn with 
human limbs and heads. Some of the petroglyphs may be crude 
attempts to depict the forms of dead chiefs whose spirits were 
worshipped and whose anger was appeased by the oblation of the 
blood of human sacrifice. Probably these were regarded as inter- 
median.- spirits through which they approached the supreme deities. 
All the petroglyphs may indicate centers of religious worship. 

While many of the rock-car\-ings of St \'incent are of the deeply 
incised t\-pe, they do not show much resemblance except in the 
case of a few conventional heads. There is some similarity- in t\-pe 
between the central figure of the one at Rutland \'ale, Layou. and 
the larger engra\-ing of the Indian Point petroglyph. The large 
figure of Yambou Pass Rock (fig. 77), so far as depth of incision is 
concerned, comes between the deeply incised t\-pe and the shallow 
engraving of Petit Bordel. With the exception of engra\-ings of 
the Buccament Cave, they have all been incised in hard volcanic 

It is worthy of note that all the petroglyphs in St \'incent are 
found near the old sites of \-illages. We believe it to be a mere 
coincidence that many of them are found near rivers. Aboriginal 
man would naturally estabUsh his home in close proximity- to a 
supply of fresh water: and assuming that the petroglyphs indicate 
positions of importance, they would probably not have been placed 
far from the scene of his ever>'day life. 

The petroglyphs of the first and third classes above mentioned 
are of the same t\-pe as those found in the other Antillean islands, 
and indicate the same culture, while the Petit Bordel petroglyph 
and the figures of the Buccament Cave point to a connection with 
the culture of the mainland. The Mexican culture, however, does 
not appear to have had any influence. 

242 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

In conclusion \vc may say that in preparing the photographs from 
which the accompanying ilhistralions are prepared every effort 
has been made to give reHable representations of the actual petro- 
glyphs. Where any doubt exists, it has been stated in the notes on 
the particular pctroglyph under discussion. 

Description of Plates 

Plate XXV, a. — This engraved rock is found in the middle of the Glebe field 
and is situated about 200 yards to the left of the highway from Barrouallie to Kings- 
town. The slope of the bowlder faces westward. The incisions have a depth 
averaging about a quarter of an inch. Particular attention is called to the halo 
of thirteen rays. This figure may indicate a solar symbol. The basin-like 
depression immediately below the bottom of the engraving seems to be a natural 

Plate XXV, b. — This rock lies about 300 yards from the petroglyph shown 
in Plate XXV, a. The hollow of the top seems to have been made by pounding, 
and the incisions used to sharpen pointed implements. 

Pl.\te XXVI, a. — This petroglyph is known to the natives of the island as 
"Jumbi Rock", or "Marked Stone", and is sometimes called the "Sacrificial 
Stone ". It is situated about a mile up the Rutland Vale valley. The side of the 
stone on which the figures are seen has a southerly aspect. A very old man living 
in the valley probably correctly states that he remembers the time when the en- 
graved surface was in a horizontal position. It will be seen from the illustration that 
the river washes the base of the stone. It may be that, some time in the past, 
the river slightly changed its course at this point and that what was originally 
the foundation of the southern side of this large rock was washed away. The 
oblique eyes of the central figure are unique. The cup-shaped cavities at the 
top of the lines, leading down to the two faces on the left, are considerably deeper 
than the parts of the engraving. There are indications of older figures on the face 
of the rock. A burial urn containing a skull and surrounded with other bones 
was discovered by the writer in this valley. A drawing of this engraved bowlder 
has been published by Karl Sapper in his paper on St Vincent, Globus, Bd. 
lxxxiv. Heft 24, Abb. 8, Dec. 24, 1903. 

Plate XXVI, b. — This petroglyph is on the extreme point which lies between 
Indian bay and Villa bay. The rock faces south. The position of an uncertain 
line is indicated by the dots seen to the left of the engraving. 

Plate XXVII, a. — This is the most recently discovered petroglyph in the 
island. It lies to the right of the highway from Kingstown to Lodge Village. 
A small stream flow^s past the base of the rock. The engraved surface faces 

Plate XXVII, 6. — This engraved rock is found about 300 yards nearer to 


Escape Village than the one seen in Plate XXVIII, a. The large figure at the 
bottom is the most interesting; it is not so deeply cut as the other engravings, and 
the incisions have a comparatively fresh appearance. The representation of the 
snake is the only one found in the island. The face of the rock contains a fair 
number of undecipherable markings. Both the Yambou petroglyphs have the 
rising sun. Attention is called to the cup-shaped cavity below the head on the 
right. There is some similarity in the formation of the ears of the heads of this 
petroglyph to Porto Rican examples. Between the two petroglyphs found in 
this valley is a flat rock bearing a circle which encloses a cross (fig. 76). 

® (^ 4} Q 

Fig. 76. Fig. 77. Fig. 78. Fig. 79. 

PL.A.TE XX\TII, a. — This petroglyph is situated in the Yambou pass, on the 
windward side of the island. It stands in the middle of a pasture, which is 
dotted with large volcanic bowlders. Probably the head on the left (fig. 77) 
originally had two projections. There is a faint line on the other side, and there 
are yery faint indications of other marks on the central face (fig. 78), but they are 
not sufficiently clear to warrant their inclusion. On the back of the rock there is 
a face of a common type (fig. 79). The only indistinct line given is the one at 
the bottom of the monkey's body. During a previous visit we discovered traces 
of an original mark, but on this occasion we failed in our efforts to locate it. One 
of the heads is highly interesting: it appears to represent the head of a female; 
the hair is plaited, and the ear pendant seems to represent a peculiar kind of 
earring. Porto Rican petroglyphs have horned heads similar to some of the 
engravings in this example. 

Plate XXVI 1 1 , b. — This petroglyph is situated on the right of the Woods high- 
way from Petit Bordel to Linley valley, and forms one of the boundary marks 
between the Petit Bordel and Rose Bank estates. The rock has an almost ver- 
tical front and faces the east. Most of the engravings are about half an inch 
wide and are very shallow. The bottom figures appear to be incomplete. Sev- 
eral horizontal lines are scratched across the lower part of it. It is not possible 
to say if these formed part of the original engraving; if they did, they probably 
indicate the process of operation. It may be that the figures were first outlined 
with a sharp implement and then finished by rubbing with wet sand. The three 
small figures at the top of the left-hand figure are not very distinct. There is 
a similarity betw-een the engraving on the right and one of the St Kitts examples. 

Plate XXIX, a. — The cave in which these petroglyphs are found is on the 
left side of the Buccament valley, about 200 yards from the seacoast. It is cut out 
of the tuff agglomerate flow forming the ridge, which limits the extent of the valley 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

on the southern side. The cave is about 45 feet high and 30 feet wide, with a 
depth of at least 20 feet. The front opens into the valley. A large portion of the 
rear wall is covered with engravings. It was found exceedingly difficult to 
make a photograph giving a well-defined view of all the markings. Figures not 
included in the exposure are shown in figure 80, a, h, c, d, and figure 81. All 


Fig. 80. 

the engravings shown in figure 80 are cut in the rock which forms the shelf to the 
left of the cave. Figure 81 is scratched in the soft part of the tuff agglomerate 
and is situated a few feet above the shelf. 

Fig. 81. 

Fig. 82. 

Fig. 83. 

Fig. 84. 

Plate XXIX, 6. — This photograph presents a view of the markings found at 
the entrance of the cave. Some time ago the land in the immediate vicinity was 
brought into cultivation. The burning of the soil revealed a large number of 
fragments of pottery and a few rubbing stones. These fragments do not mani- 
fest any variation from the other sherds found in different parts of the island. It 
may be interesting to note how one of the figures (fig. 82) 
seen on the right side of the photograph recurs time after 
time on the other petroglyphs. It is found at Safe Creek, 
Wyoming; Ojo de Benado, New Mexico; Ometepe, Nica- 
ragua; and at Cachoeira de Ribeiro, Brazil. An earthen- 
ware stamp bearing this figure (fig. 83) has just come to 
hand from Carriacou. The character, with not quite the 
same curve, is represented at Chicagua Rapids, Venezuela. Another figure 
(fig. 84) with slight modifications is found on an engraved rock at San Esteban, 
Venezuela. Other figures of this petroglyph are found in various parts of South 
America, two of which (fig. 85) seem to be very common. 
The Heye Museum 
New York City 

Fig. 85. 


THE ceremony of the Medicine Lodge, or Sun Dance, is one of 
the most important reUgious festivals known to the Plains 
Indians, although certain tribes living on and near the plains 
do not practise it, and so far as known never have done so. 

The ceremony always has been misunderstood and has been 
generally condemned. Its form is constantly changing; in some 
tribes it is being called by a new name, and the old ritual and 
ceremonies are being forgotten. It seems time therefore that 
something should be said to correct erroneous views concerning it 
that have long had currency. 

Of the acts which formerly took place during this ceremony, the 
most striking had to do with the personal suffering of some of those 
who were present, and generally it has been believed that a part of 
the ceremony of the Medicine Lodge was the infliction of the so- 
called torture frequently endured at the time and within the in- 
closure where the ceremony was conducted. A generation ago 
it was declared that this torture — swinging to the pole and dragging 
buffalo skulls — was self-inflicted for the purpose of making warriors, 
the implication being that no man might be considered a warrior 
who had not endured these sufferings. Other writers have said 
that the suffering was undergone by young men who wished to 
show that their hearts were strong; in other words, that it was a 
test of endurance. Something of this sort Catlin implies in his 
account of the Medicine Lodge ceremonies, known as 0-kee-pa, 
among the Mandan. These beliefs many years ago led the Govern- 
ment to interfere with the Medicine Lodge. The Indian agents 
declared that the ceremony was a producer of warriors, while the 
missionaries, who held every form of religion wrong except the 
particular one professed by each, were repelled by the spectacle of 
the suffering, and both agreed that the ceremony ought to be stopped. 
So the Indian Bureau forbade the Sun Dance in many places. 


246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

I'lic Indian agents and the missionaries were not alone in 
belic\ing the torture to be a part of the Medicine Lodge. Some 
ethnologists have had the same impression. In his recent in- 
teresting Handbook of the North American Indians of the Plains, 
Dr Wisslcr says : "The Sun Dance presents several features variously 
combined and distributed. These are the torture, the circular 
shelter of poles, the use of a sacred bundle, the erection of a sun 
pole, and the dancing ceremonies." 

In his article on "Ceremony" in the Handbook of American 
Indians, Dr G. A. Dorsey says that the self-inflicted torture "often 
forms an intrinsic part of the public performance." This is a 
general statement, with no specific reference to the Medicine Lodge 

On the occasion of a Medicine Lodge ceremony a dozen or fifteen 
years ago it was reported that two students of ethnology- hired a 
young Indian to have his back pierced and to drag about one or more 
beef skulls. I do not know that this ever took place, but at the time 
it was widely heralded and was used as an argument for stopping 
the dance. If this happened, the boy, like those who hired him, 
may have believed that he was going through a part of the Medicine 
Lodge ceremony, but older men would have set them right, and 
explained the true motive of this more or less painful proceeding. 

Persons who have been much among Indians recognize the extra- 
ordinary difficulty often found in getting at the fundamental motive 
which lies behind any act. They recognize also the almost universal 
tendency among observers to credit the primitive people whom they 
see with the same motives and the same methods of reasoning that 
the observers themselves employ. Since in old times torture in 
some form or other often took place during and at the ceremony of 
the Medicine Lodge, it was natural enough that observers should 
take it for granted that this torture was a part of the ceremony. 
This was not true in the case of the Cheyenne Indians, nor, in my 
belief, was it ever true in the case of any plains people. The suffer- 
ing of the Medicine Lodge was not for the purpose of making warriors 
or to show endurance, nor was it any part of the ceremony. Instead, 
it was, in all cases, the payment by the individual of some vow 

grinnell] the CHEYENNE MEDICINE LODGE 247 

that he had made; was a sacrifice of self to bring good fortune or 
to avert misfortune in the future, or else was the carr\'ing out of 
some instruction received in a dream. Sometimes the motive was 
merely lo>-alty to a friend — a wish to share his suffering. 

The sacrifice of the body is, I suppose, as old as religion and is 
confined to no sect, creed, or race. It has been universally practised 
as a means of invoking the favor of the powers which rule the 
universe. Primitive people practise it in all lands. Civilized people 
do the same today. The priests of Baal, when they called on their 
God to send down fire from Heaven to consume the sacrifice of 
Elijah, cut themselves with knives as they prayed to him. The 
Indians swing to the pole. The flagellants lashed themselves with 
whips, and the so-called Penitentes in the Southwest with the 
branches of the cactus, and endured the sufferings of crucifixion. 
The monk of the Middle Ages wore a hair shirt, and the woman of 
today fasts during Lent. All these are different expressions of the 
same feeling. 

The ceremonial of the Medicine Lodge is a religious occasion of 
great importance, transmitted, the people say, through many 
generations. It celebrates the rebirth of life on the earth, the return 
of the season of growth. The Cheyenne call it "the renewing of 
the earth." The occasion, the time, and the place are sacred, and 
the ceremony is associated with certain sacrifices, the offering to 
the spiritual powers of acceptable gifts, accompanied by the puri- 
fication which comes from the abstention from food and drink for a 
period of a few days. 

The mysterious powers are present and receive the prayers, 
offerings, and sacrifices, and the occasion is one peculiarly favorable 
for the performance of those acts in which spiritual assistance is 
needed. The edifice, so called, of the Medicine Lodge is the center 
of these helpful influences, but they affect the whole gathering. 
All who are present in the camp receive a blessing in some degree. 
For this reason, in old times, every member of the tribe wished and 
was expected to be present. Messengers were sent about to every 
small camp to notify it of the time of the ceremony. If, as rarely 
happened, some man was slow in coming to the meeting place, a 

248 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 1914 

band of soldiers was sent to bring him in. If he was obstinate and 
still delayed his coming, he was fetched by force, and harsh measures 
might be employed to hasten his arrival. He might be beaten with 
quirts, his lodge and lodge-poles destroyed, and even his horses 

The reason for this enforced attendance is obvious enough. 
Absence from the ceremony was believed to bring misfortune, and 
misfortunate to an individual, or to a number of individuals, might 
well enough extend from them to other members of the tribe. 
Therefore, in the belief of all the people it was essential that everyone 
should be present to share in the blessed influence of the occasion 
and in the protection from evil which this influence would bring. 

I have no record of any family or group of Cheyenne refusing 
to attend this ceremony, though it is stated that on one or two 
occasions the messengers have been unable to find some little camp 
at a distance from the principal village. I know of no case like 
that instanced in an earlier paper on the Cheyenne, where Big 
Ribs, a famous warrior — whose name is always coupled with that 
of Old Little Wolf, as the two bravest men ever known among the 
Cheyenne — resisted and drove away a group of soldiers sent to his 
camp to bring him to the ceremony of renewing the medicine arrows.^ 
Because of the presence of these favorable spirits at the cere- 
mony, and their beneficent influence, all the food brought into the 
Medicine Lodge and allowed to remain there for a brief period is 
sanctified. Having passed through this sacred place, it is all — or 
almost all — taken out again and eaten by the people, not as food 
merely, but also for the spiritual benefit received by eating it. 
This belief is so firmly held that an effort is made to have everyone 
in the camp, from the youngest to the oldest, share in these benefits 
by eating of the food. A relative, for example, will take a tiny 
morsel of such food and will place it in the mouth of a babe too 
young to swallow, removing it a moment or two later, but believing 
that the blessing received by the food while in the Medicine Lodge 
will be imparted to the infant. 

Among the Blackfeet a similar faith and like practice exist. 

^American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. xii, p. 547. 

grinnell] the CHEYENNE MEDICINE LODGE 249 

The hundred tongues dried and prepared by the woman who vows 
the Medicine Lodge in that tribe are partaken of by all the people 
as a sacred food, the eating of which carries with it a blessing. 

The sacred influence of the Medicine Lodge extends through the 
entire camp and lasts during the whole time of the ceremony. Any 
spiritual and sacred operations in which prayers are used will be 
more successful if undertaken or carried on at this time than if 
undertaken at any other time. As said of the ceremony of renewing 
the medicine arrows, secret medicines mixed and prepared during 
the days of the Medicine Lodge will be more potent than those made 
at other times. The making of shields — a mysterious and secret 
operation in which spiritual influences played a most important 
part — was undertaken at this time. The spiritual protective power 
of shields made at that time was strong. Generally this was a 
peculiarly favorable time for the performance of any operation in 
which prayers — the invoking of help from the mysterious powers 
— were important. In the same way it was a good time to pay 

A man out on the warpath and in danger might pledge himself 
to swing to the pole, or drag skulls, without specifying when he 
would do this, and in that case the time at which he would pay the 
vow was for him to determine, or he might vow that he would swing 
to the sun-dance pole, or would drag skulls during the ceremony of 
the Medicine Lodge. In the same way a man might pledge himself 
to make a feast for the horse doctors' society — horsemen — if his 
horse did not give out in the fight, or might promise to ofi"er other 
sacrifices if successful in certain undertakings. 

If no Medicine Lodge ceremony was held for two or three years 
after he had made the vow, the man who had promised to undergo 
the ordeal at the time of the Medicine Lodge postponed the payment 
of the vow until that ceremony was held. On the other hand, one 
who had promised that he would swing to the pole usually did so 
absolutely alone, except for the assistance of one or two men who 
in the past had themselves sufi"ered in this way and whom he was 
obliged to ask to teach him how to perform the act in the ritual 
manner. He was altogether likely to make his sacrifice quietly, 

250 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

among the hills at a distance from the camp, seeking no notoriety, 
but rather striving, so far as possible, to keep the matter quiet. 
He might drag buffalo skulls in the same way. Such indixidual 
sacrifices ha\e been offered within two or three years. 

Of late years, since the Government interfered with the opera- 
tions of swinging to the pole or dragging skulls, and since the whole 
mode of life of the Indians has changed, the common form of public 
sacrifice in the Medicine Lodge is dancing without food or drink 
for three or four days, an effort which, among the modern young 
Indian men, often wholly unaccustomed to exercise, has led to 
many a physical breakdown. The dancing of old times, while 
gazing at the sun or the moon, even though very protracted, was 
more likely to bring on visions and dreams than to cause physical 

Formerly, I am told, it was much more common for young men 
to go out in the hills, have their breasts pierced, and under instruc- 
tion to walk back and forth for a long time in a limited circle, 
trying to break away from the pole, than it was for young men to 
endure this suffering in the Medicine Lodge. Not a few other forms 
of personal suffering which had no possible relation to any general 
religious festival were undergone to obtain the favor of the powers. 
One of these was to starve for a long period ; another was to stand 
all night in water up to the shoulders. 

The following detail of the operation of swinging to the pole 
alone in the hills was given me by Wlh'ioBs, Little White Man, 
formerly called WikMms'to, Bird That Calls (utters a cry). 

He was then a young man, and his first child, a little baby, was 
very sick. In order to save the infant's life he determined to make 
a sacrifice. While considering what form this sacrifice should take, 
he saw in dreams persons standing up and swinging to the pole, 
and when at length he was convinced that this was what he was 
directed to do, he still hesitated for some time before making up his 
mind to act. Yet he kept thinking he saw a person swinging to a 
pole, and even when awake and moving about he used to see this. 
Finally another dream led him to decide. The person who ap- 
peared to him in the dream said to him that if he made this sacrifice 
his child would recover. 


Bird That Calls now summoned two older men to advise him. 
These were Black Whetstone {Mohktd'vehutse'he) and Wounded 
Eye (He'ekdi'itstdhe). He told them what he had seen, and said 
that he was obliged to undergo this suffering and that they must 
teach him how to do it. He offered them the pipe, requesting 
them to help him, and they accepted it, thus promising their 

The afternoon before the sacrifice was to be made, Black Whet- 
stone and Wounded Eye took Little White Man out to cut the pole 
to which he was to be tied. When a young cottonwood tree, 
suitable for a pole, was found, they grasped his arms and caused 
him to move his hands iour times toward tlie tree, as if cutting it 
with an axe. Then he cut down the pole without further ceremony. 
They now caused him to pick it up from the ground, making 
four motions before lifting it and then four motions before dragging 
it away to the place chosen for the sacrifice. When the place was 
reached, the instructors showed him how to dig the hole in whicli it 
was to stand, making four preliminary motions before actually 
beginning to dig the hole. The pole was not trimmed; the leaves 
and branches were left on it. 

That night after the three had reached camp, a messenger was 
sent about the camp to find and borrow two braided rawhide 
riatas. Two were required because he had two instructors. If there 
had been a single instructor, only one rope would have been needed. 
Next morning the three men arose very early, and long before day- 
light each instructor took one of the ropes and rubbed his hands 
down over its whole length four times. Then a coal was taken 
from the fire, sweet grass sprinkled on it and each rope was passed 
four times through the smoke. Then to one end of each rope 
were tied two deerskin strings, each seven or eight inches long. 
Each rope was now doubled into a ball in the middle, leaving the 
end to which the strings were tied — to be attached to the skewers 
in his body — four or five feet long, and the other end — to be tied 
to the pole — somewhat longer. The ropes were now put aside, and 
thereafter no one might touch them except Bird That Calls. 

Just before daylight the instructors painted him with white clay 

252 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

over the whole body. After lie had been painted, they caused him 
to sit, and filled and lighted a pipe, and offered it to him four times, 
and each time he smoked. The pipe was held to his mouth; he did 
not touch it with his hands. 

After he had smoked, the instructors told him that the direction 
to perform this sacrifice was the greatest favor that he could have 
received — the privilege to stand on a hill where all (the powers) 
might look at him, and to stand by a pole in the sun's road where 
the sun could look down and see him. It might be a hard trial, 
but he must not give up. When the sun rose he should look at it 
until it reached the middle, — the zenith, — and when it passed the 
middle he should not give up, but should watch it until it dis- 

After he had received this instruction, he set out with the two 
older men to go to the place where the pole was. He had expected 
to walk out there barefoot, but it chanced that among his gifts to 
his instructors were some moccasins, and for this reason he had the 
right to wear moccasins in going out. When they set out, he walked 
in advance, wrapped in a buffalo robe and carrying the two ropes. 
The instructors followed. 

When they reached the place where the pole was, Bird That 
Calls sat down near the pole and facing it, and the instructors 
sat behind him and filled a pipe. Before lighting the pipe they 
pointed it to the four directions and prayed. They smoked and 
waited before setting up the pole until the sun just began to peep 
over the hills. While waiting the two instructors tied the two 
ropes to the pole, each one giving the other a small present to pay 
him for tying the rope. 

The instructors said to him, "You must watch the sun, and 
before it gets up too high must raise the pole." 

When the sun began to rise above the horizon, Bird That 
Calls planted the pole, while the instructors prayed and asked 
the sun to look upon this pole. "Whoever it was that directed 
this man to do this, let him see that now he is doing it. Let this 
man have good luck, and let all his children be fortunate. We 
have the tree standing in your gristle rope. It has never been 

grinnell] the CHEYENNE MEDICINE LODGE 253 

broken. Let this man live long — until he has crossed the four 

The four ridges alluded to represent four trials — four sacrifices 
to be made. It is believed that the great power will be pleased 
with a man who shall perform four important ceremonies. 
These ceremonies are the ridges referred to. One who desires to 
obtain special favor from the great power has these four ridges to 
cross; in other words, he endeavors to perform these four difficult 
ceremonies during his life. There is no regular order in which the 
four ridges are to be crossed, nor is it believed that the four cere- 
monies are always the same ones. A man who has made the 
Medicine Lodge — passing through all its mysteries — is considered 
to have crossed one of the four ridges. One who wishes to acquire 
abundant spiritual power — to qualify as a great medicine-man — 
may do so by passing one of the ridges each year for four years. 
The opinion has been expressed that a man who possessed sufficient 
ph^^sical endurance to stand the hardships involved in the tasks, 
might pass all these ridges in a single summer. The crossing of a 
ridge, it is believed, does not imply any particular period of time. 

The braided gristle (rawhide) ropes spoken of in the prayer 
were commonly used to swing on by those who paid their vows in 
this way in the Medicine Lodge. Such ropes were used over and 
over again by different persons in the payment of such vows. 
The tree stands within the rope that is tied about it. 

South of the pole, and facing southward, was placed a buffalo 
skull; on each side of the pole, east and west, stood two buffalo 
chips, each four steps and a half step (12 or 14 feet), from it, and 
south of each of these chips was another. These chips represented 
guards, or watchers, to observe the man and see that he did his 
duty. Buffalo chips were not always available, but if they were 
not to be had, large stones might be used in place of them. In 
the arc of a circle south of the pole — the pole being the circle's cen- 
ter — was spread a bed of white sage for him to walk on. 

It was now time for him to be pierced. He knelt, sitting back 
on his heels, and rested his hands on his knees, opposite to and 
facing the pole. The instructors knelt at his right side and with 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 17 

254 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST (n. s., i6. 1914 

charcoal marked upright parallel lines on the skin on the right 
breast to indicate where the knife should enter and where come out. 
Then one instructor took the skin in his fingers above the marks 
and the other below the marks, and pinching up the skin they 
thrust in the knife at the marked place on the right, and it came 
through at the marked place on the other side. Before using the 
knife, it had been rubbed down with a piece of charcoal. The left 
breast was pierced in the same way, the instructors passing behind 
the novice, but in this case the knife was thrust into the skin of the 
left breast from right to left, as it had been on the right side, and 
not from left to right. This was done because a single knife was 
used for the two piercings. If two knives had been used, the second 
might have been inserted from left to right. 

When the right breast was pierced, the instructors, assisting 
each other, passed a small straight stick, the length of a finger, 
through the slit, and to this skewer tied the strings on one of the 
ropes. After the left breast was pierced a similar skewer was 
passed through that slit and tied. 

After the strings had been tied, the instructors raised Bird That 
Calls to his feet and supported and directed him as he walked 
over to the middle of the sage-covered path. Then the instructors 
pulled four times on his breast to straighten out the ropes. They 
moved his body toward the east and then toward the west; again 
toward the east and again toward the west — four times. Then 
they took hold of his right leg and moved it four times forward, 
and at the fourth movement he began to walk to the west end of 
the sage-covered trail, and from there back to its east end, and 
back again — going forth and back until the sun had set. It seemed 
to him to take the sun a long time to reach the middle, but the time 
from the middle to the sun's setting was much longer. He was 
constantly trying to break loose, but the skin of his breast did not 
break; it only stretched. He had the privilege of resting four times 
— in the middle of the forenoon, at noon, in the middle of the after- 
noon, and just before sunset. At each of these rests he might smoke 
a pipe. He rested but once — at midday. 

As soon as he had begun to walk, the instructors left him and were 

grinnell] the CHEYENNE MEDICINE LODGE 2$$ 

absent all day, intending to return to him just as the sun set. 
When they left him, they said, "When we return for you at sunset, 
try to be as near as you can to the place from which we raised you 
up, but do not sit down until we come to you and push you down." 

During the day the instructors built a sweat-house in the camp. 

At sundown, when the instructors reached him again, they 
grasped his arms, one on each side, and pushed him down to a sitting 
position. They cut through the stretched hide of his breast, took 
him back to camp, and entered the sweat-lodge with him, some 
other men who had made this sacrifice also going into it. His 
wounds and the blood on his body were wiped off with white sage. 
That night, when he ate, no one might cat with him except men who 
had experienced this suffering. On each of the three following days 
he took a sweat, and on the fourth day the ceremony was finished. 

He was told that thereafter, if he wished to teach men how to 
undergo this penance, he might teach four persons and no more. 

In taking a ceremonial sweat, the man is thought for the time 
being to give over his whole body and spirit to the great power. 
Then when he leaves the sweat-house, and his body has been wiped 
off with white sage — the male sagebrush {hetanewanutz') — his body 
again belongs to himself. 

Wik'isinis'to gave his instructors a horse, a gun, a suit of deer- 
skin clothing, moccasins, and blankets. His child got better the 
next morning. 

An explanation of the considerable number of dancers who take 
part in the sacrifice and go through the labor and starvation at the 
time of the Medicine Lodge, is found in the feeling of loyalty which 
exists in the soldier societies. When a member of any soldier 
society had pledged himself to suffer at the Medicine Lodge, whether 
as medicine-lodge maker, or merely as a dancer, it became a point 
of pride with the other members of that soldier society to undertake 
to carr>' through a similar sacrifice. They felt that they must not 
let their brother undergo this suffering alone, and so, out of good 
will and friendship for him, they undertook to do as he was doing. 

That the so-called torture is no part of the ceremony of the 
Medicine Lodge I have long known. Recently, in order to confirm 

256 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

this knowledge, I made specific inquiry on the point of certain 
priests — men who themselves have made the medicine lodge and 
who time and again lune acted as priests in the Medicine Lodge 
ceremony. I asked them to tell me definitely whether the torture 
— the dancing for a long period, the swinging to the pole, or the 
dragging of skulls — were parts of the Medicine Lodge ceremony. 
They seemed astonished at the question and rather disposed to 
think I was joking with them and to laugh at the inquiry; but when 
I explained my reasons for asking it, each man earnestly and 
positively declared that the torture had no relation whatever to 
the ceremony. 

These forms of suffering have appealed to the imagination of 
people who have witnessed them, and the result has been that in 
the popular view the actual ceremony of the Medicine Lodge and its 
purpose have been very largely overlooked, while the spectacular 
performances of the so-called torture have been enlarged on. 

The use of sacred bundles, the erection of the sun pole, the 
building of an altar, some sacrifices, and certain other more or less 
secret ceremonies are parts of the ritual of the Medicine Lodge, 
as they are of certain other ceremonies. Torture is no part of it 
and has no relation to it in any tribes with which I am familiar. 

The Medicine Lodge seems only a form of the Summer Dance 

common to many Indian tribes, and is directly connected with the 

food supply — an abundance of animals, a liberal yield of natural 

fruits and roots, and of crops cultivated. These festivals are direct 

prayers for sustenance — petitions that the earth will continue to 

bring forth food for man and for the beasts on which man depends 

for food. 

238 East Fifteenth Street 
New York City 


FROM September 17 to September 28, 1913, it was the writer's 
good fortune to be the guest of Dr Henri Martin at his 
country place near the Mousterian station of La Quina. 
Geographically and topographically the site may be thus de- 
scribed : It is about three kilometers northeast of Villebois-Lavalette, 
itself a cheerful little village on a secondary railway, about 30 
kilometers southeast of Angouleme; its latitude is about 45°, 30' N., 
and its longitude 0°, 20' E. from Greenwich. The department is 
Charente, midway between the famous Dordogne to the southeast 
and the ocean to the west. The altitude is but few meters above 
the sea, while the banks of the Voultron, on which La Quina is, 
rise from 20 to 60 meters more; farther away are heights of 180 or 
190 meters. A limestone country, the valleys are Hkely to be long 
and bounded by the precipitous eroded cliffs ready prepared by 
nature for the protection of prehistoric man. The heights them- 
selves are ridges, but not monotonous; the relief is much like that 
of the Ozark region of our country, without the great extent of 
plateau characteristic of the latter. The country is fertile, though 
the highlands have been largely denuded; nut-trees of various kinds 
and glorious poplars made a late September a revel of color and 

The climate is warm for the latitude, temperate in winter and 
tempered by the sea in summer. The prevailing west winds carry 
in some moisture, but the sea as a whole does not modify the sensible 
temperature as much as one would expect. Health is the rule, and 
its concomitants, independence and good nature. The most 
important industry is the making of brandy. Cognac, the center 
of the industry, being in Charente, only a few kilometers to the west. 
In prehistoric archeology, especially of the paleolithic period, 
Charente is rich. Overshadowed by the amazing plethora of 


258 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

Moiisterian, Aurignacian, Solutrian, and Magdalcnian from the 
Dordogne, this department is less well known. The Charente river 
follows its own independent course to the sea, unconnected with the 
V6zere-Dordogne system, and the countn,' is lower and seems to 
contain fewer inhabited rock-shelters. 

With the enthusiasm of the Frenchman everywhere for his local 
archeology, which we should do well to imitate, the Charentais 
have done much in their section. The work of Favraud and Chauvet 
should of course be mentioned. 

Seven or eight years ago Dr Henri Martin, of Paris, realizing 
the importance of the rock-shelter at La Quina, bought the station 
and has wisely kept it from depredation by the unwary and from 
desecration by the unscientific. For years, summer after summer, 
he has excavated, almost with Professor Putnam's proverbial tooth- 
brush, this great shelter 40 or more meters long and eight or nine 
meters high. Seldom using more than three workmen, and these 
for the purpose of carting away debris, he picks away at the breccia, 
aided by Madame Martin and his three enthusiastic children. He 
uses piochets and crochets of his own invention, and, when the breccia 
becomes too hard, sends son Bernhard to the Voultron for a pail 
of water to soften the indurated conglomerate by an ordinary squirt. 

The early mornings Dr Martin spends in his delightful laboratory 
in the picturesque "logis," where he lives. Individual, micro- 
scopic, comparative examination, meticulous classification, complete 
preservation, and generous distribution are his methods. The 
museums at Phillips Academy, Andover; Harvard University; Yale 
University; Columbia University; The American Museum of 
Natural History, New York; The University of Pennsylvania; The 
Smithsonian Institution, and the University of Chicago bear witness 
to his liberality. It may be frankly said, without probable in- 
discretion, that all he asks is scientific care, record, and exhibition. 
An exchange is always welcome to him, especially in somatological 
material, in primis, crania. But any responsible institution with a 
dignified place of exhibition and competent curatorship seems fairly 
able to procure a series of La Quina specimens. What the Doctor 
will not do is to sell. 

peabody] ten days WITH DR HENRI MARTIN 259 

Excavation at La Quina, the richest under-surface station the 
writer has seen, is a privilege. To his knowledge but one other 
foreigner has been invited to excavate; this is Baron Blanc, an 
Italian with a chateau-residence in Chambery. 

The threatened disqualification of foreign excavators has not 
yet taken place {absit omen) ; Dr Martin, however, advises careful 
dating of La Quina specimens. All specimens at present in America, 
so far as knowledge goes, have been received by gift or exchange 
direct from Dr Martin or, by his own request or authority, from 
one or two of his intimate friends. Any other should justify their 

La Quina has been published in extenso. This is not the place 
for a bibliography; it is not necessary. Reference to the standard 
earlier and later digests of the de Mortillets, to the first volume of 
Dechelette's Manuel, to the series of articles on the Mousterian of 
Le Moustier by Bourlon, and chiefly to the work of Dr Henri 
Martin himself and comments thereon in U Anthropologie, Bulletins 
et Memoires de VEcole d'Anthropologie de Paris, La Revue Prehis- 
torique, L'Homme Prehistorique, Bulletin de la Societe Prehistorique 
Franqaise, and the Comptes-Rendus des Congres Prehistoriques de 
France — this will orientate him who wills. 

Of course, the local pride of the Charentais leads them to dif- 
ferentiate rather more than is necessary between the industry of 
one department and that of another; departmental divisions are 
quite conventional, and changes in types of specimens come gradu- 
ally rather than by jumps over frontiers. The Mousterian of La 
Quina is surprisingly homogeneous from the lowest stratum to the 
highest. From the former a few recollections of the Acheulian 
have been reported, and suggestions of the Aurignacian from the 
latter. They are rare — it is strange that only 100 or 200 meters 
along the Voultron toward the Doctor's " logis " is, in a similar 
rock-shelter, an Aurignacian station, small, it is true, but altogether 
different from La Quina. 

To an Americanist, accustomed to cultures of enormous geo- 
graphical extent and striking similarity among themselves, the 
absolute cultural differences observ^able in this region within 



[n. s., iC, 1914 

Stone-throws of each other (e. g., Laugcrie-Haute and Laugerie- 
Basse, and a better contrast between La Quina and the Grotte de 
la Fontaine, 20 kilometers to the north) — this juxtaposed tossing 

Fig. 86. 

Fig. 87. 

together of cultures thousands of 3^ears apart is, to repeat, a standing 

According to Bourlon the Mousterian of La Quina corresponds 
to "Couche 3" at Le Moustier. 

In 19 1 2 the Congres Prehistorique de France was held at An- 
gouleme, under Dr Henri Martin's presidency, for the purpose of 
studying the station on the ground. Mrs Peabody and the author 
had the good luck to be present and to stay over a few days and 
help dig. The results of this redoubled digging, increased by two 
or three times as many specimens given outright by the Doctor 
himself, were sent home and were distributed into the charge of the 
institutions mentioned at Andover, Cambridge, and Washington. 
The series reserved for Harvard had been prepared by him for the 
Congres International d 'Anthropologic et d'Archeologie Pre- 
historiques, which met in October of that year in Rome; he changed 
his mind and sent the series to the Peabody Museum.^ These 

1 For a general survey of the site the best reference is to the Comples-Rendus of 
the Congress at Angouleme, 1912, pp. 282-296. 



series were largely picked specimens of the type to make museum 
men glad. The series sent home in 19 13 is just as the fortune of 
the pick got them out — dirt, breccia, and all. They were washed 
and studied here, and for that reason have alone been used for the 
few necessary statistics before the conclusion of this paper. 

Fig. 88. 

Fig. 89. 

Fig. 90. 

Much to the delight of his guest and the curiosity of the Martin 
household, a new trench was opened in the same rock-shelter about 
30 meters from the work of former years. This was in the middle 
of September, 191 3, and the writer had virgin soil. Strangely 
enough the whole shelter faces somewhat north of west — pleasant 
for the excavators but unpropitious for the Mousterians. Not 
knowing what horizontal stratum the new cut would correspond 
to, he called this one "gamma," and the vertical "M" in line with 
the earlier. The collection at the site thus comes almost equally 
from the two positions, "M. Gamma," and "C 2," a former position 
that seems of inexhaustible richness. 

There follow a few of the inevitable tabulations with comments. 

The typical "pointes Mousteriennes" as well as the "racloirs" 
are comparatively small. Large specimens have been found at 
La Quina, but they are rare. 

Many of these smaller implements are of excellent workmanship. 

When the chipped face is uppermost and the sharpest angle 
points to the cartographic north, the scraping edges are as shown 
in the table. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Pcabody Museum La Quina Collection, igij 

Pointcs Moustericnncs 

Pointcs Mousteriennes with double patination 

Pointcs Mousteriennes with concavity 


Racloirs with concavity 

Racloirs with suggestions of manufacture. . . . 

Racloirs with double patination 



Grattoir with suggestions of manufacture. . . . 




Chips with partly original surfaces 

Chips with no original surface 

Quartz specimens 




C 2. 































Size of the Major Specimens at La Quina^ 

C 2. 

M. Gamma. 


Large; 8 cm. -|- long 




Small; less than 8 cm. long . . . 






Long; 10 cm. + long 

Medium; more than 7 cm. and 

less than 10 cm. long 

Short; less than 7 cm. long . . . 







Position of the Scraping Edges 

C 2. M. Gamma. 



Scraping edge on right 

Scraping edge on left 

With two scraping edges 








Scraping edge to right 

Scraping edge to left 







With two scraping edges 







1 The "pointes" and "racloirs" of the simple type are alone included here. 




By the preceding tables M. Gamma seems to have rather a 
better showing than the older C 2. 

Of specimens in flint, C 2 provided 72 against 172 chips, or 30% 
against 70%. Of specimens in flint, M. Gamma provided 90 against 

Fig. 91. 

Fig. 92. 

192 chips, or 32% against 68%. The proportion is, however, sur- 
prisingly like, and still more goes to show the exceeding richness of 
the station. 

In "pointes Mousteriennes " the two trenches are nearly even; 
the relative proportion of this much sought specimen is not high. 

From long experience, when a "pointe" or "racloir" is placed 
point upward, one is accustomed to think of the principal scraping 
edge as being on the right. The tables show a slight preponderance, 
but not enough to theorize about, let alone to put forth any idea as 
to right- or left-handedness or ambidexterity. 

It goes without saying that the retouched scraping edge is on 
the face other than that carrying the bulb of percussion ; this, how- 
ever, is not universal. When the "lower" face is looked at, there 
is a tendency for the bulb of percussion to be at or near one rather 
than under the scraping edge (as of course it should not be), or 
opposite the scraping edge (as it would seem it should be). 

There are several interesting specimens of "pointes" and 
"racloirs"; not a few "racloirs degagees" with one end turned up, 
and "hashers," more or less semilunar in shape, which purposely 
or otherwise often carry much of the original limestone crust (for 
easy grasping). 



[n. s., 16, 1914 

It is not necessary to take quite seriously all the discussion as 
to hafting of the flints from Chelles to La Madeleine inclusive. 
All the ethnological parallels available do not furnish jjroof that 
one paleolithic implement was hafted; all the contrary evidence 
in the world will not convince one who has studied the specimens 
"with concavity," i. e. with a hollow, with or without a distinct 
stop-ridge forward of the hollow, that the implements were not 
hafted. It does not look like accident or selection; it appears like 
"preconceived form"; it may be any one or all three. 

Fig. 93. 

Fig. 94. 

The nuclei are interesting for a Mousterian station; some chal- 
lenge Grand Pressigny. From "C 2" are two big ones, 60 and 55 
cm. high respectively, and four small ones suitable for sling-stones(?). 
These have 6, 9, 9, and 7 faces in order besides the base; one face 
may be natural. "M. Gamma" produced nine of ordinary type, a 
sling-stone with nine faces, and a high carinated specimen with 
secondary chipping on the front ; this looks like the beginning of the 
succeeding epoch. 

The patination of specimens is interesting. The phenomenon 
of double patination is not rare, and is of especial interest and 
original research to the Doctor himself. 

In America (especially among the late Dr Winchell's specimens) 
and in England (among Dr Sturge's Mildenhall flints) double pati- 
nation occurs again and again. 

The alteration of surface often goes very deep or quite through 
• he specimen. 

PEA body] 



It occurred to the writer that an examination of the specific 
gravity of a series of specimens ranging from unaltered flint to the 
most changed would show graphically the effect of exposure. The 
work was done by Mr W. G. Foye under the kind direction of 
Professor Charles Palache of Harvard University. 

Specific Gravity of Specimens 

Nucleus dark, unpatinated, lustrous. 
Long "racloir," unpatinated, lustrous 
Triangular "racloir," much patinated 

Small knife; partly altered 

Flat flake, altered yellow patina 

Doubly chipped fragment, yellow patina 
Thick chip, white, much altered. . . 




Size. 1 





89, 90 





V':l 1 



E. 604 

E. 544 
E. 766 

F- 595 
E. 601 
E. 564 

This table is striking enough and tells its own story. Until 
however, more is known of the causes and processes of patination 
and what may be called " cachalonnement" of flint, it is quite useless 
to draw conclusions as to great duration of exposures. 

The crowning glory of La Quina is the quantity of animal bones, 
showing traces of flint tools, that are there found. 

The table that follows gives some idea of the result of excavation. 

Specimens in Bone, Horn, Antler, etc. 


M. Gamma. 




. 86 

Not identifiable 

Not identifiable 

■ • 






Not Scratched 

Not Scratched 


Not identifiable 

Not identifiable ' 235 




Total 256 

Percentage of 409 

Identifiable, scratched 

Not identifiable, scratched . . 
Identifiable, not scratched. . 
Not identifiable, not scratched 

Percentage of 348 

Identifiable, scratched 017 

Not identifiable, scratched . . .247 
Identifiable, not scratched.. .061 
Not identifiable, not scratched .675 


1. 000 

Total 1 1.000 




[n. s., i6, 1914 

Dr Henri Martin's warning to save all the fragments, as from 
one-quarter to one-half carried human markings, was somewhat 
sceptically received, and it was not until after careful washing and 
examination through a glass that his words became justified. 

Fig. 95- 

Fig. 96. 

Fig. 97. 

In the table every specimen that did not seem surely flint- 
marked was thrown out of the "scratched " list, yet from M. Gamma 
there is a proportion of .264. These markings are not at all due to 
drying and splitting of the bones, nor to gnawing; their localization 
and parallelism, even if the individual scratches could not determine 
the point, are conclusive. 

Besides the horse and bison phalanges and humeri the small 
fragments carry a great many marks. 

The discussion as to the way these came to be is all more or less 
convincing. Ordinary cutting and scraping to get off meat and 
skin will not account for many localized phenomena ; disarticulation 
and more vigorous use of the bones subjectively or objectively must 
be invoked.^ 

1 See figures 95, 96, and 97. The identifications were kindly made by Dr Glover 
M. Allen of Harvard University. 

peabody] ten days WITH DR HENRI MARTIN 26/ 

Most of the bones found during the visit can be referred, if 
identifiable at all, to the bison, ox, horse, fallow deer, and reindeer. 

Great numbers of teeth of various animals were found; they 
resist decay. 

It is not to be forgotten that a superb fragment of mammoth 
tusk lay in situ at the time of the Angouleme Congress. 

No human bones were found during the ten days. 

There is further study to be done and problems of importance 
to be worked out. A little piece of manganese found at the time 
with scratches suggests paint and color; the suggestion is all that 
is needed for one who has in mind the "rapprochemefits avec I'Aurig- 

The whole of the reason for the bone markings is not known. 
The quartz specimens, of which there are a fair number, deserve 
study in connection with similar specimens from the Columbian 
gravel at Trenton. 

The human remains found at La Quina are still siib lite and daily 
prayers for more are offered to complete the testimony. 

A field of fair chance, charming hospitality, and lovely nature is 
La Quina. 

Among his generous gifts, Dr Henri Martin included a maquette 

of the La Quina skull in situ and a reconstruction of the head. 

Dr E. A. Hooton of Harvard University has kindly consented to 

add his comments on the latter. 

Peabody Museum, Harvard University 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 

Note on the La Quina Skull 

Dr Henri Martin has proceeded along right lines in his reconstruc- 
tion of the Neanderthaloid type on the La Quina skull in so far as he has 
used a cast of the skull upon which to build up the soft parts of the head. 
The result of his labors is most interesting, but to me not altogether 

In the first place Dr Martin has not given the specimen a sufficiently 
powerful musculature. It is inconceivable that the massive La Quina 
mandible should have been associated with such an attenuated temporal 
muscle. Even if the area of attachment on the skull was not extensive, 

268 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

the muscle must have been \ery thick — thick enough to BIl out the tem- 
poral fossa and to mask the projection of the zygoma; which is so marked 
in Dr Martin's finished reconstruction. A similar criticism apjilies to 
the restoration of the muscles attached to the occiput. The immense 
occipital torus afforded attachment for short powerful muscles; not for 
the long slender muscles indicated in the bust modeled by Dr Martin. 
In general the neck is much too long and slim. 

In his reconstruction of the soft parts of the face Dr Martin states 
that he has been inspired by observations of the facial characters of the 
chimpanzee. Since I believe that the Neanderthaloid type, in spite of 
its many simian characters, was an essentially human type, I cannot 
admit the legitimacy of this method of restoration. Dr Martin has given 
his La Quina specimen the face of an anthropoid ape. Neither the 
fragmentary remains of the facial skeleton of the La Quina skull nor the 
fairh' extensive comparative material in other Neanderthaloid crania 
justify such a reconstruction. 

I nevertheless feel that science is deeply indebted to Dr Martin for 
his conscientious and painstaking w'ork on the osseous remains of the La 
Quina Man, which has resulted in the addition of another invaluable 
specimen of the Neanderthaloid type to supplement our knowledge of 
this most interesting fossil race. 

E. A. HooTON 

Peabody Musexjm, Harvard University 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 




Late Research Fellow and Mary-Ewart Scholar of Soraerville College, Oxford, England; 
student attached to the School of American Archaeology, Santa Fe, New Mexico. 


THE information presented in this paper was obtained during 
a visit to the Tewa village of Hano on the First Mesa of the 
Moqui reser\ation, Arizona, in January, February, March, 
and April, 191 3. The visit was made at the expense of the Research 
Fund of Somerville College and of the Ewart Trust, and was facili- 
tated by the generous help and advice of the Director and staff of 
the School of American Archaeology, and particularly of Mr J. P. 
Harrington. I have also to thank Mr Drummond, U. S. Indian 
Superintendent at Polacca, for practical help and kindness, and Miss 
Rodger, field-matron at Polacca, for valuable information and help 
of man\' kinds. 

The results of the visit are to be published elsewhere, probably 
in England, but it is thought that a preliminary note on the kinship 
terms may be of present interest. These terms were recorded and 
tested, not only by direct inquiry through interpreters, but also by 
daily vernacular use of them in familiar intercourse during nearly 
four months. 


The most important and most self-conscious social units at 
Hano are the clans. Clanship is reckoned by maternal descent; 
marriage is matrilocal; the clans (and groups of linked clans) are 

Tewa kinship terms belong to a clan system.^ At Hano, where 

1 See W. H. R. Rivers, Kinship and Social Organisalion, London, 1914, pp. 71, 82. 
Dr Rivers proposes a threefold division into "clan", "kindred" (based on the patri- 
archal undivided household), and "family" (father-mother-and-child household) 
systems of kinship, in place of the twofold division into " classificatory " and "descrip- 
tive". On the impropriety of the latter terms see also A. L. Kroeber in Joiirn. Roy. 
Anlhr. Inst. Gl. Brit., 1909, xxxix, p. 77. 

AM. A.STH , ^. S, 19 — 18 -O9 

2-0 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

the matrilincar clan system Is in full force, the Tewa kinship lerms 
express the facts of social life and are used consistently; in the Tewa 
pueblos of New Mexico, where clanship is now reckoned almost 
entirely by paternal descent and the clans have lost their impor- 
tance, while the father-mother-and-child family has become the 
jirimary unit of social life, the same kinship terms are used incon- 
sistently, with many local variations, and "descriptive" compound 
terms are being introduced to remedy the confusion.^ 


Iowa: nabi {na'imbj) Iowa, "my (our) people": see Iowa below. 

viatu: chiefly used in 2 + plural; nabi {na'imbj matn'j, "my (our) clans- 
people", applied to fellow-clanspeople who are not housemates with 
the speaker; nampseju va'imbj matii'\n 4i tnu, " Namp^ju (i. e. N's 
household) are our clansfolk". The Bear clan at Hano would speak 
of the Bear clan at Oraibi as na'lmbj matiil. 


iozua, "people", (i) Company as opposed to solitude; Iowa we 4i ' se^i, 
"in the absence of the people," or, "there being no inhabitants". (2) 
Human beings as distinct from things and other animals; iowa p'o, 
human hair. (3) Indians as distinct from white people; Pueblo 
Indians as distinct from other tribes; Tewa Indians as distinct from 
their neighbors the Hopi of Walpi and Sichomovi; thus, loiva sa, 
Indian tobacco; toii'adi di pintavi'i, fabe 4i fitx, "Pueblo Indians are 
stout-hearted, Navaho are lazy". (4) Corresponding to the English 
"clan"; 7iabi loiva '0'" 'pmmu, "my people now thou art", said to a 
person adopted into the speaker's clan; ke iowa 'imbi sa'i '0 mu, " I am 
the Bear people's daughter-indaw", said by a woman whose husband 
is of the Bear clan; 'ImU pi iowa, "their own relations". (5) nabi 
iowa, "my husband", and (doubtful use) "my wife". 

ketna. Friend, male or female; guest-friend in another village or tiibe; 
7iabi kema 'a'^ju, "my paramour". 2 + plural kema'j. 

pua, piiwa. Partner, intimate friend, chum, da ptrwa mu, "they are 
a pair of friends". 2 + plural puwa'j, partners, allies (e. g. in a game). 

siintsi. Intimate friend, chum. 

1 Such are papajija for great-grandfather's mother, ta^atn(f"Sni4 and m'^'intla^a 

for paternal uncle. See J. P. Harrington, Tewa Relationship Terms, American 

Anthropologist, n. s. 14. 1912, pp. 472-498. 


set], fcrj, man, male, married man, husband, ivaju serf, male horse, ferj 
'ummii! "thou art a man!" (i. e. bold, strong), sg-q, Jet], warrior; set] 
k'aiiv, war-song; fcr] i^agi, "like men", boldly. 2 + i)lural, sennx-q, 
Jcnnxr}, "men" in general; "the married men" of a household, kiva, 
or town. 

scno, Jeno, old man. As a polite substitute for sc-q, it is used more 
freely than the New Mexican Tewa sen^o. nabi seno, my husband. 
seno'e, a little old man. seno tsse''^, "old man whiteness", aged man. 
2 + plural, sena and seno; seno tsx''^ puwa^e 'i ivowa jibi, "ye shall 
live to go about as old men." 

Both set] and seno are comi)ounded to form personal names; ' u iiba 
se-q, "tobacco man", dafciio, "grass man", seno mele, "ball man" 
(a nickname). 

kwi (New Mexican Tewa female, adult woman, married woman) 
is obsolete and replaced by: 

kzi'ijo, woman, adult woman, married woman, "lady", wife, female. 
li'ak^a kii'ijo, (female) cow. kwijo ts^"^, "woman whiteness", aged 
woman; kzi'ijo kele, "strong married-woman", young married woman. 
2 + plural kwijo; "women" in general, kioijo we ^i p'lnaT], " women do 
not think", and "the women", of a town, etc. kunjo is compounded 
to form personal names; pii kzcijo, "rabbit lady". 

'a'°j« (N. M. Tewa 'a'^nii), adolescent girl, unmarried girl (opposed to 
kwijo). '0-'"Jii sojo na pnwa mxrj, "she is getting to be a big girl". 
2 + plural a''^ju7j, "girls", "the girls", wak^a 'a'°-ju, heifer. Some- 
times denotes "virgin"; but, nabi kema 'a'^ju, "my girl friend", my 
paramour; wanfabe a""juna 'i piso piwe ma'i podi, " Navaho girls, 
ye grow weary without your mates." Compounded to form personal 
names; pobi 'g,'"jii, "flower-girl". 

'e'^nu, adolescent boy, unmarried man. 2 + plural 'e''}iu-q, "boys", 
"the boys". Of a new-born child one inquires, 'a '(i'"jn, '« 'e^nn? 
"whether a girl or a boy?" 'e^'^nu sese'e, "tiny baby boy". 

'^'"jukele (N. M. Tewa 'a'^mike), young girl. 

'e'^nukele (X. M. Tewa 'e'^nuke), young boy. May be added to personal 
names, in apposition; peni 'e'^nukelel " Peni, what a boy you are!" 
'e'^nukele'e, a little young boy. 

'e, child. 2 + plurals 'ejcj (N. M.Tewa 'efix and 'e). Idiomatic plural; 'ejx 
'urn mn^i, "when thou wast a child " ; 'ejx 'u ivi po, "thou art becoming 
young again"; 'ibi 'ejx khawx, "her baby-name" (nickname acquired 
in childhood). 

'e is postfixed, to form diminutives, (l) to ordinary nouns; kege'e, 

272 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 1914 

little house, musae, little cat or kitten; (2) to nine of the kinship terms 
{tturnur, papa, p'efe, saja, t'eie, tHti/'^r], ko'o, ka'je, kiiku) to form 
reciprocal terms, as, nabi saja, my mother's mother, vgbi sajac, my 
daughter's child (woman speaking). ^ 

In direct address, kinship terms are usualh- but not always prefaced 
by iigbi, "my", or iig'ijiibj, "our". Thus: iig tidi, vgbi 'el "shut it, 
my child!" vgbi tije, ^agu dir] ^aico'a pa, "my younger sister, pray 
cook for me!" A man who is smoking with his father's clansman says, 
vgbi tada! " my father!" to which the other replies, ngbi 'el " my child !" 
But also: 'otsu'abe saja! "come in, grandmother!": mxmx'i! "mother's 
brethren!" (as a greeting, e. g. to fellow-tribesmen). 
jija. Mother; wife of speaker's father; wife of any man whom the 
speaker calls tada, e. g. wife of the speaker's father's brother. If a 
sick child is "given" by its parents to another woman "to make it 
live", the child calls the woman ngbi jija. An orphan child calls the 
female relative who takes care of it ngbi jija. A stranger living in a 
household and treated as one of the family, having no real relations 
in the place, may call the lady of the house jzja. A man may call his 
wife's mother or his wife's mother's sister jija instead of jakunjo. 
The wife of a chief is sometimes said to be the mother, jija, of all the 

2 + plural, jija'i. 
Reciprocal term: ngbi 'e. 
'e. Child (son or daughter), irrespective of age. See also under iada, 

p. 278. 

saja. Mother's mother; mother's mother's sister; any woman whom the 

speaker's mother's mother calls kaka or tije. Any female ancestor of 

the speaker's clan, however distant in time. The senior lady of a clan 

or clan-household, who, if she has grandchildren, may be called saja 

by her sons and daughters and even by her brothers.- Thus: " keiou-a 

have no saja, they are all rather young ladies, nearly the same age". 

The senior lady of the clan or group of clans in another village or tribe 

corresponding to the speaker's own clan or group of clans; thus, to 

a member of the Hano Corn clan, ng'imbi k'^oso'on saja, "our Hopi 

mother's mother", means the senior lady of the Corn clan. at Walpi, 

and ng'jmbi fa be saja, "our Navaho mother's mother" means the 

1 See J. P. Harrington, op. cit., and E. Sapir, A Note on Reciprocal Terms of 

Relationship in America, American Anthropologist, n. s. 15, 1913, pp. 132-138. See 

also the present writer's "A Note on Kinship Terms Compounded with the Postfix 'e 

in tlie Hano Dialect of Tewa," to be published in Vol. 16, No. 4. of this journal. 


senior lady of a group of the Xavaho Corn clan living in the neighbor- 
hood. An old woman, apart from relationship to the speaker; thus 
(of a Navaho house) ni sajamo na kwo, "there is only one old woman 
inside": '0 maja po, sajamo'" '0 podi, "I get tired, having already 
become an old woman". In folk-tales, the resourceful old woman who 
is called in to help the men with her magic is "a saja". The 'e -mxIs^ 
the subjects of many comic-heroic tales, live alone with their saja. 
Perhaps as a complimentary term, saja is sometimes substituted for 
other relationship terms. Thus A and B, the late senior ladies of the 
two branches of the Corn clan, were conventionally described as 
"sisters"; their respective daughters C and D are also called "sisters". 
Naturally C speaks to her own daughters (E, F) of "your saja B", 
on the principle that one's saja's sister is also one's saja; but logically, 
D's daughters (G, H) and granddaughters (J, K) should address C as 
ka'je or ko'o, whereas in fact G and H often call C saja, and J and K 
call C saja and papa and ka'je indifferently. The father's mother is 
sometimes called saja instead of kiikii. In one case a boy's ki'^'u 
who named him was spoken of as his saja, not kiiku; in another case 
an unrelated woman called in to name a boy was sometimes called 
by him saja instead of kiiku. One girl supposed that her mother's 
father's mother would be her saja; strictly speaking, she would be her 
t^eie ku'ijo. A man calls his wife's saja and his wife's ktiku alike 
"na'imbi saja". The women of a clan may call their sgjfqgis mother 
"saja"; the relationship seems to be reckoned through the children 
whose kiihu or saja she is. Thus (in the annexed diagram) S, T, and 
all the other women of P's clan have to call E "saja". 

& = 9 
Fc?=9E I 

I I i 1 

c?G = R$ ?S 9T 


2 -|- plural saja I. The female ancestors of the clan collecti\ely are 
ng,'imbi saja'j, "our mother's mothers. 
Reciprocal term: ngtbi saja'e. 
papa. Mother's mother's mother; mother's mother's father; mother's 
father's father; (rarely) mother's mother's brother; father's father's 
mother. The daughter of the speaker's mother's mother's mother's 
sister or ko'o may be called indifferently saja, ka'je, or papa. 
2 + plural papa'i. 
Reciprocal term: nabi papa'e. (See p^e^e). 


There is jirobably no proper term for an\- generation i)rior to the 
speaker's pupa, all earlier generations of his own clan being saja'i or 
vi^nuy'j, and earlier generations of the clans related to him by marriage 
not being interesting. But one man professed to recognize the New 
Mexican Tewa papajija for the mother of one's papa. 

pi.rma' (New Mexican Tewa mx'^m^, for uses see Harrington, op. cit.). 
Mother's brother; mother's sister's son senior to the speaker; elder 
clansman. 2 + plural m^mse'l. Reciprocal term msnue'e, sister's 
child; mother's sistei's child junior to the speaker; junior clansman 
(man speaking): 2 + plural ms'mx''e. mxmse is applied by males 
and females to males only, 7uxm^'e is applied by males only to 
males and females. All the men of the speaker's clan who are not the 
speaker's own brothers, to the remotest antiquity, must be the speaker's 
m^m^'i if senior to him, or if junior to him his mxmx'e. (But see 
/>V^e below.) Thus an historical, or legendary character will be 
identified by saying, "he was N's mxmx'\ that is, he was a man of the 
B — clan, to which N belongs. A man of a clan or group of clans in 
anothei village or tribe corresponding to the speaker's clan or group 
of clans must be the speaker's mzmse or msemse'e, and, for reasons of 
politeness, he is generally called maemx unless he is obviously very 
much younger than the speaker. Thus a Hopi man of the Rabbit 
clan at Oraibi or Moencopi, or a man of the Navaho Tobacco clan is 
addressed as matmse by men, women, and children of the Tewa Tobacco 
clan at Hano. (Similarly, a woman of either of those clans would be 
called ka'je, and an old woman 5070, by men, women, and children of the 
Tewa Tobacco clan; a young girl would be called ka'je'e or ko'o'e by 
the W'omen, mxmx'e by the men.) A Tewa man arriving from the 
Tewa pueblos in New Mexico is greeted as mxmx by any Tewa person 
of Hano before his clanship has been ascertained, and his people at 
home are inquired for collectively as mxmas'i; mxmx'^ ''sen dibi '0? 
"what are our uncles (i. e. the Tewa in New Mexico) doing?" Thus 
m^m^is equivalent to "elder clansman" and also to "elder tribesman". 
The son of the speaker's mother's half-sister may be called mxmx, 
although he is not a fellow-clansman. (See p. 277 below). A man 
may speak of his wife's msenise as "na'imbi mxm^'\ "our mother's 
brother", by courtesy, but the response will be not minis' e but sgj'i-qgi, 
"bridegroom". A man who is in company' with his children will say, 
on meeting a man of his wife's clan, "here comes naHmhl mxmx", 
meiely for the sake of the children's manners. 

p'^ep'e. Mother's mother's brother. If it is desired to distinguish 


between generations, the mother's-brother's mother's-brother may be 
distinguished from the mother's brother and eailier generations {mxmx, 
maem^'j) as p^ep'e. Similarly a man of the clan corresponding to the 
speaker's clan in another village or tribe may be called iia'lmbj p^epe 
if he is obviously much older than the speaker. 
2 + plural p'epe'j. 

P^epe is said to be "the same as papa", and the reciprocal terms 
are papa'e, p^epe'e, and pe'^'e (obsolescent). 

ko'o. Mother's sister; mother's sister's daughter senior to speaker; 
mother's mother's sister's daughter's daughter senior to speaker; etc. 
2 + plural ko'o'i. 
Reciprocal terms ko'o'e and kowe'e. 

If the persons concerned are of different generations, the senior by 
generation is ko'o and the junior ko'o'e; if they aie of the same genera- 
tion, it is doubtful whether the terms depend on the age of the indi- 
viduals or the seniority of their mothers. Thus my sister's daughter 
(woman speaking) is undoubtedly my ko'o'e, but my mother's sister's 
daughter may be my ko'o'e or my ko'o. 

ka'je seems to be a fairly general term for ladies of the speaker's clan 
senior to the speaker. Thus, my mother's sister is my ko'o, but my 
mother's elder sister would be preferably called my ka'je. My saja's 
sister is my ka'je unless I call her saja, and my saja's sister's daughter 
is my ka'je. My mother's mother's mother's sister is my ka'je or my 
papa, and her daughter is my ka'je or my saja. The two female heads 
of two branches of a clan call each other ka'je unless they call each 
other elder and younger sister. The mother's younger sister may be 
called ka'je if she is elderly and the head of a house. The senior lady 
of the Hano Corn clan calls the senior lady of the Walpi Corn clan 
ngbi ka'je. ka'je, or ka'je kwijo is the proper term of address to any 
woman of the clan corresponding to the speaker's clan in another 
village, and for a Tewa woman from Xew Mexico irrespective of clan; 
ti ka'je kwijo 'urn mu? = "what, art thou a Tewa woman?" In these 
extensions it is the feminine equi\alent of msmae. 
2 + plural ka'je'j. 
Reciprocal term ka'je'e. 

'dtse'e is an obsolescent term for the oldest lady of a clan, "much the 
same as ka'je". Like kg.'ar], it survives in the nomenclature of the 
imaginary families of katsinas and as a personal name. 

pipi. Elder brother. 2 -|- plural pipi't. 

kaka. Elder sister. 2 -f plural kaka'i. 

2/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

ka'grj. Obsolescent term for elder sister. 

tije. Younger brother, younger sister (New Mexican Tewa //'/()• 2 + 
plural tijc'j. pa'^de, elder brother, elder sister (New Mexican Tewa 
pa'°Je) and ii'u, younger brother, younger sister, are obsolete at Hano 
as kinship terms. /ja'"(fe is used in compaiisons; 'ibi pa°de'o 71111, "I 
am older than he"; /^a'^tfe 'pmmu'i," thou wilt go first, or, ahead " ; 'ibi 
pa'°de, "his predecessor" (in office) ; ^a'"(^^^o, early planting. So, from 
tije; nabi tilegi (New Mexican Tewa/t'Mge'i) na '^'?, "he comes next to 
me, follows me, overtakes me;" 'ibi tile, "his successor" in office. 

Apart from the question of relative age, brothers in general are pipi, 
sisters tije; it seems that brothers are assumed to be senior to sisters, 
and entitled to respect as such, in the absence of evidence to the con- 
trary, 'umbi tije '0 mil, "I am your sister [and yet I will stop your 
quarrel]", (^a tije mu generally means "they are a pair of sisters", 
4a pi{>i mu, "they are a pair of brothers. More fully, 4^ pipi W2«, 4^ 
tije mu, "they are elder and younger brother". "They are brothers- 
and-sisters" is generally expressed by 4^ tije mil. 

The following classes of relatives call each other brothers and sisteis: 
(l) Children of the same mother by the same father or by different 
fathers. (2) Children, daughter's children, daughter's daughter's 
children of sisters (but see below). (3) Children of the same (own) 
father, by the same mother or by different mothers. (4) Persons who 
call the same clan "father", tada; e. g., the children of two brothers, 
or the children of a m^mse and mxmce'e; thus Sitki, a man of the Hopi 
Sand clan, and P'or], a woman of the Tewa Katsina clan call each 
other brother and sister because their respective fathers were men of 
the Tewa Cloud clan. If necessary, own brothers and sisters may be 
distinguished by such phrases as Hbi pi pipi, "his own elder brother"; 
4ci pi§i mu'j, 4a tije my,'}, imbi'idi 4a pi'^, 'ima 4¥''} Jala, "couples who 
were elder and younger brother to each other, who issued from the 
one [mother], the same were fighting." 

The nomenclature for the descendants of sisters is somewhat incon- 
sistent and perhaps transitional in character. The mother's sister is 
never called "my mother" fiabi jija, but nabi ko'o or nabi kaje, and a 
woman never calls her sister's child ng,bi 'e "my child" but nabi ko'o'e 
or nabi ka'je'e. But on the other hand, a man may call his wife's mother 
and his wife's mother's sister alike nabi jija; and the mothers-sister's 
husband, and the husband of a woman whom the mother calls "sister", 
may be called tada "father", instead of sgjirigi' "bridegroom"; the 
sister of the mother's-mother is called (like the mother's-mother her- 


self) saja, and the sister of the mother's-niother's-niother is called (like 
the actual mother's-mother's-mother) papa. Two women who are 
daughters, or granddaughters, or granddaughters (by maternal 
descent) of a pair of sisters generally address each other as "my 
elder sister" ng^i kaka and " my younger sister" nabi tije, although the 
junior may also call the senior nabi ka'je, "my mother's sister". 

In practice, the children of sisters almost always address each other 
as brothers and sisters, and are spoken of as such; <// tije mp, "they are 
geschwister". But my informants, when they discussed relationship 
terms or explained the precise relationship of individuals for my 
benefit, gave the following rules: A man calls his mothei's sister's son 
(that is, his ko'o's son) mxjnx if senior to himself, mxmsE'e if junior. 
A man calls his mother's sister's daughter (his ^0'0's daughter) ko'o if 
senior, msmx'e if junior. A woman calls her ko'o's son vixmx if 
senior to herself, ko'o'e if junior. A woman calls her ko'o's daughter 
ko'o if senior to herself, ko'o'e if junior. Seniority seems to be reckoned 
sometimes by the relative ages of the speaker and the person spoken 
of, sometimes by the relative ages of the parties' mothers. The same 
usage applies to the grandchildren or great-grandchildren (in maternal 
line) of a pair of sisters. It also applies to the children of half-sisters: 
thus, A and B had the same father, but their mothers were of different 
clans, A having been born of a first marriage and B of a second: A 
and B were, of course, of different clans: B's children call A's son 
mxmsc. In this exceptional and interesting case a term normally 
limited to the speaker's own fellow clansmen (real and fictitious) is 
applied on purely genealogical grounds to a member of another clan. 
tada (New Mexican Tewa taxa and lata) father; mother's husband; 
father's brother; father's clansman. 2 -f plural tada'i. If a woman 
of the Corn clan takes a husband of the Cloud clan, her children call 
every man and boy of the Cloud clan, in their own village and in other 
villages, irrespective of age and generation, tada. If necessary the 
speaker's own father may be distinguished as nabi pi tada, "my own 
father", and a stepfather as nabi kivala tada (New Mexican Tewa 
kii'atam). As a rule the general knowledge of 'genealogical facts 
prevents ambiguity; thus a woman may remark that she has "only 
two tada'}", meaning that her own father has only two own-brothers, 
although she calls all the males of her father's clan nabi tada'i. An 
individual may be distinguished by adding his personal name; na'imbi 
tada Siilii, "our father Sulu". 

The husband of the speaker's ka'je, i. e. of the speaker's mother's 
sister, may be called tada instead of sgjirigi. 

2/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

Sick people often "cjh-c themselves" to a man "who thinks strong" 
and thereafter call him lada; this ma\- inxolxL' joininti, the tada's 
ceremony. People on a journr>- far from home "choose a father" as 
a sort of vow for their safe return and call him tada. A person may 
have two or more tada'i of this kind. Sick children are sometimes 
"given" to a married couple and taught to call them tada and jija. 
A host, patron, or protector in a distant place may be called the tada 
of an individual or even of a whole tribe; thus a white man in Santa 
Fe who fed famine-refugees from the Hopi xillages was described as 
k^oso'dn 'jmbi tada, "father of the Hopi". A chief and his wife are 
the tada and jija of all the people. 

Reciprocal term, 'e. 2 + plural 'ejx (New Mexican Tewa 'e, 'enx); 
own child, brother's child, clansman's child (male speaking). All the 
people are the children, 'ejsp, of a chief. 

ttdji'^tY) (New Mexican Tewa tii^mi). 2 + plural iiilu-q'j. The father's 
own brother may be distinguished as nqbi tidii'^^rj; reciprocal term nabi 
tiir]'e; this is said to be obsolescent, tada with reciprocal 'e being more 

ki'^'ii (New Mexican Tewa ki'i). Father's sister; father's sister's 
daughter; father's mother's sister; father's clanswoman irrespective 
of age and generation. 

2 + plural ki'^'it}. Reciprocal terms: to a male, nabi 'e ser\, "my 
man child"; to a female, iiabi 'e kivijo, "my lady child ".^ 

kiikit. Father's mother (Santa Clara Tewa kugu, mother's mother's 
mother). 2 + plural kukuH. Reciprocal term ^z^'c. Since any clans- 
woman of the speaker's father who cut the speaker's umbilical cord 
at birth and conducted the naming ceremony, and even an unrelated 
woman called in to cut the cord, is called kuhi, it is possible that the 
title is attached rather to this function (which normally belongs to 
the father's mother) than to a particular relationship. The father's 
mother, like the other kt'''n'i, generally speaks of the child as iigbi 'e 
ser] or ngbi 'e kwijo; unless she is addressed as nabi kukii, when of 
course she responds ku'e. The ktiku (whether the father's mother 
or another woman) is quite often called saja. Note, in connection 
with the Santa Clara Tewa application of kugu, that formerly at Hano 
the mother's mother and the child's own clanswomen used to cut the 
cord and give the name. 

1 The 2 + plural of 'e, child, is 'ej(?, but the plural of t'ei'e'e is v'el'e'e and so with 
the other diminutives. The 2 + plurals of 'e sqt) and 'e kwijo are said to be 'e sfrj'i and 
'e kwijo'i, but 'e s^tj and 'e kwijo are more commonly heard; 'imbi 'e sqt) 'ije (jfj'* mowatsigi 
kwikwo 'at], "they are hanging corn-meal dumplings on their clansmen's sons". 


t^cie (Xcw Mexican Tewa t'ctc, niolher's father, father's father). 
Mother's father; mother's mother's husband; mothei's father's bro- 
ther; mother's father's clansman irrespective of age and generation, in 
the speaker's own village or elsewhere. An eldeily stepfather may be 
called t'cie, probably because the speaker's children call him so. The 
use of t'cle is widely extended; the father's father, father's father's 
brother, father's sister's or clanswoman's husband, father's father's 
father, father's mother's father, mother's father's father, husband's 
sister's husband, husband's mother's father and father's father, wife's 
mother's father and father's father, are all called t^et'e, but not their 
clansmen collectively. 
2 + plural /Vf<?'|. 
Reciprocal term t'eie'e. 

Ceie kii'ijo, "grandfather lad>". Mother's father's mother, mother's 
father's sister; woman of mother's father's clan irrespective of age and 
generation, in the speaker's own village and elsewhere. 
2 + plurals t'etc kuyo'j. and t'eie kiinjo. 
Reci[)rocal term t'elee. 

To illustrate the application of relationship names to clans, suppose 
that A, a Tewa Corn clan woman, married a Tewa Bear clan man and 
had a daughter B. B married a Tewa Cloud clan man and has a daugh- 
ter C and a son D. C and D call all males of the Tewa Bear clan, Stick 
clan, and White-fir clan, the Hopi Bear clan. Bearskin-rope clan and 
Spider clan, and the Navaho Bear clan, including infants, Ceie, and 
all females of those clans t''ete kn'ijo; and all the males and females of 
those clans call C and D Ceiee. C and D call all the males of the Tewa 
Cloud clan and the Hopi Cloud clan, Water clan and Reed clan tada 
and all the females ki'^'u; the males of those clans claim C and D 
as "their children" by calling them 'e, and the females by calling C 
'e kii'ijo and D 'e serj. (Observe that these junior-to-senioi terms are 
applied to whole clans collectively, but the senior-to-junior terms only 
to relationships which are genealogically demonstrable; a man of the 
Bear clan does not apply t^eie'e to all Corn clan men and women, but only 
to those who call the Bear clan ^'ffs because their own mother's mother 
married a Bear clan man.) C and D give the title oi jija, "mother", 
to the wife of any of their tada'i, and of "brother" or "sister" to any 
pel son whose father, like their own father, is a man of the Cloud clan; 
but they have no names for the wives and children of their t^ete'j, 
the Bear clan men, as such. 

5^. Husband (New Mexican Tewa sot], husband, obsolescent). The 

280 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

wife calls the husband ngbi sQr], "my mate", )iabi pisgr], "my own 
mate", nabi ser], "my man", nabi scno, "my old man", and nabi toiva, 
"my people". The husband calls the wife nabi sgrj, nabi pisgrj, nabi 
k'ii'ijo, " my lady" (see p. 271), nabi ja'a (obsolete), nabi ha'" (obsolete), 
and nabi ioica (doubtful use). 

^^QJIvgi' or SQJingi (New Mexican Tewa sgrilr]i>i). Bridegroom; daughter's 
husband, sister's husband, etc.; applied by both males and females to 
the husband of any woman of the speaker's clan except the speaker's 
own mother and mother's-mother (see tada and t'-eie). A man ex- 
presses his relation to his wife's clan as a whole by saying 'itnbi sgjlr\gi 
'0 mil, "I am their bridegroom". A man calls his daughter's husband 
nabi sgjvqgi, and a woman may call the husband of her 'e kivijo " na'imbi 
SQJiV^i"- It seems that the bridegroom is properly called sgjjr]gi 
at the end of the marriage month, when he comes to live in the house 
of his wife's clan: but sgjjrigi is also applied to temporary connections; 
thus, to tell a boy that he has a new sgjfqgi is to taunt him with the 
light behavior of some woman of his clan. 
2 + plural, sgjjrigi'i and sgjirjgi. 

A man calls his wife's sister's husband nabi scm pn'a'e, ''my husband 

sa'i. Bride; son's wife, brother's wife, mother's-brother's wafe, etc.; 
applied by males and females to the wife of any man of the speaker's 
clan, and also by a man to his son's wife. (New Mexican Tewa sa'i''', 
bride, sa'e, daughter-in-law, etc.) A woman calls the wnfe of her 'e serj 
(e. g. her brother's son's wife) iia'lmbi sa'i or na'^mhi 'e serj sa'i. A 
man calls his wife's brother's wife and his wife's mother's-brother's 
wife nabi sa'i. A woman calls her husband's brother's wife nabi sa'i 
pu'a'e, "my bride partner". A clansman's widow is called sa'i until 
she marries again and even afterward if she has children by the 
speaker's clansman. 

sa'i appears to mean "child-bearing"; thus, na sa'i po, "she is with 
child"; wimo na se^i na sa'i po, "while she lived single she conceived". 
Formerly a woman used to call her son's wife nabi 'e kaga (meaning of 
kaga unknown) until she conceived, when she began to call her sa'i. 

ja (New Mexican Tewa ja'a, relative of husband or wife). A man calls 
his wife's mother, sister, and all her clanswomen irrespective of age 
nabi j a kwijo, and his wife's father, her brother, and all her clansmen 
nabi ja seno. (Cf. ja'a, wife, and sa'i bride.) A woman gives these 
names to her husband's mother, sister, clanswpmen, brother, clans- 
men^ and father.. The husband of the mother's elder sister, etc., if 



called tada instead of SQJrr\gi, responds with ngbi 'e instead of nabi ja 
ku'ijo and ja scno. See a.\sojija. 


The reading of a list of terms is never very satisfactory, and 
it may be useful to add a brief outline of their relation to daily 

Take the point of view of a Tewa girl, a member of the Corn 
clan, born and rea;red in one of the two Corn-clan houses at Hano. 
Nearest to her, in daily life, come the inmates of the house in which 
she lives. The nucleus of the household, the essential and perma- 
nent part of it, consists of men, women, and children of the girl's 
own clan. The center of the house is naimbi saja, "our mother's- 
mother," the owner and dispenser of all stores and food-stuffs, the 
guardian of religious apparatus belonging to the clan, the director 
of household work, the person who gives orders — so far as orders 
are given at all in this easy-going tolerant society. Behind her 
looms the vague tradition of na'imbi papa, "our mother's-mother's- 
mother" deceased, and all ni'imbi sajai to the remotest antiquity. 
Whatever saja does or enjoins on us is assumed to be exactly what 
they used to do. 

Beside her stand na'imbi m^mx'i, "our mother's brethren." 
The same general title applies to na'imbi mst.mse'i who are sajas 
sons, and naimbi p'epe'i, sajas brothers; and they are backed by 
the authority of all na'imbi mzmx'i, the men of our clan, from time 

Mxmae'i sleep, as a rule, at the homes of their wives (na'imbi 
sa'i'i, "our brides"), but they are constantly coming in and out 
of this, which they call their own house. They take their places 
at meals here as a matter of course, invite visitors to eat, behave 
as hosts and masters of the house; though they do not (if they 
are married) contribute anything to the material support of our 
household, since they have to supply corn, meat, and wood to their 
wives' homes. Their claim to obedience is a religious one — they 
are "our mxmx'i who go out to see the sun before us," who give 
us advice "how we shall live." Thev consecrate our seed-corn and 

282 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

make prayer-feathers for us all at the Winter Solstice: their feather- 
boxes, dancing-clothes, weaving-tools, jewelry are kept in our house, 
and they borrow our finery and ornaments as a matter of right. 
We women " ought to be happy when we cook for our maenixi, for 
our elder brothers, and for our sons-in law, to make them strong." 
Whatever mamx'i say is unquestionably right; saja is the only 
person who may ever criticize them, and she does so only on ques- 
tions of practice, not of theory. 

Next comes ngbi jija, "my mother," and her sisters ngbi koo'i, 
married and unmarried. My eldest ko'o, generally called nati kaje, 
partakes somewhat of saja's authority, gives out stores in her 
absence, buys and sells corn and meat, and knows where the masks 
are kept. 

Then come the young people of my own generation; the children 
of my own parents, my elder sister and brother, nabi kaka and 
nabi pipi, and my younger brothers and sisters nabi tije; and also 
the children of my ko'o'i, whom I address generally as brothers 
and sisters but sometimes as m^mx or Wo, and ko'o'e, according 
to sex and seniority. 

So much for my own clanspeople in the household. Besides, 
there are the men of other clans who are na'imbi, sgjirjgi'i, "our 
bridegrooms," married to our clanswomen. These are the men 
who support, or should support, the household, bringing their 
yearly crops to their wives to be stored and administered by saja, 
killing sheep (if they have any), and bringing firewood at frequent 
intervals. They range from t'ete, sajas husband, who is quite a 
permanent, central figure in our household life, to the lately-ac- 
quired husband of my younger ko'o, who is still shy and sulky and 
inclined to shirk his duties, and must not be driven too hard for 
fear of a quarrel. t'eies own mother and sisters are dead and he 
makes our house his home; although, if saja were to die, he might 
possibly go to live with one of his mxmx'e, his clanswomen. His 
interests are identical with ours, for he too is fed and warmed by 
the contributions of our younger sgjj-qgi'i. 

Our sgjjrigii sleep in our house as a rule, but they spend much 
of the day in their own clan-houses ; they have duties in the kiva 



where tiieir cnvn clans "go in," but they also dance "to help our 
ms^mx'i'' in ours. 

One among the sgjjrjgii — ngLti tada, my father — stands in a close 
and tender relation to myself and my sisters and brothers. Al- 
though, in the opinion of the elder members of the household he is 
not so near a relation to me as are mscmxi, my own clansmen, he 
seems to me personally nearer and dearer. M^m^'j give advice, 
instruction, and reproof, not unmixed with teasing; whereas n^bi 
tada gives clothes, shoes, and toys, tells stories and sings to us 
children, caresses us and plays with us. He and my mother and 
my brothers and sisters and I form a little camp of our own, as it 
were, in the midst of the crowded household life; we sit together 
to eat and to talk, and sleep together on my mother's own sheep- 
skins and blankets. My father likes to sleep with my little brother's 
head on his shoulder. 

The other half of our clan inhabits the ancestral house from 
which our saja's mother migrated many years ago. The old lady 
who presides over it is "a sort of sister" to our saja, and addresses 
her sometimes as "elder sister," kaka, sometimes as "mother's 
elder sister," ka'je. Her daughters and daughter's children call our 
saja sometimes ka'je, sometimes saja. We address their saja in the 
same way. The members of her household are our matu'j, and they 
ought to be our nearest friends; but there are times when a degree 
of coldness, or perhaps of jealousy, keeps us apart. Our mscm^'j 
are not very good friends with their sgji-qgti. 

Outside our own clan we have four groups of relations with whom 
we come into almost daily contact. 

One of these is my father's clan, in which all the men and boys, 
irrespective of age, are my tada'j, "fathers" (though my father's 
own brothers arc my tadai more particularly), and all the women 
and girls my ki'-'iii; they all visit familiarly in our house and we 
in theirs. More particularly, my father's mother is my kiiku, 
who attended at my birth, cut the umbilical cord, and conducted 
the name-giving ceremony, Hopi fashion, and my father's own sisters 
are my ki'-'ii'i par excellence. Their house is a second home to me; 
they caress me, wash, comb, and cut my hair, improve my manners 

284 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

and morals — my youngest ki'^'u is modern enough to make clothes 
for me on the American sewing-machine. From time to time my 
sisters and I grind corn for them; and whenever my father gives 
clothes to us or to my mother, we make a formal presentation of 
wafer-bread and other food "to pay them." My brothers kill 
rabbits and pile snow for their ki''ti'i; when they are old enough 
they will go a journey to fetch salt for them. In old times their 
ki'^'ii'l would have danced with them when they took a scalp. 

The second group of relations consists of our 'e serj and 'e kwijo, 
"men-children" and "lady-children" — all the children (whatever 
their clan) whose fathers are, or were, men of our clan — along with 
their mothers, our sati. They are our natural friends and play- 
fellows, and they resort to our house just as we go to the house of 
our kukii and ki'^'iii. Saja caresses and admires them, and shows 
them a more demonstrative affection than she shows to us, her own 

These two groups stand closest to us. More distant, but still 
familiar and friendly, is the clan of our mother's father, saja's 
husband, in which we call all the men and boys fete and all the 
women and girls t'^ete kwijo, "grandfather lady." Conversely 
there are individuals in various clans whose mother's father was of 
our clan; these (irrespective of age) are our fete'e. 

Here the circle of familiarity, marked by the use of kinship-terms, 
ends so far as our own village is concerned. The rest are merely 
"the people," Iowa, of doubtful friendliness, always capable of 
hostility, jealousy, and ingratitude toward us as a clan. Not that 
our tada't and t''ete''i are always exempt from these failings — they 
often offend us or leave us in the lurch. But their defection is a 
definite grievance — "they ought to help us, because they are our 
tada'i" (or t^ele'i, as the case may be), whereas the rest of the 
people are almost normally disagreeable! iowa to' a we di mudi! 
"the people are not good" is as common a saying with the Tewa as 
Hopi ka Hopi is with their Hopi neighbors. 

Outside our own village we claim and recognize relationship 
with members of clans corresponding to our own. Thus we con- 
stantly welcome to our house and meals na'jnibi ¥osdn saja," our 


Hopi mother's-mother," the senior woman of the Corn clan in 
Walpi. We have a saja at Tuba City, and a Navaho saja. Mxmse'i 
— men of the clan — from all the Hopi \illages visit us: they come to 
our house to cat and sleep; our women offer to wash and comb their 
hair, our men let them into good bargains. Our grievances against 
our fellow-\illagers are discussed with them quite freely, and it is 
taken for granted that they will take our side of the question. 
Similarly, since my own father is of the Hano Cloud clan, I call a 
Cloud-clan man from Oraibi or New Mexico "father"; and as my 
mother's father is of the Bear clan, I call a Bear-clan man from any 
village t^'ete — not forgetting the members of linked clans who share 
these titles. 

Deferring to another occasion the discussion in detail of the 
usages of kinship terms at Hano and the comparison of them with 
the usages of the New Mexican Tewa, I will briefly indicate their 
bearing on the regulation of marriage. 

It will be convenient to take, again, the view-point of a Tewa girl. 

There is no prescribed clan from which she must take a husband. 

Her own clan is forbidden to her, and the mere suggestion of 
marriage with a clansman, even a conventional clansman from 
another village, gives her a very diagreeable impression. If her 
clan is one of a group of linked clans, marriage with members of the 
linked clans is equally forbidden. Thus a woman of the Tobacco 
clan at Hano could not marry a man of the Rabbit clan at Walpi. 

Her father's clan, with its linked clans if any, is forbidden: she 
cannot marry any man whom she calls tada. 

Her mother's father's clan is not forbidden: she can marry a 
man whom she calls t''eie, or conversely, a man whose mother's- 
father was of her clan. 

She cannot marry her 'g set], a man whose father was of her clan. 
That is, her brother's son, and her mother's brother's son, are 

She cannot marry a man who has the same tada as herself. 
Thus, she cannot marry her own father's son by another wife (and 
so of another clan); he is her "brother," pipi or tije. She cannot 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 16 — 19 

286 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

marry her own father's brother's son; he is her "brother," because 
they call the same men tada. Occasionally a girl marries her father's 
sister's son's son, but this is spoken of as an instance of modern 
license, for her father's sister's son is her lada, and therefore his son 
is her "brother." 

It will be seen that by the Hano regulations three kinds of 
cousin-marriage are barred. Marriage between the children of 
sisters is barred by the prohibition of marriage within the clan. 
Alarriage between the children of two brothers is barred because they 
have common tadai. And marriage between the children of a 
brother and a sister is barred by the rule which forbids a woman to 
marry her tada or her 'e se-q. 

This last rule is cited by the Hano Tewa themselves as the chief 
difference in custom between themselves and the Hopi, since cross- 
cousin marriage (between the children of a brother and a sister) 
is occasional at Walpi and Sichomovi, and regular in all the other 
Hopi villages. At the same time there are indications of a former 
Tewa custom of cross-cousin marriage, or, in other words, of the 
repeated and prescribed intermarriage of a pair of clans. When a 
boy baby is brought to visit in the house of his father's clan, he is 
loudly welcomed as the "husband," ser], of one of the girls of the clan, 
that is, of one of his ^i' ''«'/, whom by present-day custom he cannot 
marry. In the same way a girl baby is hailed as the "wife" of one 
of her tada'j. A woman speaks of her son's sons in jest as "our 
bridegrooms," sgjirjgi'i, as if they were expected to marry some of 
the girls of her clan. A man must " pretend to like " his father's 
sister's daughters and his father's sisters. (Similarly a woman 
must "pretend to like" the husbands of her father's clans- 
women.) When a young man's approaching marriage is an- 
nounced, his kVHii, the women of his father's clan, are supposed 
to take it amiss; they "fight" one of his clanswomen and daub her 
with mud, or they visit his clan-house to "scold" and "talkqueerly." 
A grown-up girl sometimes playfully warns-olT other girls from her 
mother's brother's son, her 'e se-q; although she may not marry 
him, she half-seriously resents the advances of other girls toward 


In a less degree a woman is expected to resent ihc marriage of a 
man who is her Cctee, i. e., whose mother's father was her clansman : 
she affects a little coolness toward the young man's clan, threatens 
not to ask his sisters to her house, and so on. 

The Tewa themselves give no explanation of these inconsistent 

somerville college 
Oxford, England 



SUPERNATURAL attributes and power, in the ancient beliefs 
of the Huron and Wyandot, were ascribed to their mytho- 
logical beings and to many varieties of charms and amulets.^ 

A brief description of two classes of deities and spirits being the 
object of this paper, we have here to pass over charms and amulets, 
as they were inanimate objects endowed with "power," and not 
necessarily connected with or derived from deities or spirits. 

The mythical beings of the Huron and Wyandot pantheon may 
conveniently be classified into three groups, namely: (i) The prime- 
val deities and the races of giants and dwarfs of their cosmogonic 
myths about the origin of the world; (ii) the less homogeneous 
group of sky gods (Hamendiju, the Sun and the Moon, the Thun- 
derers), also belonging to the religions of many foreign tribes, and 
accounted for in various ways by the Iroquois and Huron; (ill) and 
the multiplicity of good and bad monsters — the uki — said to dwell 
everywhere and mingle with the Indian folks for their benefit or 
detriment. We shall restrict the present study to the primeval 
cosmogonic deities and the sky gods. 


The primeval beings of the world, explicitly described in aborig- 
inal cosmogonic myths,^ belong to the following categories: The 

1 Published with the authorization of the Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa. 

2 xhe charms and amulets, termed aaskwandi, were inanimate objects of queer 
appearance or origin, treasured on account of their reputed magical efficiency. Their 
fictitious value, according to Bressani, had its psychological origin in the "super- 
stitious regard" of these peoples "for everything which savoured a little of the un- 
common" {Jesuit Relations, Thwaites ed., vol. xxxix, pp. 26-27). 

^ A version of the cosmogony has been recorded among the ancient Hurons (1632-5) 
by Father Brebeuf {Jes. Rel., Thwaites ed., vols, viii, pp 117-119. and x, pp. 125- 
139). Brother Sagard, about 1615, had also noted down a few fragments of the same 



superhuman people living in the Sky-world, before the creation 
of "the Island" (North America); the anthropomorphic animals 
of the inferior water-regions by whom "the Island" was made on 
the Big Turtle's back; the deities that fashioned "the Island" for 
the coming of the Indian peoples; and, last of all, the races of giants 
and dwarfs. 

The pristine Sky -world, the ultimate origin of which remains 
unexplained, was the very picture of North America with its native 
inhabitants. Human-like people, to whom life and death were still 
unknown, were leading a peaceful existence in their villages, dis- 
tributed all about the solid sky-land. At the head of their society 
were chiefs, seers, and shamans; and they depended mainly upon 
their fruit trees and the yield of their Indian com patches for their 
subsistence. One day, a chief's daughter fell through a hole in 
the ground into the abysses of the inferior world, an immense sheet 
of water with no land anywhere. The reasons given as to why the 
Woman fell from the sky, being at variance, assume a slight im- 
portance. Some Oklahoma Wyandot were of opinion^ that a 
shaman had brought about the accident by advising that they should 
dig into the roots of a tree where a medicine could be found that 
could cure the young woman of a mysterious disease. The up- 
rooted tree, in fact, fell through the ground into the lower world 
with the woman entangled in its branches. According to another 
opinion, 2 a young woman used every day to gather a basketful of 
com for her brothers. Having gro%vn tired of her task, she de- 
stroyed the com patch ; and, as a punishment for having thus ruined 

traditions {Hist, du Canada, Tross ed., pp. 448, 451-455). The two fairly extensive 
versions published by Schoolcraft {Oneola, pp. 207-211) and H. Hale (Jotir. Am. Folk- 
Lore, vol. i, pp. 1 81-183) were secured in the course of the last century among the 
Wyandot of Anderdon reserve, along the Detroit river, Ontario. Recently, still more 
extensive versions have been recorded among the Kansas City and Oklahoma Wyandot 
by W. E. Connelley {Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xii, no. XLV, p. 199; and Wyandot Folk- 
lore, pp. 67 and following), and by myself (the two versions of Mr B. N. O. Walker 
and Mrs Catherine Johnson, 1911 and 1912, are soon to be published by the Anthro- 
pological Division of the Geological Survey of Canada). 

' Related in Connellcy's version, and also in that of Mr B. N. O. Walker, taken 
down by myself. 

' Cathe.ine Johnson, Wyandotte Reservation, Oklahoma; recorded by myself in 

290 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

their subsistence, her brothers cast her into the Underworld, 
through an opening. Father Brebeuf has left us two other ex- 
planations that he noted among the ancient Huron ; the woman was 
said, in the first, to have cut down the tree "from which those who 
abode" in the sky "obtained their food," and, out of grief, to have 
thrown herself after the tree into the abyss. It appears, in the 
second version, that the woman fell into a hole while chasing a bear, 
and dropped into the lower regions. It was also suggested by some 
other informants^ that, by mischance, the woman had been pushed 
by her husband into a rift in the sky, and had thus fallen from above. 

In the dark regions of the Underworld there was no land any- 
where. At first, the only inhabitants of that vast sea were human- 
like water-fowls and quadrupeds that lived in the water. Some 
water-fowls- rescued the falling Sky -woman and held her above the 
waters, while a council of the animals assembled and decided that 
a land should be made on the Big Turtle's back for the Woman to 
live upon. Otter, Muskrat, Beaver, and all the best Divers perished 
in their futile attempts to secure some of the earth clinging to the 
roots of the sky-tree lying at the bottom of the sea. The obscure 
and ridiculed Toad was the one that finally succeeded and brought 
back a mouthful of earth, with which "the Island " (North America) 
was made. It is believed by some that the Little Turtle^ made 
"the Island" by rubbing and spreading the earth around the edge 
of the Big Turtle's shell until it had become a large island. The 
Woman, according to others,^ sprinkled the grains of earth at arm's 
length on the Turtle's back and soon found that land was growing 
about her. 

But there was no light on "the Island." The animals decided 
in a council to send the Little Turtle^ on a cloud, into the sky, so 

1 Wyandot of Anderdon Reservation, Ontario, to Horatio Hale (Jour. Am. Folk- 
Lore, vol. i, p. 181). 

2 Geese or swans, according to two Wyandot informants, and loons or seagulls 
according to others. 

3 In W. E. Connelley's Wyandot Folk-lore, pp. 68-69. and Mr B. N. O. Walker's 
versions (recorded by myself in 191 1, at Wyandotte, Oklahoma). 

* Catherine Johnson's version (recorded by myself at Wyandotte, Oklahoma). 
H. Hale in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, p. 181. 

' The "Prairie Turtle" or "Terrapin," it is likely. 


that she could make some luminaries there. So it was done;' and 
the Little Turtle fashioned the sun out of flashes of lightning and, 
ha\ing made him a living being, she gave him the moon to wife. 
As they were meant to travel from east to west along a path in the 
sky, they found their way back to their starting-point, in the 
eastern sea, through a vast passage that the Mud Turtle- had dug 
for them, under the earth. In the course of ages they had many 
children, the Stars "that run about the sky." The Sun and Moon 
quarreled one day, and the Sun so badly abused the Moon that with- 
out the Little Turtle she would have forever wasted away. The 
phases of the Moon are explained as periodical relapses into the 
original state of prostration that followed her disgrace; and the 
annual decline of the Sun'^ seems to be a punishment inflicted by the 
Little Turtle upon him for his rash deed. The Little Turtle, 
therefore, has always been known as the "Keeper of the Sky." 

Some time after the making of "the Island" and the luminaries, 
a number of land animals and birds — the Deer, the Wolf, the Bear, 
the Hawk, and others — are mentioned as taking part in the animals' 
councils. Nobody now can tell where they were from.^ It is also 
believed that, after memorable adventures, during the early ages, 
they were led by the Deer into the sky, where they still have their 

When the Woman fallen from the sky began to wander about 
the Island she found an old woman, ^ who became her guardian,^ 

> The creation of the Sun, Moon, Stars, and underground Passage is explained 
only in two Wyandot versions of the cosmogony — those recorded by Mr Connelley and 
by myself. 

2 The subterranean passage is said to have been made by the Mud Turtle, in 
Connelley 's account {Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 31), and by the Little Turtle in that of 
Mr Walker. 

3 This can only be inferred from Mr Walker's version when compared with some 
Iroquois explanations of the same phenomenon. 

* The many illogical points to be found in these cosmogonic myths are generally 
due to the fact that the versions obtained were mere fragments. When some in- 
formants were pressed for more rational explanations by Father Brebeuf, they 
replied that they did not know any more than they had learned from their forefathers. 

* This is in conformity with the old-time custom of these Indians of secluding 
grown-up girls for a certain period, during which they were daily visited by an old 
woman, termed "grandmother." 

« The Iroquois myths generally have it otherwise, that is, the woman fallen from 

292 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

and whom she called her "grandmother." Soon twins that had 
been mysteriously begotten in the sky came to the Sky-woman. 
One of the twins, out of mere spite, killed his mother, as he came 
into this world, by tearing his way through her arm-pit.^ After 
her burial, cereals sprang from the various parts of her body, for the 
future use of the Indians: "from her head grew the pumpkin-vine; 
from her breasts, maize; from her limbs, the beans and other useful 
esculents."" Of the twins one was good and the other evil. The 
first was called Tijuskd'a,^ "the Good One," and the other, Taive- 
skare, "Flint." The good one is also called Tse^sta, among the 
Oklahoma Wyandot. The old woman raised them just as if they 
had been human children. While Tse'sta's good nature was 
constantly developing, Taweskare's evil disposition was becoming 
more emphatic, until the time came for them to fulfill their mission 
on "the Island," that is, to prepare it for the coming of man. It 
appears, in certain traditions,'* that the Twins, in order possibly to 
avoid conflict, divided the land between themselves. Tse'sta 
secured the eastern and Taweskare the western lands, wherein they 
were both to utilize their creative powers. According to another 
opinion^ it was understood that they were to work in turns over the 
same territories. After a time, however, the Bad One went out 
west to vent his wrath unhampered. All are agreed that each of 
the Twins had an opportunity to inspect his brother's creations and 
reduce to a certain extent their good or bad qualities. Thus the 
Good One made the surface of the earth smooth or with slight 

above gave birth to a daughter, who died at the birth of her own children, the Twins. 
Sagard's version, recorded among the ancient Huron, implicitly refers to a similar 
tradition (Hist, du Canada, pp. 451-2). 

1 Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 207-211; H. Hale in Jonr.'Ani. Folk-Lore, pp. 181-183; 
and Mr Walker's version. 

~ H. Hale (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, pp. 181-183). Schoolcraft's version: The 
woman's body was laid upon a scaffold, and "from the droppings of her decay, where 
they fell on the ground, sprang up corn, tobacco, and such other vegetable productions 
as the Indians have" (Oneota, pp. 207-211). 

3 This is the phonetic equivalent in modern Wyandot of the same name Jouskeha 
or Juskeha, as recorded by the early missionaries. 

^ H. Hale (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, pp. 181-183), Connelley (Wyandot Folk- 
lore, p. 74). 

5 That of Mr Walker. 


undulations, with park-like woods, ri\crs with a two-fokl current 
running in opposite directions, so that the Indians might travel 
without paddling. He lavishly created berr>' patches loaded with 
berries, trees with large and juicy fruits, the maple, the sap of which 
was like syrup, Indian corn with a hundred ears on each stalk, and 
bean-pods growing on trees and long as the arm.^ The Bad One 
follcnving his brother, sadly damaged all these things. He tore up 
from every river its returning current, remarking," Let them at least 
have to work one way up stream."- He covered the surface of 
the earth with flints, bowlders, and rocks, pulling up huge mountains 
here and there, and obstructing the land by means of marshes and 
thick forests strewn with vines, thorns, and brambles. He also 
spoiled the fruit trees by scattering them far apart and making the 
fruits and berries small, stony, and sour. The Good One had 
brought forth gentle game animals for the people, and large fishes 
without scales ; but his wretched brother covered the fish with hard 
scales, and imprisoned the animals in a cave, frightening them and 
making them wild. Besides, he made fierce animals that were to be 
the enemies of mankind, and monsters of all kinds with which the 
earth has ever after been infested. He made an immense Frog^ that 
drank all the fresh w^ater of the earth. The only thing that the 
Good Twin could do was to reduce the extent of such evils. He 
released the animals from the cavern, and drew the water forth by 
cutting the frog open, or simply making an incision under her arm- 
pit, after having overcome her."* On account of lack of space here, 
we have to pass over the memorable deeds of the twins, who spent 
long ages at their work of fashioning the earth for the coming of 
man. In the end the Good Twin brought the Indian man forth; 
some say that he created him outright, while others^ think that he 

' These last details, found in Connelley (Wyandot Folk-lore, pp. 74 and following) 
are at variance with the traditions that Schoolcraft and Hale noted down among the 
Anderdon (Ontario) Wyandot, to the effect that the cereals and tobacco sprang from 
the various parts of the woman's body after her burial. 

2 H. Hale (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, pp. 181-183). 

» A frog, in Brebeuf (Jes. Rel., Thwaites ed., vol. x, pp. 125-139); and a toad, in 
Hale {Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, pp. 181-183). 

* Jes. Rel., ibid.; H. Hale in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, pp. 181-183. 

' Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 80. 

294 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

simply brought the Huron and Wyandot peoples down from the 
Sky-world. He instructed them in all kiads of useful i)ursuits, 
showed them the art of hunting, and gave them good advice for their 
religious and civil welfare.^ Taweskare, for his part, called forth 
all kinds of human beings, generally bad and unfriendly to Tse'sta's 

The everlasting opposition between the Good and Bad Twins 
finally developed into actual strife.^ It is said^ that Taweskare 
made the fiinty giants to wage war against his brother, and that 
Tse'sta, on his side, made the dwarfs to stand on his behalf. After a 
lengthy contest, in which both artifice and strength were used, the 
Good One outwitted his brother and slew him with sharp deer- 
horns.* During the following era, Tse'sta left his people in the great 
cavern with the ghost of the Woman fallen from the sky at their 
head ; and he went all over the earth, restoring as well as he could the 
ruin caused by his war against his brother, and making the world 
ready for the Indians.^ In a modern addition of the myth, he is 
said to have come across the God of the white man near the moun- 
tains. A dispute arose between them about the possession of 
these domains. Tse'sta, however, defeated the invader in a magical 
contest and frightened him away.® W'hen he returned from his 
wanderings, he found the old woman, his grandmother, "in ill 
humour, as she always was," for she "hated him and loved his 
brother, whom he had killed. He, therefore, . . . cast her up, 
and she flew against the moon, upon whose face traces of her are 
still to be seen."^ The earth being now ready, Tse'sta went to the 

1 Jes. Rel., vol. x, pp. 125-139. Finley. Rev. J. B., Life among the Indians, p. 291. 
Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 207-211. 

2 Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., ibid.; Schoolcraft, op. cit.; H. Hale, in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, 
vol. I, pp. 181-183. Connelley, Wyandot Folk-Lore, p. 80. Walker's version, recorded 
by myself. 

3 Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 91. 

^ In the Schoolcraft version it is said that the Twins decided that one had to get 
rid of the other in some way, but without direct violence. The Good One finally 
won a race over his brother and caused him to fall on sharp buck-horns, after which 
he despatched him {Oneota, op. cit.). 

* Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 81 et seq. 

^ Finley, Life among the Indians, p. 328. Schoolcraft, op. cit. 

" Schoolcraft, Oneota, op. cit. 


great cavern or Underworld, and spoke to the Woman, their leader. 
She replied to him, "My son, lead them forth in the Order of Pre- 
cedence and Encampment. . . ."^ And he led the tribes to the 
cave's entrance, where they had their first view of this world. The 
voice of Hinp, the Thunder, shook the air; but they were told not 
to be afraid, for lightning was never to strike a Huron.^ And, 
scattering in various directions, they established their villages about 
the land. 

Let us now consider for a moment the Huron and Wyandot 
beliefs regarding the fate of these cosmogonic deities. The sky 
is said to be still inhabited by the people from whom the fallen 
Woman proceeded ; and the human-like animals of the pristine Water- 
world are described as having ascended, after the Deer, and with 
the assistance of the Rainbow, into the celestial regions of the Little 
Turtle, where they are still supposed to be.^ The Big Turtle, 
however, remained under "the Island," and she is still there holding 
it upon her back; so that whenever there is an earthquake, some of 
the old Wyandot may still be heard saying, "Well! the Big Turtle 
has been shifting her position. She must have moved a paw!"^ 
It is interesting to note, besides, that the Big and Little Turtles,^ 
and perhaps also the Mud Turtle — who appears to have made the 
subterranean passage for the Sun and the Moon« — being the totems 
of three Huron and Wyandot clans, are supposed to have extended 
their protection to their human proteges almost to the present day. 
The Deer, the first of the animals to climb into the Little Turtle's 
sky-land, is also the totem of the Deer clan, the head clan of one of 
the phratries. 

The fate of the higher divinities, Tijuska'a (or Tse'sta), Tawe- 
skare, their mother and "grandmother," and of the dwarfs and 
giants, is somewhat more obscure, owing to various traditions that 

1 Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 82. 
* Walker's version. 

'Sagard. Hist, du Canada, pp. 451-452. Brebeuf. Jes. Rel., op. cit. Connelley. 
Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 77. Walker's version. 

•• Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 45- Mr Walker's version. 
'Apparently the "prairie turtle" or "terrapin." 
' Connelley. Wyandot Folk-lore, pp. 31, 77. 

296 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 1914 

are slightly at variance. After Taweskare had been slain by Tse'sta, 
his ghost reappeared at night, and after he was refused admission by 
his brother, he was heard saying: "I go to the northwest and you 
will never see me more, and all who follow me will be in the same 
state. They will never come back. Death will forever keep them. "^ 
Taweskare is stated in another tradition^ to have gone to the far 
west and to have said " (hat thenceforth all the races of man would 
go to the west, like him." "And," added the informant, Clarke, 
"it is the belief of all the pagan Indians that, after death, their 
spirits will go to the far west and dwell there." 

The Woman fallen from the sky, mother of the Twins, is the first 
one who was known to die in this world. It is not easy to distin- 
guish her personality from that of the old woman, her "grand- 
mother," who took care of her and the Twins, in "the Island." In 
some traditions her spirit is said to have appeared to Tse'sta and 
revived him when he was about to be defeated in his contest with 
Taweskare.^ She is found, later, at the head of the sleeping Wyan- 
dot, in the Underground world; and when her son, Tse'sta, an- 
nounced that the earth was ready for the Indians, her parting words 
were, "My son, . . . they shall come to me on their journey to 
the Land of the Little People"^ (that is, the land of the dead). 
Her domains, therefore, are the regions whither the human souls 
repair after death, and with the care of which she is intrusted.^ 

Some time after the coming of man into this land, Tijuska'a 
(or Tse'sta) and his "grandmother" established their abode in a 
remote country somewhere,^ most say in the far east,'^ and some in 
the middle (of the sky).^ Traditions have been recorded among the 
ancient Huron to the effect that a man named Attiouindaon and, 
later, four adventurous young men had visited the home of these 

1 Schoolcraft, op. cit., pp. 209-10. 
- H. Hale, in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. i, p. 180-183. 
3 H. Hale, ibid. 
■* Connelley, op. cit., p. 82. 

6 Sagard, op. cit., p. 450. Brebeuf, op. cit. Connelley, op. cit., p. 46. ■ 
^ Sagard, op. cit., pp. 451-452. 

" Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., vol. viii, p. 119, and vol. x, pp. 125-139. Connelley, Wyandot 
Folk-lore, pp. 48-49. 

' Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., vol. viii. p. 119. 


di\initics near the eastern sea.^ In fact, it was the current belief 
that these beings are "human and corporeal"; that they live in 
bark houses like the Indians, sow and reap corn and other things, 
sleep, eat, and are subject to all the necessities of human life.^ 
It seems that Tijuska'a was until recently considered as the living 
providence of the Huron and Wyamhn ; for it was he "who gives 
them the wheat [Indian corn] to eat; it is he who makes it grow and 
brings it to matiirity. If they see their fields verdant in the spring, 
if they reap good and abundant harvests, and if their cabins are 
crammed with ears of corn, they owe it to Jouskeha."^ He was 
considered, indeed, as a benefactor who takes care of the Indians 
and all that pertains to their livelihood."* He has even been called 
by some one^ "the God of Forest or Nature." He was far, however, 
from being granted unlimited and absolute power over things; and 
Sagard states that the Huron readily admitted that the Christian 
God seemed to have greater powers than Juskeha, who, in his remote 
country, was not exempt from the vicissitudes of human life. He 
was also said graduall}^ to grow old, but without losing any of his 
vigor, and from time to time to transform himself into a young 
man of about thirty years of age, thus not being subject to the 
fatality of death. 

The personalities of the "grandmother" and the Woman who 
died at the birth of the Twins, have long been somewhat confused. 
The spirit of the deceased woman seems to be in charge of the souls 
in the Underworld, while the grandmother is stated in most traditions 
to be living the in east, with her grandson Tijuska'a. It is stated, 
however, that the grandmother is wicked, because she often spoils 
the good things done by her grandson, and that she is the one who 
causes men to die.'' Although they play an important part in the 
affairs of man, these divinities have never received any very marked 
form of worship, notwithstanding the fact that the Huron, accord- 

' Sagard, op. cit. 

2 Sagard. op. cit.. pp. 451-452. BrObeuf. Jes. Rel., vol. viii, p. 119, and x, pp. 


' Brebeuf. Jes. Rel., vol. X. pp. 125-139. 

* Sagard, op. cit., pp. 451-452. Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., vol. x, op. cit. 

* P. D. Clarke, an educated Wyandot of Anderdon, Ontario. 
•Sagard, op. cit., pp. 451-452. Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., vol. viii, p. 119. 

298 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 1914 

ing to Brcbeuf, esteemed themselves greatly obliged to TijuslaVa, 
and that he was supposed to be present with his grandmother at 
the feasts and dances that took place in their villages.^ 

Tijuska'a has sometimes been said by the natives and by eth- 
nologists- to be the sun, and the Woman the moon. It may be 
due to the fact that, among the Iroquoian peoples, as well as among 
many foreign tribes, the sun and the moon have long been considered 
as high divinities connected with nature and the seasons, and have 
been worshiped as benefactors. It is not surprising, therefore, 
that the Huron and Wyandot should occasionally have assimilated 
them with their national deities, to whom their mythology ascribed 
similar functions.^ . 

The dwarfs and giants are described in one cosmogonic version^ 
as having been created by Tse'sta and Taweskare on the occasion of 
their feud. It seems likely, however, that the connection of the 
giants and dwarfs with the cosmogony was but slight and not gener- 
ally acknowledged, their origin being probably ascribable to other 
sources. In fact, similar beings are known in several American 
mythologies at large. 

According to an Oklahoma Wyandot informant,^ the dwarfs were 
of two varieties: the Tike'a and the Kahino'a. The Tik^'a, or 
Little People,^ are said, in one version of the cosmogony, to have 
assisted Tse'sta in his war against his brother and the giants, and 
then to have gone to the world of souls in the west. They are be- 
lieved to have extended their protection to the Wyandot on several 
occasions; for instance, when they helped them in chasing away the 
Stone giants and destroyed the Witch Buffaloes that were the 
calamity of some Kentucky springs.^ 

" Sagard, ibid., pp. 553-555. Brebeuf, Jes. Rel., vol. x, pp. 125-139. 

2 Cf. Brinton, American Hero-Myths, Phila., 1882, pp. 53-62, and Myths of the 
New World, 3d ed., pp. is6ff., 203-205; Parkman, Jesuits, pp. Ixxv-lxxxvii. 

2 Cf. Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 45 Jahrgang, 1913, Heft I, pp. 64-71. 

^ Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 91. 

s Mrs Catherine Johnson; information collected by myself. 

^ Connelley in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xii, p. 124, and Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 8r, 
82, 86; and information collected by myself among the Lorette Huron and Oklahoma 
Wyandot, the informants being F. Groslouis (Lorette), Mrs I. Walker, Mrs C. John- 
son, Mary Kelley, and others (Oklahoma). 

' Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, pp. 91, 92. 


The dwarfs were extremely small and old beings, and their bodies 
resembled those of human creatures. They are stated by some to 
have now become invisible.^ Although powerful and witch-like, 
they are good-natured and are not known to have ever done any 
harm to the Huron or Wyandot. Their ways of living are those of 
human beings. They are dressed with clothes made of hide and 
woven hair, carry their children on tiny cradle-boards, and es- 
pecially enjoy singing and dancing. 

The Kahino'a have ducks' feet, and arms without joints in the 
elbow. They are benevolent; and, in one instance recorded, a 
dwarf woman is said to have appeared to a hunter, in a hollow tree, 
and to have given him a charm for good luck in hunting. That she 
was very old is shown in a discussion that she had with the hunter i^ 
"You are extremely small!" said he, "You must be very young!" 
But she retorted, "No! I am really much older than you." He 
could not believe her, as she was so very small. Then they talked 
about things of the past, things that had happened long ago. She 
told him all about events long since forgotten, which he had never 
heard of. She truly believed herself much older than he. But he 
would not admit it. "Do you remember the time," asked she, 
"when this earth was drowned?" And he inquired where the 
people went while the earth was covered with water. She explained 
that they had climbed up into the cliffs. 

These little beings are said to have left marks and traces of all 
kinds on rocks, and are believed sometimes still to be heard singing 
and dancing in caverns or under the ground. Footprints may still 
be seen on rocks at Lorette (Quebec), w^hich the Huron ascribe to 
dwarfs. And a number of Oklahoma informants speak of several 
localities either near Kansas City, or near Wyandotte, Oklahoma, 
where they have recently heard the dwarfs singing and dancing, 
and the beating of their water-drums, or have seen on rocks marks 
of their feet, arms, hands, and bows and arrows. 

The giants, or Strendii, the averred enemies of the Wyandot, 

'Mrs C. Johnson and Catherine Armstrong (Oklahoma Wyandot); information 
collected by myself. 

' From a Wyandot text of Mrs C. Johnson (Oklahoma Wyandot), recorded by 
myself, in 191 2. 

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

were dreaded on account of their extraordinary size and powers. 
Some^ describe them as being half-a-tree tali and large in proportion. 
Their bodies were covered all over with flinty scales, which made 
them almost invulnerable. When the Wyandot, perchance, 
surprised one asleep, they would kill him with linn-wood pillows, or 
shoot their arrows in the monster's arm-pit. The Indians are re- 
ported, one day, to have discovered a giant woman sleeping along 
the shore of a lake; they had detected her, in fact, by the ripples on 
the surface of the water caused by her breathing. When a large 
party of warriors slew her by means of linn-wood pillows, the shore 
of the lake was strewn with the large flint scales that covered her 
body.- In another story a giant woman is reported as having walked 
on the bottom of a river instead of swimming. Upon reaching the 
shore, she spat on an axe forgotten there by an Indian, thus un- 
consciously making it magical, in such a way that it could pulverize 
large bowlders at one blow.^ These monsters were cannibals, and 
in the old time it sometimes happened that the terrified Indians 
would take their flight to the woods on having detected the presence 
of a giant in their neighborhood. The fingers of their human victims 
were the charms that the Strendu used to detect the presence of 
other Indians, as is shown by the following extract from a legend:^ 
"The Strendu knew that some people were to be found there, as 
she could smell them. She therefore placed a human finger on 
the palm of her hand, and whispered, 'Where are the- people?' 
and at once, the finger stood straight up, pointing to the tree in 
which a man had hidden. The giant, however, did not believe 
the finger, and said, 'I have never known of any people living up 
in the sky. . . .' So she threw the finger away, thinking that it 
had been spoilt and was no longer good for anything." The fate 
of these giants is a mystery to the modern Wyandot. They are 
still living somewhere, so it is believed. An old informant^ thought 
that they must be in the east, "where the Indians originated," for 
"nobody knows what they have now become." 

1 Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 91. 

2 Informant, B. N. O. Walker. 

5 Informants, Catherine and Allen Johnson. 
* Informants, Catherine and Allen Johnson. 
^ Catherine Armstrong, Wyandotte, Oklahoma. 



The sky gods, Ilamendiju, Sun and Moon, and the Thunderers, 
occupy a prominent place in the pantheon of all the Iroquoian tribes, 
and, indeed, with the exception of Hamendiju, they appear in 
some form or other in the mythology of a large number of American 

Hamendiju (in Wyandot), or Hawenniyu (in Iroquois), is the 
chief deity of the modern Huron and Iroquois. His name may be 
translated literally " His-voice-is big or powerful," and it may be 
interpreted "He is a great chief." There seems to be little doubt 
that this is a name coined by the natives for the God of the white 
man; although some of the present-day informants readily accept 
that "the Great Spirit," Hamendiju, is one of their aboriginal 
deities.^ In fact, the name of Hamendiju or Hawenniyu is, so far 
as we are aware, unknown in the narrations of earliest missionaries 
and explorers. When they mention the highest or most popular 
Huron or Iroquois di\'inity, their terms refer, in most cases 
quite evidently, to the Good One, as described in the cosmogonic 
myths, or to the Sun and to Areskwi.^ Father Brebeuf , for instance, 
relates that the Huron "had recourse to the Sky in almost all their 
necessities"; "for they imagine in the Heavens an Oki, that is to 
say a demon or power which rules the seasons of the year." When 
the Sky is angry with them, as it often happens, "the flesh of a 
dead man is the victim" which they immolate in order to appease 
the Sky.^ Another missionary states that a great magician, con- 
sulted on the subject of the coming harvest, had answered "that 
it was necessary that everyone should go every day to his field, 
throw some tobacco on the fire, and bum it in the honour of the 
Demon whom he consulted, calling aloud this form of prayer, 
'Listen, O Sky! Taste my tobacco; have pity on us' . . ."■• It is 
quite clear that the so-called Oki or Demon thus spoken of was no 

1 Miss Mary McKee (Anderdon, Ont.); Star Young (Wyandotte, Okla.). 

' Areskwi is apparently an ancient name for the same cosmogonic god among 
some Iroquois tribes. Cartier noted, perhaps erroneously, that Cudwagny was the 
name of the supreme being of the natives found at Hochelaga (supposedly the Mohawk.) 

^ Jes. Rel., 1636, vol. x, pp. 159, 163, 165. 

* Jes. Rel., 1642, vol. xxni, p. 55. 

AM. ANTH., N.S., l6^20 

302 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Other than the Good Twin of the cosmogonic myths to whom are 
ascribed the regulation of the seasons and the growth and ripening 
of the cereals and fruits of the earth. 

In the modern Wyandot beliefs, Hamendiju is the "Almighty" 
or "Great Spirit" dwelling in the sky^ and controlling the whole 
world. " He is the Great Man above," explained an old informant;^ 
"He has all the powers, and he rules over many spirits who obey 
his commands." His chief assistant is Hino, the Thunderer.^ In 
recognition of his benevolent nature and of his daily favors to 
mankind he is prayed to and worshiped, in the course of periodical 
and special rituals, performed in public, and accompanied with the 
burning of Indian tobacco as incense, and certain motions of the 
hand toward the sky. Among the thanksgiving rituals in his honor, 
the Green Corn feast, taking place in August, has long occupied an 
important place. Several private and semi-private rituals are 
addressed to him on several occasions, namely, before starting for 
the hunt or when gathering medicinal plants. It is interesting to 
note that while Hamendiju is often directly prayed to, in the modern 
formulas used when plucking up medicinal or magical plants, 
various tenns of relationship are also used to address him, such as 
" Cuta'a " (term including male and female ancestors, and generally 
translated "grandfather" or "grandmother" by the natives), and 
Sqma'iste, "our father."'* 

The chief deity of the modern Iroquois is also known under the 
name of Hawenniyu or Rawenniyu, and he is, in several places, 
described as the Good Twin who, with his brother, created the 
world. ^ The Handsome Lake doctrine^ — which has swayed most 
of the unchristianized Iroquois, during the last century — accepts 
Hawenniyu as the "Almighty" and also lays much emphasis on 

1 Smith Nichols, Catherine Johnson (Wyandotte, Okla.); Mary McKee (Ander- 
don, Ont.), and others. 

2 Star Young (Wyandotte, Okla.). 

' H. Hale, "Huron Folk-lore," in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. iv, pp. 293-294. 

* Catherine Johnson and Mary Kelley; Smith Nichols and Allen Johnson; Star 
Young; and Mary McKee. 

' L. H. Morgan, League of the Iroquois (1904 ed., by H. M. Lloyd), p. 147. A. C. 
Parker, "Iroquois Sun Myths," Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xxiii, pp. 474-478. 

^Morgan, loc. cit., p. 2i7ff., and A. C. Parker, "The Handsome Lake Code," 
Bulletin New York State Museum, No. 163. 


the existence of an Evil Spirit, along the lines suggested by Christian 
theolog>^ Both in their public and private rituals they address 
Hawenniyu, thanking him for his favors and praying to him for 
their continuance.^ 

Among the foremost deities of the ancient Iroquoian religion 
were the Sun and the Moon. To the Wyandot they were human- 
like beings, gifted with extraordinary powers, as we have seen above. 
The Little Turtle, appointed by the council of the pristine animals, 
had made the Sun out of lightning and had given him the Moon to 
wife. They were both meant to shed light in turn upon the 
"Island" and in the Underworld. The Stars were said to be their 
children; and, among the favorite constellations were the Pleiades, 
supposed to be their "six little girls, the daughters of a single 
birth. "2 

The Sun — although still remembered among the Lorette Huron^ 
as the chief of the old-time spirits — does not seem to have been 
granted so high a rank in the Wyandot rituals as in those of the 
Iroquois. Besides the alleged confusion of the Sun with the Good 
Twin, and the Moon with his grandmother, there is nothing to 
show that among the ancient Huron the Sun and the Moon enjoyed 
any marked form of worship. 

The Iroquois lore about the Sun and the Moon is far richer and 
more confused. Several traditions have come down to us regarding 
their mythical origin and function. Teharonyawagon, the Good 
One of the Twins, is said^ to have made the Sun while he was pre- 
paring the island for mankind, and later to have rescued him from 
the thievish hands of his e\-il brother who had captured him. The 
old woman appears, in another version,^ to have "cut off the head 
of her daughter and affixed it to the top of a tall tree, where it 
became the Sun, and, in like manner," to have "affixed the body 
which became the Moon.". "At a later period," it is further al- 

' Mr F. W. Waugh has collected for the Anthropological Division of the Geological 
Survey of Canada many formulas used in gathering medicinal plants, in which Hawen- 
niyu is directly addressed and prayed to. 

^ W. E. Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 109. 

' Informant, Rev. P. Vincent (Lorette, Q.). 

* J. N. B. Hewitt, in Proc. Atn. Asso. Adv. Sci.. 1895, pp. 241-242. 

' Hewitt, ibid. 

304 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

Icged, "these two luminaries were placed in the Sky." In a sun 
myth^ it is related that the Good One made the Sun out of the face 
of his deceased mother. There is still the following explanation 
given as to the origin of the sun: In the sky-world, a chief ordered, 
one day, that the "light-giving celandine tree" should be uprooted; 
an opening to the sky thus resulted, and it is claimed that the Sun, 
after the fall of the Woman from the sky, has since been shining 
through it.- In a fragment of the Iroquois cosmogony,^ the Sun is 
seemingly acknowledged, moreover, as the father of the Good and 
Bad Twins; and the grandmother, speaking to the Good-minded 
said,^ " Now you must go and seek your father. When you see him 
you must ask him to give you power." Pointing to the east, she 
said, "He lives in that direction. You must keep on until you 
reach the limits of the island; and when, upon the waters, you come 
to a high mountain rising out of the sea, you shall climb to its summit, 
and you will see a wonderful being sitting on the highest peak. 
You must say, 'I am your son!'" And the context, according to 
Mr A. C. Parker, shows the Sun to be the "wonderful being." The 
Sun is often represented as the witness of all human deeds, and as a 
war god, to whom the warriors return thanks for their victories.^ 
Father Bressani, made prisoner by the Iroquois in one of their 
encounters with the Huron, has recorded that the Iroquois, after 
their victory, "rendered thanks to the Sun, . . . which they believe 
to preside in wars."^ Certain adventurous young men are elsewhere 
reported^ to have traveled far westward and followed the Sun into 
the other world, as he passed under the western sky's rim. In the 
other world, they met "a person of great size," ^ that is, Hawenniyu. 
Then the brothers saw a messenger running toward them "with a 

1 A. C. Parker in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, 1910, vol. xxiii, pp. 474-478. 

2 Hewitt, loc. cit., p. 245. 

3 A. C. Parker, loc. cit., being an extract of Esquire Johnson's version, recorded 
in manuscript by Mrs A. Wright, in 1876. 

^ Mr Parker's text is followed here almost verbatim. 

^ Parker, ibid., p. 478, and others. 

« Bressani, Jes. Rel., vol. xxxix, p. 185; also Vimont and Lalemant, Jes. Rel., 
vol. XXVI, p. 69. 

7 In Mr A. C. Parker, loc. cit.; informant E. Cornplanter; and in manuscript ver- 
sion recorded by Mr F. W. Waugh (informant Chief J. Gibson, Grand River, Ontario). 

* In F. W. Waugh's version. 


brilliant ball of light upon his wide chest." And Hawenniyu 
explained, "He is the Sun, my messenger. Ev-ery day he brings 
me news (from the earth). Nothing from east to west escapes his 

There was evidently no orthodoxy among the Iroquoian peoples 
regarding the nature of the sun and the moon. Their high mytho- 
logical inii:)ortance, however, is clearly revealed in the traditions 
and also in the Iroquois sun and moon rituals. The divergences 
of opinion on their origin and function are, no doubt, partly due to 
the fact — already pointed out by Mr Parker^— that the Iroquois 
adopted, in thecourseoftheirwars, the remnants of several conquered 
tribes and assimilated their traditions. But it should not be for- 
gotten that the sun is one of the foremost characters in the religion 
of many American tribes at large, especially in the West and South- 
west. As it is more than likely, moreover, that the Iroquoian 
peoples formerly migrated from middle North America, and perhaps 
frorn the Southwest, their sun worship may turn out to be an ancient 
legacy which their modern thinkers have attempted, independently 
and without perfect agreement, to explain in their etiological myths. 

The Sun dance — generally called "War Dance" by the Okla- 
homa Iroquois, although not quite appropriately^ — is one of the 
fundamental Iroquois feasts. And the "Blackberry feast" is a 
ritual in honor of the Moon, held at the first full moon of July, 
and performed at night. 

The Sun ritual, still performed on several Iroquois reservations, 
is fairly well known to ethnologists.^ It was explained^ to the 
writer, after having witnessed a Sun feast among the Oklahoma 
Seneca and Cayuga,^ that the "dance" was intended as a returning 
of thanks to the Sun, whom they worship and call SehvdHsia, 

' Almost verbatim from A. C. Parker's "Sun Myths," loc. cit. 

2 Parker, ibid., p. 478. 

' James Logan, the Cayuga head-chief of the Oklahoma Seneca and Cayuga (whom 
I utihzed as informant), was emphatic in his assertion that the so-called "war dance," 
performed in September, 191 1, was really a "Sun dance." 

* Morgan, loc. cit., p. i7Sff.. and p. 268ff.; Mrs E. A. Smith, "Myths of the Iro- 
quois," B. A. E. Rep. II, p. 114; A. C. Parker, loc. cit.. p. 473. 

' By the Cayuga head-chief, James Logan, and his wife. 

* In September, 191 1. 

3C6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16. 19 14 

"our brother." "We speak to the Sun as if he were a spirit, and," 
added the informant, " the spirit is in the Sun in some way. There- 
fore we thank him for halving given the Sun the power to protect 
us, and to cause all the plants to grow." The sacred Sun emblem 
and other paraphernalia are used by the dancers, who proceed 
from the east to their dancing grounds, and make their exit west- 
ward when the dance is finished. In the course of the same feast, 
the Sun, the Moon, the Thunderer, the Manitous, and the Earth 
are prayed to and requested to continue their favors, and to grant 
everybody life and good luck until the next Sun feast. In former 
times this ritual used to take place twice a year, in the spring and 
in the autumn.^ 

The Moon feast, also called "Blackberry dance" by the Okla- 
homa Iroquois, is held at night on the first full moon of July, when 
the blackberries are ripe. It is meant as a form of worship and a 
thanksgiving ritual to the moon, whom the informants called 
Eti^siit, "our grandmother," for her favors in shedding light at 
night, causing the dew and bringing the plants and cereals to ma- 
turity. It was also claimed by the same informants that this was 
mainly a woman's dance, on account of the moon being a woman 
and the grandmother of all the children born in this world.- 

One of the most popular gods of the Iroquoian pantheon is 
Heno, the Thunderer. His personality, in fact, is well defined and 
his attributes appear to be almost uniformly the same throughout 
the various Iroquois and Wyandot myths. 

His mythical origin seems to be more ancient than that of any 
of the other great deities above described. It is accounted for in a 
Wyandot myth, which may be summarized as follows:^ Heno was 
one of seven brothers seemingly living in the sky-land,^ long ago. 

1 This information was obtained from James Logan and liis wife, or noted down 
directly by the writer. 

^ One of these feasts was witnessed by the writer at Seneca reservation, Oklahoma, 
in July, 1912, and later studied with the informants James Logan and wife. 

^ Informant B. N. O. Walker, Wyandotte, Oklahoma. Recorded by myself in 

* That they lived in the sky-land is simply inferred from the fact that Heno is 
stated, in all the cosmogonic traditions, to have accompanied the Woman into the 
water regions, when she fell from the sky. 


So exuberant with life and boisterous was he that his brothers were 
much worried about him, and even dreaded the idea of exciting his 
anger, lest he might indulge in rash and terrible deeds and destroy 
them all. He was so strong that, without e\en noticing it, he 
would smash things to pieces. One day, having decided to get 
rid of him, they brought him along into a remote island where they 
pretended to hunt deer. When Heno had taken his stand in a 
dense forest whither he expected his brothers to chase the game, 
they ran back to their canoes and left him there, all by himself. 
He soon realized their deceit, but accepted his fate without a grudge, 
as he was always jovial and good-natured. His voice, however, 
resounded like peals of thunder, as he called his brothers. For- 
getting his grief, he promised them, in the end, that he would never 
do any harm to them and their people; but that, from time to time 
he would raise his voice and remind them of his presence on the 
island. In fact, he is believed to have stayed there to this day, 
roaming about a part of the year, and sleeping in the winter time. 
When a peal of thunder is heard in the winter, some Wyandot may 
still be heard saying, "Heno is turning over; something must have 
disturbed his nap!" 

In the Wyandot and Iroquois cosmogonic myths HenQ appears 
as the god of thunder and lightning. In the Wyandot myths it 
appears that when the Woman fell from the sky into the lower water- 
world, a mighty peal of thunder, the first ever heard in these regions, 
startled the aquatic animals. The Woman was then seen "clad in 
a bright flame of lightning." She was accompanied in her fall by 
Heno, the God of Thunder. ^ When, later, the council of the animals 
had decided that luminaries should be made to light the earth, 
Little Turtle climbed into the sky with the help of Henq and made 
the sun and moon out of lightning.- On several other occasions, 
in the course of the mythic ages, Heno. and Little Turtle are found 
closely associated; for instance, in the epic war against the giants, 
Little Turtle said, "I can make a great fire from the lightning." 
So the warriors and Little Turtle crept all around the giants' 

' W. E. Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, pp. 44, 77; and in Walker's version. 
' Connelley, ibid., pp. 44-46, also in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xii, pp. 118-119; and 

308 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

camp. The Turtle brought forth the thuiuler; and Hghtning leaped 
into a great wall all about the giants, crushing them to the earth. ^ 
And the Pleiades maidens, having one day deserted the sky for the 
earth, were brought back to their former abode by Little Turtle 
riding on a cloud, accompanied by Heno.' Before the animals had 
passed from the Island into the sky. it came to the Deer that he 
should be concerned with the celestial affairs. He therefore re- 
quested the Rainbow to convey him into the sky by means of his 
broad pathway of colors f but it is said that the Rainbow would not 
do it without consulting the Thunder about the matter.^ It was 
related that Heno assisted the deceased Sky- woman, when she was 
in charge of the Wyandot, as they were sleeping in the Underworld, 
just before their dispersion on the island.^ Tse'sta, having called 
his people forth from the Underworld, showed them to the opening 
of the great cavern. While they were for the first time glancing 
over this world, a peal of thunder shook the air and frightened them 
all." They were told, however, not to fear, for Heno would never 
cast his thunderbolts on a Wyandot. And it is still a firm belief 
among them that, being the privileged people of Heno, they may 
never be struck by lightning.'' 

Heno's manifold personality and function are described in a 
number of myths and legends of the Wyandot and Iroquois. Al- 
though primarily the Thunder god, whose powers are destructive* 
he is everywhere known as the real providence of the Iroquoian 
people. In his care are intrusted the clouds, with which he waters 
the earth; and he is believed, in fact, to cast his thunderbolts only 
at the enemies of the people — the monsters, witches, and evil-doers. 
For the fulfilment of his many functions, he is assisted by many 
subordinates, generally said to be his sons. Both as Thunder deity 
and rain-maker or God of vegetation he is worshiped and con- 

1 This incident is quoted almost verbatim from Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore. 
p. 86. 

• Connelley, ibid., p. no. 
3 Walker's version. 

* Connelley, loc. cit., p. 77. 
5 Connelley, ibid., p. 82. 

^ Connelley, ibid., p. 83; and Walker. 
' Informant B. N. O. Walker. 


sidered as good-natured and benevolent; and the vocative "grand- 
father" is the term by which he is generally addressed in prayers.^ 
His physical appearance, according to some Iroquois authorities,^ 
is that of a human being, dressed as a warrior, and wearing upon his 
head a magical feather by which he is made invulnerable. Upon 
his back he carries a basket full of fragments of flint rock, to be 
flung at monsters and witches. In the less abundant Wyandot 
evidence we find Henq and his assistants "dressed in cloud-like 
garments, with wings on the shoulders," and floating in the clouds.^ 
True enemy of the monsters — the ukis — and their human con- 
federates, the witches and sorcerers, HenQ destroys them whenever 
he happens to detect their presence.^ That is why the ukis are 
said seldom to venture out of their caverns or their hiding places 
in the ground. Many incidents illustrating Heno's fury against 
monsters are found in literature, namely: Long ago the annual 
recurrence of a terrible pestilence, caused by a huge serpent dwelling 
under the ground, was the scourge of an Iroquois village situated 
at the place where Buffalo now is. Heno, out of compassion for 
the people, finally decided to slay the serpent. While the monster 
was in a creek near the village, "Henq discharged upon [him] a 
terrific thunderbolt which inflicted a mortal wound. . . . Before he 
succeeded in reaching the lake, the repeated attacks of the Thunderer 
took effect, and the monster was slain. . . . The huge body of 
the serpent floated down the stream, and lodged upon the verge of 
the [Niagara] cataract, stretching nearly across the river. . . . The 
raging waters thus dammed up by the body broke through the 
rocks behind. ... In this manner . . . was formed the Horseshoe 
Fall" of the Niagara.^ 

• For the Wyandots: H. Hale in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, iv, p. 292, Mary McKee and 
others (information collected by myself); for the Iroquois: J. N. B. Hewitt in Proc. 
Amer. Asso. Adv. Set., 1895, pp. 249-50; Mrs H. M. Converse in Bull. N. Y. State 
Museum, No. 125, pp. 39-42. 

^ Morgan, loc. cit., p. 149; Converse, loc. cit., pp. 39-40. 
' H. Hale in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, iv, 292-293. 

* Morgan, loc. cit., p. 149; Hewitt, loc. cit., pp. 249-250; Smith, loc. cit., pp. 52- 
54; Converse, loc. cit., p. 39. 

'Extracts quoted from Morgan's v-ersion, loc. cit., pp. 150-151; also recorded by 
Mrs E. A. Smith, loc. cit., pp. 54-55; Mrs Converse, loc. cit., pp. 39-42, and Minnie 
Myrtle. The Iroquois, or The Bright Side of Indian Character, p. 133; and referred to 
by Connelley, Wyandot Folk-lore, p. 44, as also found among the Wyandot. 


In a legend recorded among the Wyandot of Detroit,' it is 
related that the Thunderer one day appeared to a 3'oung hunter, 
advising him that his old protector, for the benefit of whom he was 
hunting, was really a monster disguised as a man. Heno added 
that his ovm mission was, with the help of his assistants, to "keep 
the earth and everything upon it in good order for the benefit of 
the human race"; and, "if there were serpents and other noxious 
creatures," he was commissioned "to destroy them." So the 
young Indian lured his protector out of his subterranean dwelling. 
The old fellow, who did not like to go out, "bade the youth examine 
the sky carefully, and see if there were the smallest speck of cloud 
in any quarter." While the cave man was still in the woods, the 
thunder rumbled at a distance, and a cloud appeared. The old 
man ran away; but as the thunder sounded nearer, he became an 
enormous Porcupine. "But the Thunderer followed him with 
burst upon burst and, finally, a bolt struck the huge animal, which 
fell lifeless in its den."^ Then Heno told the young man that the 
great deity, Hamendiju, had given them authority to watch over 
the people and see that no harm came to them.^ 

The Thunder revealed himself as the guide and protector of the 
Wyandot in some of their wars. Sayentsuv/at, a famous war chief 
of ancient times, is said to have heard the steps of the Thunderer 
coming toward him at night while he was leading a war party against 
the Cherokee. Heno spoke to him, and said, "Are you not wonder- 
ing about the manner of attracting your enemies out of their rock 
caverns?" Sayentsuwat replied, "Yes!" and the god said, "You 
must be near their caverns and ready for the attack when the sun 
goes dow^n." So it happened, and, at sunset, clouds arose in the 
sky and loud blasts resounded. The Thunderer, in fact, drove all 
the Cherokee out of their cave dwellings; and, as they were running 
toward a hill, he destroyed them all. Thus Sayentsuwat had won 
the battle with the help of his "grandfather," Heno.^ 

1 H. Hale, in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, iv, pp. 290-292. 

2 Ibid. 

^ Ibid., p. 292. 

* War adventure recorded in text by myself in 1912; informant Catherine John- 
son, Wyandotte, Oklahoma. 


The Thander is also a god of vegetation, to whom the Iroquoian 
Indians considered themselves indebted for rain.^ A young Wyan- 
dot was formerly believed to have learned from the Thunder god 
himself the secret art of rain-making, which he communicated to 
several persons. These human rain-makers, bound to strict secrecy, 
were popularly known to produce rain whenever it was needed. 
Not very long ago, one of the Detroit Wyandot claimed that he had 
once become partly possessed of this secret. - 

Heno has many assistants, generally stated to be his sons, who 
help him in the fulfilment of his many functions. Three young men, 
according to Wyandot myths, appeared with him, on at least two 
different occasions, to Indians who needed his protection against 
monsters.^ An informant further remarked'* that only three 
Thunder deities were required on one of these occasions, but that 
there are many of them; and that when the thunder is heard rolling 
in many parts of the sky it is because several of them are at work. 
On the other hand, some Iroquois traditions are to the effect that 
Henq has only two assistants, one of whom is half human and half 

One of the Thunderers, named Tsijuto'Q, was long ago born from 
a Wyandot woman and one of Henq's subordinates. This Wyandot 
myth,® briefly stated is as follows: 

A beautiful Wyandot young woman was in the habit of scorning 
her suitors. One day she became the bride of a handsome young 
man, who brought her into his remote country. He was, in fact, 
but a metamorphosed monster Snake; and, to her great awe and 
disappointment, she soon realized it. As he went out hunting the 
young woman took flight in a northerly direction. Her husband 
chased her and caused the water gradually to rise all about the 

1 Morgan, loc. cit., p. 149; Smith, loc. cit., pp. 54-55, 72-73; Hewitt, loc. cit., 
pp. 249-250; Converse, loc. cit., pp. 39, 42. 

2 H. Hale. loc. cit., iv, p. 293. 

5 H. Hale, loc. cit., p. 292; Catherine Johnson and Smith Nichols, Oklahoma 
Wyandot informants, 1911-1912. 

* Chief Joseph While to H. Hale, loc. cit., pp. 292-293. 

'Morgan, loc. cit., p. 150; Converse, loc. cit., pp. 39-42. 

'Recorded in text by mj'self, in Oklahoma; informants, Catherine and Allen 

312 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

fugiti%-e woman, so that she might not escape. But as she per- 
ceived several men standing at a distance, she heard their chief 
shouting to her, "This way! Come and stand behind me! I shall 
defend you against him!" And he spoke to his men, saying, 
"Shoot right there!" So it was done, and the big Snake was de- 
stroyed. When the smoke dispersed, the young woman was taken 
along by her protectors, HenQ and his three sons, into their country; 
and she became the wife of one of the younger Thunderers. As she 
was constantly longing, however, to visit her mother, the chief 
Thunderer consented to show her "the way down to her mother's 
home." She brought her son along with her, but she pledged 
herself to take the utmost care of him and never to allow him to 
quarrel with his human friends, for fear that he might draw his 
bow at other boys and thus kill them outright. The child grew 
fast, and in his fourth year he could play with the other boys. It 
happened that once he drew his bow at his friends who had annoyed 
him. A peal of thunder resounded, and his father at once appeared 
to the Wyandot woman, saying, " I have now taken him along with 
me, and whenever it rains while the sun is shining, the people shall 
think and say that Tsijuto'o, the Wyandot, is making the rain. 
And it w^as the common saying, among the old people, that Tsi- 
juto'o, the son of the Thunder and the Wyandot woman, was 
responsible for the sun shower.^ 

The Thunderers were formerly worshiped and prayed to by all 
the Iroquoian peoples. Among the Iroquois proper, the worship 
of Heno is both public and private. In the Onondaga annual 
Planting, Strawberry, Green Bean, Green Corn, and Thanksgiving 
feasts, one day used to be dedicated to Heno.^ In the Green 
Corn ritual of the Oklahoma Cayuga and Seneca,^ "Grandfather 
Thunder" is still prayed to and requested not to injure any of his 
people with lightning or hail, and not to pour too heav}^ rains.* 
Among the Seneca, "a special ceremony, called Wesaze, is held every 

1 Informant, Allen Johnson, Wyandotte, Oklahoma. 

2 Beauchamp, "Onondaga Customs," in Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, \o\. i, p. 200. 
' As well, presumably, as in those of other tribes. 

^ Chief James Logan, Seneca reservation, Oklahoma; information collected by 
myself, in 1912. 


spring in honor of the Thunderer." The dance is called when the 

thunder is first heard in the spring; and, after the first dance a 

thanksgiving speech is recited, followed by a war dance.' A 

ceremony was occasionally held by the Iroquois in a dry season, 

with the intent of bringing rain. When the rumbling of thunder 

was heard from a distance, heralds at once notified the people that 

the sons of Heno were in their neighborhood, that each family 

should first make a private ofTering of tobacco to these deities, and 

then gather in the council-house for a public offering of tobacco and 

a Rain dance.- It is still remembered among the Wyandot of Ander- 

don, Ontario,'' that during an electric storm some of the old people 

would place upon a stump a pipeful of Indian tobacco ready for 

smoking, and utter the formula, "Grandfather, many thanks to 

you!" This ritual, termed "treating Grandfather with a pipeful 

of tobacco," was considered as a sure preventive against danger 

from lightning. 

Geological Survey of Canada, Division of Anthropology 
Ottawa, Ontario 

1 Converse and Parker, Bull. New York State Museum, No. 125, pp. 39-42. 

2 Mrs E. A. Smith, loc. cit., pp. 52, 72, 73. 

' Miss Mary McKee; information collected by myself, in 191 1. 


AS a whole the Ojibway Indians are a strictly forest-dwelling 
people, possessing all the various traits of woodland culture. 
Along their western border, however, the lure of the buffalo 
herds, and later the persuasions of the traders, induced many of the 
tribesmen well out on the plains. Here a number may still be 
found, principally on reservations in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and 
North Dakota. They are generally called Saulteaux, but some 
bands, at least, denominate themselves as "Bungi" and consider 
themselves as distinct from the Ojibway by reason of long separa- 
tion. Whether or not the Biingi form a separate group from the 
Saulteaux is not yet certain, but the name is relatively an old one, 
and there is some evidence thiit a difference exists. The data here 
presented were gathered principally from the Bungi of Manitoba 
during the summer of 1913. 

During the sojourn of these Indians on the prairies the original 
culture of the Bungi has been somewhat modified, and in order to 
ascertain to what extent changes have taken place, we will pass over 
in a concise review the main features of the culture of the two areas 
involved, the Plains and the Woodlands. 

In a paper read before the Congress of Americanists at Quebec 
in 1906, Dr Wissler^ noted the principal characteristics of the first 
group as follows: 

I. — The almost complete dependence upon the flesh of the buffalo 
for food: the curing of this flesh and afterwards pounding it fine and 
storing it in bags known as parfleches. 

2. — The almost exclusive use of a tent, made of buffalo skins stretched 
around a conical frame-work of poles. This tent is generally known as a 
tipi. In formal gatherings, these tents are arranged in a large circle 
known n ethnological literature as the "camp circle." 

1 Diffusion of Culture in the Plains of North America, Congres International des 
Americanistes, XV Session, tome ii, p. 39, Quebec, 1906. 


skinner] cultural POSITION OF THE PLAINS OJIBWAV 315 

3. — The use of the dog travois for the transportation of tents and 
personal property and later the adaptation of the same instrument to the 
horse. The only water transportation t\pical()f this area was by raft 
or the bullboat, used exclusively for ferrying. 

4. — The almost entire absence of weaving, either of cloth or of bas- 
ketry, and the \ery limited use of pottery. The chief industry of the 
women was work in skins. 

5. — The use of the circular shield made of buffalo skin, the clal)orate 
spreading head dress of eagle feathers, and the decorated shirt, usually 
fringed with hair, characterized their military life. 

6. — The ceremonial organization and religious life was characterized 
by the Sun Dance, the worship of the Buffalo, the medicine-bundle and 
military societies having a progressive relation to one another. 

7. — The decorative art, confined almost exclusively to painting upon 
raw hide and embroidery in quills or beads, is peculiar in the use of few- 
rectangular and triangular designs, for the composition of complex 

In a similar manner the main points of Forest culture may be 
noted, taking for our purpose the Central Algonkin, and noting 
that nearly all the features to be mentioned are found among some 
group of the Ojibway proper. 

I. — Hunting and agriculture almost of equal importance in 
gaining sustenance. Buffalo of no consequence as food, since they 
were too far away. Wild rice an important commodity. Trimk- 
like parfleches difTerent in type from the flat folding form found 
among some of the tribes of the plains. Birch-bark baskets and 
woven bags generally used as receptacles. 

2. — Round dome-shaped wig\vams made of bark or bullrush 
mats in summer, square bark houses in winter. Conical bark tents 
to the north. Camp circle unknown. 

3. — Bark and dugout canoes used for transportation; neither the 
travois nor bullboat found. 

4. — Sashes, bags, and quillwork woven; to the north, rabbit-skin 
blankets and garments. Pottery good and abundant. Industries 
of the women varied. 

5. — Roach, or fur fillet headdress. Women's garments in two 
pieces. To the north the Ojibway women wore a gown with separ- 
ate sleeves. Soft-soled moccasins. 

3l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

6. — Military life characterized by the use of war bundles. No 
graded military societies, but those who had achieved war honors, 
either men or women, became members of a warrior class for life. 

7. — Religion was characterized by a complex joantheon. No 
Sun dance; the Midewiwin. or Medicine Lodge Society, and the 
Wabano and Jesako cults important. Picture writing on birch-bark 
and wood connected with religion. 

8. — Decorative art more inclined to conventionalized flower 

9. — Scaffold burial unusual; the dead were mostly interred. 
Ceremony at grave when warriors count coups, that the spirit of 
the deceased may be properly attended on the journey to the 

Now let us examine the Bungi. Knowing their supposed origin 
and antecedents w^e must expect that they originally formed a unit 
of Forest culture, now exchanged for or intermingled with that of 
the Plains. 

In the case of the first group of cultural traits we find the Btlngi 
formerly almost completely dependent on the buffalo ; thej^ harvested 
wild rice very little if at all, and they practised agriculture. On the 
other hand, we must not be misled by the last fact, for there are 
Indians yet living who claim to remember the introduction of maize 
from one of the village tribes of the Missouri. Both the box and 
the flat folding type of parfleches were used, and likewise woven 
bags of the typical Central form. 

In the case of the second set of traits we find the Biingi used the 
bufTalo-hide tipi almost exclusively, but that the conical bark wig- 
wam was still retained occasionally. The camp circle was always 
used when any band was assembled. 

Now the travois is one of the most typical means of transporta- 
tion among the Plains tribes, and it has been shown that the canoe, 
either dugout or of bark, is typical of the forest peoples. The Bungi 
possess the travois (not only the dog but the horse contrivance), 
and the dugout canoe as well. They do not use the buUboat, 
although they have seen such craft on the Missouri. 

While the art of weaving was absent from the Plains, the Bungi 

skinner] cultural POSITION OF THE PLAINS OJIBWAV 31/ 

for a long time retained it, though it is obsolescent today. Bags of 
bark twine, reed mats, and rabbit-skin garments were all made, and 
a few examples are yet to be seen. Pottery they claim to have had, 
but evidence as to whether they made it themselves, or not, has not 
yet been gathered. 

The round bull-hide shields of the Plains were made and abun- 
dantly used, and while no data could be found relative to the use 
of the elaborate Plains warbonnet, the roach and the fur fillet 
were found. The women's dress was of the Northern Central 
type — a gown with detachable sleeves. Soft-soled moccasins were 
commonly worn, but those with hard soles were by no means 

The two religious ceremonies, which seem to have been nearly 
equal in importance, were the Sun dance and the Midewiwin. The 
cult of the Jesako, though not of the Wabano, was found. The 
Bungi possess the regular complex Central Algonkin pantheon. 

Their military life lacked the progressive age-societies of the 
Plains, but had the permanent warrior system of the Forest, by 
which a man, a woman, or a child performing a brave deed, auto- 
matically became a warrior for life. The soldiers' lodge was 
erected in every band or tribal camp, and there the qualified braves 
resided with the chief. Apparently war and other medicine bundles 
were unknown. 

In their decorative art the Bungi thoroughly mix the flower 
designs of the Forest with the geometric figures of the Plains. 
They practised picture-writing on birch-bark which characterizes 
the Woodlands, and once used painted buffalo-robes. 

While they once employed the scaffold burial, according to 
tradition, they now inter their dead. They erect a lodge over the 
grave for the accommodation of the ghost, and perform all the 
typical funeral rites of the Central Algonkin area. 

Their folklore, so far as recorded, is almost entirely that of the 
Forests, but a few Plains elements occur. 

One feature, shared only with the Plains Cree and the Assini- 
boine, with whom the BOngi were always associated, is a clown 
ceremony. This is gotten up by a man who has dreamed the rite. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 21 

3l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST (n. s., i6, 1914 

A tent is erected in the camp circle for the exclusive use of the clowns. 
They exorcise demons from the sick, dress grotesquely, wear masks, 
use in\crted speech, beg tobacco at dances, have a ceremonial hunt 
of a ridiculous sort, and perform many ludicrous rites and antics. 
There is more than a possibility that the Bflngi derived this custom 
from a group of Iroquois domiciled near them on Red river as 
early as 1790. Mr Arthur C. Parker informs me that nearly all 
these features are duplicated in certain Iroquois ceremonies. 

While other facts could be adduced to show the commingling 
of Plains and Forest culture among the Bflngi, the summary here 
given is sufficient to prove the point. To conclude, let us say that 
the Bungi, traditionally of recent advent into the Plains area, entered 
the region fully equipped with Woodland culture. Under constant 
pressure from outside sources, their culture has been influenced at 
every point, their religion and folklore perhaps suffering the least 
change, although they have adopted the Sun dance, and some ele- 
ments of the folklore of the Plains. Thus it will be seen that not 
only has the strictly rational and material side of their life been 
affected, but that their religion, social life, and government have 
also been modified. As they stand today they present a perhaps 
unparalleled example of mixed culture — almost half and half. Had 
not their development been arrested by the influx of white settlers 
and the annihilation of the buffalo, their further progress would 
have been an interesting problem, the solution of which is probably 
to be traced by successive steps through the Plains Cree and the 

American Museum of Natural History 
New York City 


IN the following pages attention is called to an unusual form of 
prehistoric stone collar found near Arecibo, Porto Rico. A 
detailed description of this object will be incorporated in a 
monograph which the author has in preparation on the Aborigines 
of the West Indies. 

Attention was first called to this stone collar in the following 
lines of an article on Porto Rico Stone Collars and Tripointed 
Idols :^ "Sometimes the projection is feruled, often with pits like 
eyes, and in one collar the prominence is said to have the form of a 
snake's head." To this is added the following note: "This specimen 
is owned by Mr Leopold B. Strube of Arecibo, who has sent the 
author a drawing which shows the knob in the form of a snake's 
head." This reference was later quoted in the writer's memoir on 
the Aborigines of Porto Rico.- 

On a recent visit to Europe the author examined the specimen, 
now in Bremen,^ and made the drawings reproduced in figures 
97-100. A glance at the first of these shows that it belongs to 
the type called by the late Professor O. T. Mason^ the "right- 
handed variety of the slender oval group." 

This collar is made of a hard, light-gray andesite or diorite, 
with surface fairly smooth but not finely polished. Its general 
form is not unlike other examples of the slender ovate type. The 
special differences are found in the ornamentation of the decorated 
panel border and the modification of the projection or knob into an 
animal head. It measures 15 and ii inches in greater and lesser 
diameters respectively. 

* Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. XLVii, pt. 2, 1904. 
' Twenty-fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology. 

' The author acknowledges with pleasure his indebtedness to Dr Johannes Weis- 
senborn, Curator of Ethnology in the Stadliche Museum, Bremen, for the opportunity 
of studying this instructive specimen. 

* Latimer Collection of Antiquities from Porto Rico in the National Museum at 
Washington, Smithsonian Report for 1876. 




(n. s., i6, 1914 

The undecoraled panel shows no exceptional features, except 
that the rim is pinched midway of its length into a triangular 
projection, as shown in figure 97, but which could be better seen 
from one side. A slightly raised band extends rountl the collar, 

just below the so-called boss or 
elbow, joining the upper and 
the lower margin of the deco- 
rated panel border. As will be 
pointed out presently, the head 
carved on the panel border is 
ver>' well made and instructive. 
Lateral and dorsal represen- 
tations of the knob modified 
into a head are shown in figures 
98 and 99. 

Before the author had exam- 
ined the Strube specimen, he was 
of the impression, from sketches 
of the objects, one of which was 
kindly sent to him several years 
ago by Herr Strube, and the other 
by Professor W. H. Holmes, who 
saw the specimen in the Bremen 
Museum, that the head replacing the projection or knob represents 
that of a serpent, but he is now able to point out a more striking 
resemblance to the head of some other reptile, a conclusion reached 
mainly from comparative studies of similar heads found in some of 
the three-pointed stone idols of the first type, figured elsewhere.^ 
The three-pointed idols with heads like those of the Strube 
collar also possess legs, which would prohibit their identification 
as serpent idols and would weigh against acceptance of the opinion 
that the head on the collar represents a snake, were it not for the 
fact that primitive man is not always consistent in fashioning his 
images; hence the heads of both, even when furnished with limbs, 

Fig. 97. — The Strube stone collar 
(Bremen Museum). 

1 Aborigines of Porto Rico, pis. xxxix a, a'; XLi b, c; xlii a, b; xliii, xliii o, a'. 


may represent some serpen c monster, the iguana, or a reptile with 
the body and appendages of a turtle. 

The modification in the projection in this collar, although less 
usual than other features, is not more instructive than the unique 
figures graven on the border of the decorated panels. The surface 

Fig. 98. — Lateral view of " knob" of the Strube stone collar (Bremen Museum). 

of the panel is not exceptionally ornamented, but its border is 
sculptured into the form of a head with lateral appendages much 
better made than is generally the case. 

The appearance of the head and legs on the panel border of this 
specimen (fig. 100) are as exceptional in form as the knob, for unlike 

Fig. 99. — Dorsal view of " knob" of the Strube stone collar (Bremen Museum). 

the heads cut on the panels of other slender oval collars the head 
of this specimen is in high relief. The relation of the head to the 
collar is here exactly reversed, as compared with that of almost all 
other collars, for the forehead adjoins the panel instead of being 
turned away from the decorated panel. The two lateral appendages 
extending along the border on the sides of this head are readily 
comparable with similar figures, in the same position, on other 
collars. A representation of the head and appendages as seen from 
below shows that the lower jaw is pointed and triangular. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

The form of the decorated panel border of the Strube collar 
bears directly on our interpretation of this feature in other collars 
and sheds light on the meaning of certain conventionalized figures 
on other specimens in which the head form is not so evident as in 
this specimen, as may appear from the following comparisons. 

The decoration on the panel borders of different stone collars 
falls naturally into a series passing from realistic to conventionalized 
figures, shown in the accompanying figures 101-107. In order to 
interpret these decorations, we may pass from the most complicated 
to the simplest form. 

Commencing with the form shown in figure loi, representing a 
specimen now in the Heye Museum, we have a massive collar 
with a head cut in high relief on the surface of one side. This head 
(//) resembles those constantly found engraved on stone images or 

Fig. 100. — Decorated panel and panel border of the Strube stone collar (Bremen 


modeled in terra-cotta for handles of Antillean bowls or vases. It 
represents a being wearing a kind of Phrygian cap, with mouth half 
open, large eyes, and other features recalling a turtle or some reptile. 
Two arms (pa), with the elbows bent and showing the palms of 
the hands and the fingers, are well represented and rise from 
under the chin. The hands appear to hold up rings cut at the 
side of the head, which they touch on each side, and are interpreted 
as representations of ears or ear-ornaments. These rings recall 
the lower lobes of the ears in certain stone yokes found in Vera Cruz 
and other Mexican states. The umbilicus appears on the body 
just below the chin, and on each side are rectangular carvings (d, p), 
supposed to represent other parts of the body. 



In the collar of the Heye collection (fig. loi) there is practically 
no separation of the panel border and the panel, or rather the former 
has extended over the latter, which remains as a rectangular design 
{d, p) filling the areas on each side of the anterior appendages (a) and 
below the problematical lateral extensions {pa). 

Extending on each side of these rings on the upper margin of 
the collar there is an interesting conventional figure in relief, unlike 
a leg or any other part of the body, but which is seen constantly 
in modified form in other collars. In a general way this decoration 
{pa) consists of a distal portion, which is more or less angular and of 
cubical form with a median pit (6), and a proximal region con- 

FiG. loi.— Panel of stone collar (Heye Museum). 

nected by means of a knee-shaped relief figure (j), with the head 
and all other portions of the design. The parts represented in this 
carving are the head, forearms, ear-lobe or ornament of the ear, 
and a knee-like problematic body. Every organ except the last 
can be readily identified, but in order to determine the meaning of 
the knee-like member, we must consider similar relief designs on 
collars in other collections. 

The ornate design on the panel border of the Strube specimen 
in Bremen naturally next claims oar attention. In considering 
this example (fig. 100) it will be noticed at once that the mouth, eyes, 
and all other parts of the face are reversed when compared with 
the head of the collar in the Heye collection (fig. loi). This is due 
to the fact that its left side represents the right side of the Heye 
collar, as will be seen when these collars are laid with the decorative 
panels uppermost for comparison, in which case the lower jaw in 
the former is naturally below, while in the latter it is above, a re- 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

versal caused by one of these collars being right-handed while the 
otlier is left-handed. This does not prevent a comparison of similar 
parts in the ornamentation of the collar, but it must be borne in 
mind that they are in reversed positions. 

We fail to discover on sides of the head of the Bremen collar any 
indication of those rings or ear-ornaments in relief that are so 
conspicuous in the Heye Museum specimen. There are likewise 
no homologues of arms and hands below the chin, but the lateral 
figures carved in low relief on each side are represented in somewhat 
modified form. Here occur representations of a joint ( j) and the 
terminal circle with a deep pit (b) , leading us to consider them the 
same organs. The panel is distinct from its border and has no sign 
of legs. 

Passing to a consideration of a collar figured by Professor Mason 
and said to be from Guadeloupe, w^e discover on the decorated panel 
border a still greater simplification of the head which here (fig. 102) 

Fig. 102. — Panel of stone collar (Latimer collection). 

appears as a circle (h), with eyes and mouth represented by shallow 
pits. The problematical lateral organs (pa) have here become 
simple scrolls, with a pit (b) in the middle of the distal end, a con- 
ventionalization which is paralleled by that shown in another 
design on the panel margin of a collar from the Latimer collection 
figured by Mason, ^ where the lateral appendages (pa) are reduced 
to scrolls, although the joint is still angular. 

A similar decorated panel is found in one of the collars of the 
Latimer collection (fig. 103). 

1 Op. cit. 



We pass now in our comparison to a collar (fig. 104) in which the 
face on the panel border is divided medially into two parts, and the 
remainder of the figures, especially the lateral scrolls, have under- 
gone a strange elongation. The simple pits representing eyes still 

Fig. 103. — Panel of stone collar (Latimer collection). 

remain, and each of the halves of the former head is continued Jn to 
an extension curved into a scroll in which the only recognizable 
feature is the jointed organ. 

Another variation in the figure on the decorated panel border 
(fig. 105) occurs in another of the Latimer collars. The vertical 
divison between the eyes separating the face into halves has not 

Fig. 104. — Panel of stone collar (Bremen Museum). 

extended wholly across the head, and the forehead here remains 
undi\idcd. The scroll-like lateral appendages (pa) that make up 
the remainder of the figure of the decorated panel border have no 
exceptional features. 

In still another collar of the Latimer collection, the conventional- 
ization of the panel border figure has proceeded so far that the 
resemblance to a head with lateral appendages is completelyMost. 

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

Here we have simply two scrolls with one extremity of each ap- 
proximated and their distal ends widely separated and extended. 
In another collar of the Latimer collection the decoration of 
the panel has been subjected to further modification in form, the 
panel figure taking the form of two rectangles representing the half- 

FiG. 105. — Panel of stone collar (Latimer collection). 

circles of the divided face, each bearing a pit representing an eye. 
The elbow-like scrolls are present with their terminal dots rising 
one on each side of the rectangle representing half of the face. 

Any resemblance of the panel decoration shown in figure 106, to 
a human head with lateral appendages has wholly vanished. Here 
the decorated panel border takes the form of a narrow rectangular 

Fig. 106. — Panel of stone collar (Latimer collection). 

figure with rounded ends, slightly curved upward and crossed at 
regular intervals by three pairs of bars. In each of the intervals 
there is a small pit, two of which (e, e) represent all that remains 
of the eyes, and two {b, h) those constants at the extremities of the 
scroll-like appendages that exist in the figure of the most compli- 
cated panel border. 


There remain other designs on panel borders, one (fig. 107') of a 
collar in the Trocadero Museum at Paris, and the other (fig. 108) in 
the Latimer collection. The outlines of these show important 
modifications, but these also in reality teach the same morphology 
as the preceding, viz., that figures on the decorated panel borders 
are simply highly conventionalized heads with extended lateral 

There is one feature lacking in the figures last mentioned that 
should be explained. Since the pits which represent the eyes, as we 
ha\c pointed out, are here absent, it might be supposed that the 
conventionalized head is also wanting; but if we compare them with 
the underside of the figure cut in the panel of the Bremen collar 
(fig. 109) , the reason for this lack is apparent. All of these represent 
the underside of the lower jaw, not the upper part of the head where 
eyes, mouth, and nose are present. 

From the comparative data given above we are able to say that 
wherever we have figures cut on decorated panel borders, they 
probably represent a head, body, arms, or legs, often highly con- 
ventionalized and sometimes lost. As the arms or forelegs appear 
in the more completely represented form figure loi accompanied 
with the problematical lateral scrolls, we cannot regard these 
scrolls as duplicate arms or fore-limbs; if they are appendages they 
must be posterior limbs or legs. The posterior appendages in all 
these instances have been brought forward into the same plane as 
that in which the head and anterior legs lie, and by this contortion 
have lost all likeness to limbs. 

This interpretation of the ornamentation of the decorated panel 
border of the stone collar reduces it to a figure of the same general 
character, but it takes no account of certain figures on the surface 
of the panel itself. The figures engraved on this area are sufficiently 
distinctive to bear certain resemblances whose meaning is doubtful. 

The decorated panels of several stone collars (figs. IC2, 104, 105, 
106) bear an incised ring or circle, sometimes with and sometimes 
without a central pit. On each side of this circle there are constantly 
represented well-made figures, of as yet unknown significance, that 

' The author is indebted to Professor M. H. Saville for this illustration. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

have certain common resemblances in all specimens in which they 
occur. It may be assumed, but without positive proof, that these 
figures represent parts of the body; for example, the circle, which 
so often appears in Antillean art, represents the umbilicus, while the 

Fig. 107. — Stone collar showing unique decorated panel border (Trocadero Museum) . 

incised geometric lines on each side of it resemble figures of legs or 

In several of the decorated panels we find this circle doubled; 
or these duplicated circles may be connected or modified in such 
a way as to appear as spirals (fig. 108) ;^ or at times parallel lines may 

' This form suggests the ornamentation of a fragment of a specimen of doubtful 
relation in the Stahl collection, now in the American Museum of Natural History, 
New York. 


extend from the circles. The figures on the decorated panel of sev- 
eral collars consist of geometric ])arallel lines arranged in squares and 
chevrons, a form of decoration sometimes found on panels of massive 
collars. These are regarded as decorations of the body of the 
animal or the human form represented. 

Fig. io8. — Decorated panel and panel border of stone collar (Latimer collection). 

The main difference supposed to exist between the Bremen collar 
and other examples of its kind would seem to be the modification of 
the projection or knob into an animal head, and yet when we ex- 
amine a series of collars we find several specimens in which the 
projection is carved in such a way as to suggest the conventional 
head of some animal. 




Fig. 109. — Under side of decorated panel of the Strube stone collar. 

Many massive stone collars^ and some of the slender ovate^ 
varieties hav^e two " knobs ", one of which projects on each side of a 
binding band or shoulder band filling the interval between them. 
In one instance the two ends are not united by a band but are 
hooked together. 

' Aborigines of Porto Rico, pi. Ixiii, Ixiv, l.xv. 

'Prehistoric Antiquities from the Antilles in the British Museum, Joiirn. Anthr. 
Inslilute, vol. xxxvii, pi. xl, 1907. 

330 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

No decorations appear in any of these double knobs, and all 
are without eyes or other indication of the presence of a head, which 
is likewise true of those examples in which the projections do not 
rise above the surface of the collar, although a remnant of the 
shoulder band^ may in these cases sometimes survive. 

When the projection bears any design, it is commonly flattened, 
with a pit on each side. Another form of simple flattened knob, 
having circles on each side and parallel lines between them, is 
found on the second Bremen specimen. In the Heye Museum 
example, where the projection is not very prominent, it is marked 
by a single transverse and several parallel grooves, recalling the 
parallel lines between the pits in an undescribed collar in the Bremen 

The simplest interpretation of these variations in the so-called 
projection or knob of a stone collar would be that, like that of the 
Strube specimen, it represents a highly conventionalized head, and 
that the accompanying pits or circles are eyes. 

Bureau of American Ethnology 
Washington, D. C. 

1 Aborigines of Porto Rico, p!. Ixv, /. 


THE story of the Piltdown discovery is already more or less 
familiar to readers of this journal.^ But the recent gathering 
and publishing of additional data^ on the subject should not 
be allowed to pass unnoticed. This is especially true not only 
because of the far-reaching significance of the discovery, but also 
because British scientists have been known to be at odds concerning 
the reconstruction of the skull in question. 

It will be recalled that Dr Smith Woodward regarded the 
Piltdown specimen as the type of a new genus of the family Hom- 
inidffi, to which he gave the name Eoanthropus dawsoni, and which 
was defined primarily by the characters of the mandible. Of the 
mandible only the right ramus with first and second molar teeth 
in situ was at first discovered. The condyle and symphysis were 
both lacking, but the fragment was of sufficient size to enable 
Dr Smith Woodward to reconstruct the symphysis with a fair 
degree of accuracy. It was the reconstruction of the cranium about 
which differences of opinion arose between Dr Smith Woodward 
and Professor Elliot Smith on the one hand and Professor Arthur 
Keith on the other. 

Of the brain case nine fragments, parts of the frontal, parietal 
occipital, and temporal, were found. From these Dr Smith 
Woodward reconstructed a skull with a capacity of about 1076 cc. 
On the other hand a reconstruction by Professor Keith gave to the 
skull a brain capacity of 1500 cc, in other words that of a well- 
developed modern European skull. After further study Dr Smith 

1 American Anthropologist, s. s. xv, Apr.-June 1913. 

2 Chas. Dawson and A. Smith Woodward, Supplementary Note on the Discovery 
of a PateoHthic Human Skull and Mandible at Piltdown (Sussex), Qiiar. Jour. Geol. 
Sac, Lxx, Apr. 1914. 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Woodward acknowledges a small error. He finds that the "longi- 
tudinal ridge along the outer face at the hinder end of the parietal 
region is not median, but one of a pair such as frequently occurs in 
the lower types of human crania." In the published reconstruction 
there should thus be a slight readjustment of the occipital and right 
parietal bones, "but the result does not alter essentially any of the 
conclusions already reached." 

With this opinion Professor Elliot Smith is in complete accord. 
From an examination of the original fragments he was able to 
determine the location of the median line of the skull. The per- 
sistence of slight traces of the sagittal suture in the regions of the 
bregma and lambda made this possible. The true median plane 

in this particular case 
however passes a little 
to the left of the union 
of the coronal with the 
sagittal suture owing to 
a slight deflection of 
the latter. Since this 
deflection is never more 
than a few millimeters 
(except where large breg- 
matic wormian bones 
are present, and they 
are not present in this 
case), the bregma and 
lambda are good guides 
in locating the median 
plane. In line with the 
median plane as thus determined, the endocranial aspectof the frontal 
bone presents a well-defined longitudinal ridge, corresponding to the 
"place where the two halves of the frontal bone originally came 
together at the metopic suture." The cranial capacity then of the 
Piltdown skull is evidently not very much greater than the original 
estimate of 1076 cc. 

In addition to exhaustive laboratory studies on the parts above 

Fig. 1 10. — Restoration of the skull and lower jaw 
of Eoanthropus dawsoni; nearly a third of natural 
size. After Dawson and Woodward. 


mentioned, a painstaking and systematic search was made at the 
Piltdown site. The mandibular ramus had been found in situ. 
All the gravel in situ within a radius of 5 meters of this spot was 
"either washed with a sieve, or strewn on specially prepared ground 
for the rain to wash it; after which the layer thus spread was 
mapped out in squares, and minutely examined section by section." 
In this spread Father Teilhard de Chardin, assisting at the work for 
three days, found the right canine tooth in August, 1913. The 
two human nasal bones and the turbinated bone were not recovered 
from this spread but from disturbed gravel within less than a meter 
of the spot where the mandible had been discovered. 

The nasal bones (pi. xxx, la-id) are said to "resemble those 
of existing Melanesian and African races, rather than those of the 
Eurasian type." In thickness they correspond to the bones of the 
skull pre\-iously found. The canine tooth not only corresponds in 
size to the mandible but belongs to the same half (right) as that 
recovered. It likewise agrees with the two molar teeth in the 
degree of wear due to mastication. The extreme apex is missing, 
but whether by wear or by accidental fracture is not determinable. 
The enamel on the inner face of the crown (pi. xxx, 2b) has been 
completely removed by wear against a single opposing tooth. The 
worn surface "extends to the basal edge of the crown, as indicated 
by the clear ending of the cement along its lower margin." This 
canine tooth is larger than any human canine hitherto found, and 
interlocked with the opposing upper canine. It rose above the 
level of the other teeth and was separated from the lower premolar 
by a diastema. On the other hand there is no facet due to wear 
against the outer upper incisor, such as often occurs in the apes. 

If a comparative anatomist were fitting out Eoanthropus with 
a set of canines he could not ask for anything more suitable than the 
tooth in question. It conforms to a law in mammalian paleon- 
tology, "that the permanent teeth of an ancestral race agree more 
closely in pattern with the milk-teeth than with the permanent 
teeth of its modified descendants." Even a cursory view of plate 
xxx will bring out the points of resemblance between the Piltdown 
canine (figs. 2a-2d) on the one hand and the corresponding milk 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 16—22 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

canines of Homo sapiens (figs. 6a-6d) and of Simia satyrus (figs. 
8a-8d) on the other. It is pointed out that in recent Man if the 
base of the crown of the canine were raised in the gum to the same 
level as that of the adjacent teeth, its apex would frequently rise 
well above the rest of the dental series (pi. xxx, fig. 7). 

The various elements that make up the gravel bed at Piltdown 
are better known today than when the first report was published; 
additional fossil animal remains have also been recovered. Four 






c^. *- 


' <3 \ 

. <:s7 

cc^ • . • ' ' 

■- cs> 3 


Fig. III. — Section of gravel bed at Piltdown (Sussex), 
and Woodward. 

After Dawson 

well-defined layers have been determined (fig. iii). At the top is 
a deposit of surface soil 35 cm. thick, containing pottery and flint 
implements of various ages. The second bed consists of undisturbed 
gravel varying from a few centimeters to a meter in thickness. 
The prevailing color is "pale yellow with occasional darker patches." 

macclrdy] the man OF PILTDOWN 335 

A rude paleoHth of the Chellean type was found in the middle of 
this layer, which likewise contained rolled iron-stained subangular 
flints. The third layer, some 50 cm. thick, is easily distinguished 
because of its dark ferruginous appearance. It contains rolled 
and subangular flints similar to those found in the layer above. 
All the fossils (with the exception of the remains of the deer) were 
either discovered in or have been traced to this third layer. So- 
called eoliths and at least one worked flint were likewise found 
here. The Eoanthropiis remains came from it and near the uneven 
floor forming the upper limit of the fourth stratum. The latter 
has a thickness of about 25 cm., is non-fossiliferous, and "contains 
flints of a much larger size than any of those in the overlying 
strata." Nothing that could be called an implement or eolith has 
been reported from the fourth bed. Below (no. 5) are undisturbed 
strata of the Tunbridge Wells Sand (Cretaceous). 

Our knowledge of the Piltdown fossil fauna has been supple- 
mented by the finding of remains of one new form, a fragment of a 
tooth of Rhinoceros, in the same state of mineralization as the teeth 
of Stegodon and Mastodon previously described. While the speci- 
men cannot be determined with absolute certainty, it belongs 
either to Rhinoceros mercki or Rh. etruscus, with the evidence 
rather favoring the latter. Additional remains of Stegodon (frag- 
ments of a molar) and Castor (fragment of mandible) were likewise 
recovered. Judged from its fossil content the third stratum at 
Piltdown would be classed as Pliocene were it not for the presence 
of Eoanthropus and the beaver. In view of the fact that the re- 
mains of these, although softer, are not so rolled and worn as the 
other fossil remains; the third bed, although composed in the main 
of Pliocene drift, was probably reconstructed in early Pleistocene 

Those who might have objected to the use of the name Eoan- 
thropus for the Piltdown skull can no longer deny its appropriate- 
ness when applied to the lower jaw, especially since the finding of 
the canine tooth. While the probabilities are all in favor of the 
three parts belonging to one and the same individual, the case for 
Eoanthropus does not have to depend on producing positive proof 



to th-U effect. The only flint implement of Chellean type came 
L/the laver above (no. .), and is of later date than the human 
emains. Did EoantJ.opus make use of the eohths found n. ell- 
tale association with him? The Future holds this secret, and, .f 
hard enough pressed, may some day reveal it. 

Yale University 

New Haven, Connecticut 

ameri;an anthropologist 

N. a., VOL. 16, PL. >XXI 


M iHrmnriam: AlrxanJirr Jfranrts (Cliambrrlaiit 

IN the death of Alexander Francis Chamberlain, professor of anthro- 
pohjg\- in Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, Anthro- 
pology lost one of its foremost representatives in the Xew World, 
and one who performed unique service to the science. Death was due to 
gangrenic diabetes, an insidious disease whose presence was unknown to 
him and others until a few weeks before the end. He attended to his 
work at the University until an affection of his foot confined him to his 
home; whereupon a medical diagnosis revealed the fatal disease. He 
passed away at his home in Worcester on April 8, at the age of forty-nine 
years. His body was cremated and the remains were interred at Mount 
Auburn in Cambridge, Massachusetts. He is survived by his wife, 
Isabel Cushman Chamberlain, a daughter thirteen years of age, and a 
brother and a sister in Toronto, Canada. To the brother, Mr Thomas 
B. A. Chamberlain, the present writer is indebted for information about 
Dr Chamberlain's early life and education. A memorial volume will 
be published in the autumn, in which much material not included here 
will appear. 

Alexander Francis Chamberlain was born January 12, 1865, in 
Kenninghall, Norfolk, England, the eldest child of George and Maria 
Anderton Chamberlain. His ancestors were of sturdy English yeoman 
stock. While he was still a child, the family came to America and first 
settled, for about a year, near Bushnell's Basin in New York state, where 
his schooling began. From there the family moved to Peterborough, 
Ontario, where the elder Chamberlain became a prominent business 
man. Here Alexander attended the Union School and the Collegiate 
Institute. He passed with honors the matriculation examination for the 
University of Toronto, winning the scholarship awarded by the Peter- 
borough Collegiate Institute. To enable him to pursue his university 
studies, his parents removed to Toronto, where they lived until their 
death, three months apart, in 1904. 

At the University Chamberlain chose the department of modern 
languages. Throughout his course he took high honors and received 
many college prizes. In 1886 he was given the degree of B.A., with 
honors in modern languages and ethnology. He became greatly inter- 
ested in ethnology, in the department of Sir Daniel Wilson, then president 
of the University, who became a warm personal friend. 


338 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

In 1887 he was appointed fellow in modern languages in University 
College, Toronto, a position which he held for three years, during which 
he did tutorial and post-graduate work. He was examiner in German in 
University College and the University of Toronto, examiner in modern 
languages in the University of Trinity College, Toronto, and examiner 
in French and German for the Department of Education of Ontario. 
During this period he continued his anthropological studies, giving 
special attention to the Mississaguas of Scugog, an Algonquian tribe to 
which he paid many visits, becoming acquainted with their language 
and customs. The results of these investigations were embodied in a 
thesis, for which he was awarded the degree of M.A. by the University 
of Toronto in 1889. Several contributions of this period, as well as of 
later years, appeared in the publications of the Canadian Institute (now 
the Royal Canadian Institute), of which he was for years a member and 
at one time librarian. 

In 1890 Chamberlain accepted a fellowship in anthropology in Clark 
University, which had been opened only the year before. Clark was the 
first institution in America to recognize anthropology as a subject for 
post-graduate study leading to the degree of Ph.D., and the first to 
confer such a degree, that received by Dr Chamberlain in 1892. His 
researches there were carried on under the direction of Dr Franz Boas, 
then docent in anthropology at Clark. His dissertation was on the 
language of the Mississagua Indians. 

In the summer of 1891, on the recommendation of Sir Daniel Wilson, 
he went to British Columbia to study the Kootenay Indians, under the 
auspices of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, in 
whose Proceedings his report was published in 1892. As will be seen 
by referring to his publications. Chamberlain kept up a life-long interest 
in these Indians, on whose language and culture he was recognized as 
the foremost authority. 

When Dr Boas left Clark University in 1892, Dr Chamberlain was 
appointed his successor, with the title of lecturer in anthropology. In 
1904 he became acting assistant professor, and assistant professor in 
1908. In 191 1 he was made full professor. By his investigations and 
publications he contributed substantially to the fame of Clark University 
as a center of scientific research. 

Dr Chamberlain has contributed voluminously to the literature of 
anthropology and cognate sciences. His rare knowledge of European 
languages was an invaluable asset to American anthropology. Articles 
from his pen appeared frequently in European as well as in American 


journals. The appended bibliography, selected from a much longer 
list of titles, gives some idea of the scope of his scientific work and 

He rendered important service through editorial work on a number 
of periodicals. From 1900 to 1908 he was editor of the Journal of Amer- 
ican Folk- Lore. Up to the time of his death he was a department editor 
of the American Anthropologist and the American Journal of Archceology. 
He was co-editor, with Dr G. Stanley Hall, of the Journal of Religious 
Psychology (including its anthropological and sociological aspects), 
published at Clark University. His excellent annotated bibliographies 
of current anthropological periodical literature, which involved a prodigi- 
ous amount of labor, were for many years important features of the 
American Anthropologist and the Journal of American Folk- Lore, more 
recently of Current Anthropological Literature. 

He contributed a large number of articles to several standard works 
of reference, including the New International Encyclopedia, the Encyclo- 
pedia Americana, the Handbook of American Indians, Monroe's Cyclo- 
pedia of Education, and Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. 
His consummate product of this type was undoubtedly his article on the 
North American Indians in the new edition of the Encyclopcedia Britan- 
nica, a masterpiece and model of encyclopedic writing, a distinct advance 
on anything of its kind which had before been published. 

Dr Chamberlain was an authority in American Indian linguistics. 
Special fields of research were the Kootenay and Algonquian languages. 
His publications on the linguistic problems of South America are recog- 
nized as authoritative by students in two hemispheres. At the time of 
his death he had practically completed his work of many years on a 
distribution-map of the South American aboriginal languages, similar 
to that by the late Major J. W. Powell for the stocks north of Mexico. 
He had finished the first part of a Kootenay dictionary and grammar, 
which remains in manuscript form. 

Dr Chamberlain was a member of numerous learned societies in 
both of the Americas and in Europe. He was a vice-president of the 
American Anthropological Association and a former secretary of the 
anthropological sections of both the British and the American Association 
for the Advancement of Science. He was a member of the American 
Antiquarian Society, fellow of the American Ethnological Society, 
honorary member of the American Folk-Lore Society, and corresponding 
member of the Societe des Americanistes de Paris, the Institut de Coim- 
bra, Portugal, and the Sociedad de Folk-Lore Chileho of Santiago de 

340 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Not only by training, but by native disposition, Dr Chamberlain was 
eminently fitted for the tasks of a student and teacher of the Science of 
Man. Of him it can be truthfully said that he was a man and he con- 
sidered nothing human foreign to himself. " Generically human" was 
a favorite phrase with him, and he was himself a living embodiment of 
that idea. He understood and appreciated the life and outlook of primi- 
tive men, for beneath diversities of culture he recognized the generic, 
fundamental, universal human traits. He held that there is "not a 
single thing in ideal civilization not foreshadowed in primitive life." 
And he often called upon primitive folk as Daniels to sit in judgment 
on the follies and vices of our civilization. His essay entitled "The 
Human Side of the Indian," based on his own experiences in the Kootenay 
country, brings out his appreciation of primitive man. He realized the 
truth expressed by Dr Marett, of Oxford, that "we need to supplement 
the books on abstract theory with much sympathetic insight directed 
towards men and women in their concrete selfhood."^ 

In his interpretations of human culture Dr Chamberlain took in a 
decided way the historical and psychological points of view, represented 
by such writings as Dr Boas's book, "The Mind of Primitive Man," and 
Dr Wissler's essay, "The Doctrine of Evolution and Anthropology" 
{Journal of Religions Psychology, July, 1913). The biological concep- 
tions of evolution did not, according to him, apply to the history of 
man's culture. To account for the origin of man himself on evolutionary 
principles, "mutation rather than gradual accretion by minute changes" 
seemed the more reasonable hypothesis. And he doubted whether any 
organic changes of cultural significance had taken place since the advent 
of man. He held a similar view of the living races of men; as regards 
ethnic groups, "physical variations are negligible from the point of 
view of culture." His views on this point are well illustrated in his 
articles on the contributions of the American Indian and the Negro to 
human civilization. The last of these is a wholesome antidote to the 
negrophobia so common-in the land of his adoption. He was a relentless 
opponent of Lombrosan views of criminality and Freudian theories of 
sex. Neither did he get excited over the prospects and projects of 
eugenics: he would agree with the late Lester F. Ward, that what the 
human race needs is not more ability but more opportunity. 

As might be expected of one who placed such emphasis on the 
generically human, child-life had to him an absorbing interest and a 
profound significance. His intimate association for almost a quarter of 

1 Anthropology, p. 243. 


a century with the father of scientific child-study, President G. Stanley 
Hall, was a constant stimulus to his inherent interest in that field. Their 
mutual helpfulness and cooperation did not preclude marked differences 
of opinion, as for example on the recapitulation theory, which Dr Cham- 
berlain regarded as essentially unsound asa pedagogic doctrine, no matter 
what might be its biological validity. It is significant of the man's 
interests that his two published volumes, "The Child: a Study in the 
Evolution of Man" and "The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought," 
both deal, as their titles indicate, with phases of this great subject. 
At his death he left, in completed manuscript form, another book on 
child-life and education among primitive people, which is now being pre- 
pared for publication. Together with his wife, he published a series of 
"Studies of a Child," based on observations of their own daughter, which 
are among the best of the kind in the literature of child-study. 

Dr Chamberlain's studies of primitive peoples and his work within 
academic walls did not prevent him from taking an active interest in the 
affairs of the world about him. While in Toronto he was deeply inter- 
ested in politics, and w^as a prominent member of the Young Men's 
Liberal Club and the Toronto Reform Association. After coming to 
Worcester, he became identified with the radical wing of the Democratic 
Party. He was for a time chairman of the Democratic City Committee 
and served as alderman-at-large. He took part in many reform move- 
ments. He was a staunch advocate of international peace, "anti- 
imperialism," the single tax, woman suffrage, labor unionism, total 
abstinence and prohibition. 

Strikingly expressive of his generic, full-orbed humanity, was his 
appreciation and cultivation of two aspects of human life which are not 
regarded by some as on intimate terms with the scientific mind, namely 
the poetic and the religious. His essay entitled "The Death of Pan" 
brings out his conception of the relations of poetry and science. We 
are not surprised to find that his favorite poet was Tennyson; he regarded 
"In Memoriam" as the greatest poem in modern literature. Like 
Huxley, the English biologist, and Brinton, the American anthropologist, 
Dr Chamberlain not only appreciated the value of poets, but himself 
wrote poetry. In 1904 he published a volume of poems (Richard G. 
Badger, Boston) ; several of these, as well as many of later date, appeared 
from time to time in various newspapers and magazines. His poems 
give a beautiful picture of the innermost thought and feeling of the 
author. The themes cover a wide range of topics — love and childhood, 
friendship and domestic life, peace and war, politics and religion. 

342 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

In his academic lectures he emphasized the function of religion in the 
history of culture; he spoke of it as "a great cause in the advancement, 
retardation, and abolition of institutions," and "the most powerful of 
human motives, in the individual and the community." He affiliated 
with the Unitarian body, but the modernism of that denomination did 
not prevent his appreciation of the significance and value of the forms of 
religion which differed from his own in their intellectual statements. 
With the religions of primitive peoples he felt a strong bond of fellowship, 
and he spoke sympathetically of certain doctrines and practices of 
Catholicism, which he considered in many respects more "generically 
human" than "our cold northern Protestantism." His profound 
religious faith breathed in lines like these from a hymn entitled "The 
God of our Fathers": 

My father's God, Thou still art mine; 
'Mid changing creeds and names forgot, 
The Eternal Goodness alters not, 
The voice I hear, they heard, is Thine. 

Thou art the same through ceaseless time, 
Immutable while ages roll; 
'Tis but the imperfect human soul 
Whose aspect shifts with date and clime. 

And, though in bygone ages they 
At other altars may have knelt, 
The God that with our fathers dwelt 
Remains the same with us to-day. 

In the daily intercourse with family and friends the richness of his 
character was constantly manifested. He was always cheerful and 
cordial. He loved simplicity and sincerity in all things. His everyday 
life, as well as his Weltanschauung, was marked by a lofty idealism and 
a triumphant optimism. Home life held an exalted place in his thought, 
and he was religiously devoted to his own home and family. "Home 
was the primal fount of prayer" and "the oldest faith was fireside trust" 
was a burden of his song. I can do no better than to close this sketch 
with the following lines inscribed to him by one of his pupils, Dr Miriam 
Van Waters, -now of Portland, Oregon: 

Stern champion of the human race, of man as human, 
Scorner of the petty pride of creed and skin and strength, 
Warrior for the weak and young. 
Builder of wonder-dreams for man. 
And singer of strange, sweet songs: 


Thou wrought'st again the dead to Hfe, 

Thou gav'st long buried folk their due. 

As some patient digger upturns the lovely face of some old jar. 

Whereon the finger-print of tiny hands 

Reveals the mother-heart of her who fashioned it, 

Nursing her child the while; 

So you lifted the earth from off her long dead loves 

And hopes and dreams of simple folk; 

You showed the world their worth. 

Old gods, long dead, you breathed upon and made to walk again, 

In all their gentle human traits. 

In all their wrath and power. 

We never dreamed how great was man, 

How ever since the world began. 

He toiled and wept and loved. 

And in his heart kept flowers abloom. 

The tender flowers of his imagining. 

His dreams of peace and laughter in the sun, 

His vision of the children in their play. 

Now, who shall champion thee, 

O great worker in the human craft, 

Whose hand is weak with pain. 

Whose battle-shout is silenced in the night? 

A hundred thousand of the folk will champion thee, — 

The coolie and the wage-slave and the black, 

The outcast and the nestling. 

And he whose lands are taken. 

And he whose hopes are slain, 

All these shall give thee shelter in their hearts, 

And cherish thee so long as life shall last. 


The relationship of the American Negro Dialect. (Ibid., 23-24.) 

Indian languages. [Proc. Canad. Inst., Vermin - eaters. (Ibid., 1888, xi, 

1887, 3d ser., v, 57-76.) 109.) 

Eskimo and Indian. (Science, 1887, Words of Indian origin in the French- 

X, I, 273-274, 322.) Canadian dialect and literature. (Amer. 

\'olapuk. (Ibid., 24.) Notes and Queries, 1888-89, I and 11, 

The Catawba language. Toronto, numerous notes.) 
Jan., 1888, pp. 4. "Buddhist priests in Mexico." 

The Chaneabal and Tzotzil Ian- (Ibid., 11, 84.) 
guages, with short comparative vocabu- Contributions toward a bibliography 

laries. Toronto, Feb., 1888, pp. 4. of the archaeology of the Dominion of 

The Eskimo race and language. Canada and Newfoundland. (Ann. Rep. 

(Proc. Canad. Inst., 1888, 3d ser., vi, Canad. lyist., 1887-88, 54-59; 1889, 103- 

261-337-) 118; 1890-91, 78-82.) 

Notes on the history, customs and Tales of the Mississaguas. {J. 

beliefs of the Mississagua Indians. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1889, 11, 141-147; 1890, 

Amer. Folk-Lore, 1888, i, 150-160.) in, 149-154.) 

Mississagua etymology. (Science, A Mohawk legend of Adam and Eve. 

1888. XII, 132.) (Ibid.. 1889, II, 288, 311.) 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

Hiawatha in Flemish. (.Iwcr. Notes 
and Queries, 1889, in, 85-87.) 

Derivation of the words "Chip- 
munk," "Tucquan." "Chicago." (Il)i(l., 
Ill, 155, 210, 262; IV, 36, 91.) 

New York dialect forms. (Ibid., 
Ill, 295-296.) 

The archaeology of Sciigog Island. 
(Standard, Port Perry, Ont., Mar. 7, 1889. 
Abstract in Proc. Canad. Inst., 3d ser., 
VII, 14-15-) 

The Mississaguas of Scugog. (Proc. 
Canad. Inst., 1889, vii, 2-3.) 

Deluge myths of Canadian Indians. 
(Ibid., 11-12.) 

Negro creation legend. (J. Atner. 
Folk-Lore, 1890, in, 302.) 

The thunder-bird amongst the Algon- 
kins. (Amer. Anthr., 1890, in, 5I-54-) 

Notes on the os incae. (Ibid., 104.) 

Notes on Indian child-language. 
(Ibid., 237-241; 1893, VI, 321-322.) 

Algonkian onomatology, with some 
comparisons with Basque. (Proc. A. A. 
A. S., 1890, xxvin, 352-353-) 

The language of the Mississaguas of 
Scugog. (Proc. Canad. Inst., 1890, 3d 
ser., VII, 213-214.) 

Dialect research in Canada. (Dia- 
lect Notes, Cambridge, Mass., 1890, i, 

The prehistoric naturalist. (Univ. 
Quart. Rev., Univ. of Toronto, 1890, i, 


Mohawk folk-lore. (Science, 1890, 
XVI, 289.) 

Names of the humming bird. (Amer. 
Notes and Queries, 1890, iv, 206-208; v, 

Remarks on flint in Indian folk-lore. 
(J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1891, iv, 11-12.) 

Superstitions concerning the deaf. 
(Ibid., 79-) 

Nanibozhu among the Otchipwe, 
Mississagas and other Algonkian tribes. 
(Ibid., 193-213-) 

The maple amongst the Algonkian 
tribes. (Amer. Anthr., 1891, iv, 39-45-) 

Maple-sugar and the Indians. (Ibid., 

African and American: the contact 
of the Negro and the Indian. (Science, 
1891, XVII, 85-90.) 

Words of Algonkian origin in the 
Chinook jargon. (Ibid., 1891, xviii, 

Notes on French-Canadian folk-lore. 
(Dominion Illustrated, Montreal, 1891, 
IV, 12-13. Abstract in Trans. Canad. 
Inst., II, 34-35-) 

The Algonkian Indians of Baptiste 
Lake. (Ann. Rep. Canad. Inst., 1890-91, 

The Aryan element in Indian dia- 
li'cts. (Canadian Indian, Owen Sound, 
Ont., 1891, I, 148-153.) 

Folk-etymology in Canadian French. 
(Mod. Lang. Notes, Baltimore, 1891, vi, 

Classics and modern languages in 
America and Europe since 1880, or ten 
years of the new learning. Toronto, 
1891, pp. 60.) 

A Mississaga legend of Naniboju. 
(/. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1892, v, 291-292.) 

Color-comparisons in thejLow German 
poets. (Trans. Canad. Inst., 1892, in, 


Some points in linguistic psychology. 
(Amer. J. Psychol., 1892, v, 116-119.) 

Der Wettlauf: eine Sage der Kiton- 
aqua. (Am Ur-Quell, 1892, in, 212- 


Notes on the Canadian-French dia- 
lect of Granby, P. Q. (Mod. Lang. 
Notes, 1892, III, 324-327; 1893, viii, 


The language of the Mississagas 
Indians of Skugog. A contribution to 
the linguistics of the Algonkian tribes of 
Canada. [Ph.D. dissertation.] Phila- 
delphia, 1892, pp. 84. 

The use of diminutives in -ing by 
some writers in Low German dialects. 
(Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Am., 1892, vn, 

Report on the Kootenay Indians of 
southeastern British Columbia. (Eighth 
Rep. on the North Western Tribes of 
Canada, B. A. A. S., Edinburgh meeting, 
1892), London, 1892, pp. 71. 

Human physiognomy and physical 
characteristics in folk-lore and folk- 
speech. (J. Am. Folk-Lore, 1893, vi, 


Ueber den Zauber mit menschlichen 
Blute bei den Indianern Amerikas. 
(Am. Ur-Quell, 1893, iv, 1-3, 34-37. 

Sagen vom Ursprung der Fliegen 
und Moskiten. (Ibid., 201-202.) 

Die natur und die Naturerschein- 
ungen in der Mythologie der Indianer 
Amerikas. (Ibid., 261-262.) 

Einige Wurzeln aus der Sprache der 
Kitonaqua-Indianer. (Verh. d. Berliner 
Ges.f. Anthr., usw., 1893, 419-425.) 

Notes on the Kootenay Indians. 
(Am. Antiquarian, 1893, xv, 292-294; 
1894, xvni, 271-274; 189s, xviii, 68-72.) 


Sulle significazioni nella lingua degli 
indigeni americani detti Kitonaqa (Koote- 
nay) dei termini die denotano gle stati e 
le condizioni del corpo e dell'animo. 
Saggio di psicologia filologica. (Archivio 
p. I'Antropologia, ecc, Firenze, 1893, 
XXIII, 293-299.) 

Syllabus of lectures on the mythology 
of the North American Indians. {Third 
Ann. Rep. Pres. Clark Univ., 1893, 123- 


Bibliography of the mythology of 
the North American Indians. (Ibid., 

A Kootenay legend: the coyote and 
the mountain-spirit. {J. Amer. Folk- 
Lore, 1894, VII. 195-196.) 

The coyote and the owl: tales of the 
Kootenay Indians. {Mem. International 
Cong. Anlhr., Chicago, 1893, 282-284.) 

Words expressive of cries and noises 
in the Kootenay language. {Am. .\nlhr., 
1894, VII, 68-70.) 

New words in the Kootenay lan- 
guage. (Ibid., 186-192.) 

Life and growth of words in French 
Canadian. {Mod. Lang. Notes, 1894, ix, 

78-87. 135-141-) 

Ueber die Benennung des Pferdes 
in den Sprachen amerikanischer Indianer. 
{.A.m. Ur-Quell, 1894, v, 5-6.) 

Anthropology in universities and 
colleges. {Pedag. Seminary, 1894, ill, 

Primitive anthropometry and its 
folk-lore. {Proc. A. A. A. S., 1894, XLiii, 

Translation into primitive languages, 
errors and pitfalls, with illustrations from 
Algonkian dialects. (Ibid., 346.) 

Incorporation in the Kootenay lan- 
guage. (Ibid., 346-347-) 

Folk-lore of Canadian children. {J. 
Amer. Folk-Lore, 1895, viii, 252-255.) 

Beitrag zur Pflanzenkunde der na- 
turvolker Amerikas. {Verh. d. Berl. Ges. 
f. Anthr.. 1895, 55i-5S6.) 

On words for "anger" in certain 
languages. {Atner. J. Psychol., 1895, vi, 

Mutation of gender in the Canadian 
French dialect of Quebec. {Mod. Lang. 
Notes, 1895, X, 232-236.) 

Haida Grammar by Rev-. C. Harrison. 
{Trans. Royal Soc. Can., 1895, i, 2d ser., 
sect. II. 123-226. Edited by A. F. 

The poetry of American aboriginal 
speech. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1896, ix, 

American Indian legends and beliefs 
about the squirrel and the chipmunk. 
(Ibid., 48-50.) 

The Child and Childhood in Folk- 
Thought. New York, Macmillan, 1896, 
pp. X, 474. 

Kootenay Indian personal names. 
{Proc. .4. .4. .4. -S'., 1896, XLiv, 260-261.) 

Word-formation in the Kootenay 
language. (Ibid.. 259-260.) 

The mythology and folk-lore of 
invention. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1897, x, 

Ethnology of the Aborigines. Hand- 
book of Canada. (Brit. Asso., Toronto 
Meeting, 1897), 106-126. 

The Kootenays and their Salishan 
neighbors. {Rep. Brit. A. A. S., 1898, 
XLVii, 792.) 

Kootenay Indian drawings. (Ibid., 

American Indian names for white 
men and women. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 
1899, XII, 24-31.) 

The "child-type." {Ped. Sem., 1899, 
VI, 47I-474-) 

On the words for "fear" in certain 
languages. A study in linguistic psy- 
chology. {Atner. J. Psychol., 1899, x, 

Primitive nature-study. {Trans. 
Canad. Inst., 1899, vi, 313-344-) 

Report and history of the depart- 
ment of anthropology at Clark Univer- 
sity, 1889-1899. {Decennial Celebration 
Clark Univ., 1899, 148-160.) 

Some items of Algonkian folk-lore. 
{J. Am. Folk-Lore, 1900, xiii, 271-277.) 

Taboos of tale-telling. (Ibid., 146- 


Philippine studies. {Am. Antiquar- 
ian, 1900, XXII, 393-399; 1901, XXIII, 49- 
54, 145-148, 203-206, 333-306; 1902, 
XXIV, 1902, 97-100; 1903, XXV, 108-111.) 

Etymology of the name Acta. 
{Atner. Anthr., 1900, N. s., 11, 773-774-) 

Die Entwicklungshemmung des Kin- 
des bei den Naturvolkern und bei den 
Volkern vom Halbkultur. {Zeitsch. f. 
pddag. Psychol, u. Pathol., Berlin, 1900, 
n, 303-309-) 

Recent German discussions of folk- 
lore in the school. {Ped. Sem., 1900, vii, 

The Child : A Study in the Evolution 
of Man. {Contemp. Sci. Ser., vol. 
XXXIX.) London, Walter Scott, 1900. 
Pp. xii, 495. 

Kootenay "medicine men." {J. 
Amer. Folk-Lore, 1901, xiv, 95-99-) 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

A study in thr- transference of folk- 
thought. Translation. (Ibid., 165-171.) 

Uses of plants by children. (Ibid., 

Domestic animals of the lake- 
dwellers. (Am. Antiquarian, 1901, xxil, 

Practical ameliorations of English 
grammar. {Science, 1901, n. s., xiv, 

Filipino and science. {Nation, April 
18, 1901.) 

Some recent anthropometric studies. 
(Ped. Sent., 1901, xiii, 239-257.) 

Kootenay group-drawings. {Amer. 
Anthr., 1901, N. s., in, 248-256.) 

Significations of certain Algonkian 
animal-names. (Ibid., 669-683.) 

Notes on Cree folk-lore. (J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, 1902, xv, 60-62.) 

Memorials of the "Indian." (Ibid., 

Work accomplished in the study of 
American Indian folk-lore. (Ibid., 127- 

Algonkian words in American Eng- 
lish. (Ibid., 240-267.) 

Notes on Tagal folk-lore. (Ibid., 

Lake-dwellings in Belgium. {Amer. 
Antiquarian, 1902, xxiv, 184-186.) 

Gender of Kalevala. {Mod. Lang. 
Notes, 1902, XVII, 526.) 

Work and rest: genius and stupidity. 
{Pop. Set. Mo., 1902, Lx, 413-423.) 

Contact of "higher" and "lower" 
races. {Ped. Sem., 1902, ix, 507-520.) 

The teaching of English. (Ibid., 

Earlier and later Kootenay onoma- 
tology. {Amer. Anthr., 1902, N. s., iv, 

Geographic terms of Kootenay origin. 
(Ibid., 349-350.) 

Primitive woman as poet. {J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, 1903, xvi, 205-221.) 

Legal folk-lore of children. (Ibid., 

An Algonquian loan-word in Siouan. 
{Amer. Anthr., 1903, n. s., v, 172-173.) 

The survival of human personality. 
{Harper's Mo. Mag., 1903, cvii, 277-282.) 

Primitive theories of knowledge: a 
study in linguistic psychology. {Monist, 
1903, xiii, 295-302.) 

Prehistoric Finland. {A?n. Anti- 
quarian, 1903, XXV, 42-44.) 

Righthandedness: a primitive Aus- 
tralian theory. {Science, 1903, n. s., 
xviii, 788.) 

Primitive taste-words. (Amer. J. 
Psychol., 1903, XIV, 146-153.) 

The contribution of the American 
Indian to human civilization. (Proc. 
Amer. Antiq. Soc, 1903, n. s., xvi, 91- 

Race-character and local color in 
proverbs. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1904, 

XVII, 28-31.) 

Proverbs in the making: scientific 
common-places. (Ibid. ,160-170, 268-278.) 

Iroquois in northwestern Canada. 
{Amer. Anthr., 1904, N. s., vi, 459-464.) 

Studies of a child. {Ped. Sefn., 1904, 
XI, 452-483, 508-515; 1905, XII, 427-453; 
1909, XVI, 64-103.) [Joint author with 
Isabel C. Chamberlain.] 

Use and domestication of the horse. 
{Atner. Atitiquariatt, 1904, xxvi, 65-167.) 

Mythology of Indian stocks north of 
Mexico. {J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1905, 

XVIII, 111-122.) 

The Algonkian linguistic stock. 
{Internat. Cong. Americanists, 13th ses- 
sion, N. Y., 1902 [1905], 5-8.) 

Primitive hearing and "hearing- 
words." {Amer. J. Psychol., 1905, xvi, 

Acquisition of written language by 
primitive peoples. (Ibid., 1906, xvii, 

Hypnagogic images and bi-vision in 
early life. (Ibid., 272-273.) 

Preterite-forms, etc., in the language 
of English-speaking children. {Mod. 
Lang. Notes, 1906, xxi, 42-44.) 

Some suggestions concerning anthro- 
pological bibliography. {Amer. Anthr., 
1906, N. s., VIII, 196-197.) 

Variations in early human culture. 
{J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1906, xix, 177-190.) 

The human side of the Indian. 
{Pop. Set. Mo., 1906, LXViii, 503-514.) 

Terms for the body, its parts, organs, 
etc., in the language of the Kootenay 
Indians of southeastern British Columbia. 
{Boas Anniversary Volume, N. V., 1906, 

The Beothuks of Newfoundland. 
{Ann. Archceol. Rep. Ontario, Toronto, 
1905, 117-122.) 

The Kootenay Indians. (Ibid., 178- 

Indians of the eastern provinces of 
Canada. (Ibid., 122-136.) 

Cree and Ojibwa literary terms. 
{J. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1906, xix, 346-347.) 

Thomas Jefferson's ethnological opin- 
ions and activities. {Amer. Anthr., 1907, 
N. s., IX, 499-509.) 


The negro question in Africa and 
America. {The Voice, Chicago, 1907, 
IV, 104-108.) 

"Fairness" in love and war. (J. 
Amer. Folk-Lore, 1907, xx, 1-15.) 

South American linguistic stocks. 
(Congr. Internal, des Amir., xve session, 
Quebec, 1907, 11, 187-204.) 

Recent views as to the origin of the 
Greek temple. {Pop. Set. Mo., 1907, 
Lxxxi, 448-451; reprint in Am. Architect, 
1908, xciii, 59-61.) 

Notes on some aspects of the folk- 
psychologj' of night. {Amer. J. Psychol., 
1908, XIX, 19-42.) 

Portuguese educational history: the 
beginnings of primary popular education. 
{Ped. Sem., 1908, xv, 127-132.) 

Notes on left-handedness among 
North American Indians. {Amer. Anthr., 
1908, X, 498-500.) 

Some Kutenai linguistic material. 
(Ibid., 1909, XI, 13-26.) 

Kutenai basketry. ( I bid . , 31 8-3 19.) 

Kutenai and Shoshonean. (Ibid., 

Ueber Personennamen der Kitona- 
qua-Indianer von Britisch-Columbien. 
{Ztschr.f. EthnoL, 1909, XLI, 378-380.) 

Der "Kartensinn" der Kitonaqua- 
Indianer. {Globus, 1909, xcv, 270-271.) 

Note sur I'association des ideas chez 
un peuple primitif, les Kitonaqa de la 
Columbie Britannique. {Bull. Soc. d'- 
Anthrop. de Paris, s. v., x, 1909, 132-134.) 

Note sur I'influence exercce sur les 
indiens Kitonaca par les missionaire 
catholiques. {Revue d. Et. ethnog. et 
social., 1909, II, 155-158.) 

The endowment of men and women, 
a check to the institutional "exploitation" 
of genius. {Science, 1909, N. s., xxx, 754- 

The myth of seven heads. {J. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, 1910, xxiii, 4.) 

The Chilian Folk-Lore Society and 
recent publications on Chilian folk-lore. 
(Ibid., 383-391.) 

Noun-composition in the Kootenay 
language. {Anthropos, 1910, v, 787-790.) 

Some difficulties in Bible translation. 
{Harper's Mo. Mag., 1910, ci, 726-731.) 

Uber die Bedeutungen von "amerika- 
nisch," "Amerikancr," usw. {Globus, 
1910, xcvii, 34I-343-) 

The Uran: a new South American 
linguistic stock. {Amer. Anthr., 1910, 
N. s., xii, 417-424.) 

Sur quelques families linguistiques 
pen connues ou presque inconnues de 

I'Amerique du Sud. Etude d'orientation 
linguistique. {J. de la Soc. des Amer. de 
Paris, 1910-ir, N. s., vii, 179-202, with 

The present state of our knowledge 
concerning the three linguistic stocks of 
the region of Tierra del Fuego, South 
America. (Amer. Anthr., 19x1, N. s., 

XIII, 89-98.) 

On the Puelchean and Tsonekan 
(Tehuelchean), the Atacamanan (Ata- 
caman) and Chonoan, and the Charruan 
linguistic stocks of South America. 
(Ibid., 458-471-) 

The contribution of the Negro to 
human civilization. {J. Race Develop- 
ment, 19x1, i, 482-502.) 

Recent literature on the South 
American "Amazons." {J. A?ner. Folk- 
Lore, 1911, XXIV, 16-20.) 

Origin of the American aborigines: 
the problem from the standpoint of 
linguistics. {Amer. Anthr., 1912, n. s., 

XIV, 50-57.) 

A note on the personification of 
fatigue among the Nez Perces, Kutenai, 
and other tribes. (Ibid., 163-164.) 

Initial and terminal formulae of 
Kutenai tales. (Ibid., 164-165.) 

Recent opinion as to the position of 
the American Indians among the races of 
man. (Ibid., 167-168.) 

The Allentiacan, Bororoan, and 
Calchaquian linguistic stocks of South 
America. (Ibid., 166-167, 499-507.) 

"Women's languages" (Ibid., 479- 

Lefthandedness among Papuans. 
(Ibid., 586.) 

The linguistic position of the Pawum- 
wa Indians of South America. (Ibid., 

Some influences of race-contact upon 
the art of primitive peoples. {J. Race 
Dev., 1912, II, 206-209.) 

China and her role in human history. 
(Ibid., 1912, II, 323-342.) 

The Japanese race. (Ibid., 1912, 
III, 176-187.) 

Some interesting characteristics of 
the modern English language. {Pop. 
Sci. Mo., 1912, Lxxx, 158-163.) 

Quelques problemes ethnographiques 
et ethnologiques de I'Amerique du Nord. 
{L' Anthropologic, 1912, xxiii, 197-206.) 

The death of Pan: poetry and science. 
{J. Rcl. Psychol., 1912, V, 87-109.) 

An original contribution of the ter- 
centenary of the King James' version of 
the Bible. [Matt, v, 1-9, in Kootenay, 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

with explanatory vocabulary.] (Ibid., 

"New religions" among the North 
American Indians. (Ibid., 1912, vi, I-49-) 

The "antagonism" of city and 
country. (Ibid., 279-293.) 

How the American Indian named the 
white man. {Red Man, Carlisle, 1912, 
IV, 177-182.) 

The Carayan, Caririan, Chavantean, 
and Guatoan linguistic stocks of South 

University of Minnesota 

America. {Science, 1913. N. s., xxxvii, 


Linguistic stocks of South American 
Indians, with distribution-map. {Amer. 
Anthr., 1913. N. s., XV, 236-247.) 

Wisdom of the North American 
Indian in speech and legend. {Proc. 
Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1913, N. s., xxii, 63-96.) 

Some interesting phases of the con- 
tact of races individually and en masse. 
{Open Coiirl, Chicago, 1913. xxvii, 25-38.) 

Albert N. Gilbertson 


Adolph Francis Alphoxse Bandelier 

Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier, distinguished for h<s re- 
searches in archeology and Spanish-American histor)', died in Se\ille, 
Spain, on March 19th. Born in Bern, Switzerland, August 6, 1850, his 
early education was very slight, and he never attended school after his 
eighth year. He was brought to the United States as a boy by his 
father, who had been an officer in the Swiss army and who settled at 
Highland, Illinois, where he became engaged in banking. Embarking 
in several kinds of business during his early manhood, but finding that 
he was not constituted to lead the life of a man of affairs, Adolph, always 
a student, directed his attention to ethnology and archeology, thus follow- 
ing in a measure the footsteps of his distinguished countrymen in the 
field of scientific endeavor, Albert Gallatin and Albert S. Gatschet, 
pioneers in the study of aboriginal American languages, and reflecting 
in his subsequent writings the direct and lasting influence of Lewis H. 
Morgan, to whom he was fond of referring as his "revered teacher." 
In 1877 Bandelier traveled extensively in Mexico and Central America, 
studying the archeology, ethnology, and history of the aboriginal inhabit- 
ants. His papers "On the Art of War and IMode of Warfare of the 
Ancient Mexicans" (1877), "On the Distribution and Tenure of Lands, 
and the Customs with Respect to Inheritance, among the Ancient Mex- 
icans" (1878), and "On the Social Organization and Mode of Govern- 
ment of the xAncient Mexicans" (1879), published by the Peabody 
Museum of Harvard University, and "On the Sources for Aboriginal 
History of Spanish America" (1879), published by the American Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Science, are a part of the product of these 
investigations. In the first three of these essays, "marked by sound 
judgment and correct methods of historical interpretation, he had 
shown a minute and familiar acquaintance with the existing sources of 
information concerning the conditions of the native races at the time 
of the Spanish Conquest. Thoroughly equipped in this respect and 
possessing a knowledge of several European languages, and a fondness 
for linguistic studies which qualified him for the ready acquisition of 
natixe dialects, he has also the advantage of an enthusiastic devotion to 
his favorite studies, a readiness to endure any hardship in their pursuit, 

AM. ANTH , N.S., l6 — 23 349 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

and a capacity for adapting himself to any necessity." Thus reported the 
Executive Committee of the newly-founded Archaeological Institute of 
America, in connection with Bandelier's appointment by that organiza- 
tion to conduct special researches in New Mexico, to which field of 
labor he repaired in 1880. 

Bandelier's first attention was de\oted to the ruins of the great histor- 
ical pueblo of Pecos, the 
results of which were i)re- 
sented in a report on "A 
Visit to the Aboriginal 
Ruins in the Valley of the 
Rio Pecos," preceded by 
"An' Historical Introduc- 
tion to Studies Among the 
Sedentary Indians of New 
Mexico" (188 1, reprinted 
1883), being a discussion of 
the original sources of the 
Spanish history of the 
Southwest, with an anal- 
ysis of the various itiner- 
aries of the first explorers 
and missionaries of that 
great region. 

From Pecos Bandelier 
extended his researches to 
the Queres pueblo of Co- 
chiti, where he remained 
two months on terms of en- 
tire familiarity and inspir- 
ing such confidence that he 
was adopted as a member 
of the tribe. "My relations with the Indians of this pueblo," he wrote, 
"are very friendly. Sharing their food, their hardships, and their pleasures, 
simple as they are, a mutual attachment has formed itself, which grows 
into sincere affection. They begin to treat me as one of their own, and 
to exhibit toward me that spirit of fraternity which prevails among them 
in their communism. Of course they have squabbles among themselves, 
which often reveal to me some new features of their organization; but on 
the whole they are the best people the sun shines upon." This visit to 

A. F. A. Bandelier 
(Photo, by Charles F. Lummis) 


Cochiti was the beginning of several which brought to the observer a 
keen insight into the life and customs of these villagers, and, with similar 
observations at the Tewa pueblo of San Juan, finally resulted in "The 
Delight Makers," a novel of early Pueblo life which, shrouded under a 
title that affords little clue to the instructiveness and charm of its 
contents, has never met the appreciation it deserves. It was Bandolier's 
belief that to present the results of scientific study in such manner 
that they can be "understanded of the people," technical treatment 
must be avoided even if it should be necessary to guise the subject- 
matter in the form of a novel. 

The opportunity being afforded the Archaeological Institute of sending 
a representative to join in the researches of the Lorillard expedition to 
Mexico and Central America under Desire Charnay, Bandelier tem- 
porarily suspended his New Mexico investigations, and in February, 
1 88 1, proceeded to Mexico, only to find that Charnay had ceased opera- 
tions and was about to return to France. Bandelier thereupon proceeded 
to Cholula, where he spent four months in studying its famous pyramid, 
the customs and beliefs of the native inhabitants, and especially those 
respecting the deity Quetzalcoatl, for whose worship Cholula was par- 
ticularly celebrated. In June he visited Mitla, and later Tlacolula and 
Monte Alban, and after preparing a report on his Mexican observations, 
which was published in 1884 by the Archaeological Institute under the 
title "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico in 1881," returned to the United 
States in March, to resume his observations on the Pueblos and their 
remains, a report on which, bearing the title "Investigations in New 
Mexico in the Spring and Summer of 1882," was issued by the Institute 
in 1883. Bandelier continued his studies along the same general lines 
from 1883 to the winter of 1886, meanwhile (in 1885) making Santa Fe 
his home in order to be in more immediate touch with the field of his 
observations. During these years he penetrated almost every corner of 
New Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Chihuahua, and explored the country 
even farther southward in Mexico, visiting and describing hundreds 
of ruins and surv'eying and platting many of them. His travels through- 
out this vast area were almost exclusively afoot and frequently were 
fraught with danger. More than once he w^as beset by hostile Indians, 
including a band of Apache while on a raid, and on one of these occasions 
his life was spared only because he simulated insanity. During one of 
his journeys he was afflicted with smallpox, and again, in 1882, had a 
narrow escape from death in a midwinter blizzard in the desert of eastern 
New Mexico, where his two companions perished, but his own hardihood 

352 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

enabled him to brave the storm and to reach safety after journeying 93 
miles on horseback and 35 miles afoot through deep snow. So persistent 
was Bandelier in carrying out his plans of exploration and study, no 
matter what the personal risk, that several times he was rei)orted to have 
been killed. He tra\eled arnud only with a stick a meter long and 
graduated for measuring ruins, and relied on the meager hospitality of a 
pitifully unsettled and arid country for the means to keep body and soul 
together. To one who knows not the difficulties of tra\el in the held of 
Bandelier's researches thirty-five years ago, can the trials experienced by 
this earnest and enthusiastic student during the years of his labors be 

Limitation of space forbids at this time an extended review of Bande- 
lier's investigations in our Southwest and in Mexico. But he who would 
may readily scan the published accounts of this remarkable man's 
scholarly efforts, for during his most active years he wrote prolifically of 
the results of his studies. No small part of his ambition was to upset the 
popular theories respecting the history, archeology, and ethnology of 
the great Southwest. To this end he destroyed the fanciful notions 
regarding the "Aztec" origin of various Pueblo ruins, the "perpetual 
fire" of Pecos, the "Montezuma" myth among the Pueblos, the age of 
the city of Santa Fe, the mystery of Quivira and of the "Gran Quivira," 
the location of the Seven Cities of Cibola, the routes of various early 
Spanish explorers, and many other fallacious traditions, and was the first 
to offer scientific evidence, based on his broad scholarship and remarkable 
ability in the utilization of source material, to settle once for all the varied 
problems concerning the condition and range of the Pueblo and other 
tribes before and after the beginning of the Spanish period. As to the 
enduring value of Bandelier's work, the present writer, who has dabbled 
in a limited area of the same field, can confidently say that no study 
pertaining to the history of the tribes of our Southwest and of northern 
Mexico can be conducted without utilizing the product of Bandelier's 
researches as a foundation. His sane and acute sense of discrimination 
in the interpretation of the intent of early Spanish explorers and mis- 
. sionaries, his unequaled familiarity with the country, the sources of 
material, and the Indians themselves, and his remarkable power of 
analysis, have been the means of placing in the hands of present and 
future students the materials for more intensive work without which 
their tasks would be arduous indeed. 

From time to time Bandelier prepared various accounts of the pro- 
gress of his investigations in the Southwest, which were incorporated 
chiefly in the annual reports of the Archaeological Institute, although 


several valuable papers appeared in \-arious periodicals, while some of 
his knowledge was embodied in brief articles contributed to the "Century 
C\clopedia of Names" and, more recently, to "The Catholic Encyclo- 
pedia." What may be regarded as his magnum opus, however, is the 
"Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern 
United States, Carried on Mainly in the Years from 1880 to 1885,"' 
Part I of which was issued by the Archaeological Institute in 1890, and 
Part II in 1892. Of equal importance, from the historical point of view, 
is his "Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the 
United States," published also by the Archaeological Institute in 1890, 
partly at the expense of Mrs Mary Hemenway. 

Although the two investigators had been working along related 
lines in the same field for about three years, Bandelier and Cushing did 
not meet until 1883, but from the moment of their contact at the pueblo 
of Zuni, where Cushing, in the prosecution of his studies, was then 
leading the life of an Indian, a warm friendship sprang up which ceased 
only with Cushing's death in 1900. In Bandclier's judgment the only 
way in which ethnological reseiirches can be conducted successfully is 
by long and intimate life among the people to be studied, in the manner 
then being pursued by Cushing. In Bandelier's estimation Cushing was 
the only American ethnologist who ever "saw beneath the surface" of 
the Indians, who was able to think as the Indian thought. In the 
words of Bandelier, written in 1888, "the value of Mr Cushing's results 
does not lie so much in establishing a direct connection between such 
and such tribes; it establishes a method of research unknown heretofore, 
— one which leads to connections as well as to discriminations hitherto 

\\'ith mutual appreciation of their respective endeavors, there is 
little wonder that, when in 1886 the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeo- 
logical F^xpedition was organized under the patronage of the late Mrs 
Mary Hemenway of Boston and under the directorship of Cushing, 
Bandelier was selected as its historiographer. During the next three 
years he applied himself assiduously to a study of the Spanish archives 
relating to the Southwest, not only in Santa Fe, but in the City of Mexico 
and elsewhere. On the termination of the work of the Hemenway 
Expedition in Jul\', 18S9, Bandelier's collection of copies of documents, 
together with a few originals, comprising in all about 350 titles, was 
deposited in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University.' In 1887-88 

• See the Bandelier Collection of Copies of Documents Relating to the History of 
Xew Mexico and Arizona, Report of the U. S. Commission to the Columbian Exposiloin 
at Madrid, 1892-Q3, pp. 304-326, Washington, 1895. 

354 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

he prepared an elaborate manuscript of 1400 pages, illustrated with 400 
water-color sketches, under the title "Histoire de la Colonisation et des 
Missions du Sonora, Chihuahua, Xou\-eau Mcxifpie et Arizona, justpi'd 
Fan 1700," at the instance of Archbishop Salpointe, who offered it to 
Pope Leo XIII on the occasion of the Pontiff's jubilee, and it now reposes 
in the \'atican. 

In July, 1892, Bandelier went to Peru to engage in archeological 
and historical research under the patronage of the late Henry Villard of 
New York; these were prosecuted under Mr N'illard's patronage until 
April, 1894, when the important collections which had been gathered 
were given to the /Vmerican Museum of Natural History, and the in- 
vestigations were continued for that institution, Bandelier's field of 
operations being now shifted to Bolivia. Meanwhile, soon after their 
arrival in Peru, Mrs Bandelier died, and in December, 1893, at Lima, 
our explorer married Fanny Ritter, an estimable and charming woman, 
who, by reason of her linguistic training, her appreciation of the problems 
to the elucidation of which her husband was devoting the remainder of 
his life, and the breadth of her intellect, was a helpmate in every sense 
to the day of his death. In Bolivia Bandelier and his wife visited the 
ruins of Tiahuanacu, where many valuable collections were obtained 
and the structural details of the ruins studied, mapped, and platted. 
Returning to La Paz the couple explored the slopes of lUimani, where, at 
an altitude of 13,000 feet, other valuable collections w^ere gathered from 
the ruins and burial cists. In December of the same year Mr and Mrs 
Bandelier visited the island of Titicaca, where three and a half months 
were spent in archeological and ethnological investigations; subse- 
quently similar important work was conducted on the island of Koati. 

Bandelier returned to the United States from South America in 
1903, when he became officially connected with the American Museum of 
Natural History and undertook the task of recording his South ^American 
work for publication. He was also given a lectureship in Spanish 
American Literature in its connection with ethnology and archeology, 
in Columbia University in 1904. In 1906 he resigned from the American 
Museum and accepted an appointment with the Hispanic Society of 
America, under the auspices of which he prepared and published several 
contributions to South American history and archeology. During a 
period of about three years, from 1909 to 191 1, Bandelier suffered prac- 
tically total blindness from cataract, but he continued his work, with the 
aid of his wife, who now became eyes and hands to him. During this 
period of darkness the most important of his writings on South American 


history and archeology, "The Islands of Titicaca and Koati" fXew 
York, 1910), was published by the Hispanic Society. This book, writes 
Professor Hiram Bingham, a fellow-student of South American archeol- 
ogy, "is typical of his life-long crusade against tradition and for the 
truth. In it he shows the falsity of many historical myths for which the 
Spanish chroniclers and their followers were responsible. Prescott had 
to rely almost entirely on such sources as Garcilasso de la Vega. 
Yet that noble Inca left Peru when but a youth, lived forty years in 
Spain before he began to write, and then with pardonable pride sought 
to surround the empire of his ancestors with a glamour that should 
command the respectful admiration of sixteenth-century Europe. 
Bandelier, by his long years of actual residence among the Indians, was 
able to remove much of the accumulated crust with which romance and 
imagination had surrounded the truth. It was due to this ability that 
his comments on the literature of early Spanish-America were so valuable. 
His loss will be felt by students of American anthropology for many years 
to come." ^ 

In October, 191 1, Bandelier was appointed research associate in the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington for the purpose of enabling him to 
complete his studies of the Spanish documentary history of the Pueblo 
Indians, under a grant to extend for a period of three years. Proceeding 
to the City of Mexico, he was there engaged for several months, aided 
by his wife, in transcribing early documents pertaining to the subject of 
his investigation. He returned to the United States in 1913, and in the 
autumn of that year sailed for Spain for the purpose of continuing his 
researches in the archives of Madrid, Seville, and Simancas. In these 
investigations he was engaged at the time of his death. 

In personality Bandelier was as simple as a child; he detested sham 
and charlatanry, was immovable in his friendship, and was an implacable 
enemy; he was the soul of generosity and hospitality, and was often 
saved from his troubles (which at times, owing to an extremely sensitive 
nature, he was wont to exaggerate) through a remarkably effulgent 
humor. Modesty was one of his strongest characteristics; he abhored 
notoriety, and rarely spoke of his personal achievements or of the dangers 
to which he had often been exposed during his work, except to a few 
intimates. He cordially disliked titles, and especially that of "Profes- 
sor"; when thus addressed he is known to have said, "I profess nothing 
— if you would attach a handle to my name, let it be ' Mister'." And he 
equally detested to hear his name pronounced in any but the French way. 

' The Nation, March 26, 1914, p. 328. 

3 56 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

The value of Bandelier's scienlihc wiirk has already been inadequately 
appraised in this all too brief sketch of tin- life and activities of the 
eminent scholar. There can be no question that the product of his un- 
tiring mind during a period of nearly forty years will stand the test of 
time, although Bandelier himself, with his usual modesty, once expressed 
the fear that the results of his Southwestern labors, at least, might not 
eventually prove to be worthy of his efforts. Those who knew Bandelier 
and the importance of his researches will agree fully with the expression 
of a companion in the South American field and a long-time friend: 

"Fully conscious of the results of his absolute thoroughness of work, 
he was averse to notoriety; he cared only for the verdict of the Scientific 
world — and even for that, not enough to pursue it. He was a man 
essentially modest. Had he not been, he would have been blazoned 
throughout the world, as far less eminent scholars have been. As it is, 
his monument is his work, and the love and reverence of those who knew 
him and his achievements. . . . His extraordinary intuition was balanced 
by a judicial quality no less rare, which characterizes not only his own 
writings but his own estimate of his own work. His tireless and con- 
clusive investigations upset many theories, and made him a target of 
much controversy, of which much was not of the same temperate and 
equitable quality. His work throughout is distinguished no less by its 
deep and definitive learning, than by the moderation, gentleness, and 
justice with which he disposed of theories and statements ad\anced with 
less honest revision."^ 


On the art of war and mode of war- Institute of America, American series, i. 

fare of the ancient Mexicans. Tenth 1-93. Boston, 1881. 

Report Peabody Museum, 95-161, Cam- A visit to the aboriginal ruins in 

bridge, 1877. the valley of the Rio Pecos. Ibid., 35- 

On the distribution and tenure of 133. Reprinted, 1883. 

lands, and the customs with respect to Kin and clan. Address delivered 

inheritance, among the ancient Mexicans. [before the Historical Society of New 

Elevejith Report Peabody Museum, 385- Mexico] in "The Palace," Santa Fe, 

448, Cambridge, 1878. N. M., April 28, 1882. 8 pp. 

On the social organization and mode Notes on the bibliography of Yuca- 

of government of the ancient Mexicans. tan and Central America. Proceedings 

Twelfth Report Peabody Museum, 557-699, American Antiquarian Society, n.s., i, 82- 

Cambridge, 1879. 118, Worcester, 1882. 

On the sources for aboriginal history Report by A. F. Bandelier on his 

of Spanish America. Proceedings Amer- investigations in New Mexico in the 

ican Association for the Advancement of spring and summer of 1882. Bulletin 

Science, St. Louis, 1878, xxvii, 315-337, Archaeological Institute of America, i, 13- 

Salem, Mass., 1879. 33. Boston, 1883. (Superseded by the 

Historical introduction to studies author's "Final Report.") 

among the sedentary Indians of New [Vocabulary of the Queres language 

Mexico. Papers of the Archceological of Cochiti. 1883.] Manuscript vocabu. 

> Charles F. Lummis in El Palacio, Santa Fe, N. Mex., April-May, 1914- 



lary of about iioo words, to wliich are 
added many synonyms from the Acoma 
dialect. (The whereabouts of this manu- 
script is not known to the compiler.] 

Reports by A. F. Bandelier on his 
investigations in New Mexico during the 
years 1883-84. Fiflh Annual Report of 
the Archaeological Institute of America, 
app., 56-58, Cambridge, 1884. 

[Letter to W. G. Ritch, Secretary of 
the Territory of New Mexico, at Santa Fe, 
dated Fort Huachuca, Arizona, Feb. 15, 
1884, relating to the pre-history of Santa 
Fe.] In Ritch, Illustrated New Mexico, 
Santa Fe, 1885. French translation in 
Beaugrand, H., Six mois dans les Mon- 
tagnes rocheuses, 146-153, Montreal, 

Ein Brief iiber Akoma. Das Aus- 
land, no. 13, 241-243, Miinchen, Mar. 31, 

Reisebriefe aus dem siidwestlichen 
Nordamerika. Das Ausland, no. 31-32, 
601-607, 625-633, Miinchen, Aug. 3-10, 

The romantic school in American 
archa-ology. Read before the New York 
Historical Society, Feb. 3, 1885. New 
York, 1885. 14 pp. 

Cibola. New-Yorker Staalszeitung 
Sonntagsblatt, May 24, 31; June 7, 14, 
21, 28; July 5. 1885. 

Cibola (Zweite Serie). Ibid., Oct. 25 ; 
Nov. I, 8, 15, 1885. 

La decouverte du Nouveau-Mexique 
par le moine franciscain frere Marcos de 
Nice en 1539. Revue d'Elhnographie, v, 
31-48, 1 17-134, 193-212, Paris, 1886. 

Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de \'aca, the 
first overland traveler of European 
descent, and his journey- from Florida to 
the Pacific coast — 1 528-1 536. Magazine 
of Western History, v, 327-336, Cleveland, 
July 1886. 

The discovery of New Mexico by 
Fray Marcos of Nizza. Magazine of 
Western History, v, 659-670, Cleveland, 
Sept. 1886. 

Histoire de la colonisation et des 
missions du Sonora, Chihuahua, Nouveau 
Mexique et Arizona, jusqu'a I'an 1700. 
Santa Fe, 1887-88. (Manuscript, 1400 
pp., 400 water-color plates, in the library 
of the Vatican.) 

The betrayer of La Salle. The 
Nation, XLVii, 166-167, New York, 
Aug. 30. 1888. 

Letter of Ad. F. Bandelier [on the 
progress of archeological and ethnological 
research in America, especially in the 

L'nited States.] Ninth Annual Report 
Archaeological Institute of America, app., 
55-61, Cambridge, 1888. 

New Mexican Spanish antiquities. 
The Nation, XLViii, 265-266, New York, 
Mar. 28, 1889. 

Quivira. The Nation, XLix, 348- 
349. 365-366. New York, Oct. 31 -Nov. 
7, 1889. 

Archaeological work in Arizona and 
New Mexico during 1888-89. Tenth 
Annual Report Archceological Institute of 
America, io6-ro8, Cambridge, 1889. 

The Delight Makers. New York, 
1890. iv, 490 pp. 

Final report of investigations among 
the Indians of the Southwestern United 
States, carried on mainly in the years 
from 1880 to 1885. Cambridge, Mass. 
Part I, 1890. Part II, 1892. viii, 319 
pp., pis., map; viii, 591 pp., pis. and 

The historical archives of the 
Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological 
Expedition. Congres International des 
Am'ricanistes, C.-R. de la VI T session, 
Berlin, 1888, 450-459, Berlin, 1890. 

Fray Juan de Padilla, the first 
Catholic missionary martyr in eastern 
Kansas. American Catholic Quarterly 
Review, xv, 551-565, Philadelphia, June 

The ruins of Casas Grandes. The 
Nation, li, 166-168, 185-187, New York, 
Aug. 28-Sept. 4, 1890. 

Contributions to the history of the 
southwestern portion of the L'nited States. 
Papers Archceological Institute of America, 
American series, v, Cambridge, 1890. 
206 pp. 

Sketch of the knowledge which the 
Spaniards in Mexico possessed of the 
countries north of the province of New 
Galicia, previous to the return of Cabeza 
de Vaca, in the year 1536. Ibid., 3-23. 

Alvar Nunez Cabeza de \'aca, and 
the importance of his wanderings from the 
Mexican Gulf to the slope of the Pacific 
for Spanish explorations towards New 
Mexico and Arizona. Ibid., 24-67. 

Spanish efforts to penetrate to the 
north ot Sinaloa, between the years 1535 
and 1539. Ibid., 68-105. 

Fray Marcosof Nizza. Ibid., 106-178. 

The expedition of Pedro de Villazur, 
from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the banks 
of the Platte river, in search of the French 
and the Pawnees, in the year 1720. Ibid., 

An outline of the documentary 



[n. s., i6, 1914 

history of the Zuni tribe. Journal 
American Ethnology and Archccology, in, 
i ii-iv, 1-115. Boston and New York, 

The "Montezuma" of the Pueblo 
Indians. American Anthropologist, v, 
319-326, Washington, Oct. 1892. 

The Gilded Man (El Dorado) and 
other pictures of the Spanish occupancy 
of America. New York, 1893. ■ iv. 302 

Aboriginal myths and traditions 
concerning the island of Titicaca, Bolivia. 
American Anthropologist, vi, 197-239, 
Lancaster, Pa., 1904- 

Aboriginal trephining in Bolivia. 
American Anthropologist, vi, 440-446, 
Lancaster, Pa., 1904. 

The cross of Carabuco in Bolivia. 
American Anthropologist, vi, 599-628, 
Lancaster, Pa., 1904. 

On the relative antiquity of ancient 
Peruvian burials. Bulletin American 
Museum Natural History, KX, pp. 217-226. 
New York, 1904. 

Introduction [to The Journey of Alvar 
Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, translated by 
Fanny Bandelier, New York, 1905]. 
Historical, biographical, and bibliograph- 
ical. 22 pp. 

Letter of Mendoza and report of 
Father Marcos of Nizza. — Introductory 
note. In Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza 
de Vaca, translated by Fanny Bandelier, 
p. 195, New York, 1905. 

The truth about Inca civilization. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 

Harper's Monthly Magazine, ex, no. 658, 
pp. 632-640, New York, 1905. 

The aboriginal ruins at Sillustani, 
Peru. American Anthropologist, vii, 49- 
68, map, pis., Lancaster, Pa., 1905. 

Traditions of precolumbian landings 
on the western coast of South America. 
Atnericafi Anthropologist, vii, 250-270, 
Lancaster, Pa., 1905. 

The basin of Lake Titicaca. Bulletin 
American Geographical Society, xxxvii, 
pp. 449-460, New York, 1905. 

Uber Trepanieren unter den heutigen 
Indianern Bolivias. XIV Inlernationaler 
Amerikanisten-Kongress, Stuttgart, JQ04, 
ler Halfte, 81-89. Berhn, Stuttgart, 
Leipzig, 1906. 

La danse des "Sicuri," des Indiens 
Aymara de la Bolivie. Boas Anniversary 
Volume, 272-282, New York, 1906. 

Traditions of precolumbian earth- 
quakes and volcanic eruptions in western 
South America. American Anthropolo- 
gist, VIII, 47-81, Lancaster, Pa., 1906. 

The islands of Titicaca and Koati. 
New York, Hispanic Society, 1910. 
xviii, 358 pp., 85 plates and maps. 

Documentary historj- of the Rio 
Grande pueblos of New Mexico. I. 
Bibliographic introduction. Archaeolog- 
ical Institute of Am,erica, Papers of the 
School of American Archaeology, no. 13, 
Lancaster, Pa., 191 0. 28 pp. 

The ruins at Tiahuanaco. Proceed- 
ings American Antiquarian Society, xxi, 
218-265, Worcester, 1911. 

F. W. H. 

" The Red-paint People " — A Reply 
In the American Anthropologist oi October-December, 1913 (p. 707), 
Mr D. I. Biishnell, Jr, does me the honor to discuss at length my paper 
describing the Red-paint People of Maine. It is fortunate that Mr 
Bushnell wrote such a review, for it illustrates how easily one is misled 
when he has neither investigated the facts nor visited the scenes of 
explorations which he presumes to criticize. On reading Mr Bushnell's 
opinions to the effect that the ancient culture I have been studying in 
Maine is identical with that of modern Indians and is not to be differenti- 
ated from other Algonquian cultures, I made an investigation. I thought 
I might be in error and that Mr Bushnell had discovered sites or cemeteries 
in New England bearing out his contentions, but that his results had not 
been published. I immediately addressed the authorities on the subject 


in the Smithsonian Institution and at Harvard University. These 
gentlemen informed me that so far as they were aware, Mr Bushnell has 
done no work in Maine. He may have been on the coast, or possibly he 
has visited Bar Harbor, but I cannot ascertain that he has carried on 
researches in the state. This being true, his wrong interpretation of our 
field labors should not pass unrebuked. 

Neither Mr Bushnell nor any other real archeologist could have 
examined and opened 197 of the so-called graves or deposits (as we have 
done), nor could he have studied the character of the objects removed 
from the graves, compared them with objects (or interments) of Narra- 
gansett, Penobscot, and similar tribes, and after months of such study 
conclude that the graves I have described are part and parcel of a modern 
Indian culture. Xo unprejudiced worker, — a man who makes observa- 
tions on field data and does not attempt to reconcile facts with a pre- 
conceived theory, — having done our work, would claim that all the New 
England cultures are one and the same and that they indicate no an- 

Next winter we hope to publish the results of our field observations 
during the last three years. When this report is issued all students of 
American archeology will agree, if they are amenable to deductions based 
on facts, that the so-called Red-paint culture is all I have claimed for it, 
and that Mr Willoughby's conclusions, presented in his able paper many 
years ago, are entirely true. Further, that the culture is even more 
pronounced and different from others than Mr Willoughby claimed it 
to be. 

Mr Bushnell states that graves containing ochre abound. Of course 
they do — hundreds of them, in which there is a little ochre, are found in 
the United States, and there are records of several in which considerable 
red paint has been discovered. But in all these graves, whether found in 
Missouri, Florida, Ohio, South Dakota, or Massachusetts, the Red-paint 
culture types do not persist. That is the very point. 

In the last number of the American Anthropologist Mr Clarence B, 
Moore also writes of hematite powder deposits in mounds. But in his 
extended quotations he mentions pottery as being among the objects 
discovered in association. Mr Moore's collections, illustrated in his 
magnificent books, show types common to the Florida and Alabama 
graves, but these are absolutely distinct and different from the stone tools 
Mr Willoughby and I have taken out of the ground. We get no pottery 
in the Red-paint groups. 

If there were no difference as to types, layers, etc.. between our Red- 

360 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

paint deposits and the several mounds opened by Mr Moore or Mr 
Douglass, and Mr Bushnell's historic graves, I would scarcely be so 
foolish as to oppose evident truths and subject myself to adverse criti- 
cism. It is becaus these deposits are different from Mr Bushnell's 
graves and Mr Moore's mounds that I have drawn my conclusions. 

I ha\e found mounds containing colored earths, but I never discovered 
gouges, plummets, fire-stones, adze-blades, flat celts, and long " Pen- 
obscot-type " pendants in them. 

I contended that the types described do not persist elsewhere, and 
this statement is in accord with the facts. Mr Bushnell's views are 
contrary to the facts. 

The adze-blade, the gouge, the flat hatchet, the long slate points, the 
plummets, the fire-stones, and the hammer-stones — these are fixed 
types in the Red-paint culture area. The graves contain a preponderance 
of red paint. This is not true of the recent Indian cemeteries elsewhere 
in New England. To claim, as does Mr Bushnell, that because red paint 
is found in other portions of the country, these graves are not distinct 
from other cultures, is as logical as to contend that because prehistoric 
pottery is found in Florida, New Mexico, and Pennsylvania, pottery 
represents one and the same aboriginal culture regardless of locality. 

Mr Moore does not group his Florida culture with that of Ohio and 
Wisconsn, although pottery is found in all three localities. 

Mr Bushnell seems unable to realize that all Indian burials are not 
alike; that our observations were made with the greatest care and 
thoroughness, and that if these cemeteries, or deposits, and what is in 
them were but a duplication of other sites, we would have stated that 

Mr Bushnell's statement that I consider these graves very ancient 
merely because they are different from others, is incorrect. The graves 
are so old that one-fifth of the stone objects have commenced to disinte- 
grate. In many places we cannot trace the outlines of the graves, 
although we made use of hand trowels and whisk brooms, and worked with 
extreme care. 

Recently a large Algonquian cemetery was opened near Warren, 
Rhode Island. The interments indicate the early historic period, and 
are probably two hundred years old, if not more. In these graves frag- 
ments of cloth were found fairly well preserved, and on one or two of the 
skulls portions of the long hair remained. I would suggest that Mr 
Bushnell compare these finds with ours. 

I worked along the Merrimac river this summer and found a number 


of interments, but these do not compare generally or in detail with those 
of the Red-paint culture. These cemeteries are exactly like those Mr 
Bushnell imagines we discovered in the Red-paint area. In reality they 
are vastly different and should under no circumstances be grouped w'ith 

The sand ridges, in which most of the Red-paint people placed the 
deposits, are not wet, as Mr Bushnell imagines, but dry. The sole 
exception is the Mason site at Lake Alamoosook, and this is due to a 
dam constructed in recent times at the outlet of the lake. In my state- 
ment that the Maine graves are old, I subscribe to the belief expressed 
to me in conversation by such distinguished workers as Professor Putnam 
and Mr Willoughby. In archeology, when a man has labored for thirty 
years, he certainly should be permitted to express conviction that de- 
posits in which stone implements decay are older than interments made 
just prior to the visit of John Smith or of Captain Mason. 

If these graves are modern; if the Red-paint culture is the same as all 
other cultures in New^ England; if nothing is to be learned from such w^ork 
as is being done in Maine — the hardest kind of work, involving hundreds 
of miles of travel, inconvenience, and the expenditure of large sums of 
money — then are we wasting our time, efforts, and means. At this 
writing, we have just come 233 miles through the Maine woods searching 
for sites on the St John river and its tributaries. We have dug in scores 
of places, but as yet have found no sites such as occur in the Red-paint 

If the Indian is of the same culture and epoch throughout New 
England, as Mr Bushnell's article seems to imply, then all of us should 
abandon field work and confine our studies to historical documents. 
We will thus be saved useless expense and unprofitable labor. Having 
exhausted the historical data, we might study the life and record the 
opinions of the modern Penobscots living in Oldtown, Maine, and who 
now serve as farmers, carpenters, lumbermen, and guides. If Mr Bush- 
nell is right, there would be no archeology. We should study the living 
and permit the dead to rest in their graves. 

U'arren K. ]\Ioorehead 
Phillips Academy 

Andover, M.\ssachusetts 

Two Alleged Algonqulvn Languages of California 
The last number of volume 15 of the American Anthropologist con- 
tains an article by Dr Sapir attempting to show that Wiyot and Yurok, 
two native languages of California, belong to the Algonquian stock. 

T,62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

As both these languages hitherto have been considered as inde])en(lent 
families, or at the best remotely connected with each other, the ini])or- 
tance of this discovery, if valid, can hardly be overestimated. Consider- 
ing the inherent improbability of such a relationship, for geographic if 
for no other reasons, since the article comes from the pen of so careful 
and able a scholar, it is important that the thesis should be confirmed 
or refuted as soon as possible. My colleagues. Doctors Swanton and 
Frachtenberg, and Mr J. X. B. Hewitt, have respectively furnished me 
the data on Coahuilteco, Tunica, Chitimacha; Coos, Molala, Kalapuya; 
and Iroquois. 

In spite of the goodly array of lexicographical material which Dr 
Sapir has assembled, I am quite unconvinced that either Wiyot or Yurok 
belongs to the Algonquian stock. My reasons briefly are: (l) that the 
published Wiyot and Yurok material indicates that both have many 
morphological traits which are thoroughly un-Algonquian; (2) that many 
of the supposed resemblances between Wiyot and Yurok morphological 
elements to Algonquian are purely fanciful as different elements are 
compared; (3) that many of the supposed similarities in morphological 
elements must be considered as accidental, for they occur likewise in a 
number of other languages; (4) that Wiyot and Yurok possess some 
morphological elements which strongly resemble those of several non- 
Algonquian languages; (5) that fancied lexicographical similarities have 
little or no weight in view of the above points. 

The following are some of the most pronounced un-Algonquian 
morphological features of Wiyot: 

1. In the combination of a noun and an adjective, the order is the 
noun with suffixed adjective. 

2. Nouns are not classified as animate and inanimate, nor are singular 
and plural distinguished. 

3. The verbal pronouns do not distinguish animate and inanimate 
third persons, nor are the exclusive and inclusive first persons plural 

4. The subject and objective verbal pronouns of the third person do 
not distinguish between singular and plural. 

5. The verbal pronouns are the same in all modes, and they are in all 
cases suffixed, and modality is expressed by prefixes. 

6. The verbal pronoun of the first person often is not indicated at all. 

7. The verbal pronouns (save one case discussed below) do not bear 
the remotest resemblances to those of Algonquian. 

8. The verbal subjective and objective pronouns in transitive verbs 


are not so fused that analysis into the component elements often is nearly 
and sometimes utterly impossible. 

9. The stem-vowel of a verb is not changed to form a participial. 

10. In demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, neither animate 
and inanimate nor singular and plural are distinguished. 

11. A demonstrative, element ru- is frequently prefixed to verbs. 

12. The possessive pronoun of the third person does not distinguish 
singular and plural. 

13. In pronouns of the third person we have no such device as in 
Algonquian to distinguish identity and difTcrence in several third persons 
in a sentence. 

14. Instrumental particles showing by what the action is done, i. e., 
by the hand, by the foot, with the mouth, with something sharp, — 
instrumentality in general, — often simply to transitivize a verb, do not 
occur. The Wiyot suffix -ut, denoting that the action of a verb is per- 
formed with an instrument, is not comparable as a noun with which the 
action is performed is expressed outside the verbal complex. 

15. A special particle is always attached to the first word of an 
interrogative sentence. 

16. Reduplication is not common. Despite Dr Sapir's assertion, 
reduplication is common in Algonquian. The reason that it is not 
discussed at length in the Handbook of American Indian Languages is 
that at the time of its preparation definite rules governing this could 
not be formulated; at the same time the great number of ideas expressed 
by reduplication was clearly indicated. 

17. Middle and passive voices appear" to be wanting. 

It is perfectly true that many of the above objections are negative, 
that is, that thus far the phenomena listed have not been reported. It 
is possible that further investigation may reveal some of them, but it is 
not likely that a skilled investigator like Dr Kroeber would have over- 
looked the majority of them. Now it is perfectly conceivable that a 
divergent Algonquian language might possess a few of the un-Algonquian 
traits mentioned above, but it is incredible that any Algonquian language 
possesses all of them en masse. For this reason the apparently abundant 
lexicographical material does not impress me, for how can one be sure 
that the corresponding morphological elements are being compared, in 
view of the un-Algonquian morphology of Wiyot; and in point of fact, 
demonstrably in certain cases at least, the wrong elements are compared. 
Either Wiyot is very different from the published description, or it is not 
an Algonquian language. 

364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 16, 1914 

In tlic case of Yurok it is not ix)ssil:)le to make as cxtensi\e a list of 
un-Algonqiiian features as in the case of \Vi>'ot. But that is jM-esumabl}' 
because the actual material is more scanty, nor is it as good in qu^'ity. 
A list, such as it is, follows: 

1. True substanti\es may be combined into a single noun. Though 
not absolutely absent from Algonquian, it is rare. 

2. Nouns are not classified as animate and inanimate, nor are singular 
and plural distinguished. 

3. The independent pronouns have objective case-forms. 

4. The plural and singular of possessive pronouns are the same. 

5. The first person exclusive and inclusive are not distinguished in 
the independent, possessive, or verbal pronouns. 

6. Apparently in demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, neither 
animate and inanimate nor singular and plural are distinguished. 

7. The verbal pronouns do not in the remotest way resemble Algon- 
quian ones (for alleged resemblances, see below). 

8. In the verb, modality is expressed by prefixes, not by difl'erent 

The comments made under the Wiyot list apply with equal force here. 

Now let us examine some of the alleged morphological evidence 
advanced by Dr Sapir to show that Wiyot and Yurok are Algonquian 

In Wiyot the objective pronoun -a "him" is held to be identical 
with Fox -A- in A-tci, of the conjunctive mode, "thou — him." Now it i& 
impossible to separate Fox -Atci from Fox -tci "he," intransitive, of the 
same mode, and -itci "he — me," of the same mode, in which -i- is the 
objective pronoun first person singular. (See American Anthropologist, 
N.S., 15, p. 694.) Obviously the a of -Atci does not mean "him," but 
the tci does. In fine, the wrong morphological elements are being 
compared.^ Now from what has been said about Fox -Atci, it is impos- 
sible to regard the .1 of Fox -Agi "I — him," of the conjunctive mode, as 
being the objective pronoun of the third person animate singular. More- 
over, it should be recalled that Fox -Agi also means "he — it." For both 
these reasons we cannot consider the -gi of -Agi "I — him" as the sub- 
jective pronoun of the first person singular. Therefore the comparison 
with Yurok -k "I" fails as the wrong morphological elements are being 
compared. In the same way Wiyot -it, -at "thou" can not be compared 

1 If Wiyot -a "him" bears a resemblance to anything Algonquian it is Fox -5- 
in -atci, -asa, -agwdni "he — him, them an." of the conjunctive, potential subjunctive, 
and interrogative conjunctive modes respectively. 



with -tci in Fox -.itci "thou — him," as we are dealing with different 
morphological elements. 

Vurok -;;/ "thou" is compared to Ojibwa -«/ "\ou" (pi.) of the inde- 
pendent mode. The full Ojibwa form is ki — m, which corresponds 
exactly to Peoria ki — mica; and Dr Sapir has noted that mwa is preserved 
in the Ojibwa imperfect -mwa-ban. It is intimated that the m denotes 
the second person singular "thou," and the wa a second person plural 
suffix. I regret that a proper discussion of this point involves a discussion 
of the principles of the formation of the independent mode in Algonquian 
generally. It is universally agreed that the pronouns of the independent 
mode are to be associated with the possessive pronouns. It is also 
known that in Algonquian an m suffix is often used in connection with 
the suffi.xed portions of the possessive pronouns. Now, as I have hereto- 
fore intimated (American Anthropologist, N.s., 15, p. 694), certain sup- 
[losed active forms turn out to be passives in formation. ^ Thus Fox ne — 
gii'a "he — me" stands for ne — gu-a: -gu- is the same as the -gu- passive 
sign; ne — a the same as the possessive pronoun of the first person 
singular, animate singular, without the m suffix. So an expression as 
Fox luu'dpAmegiva, "he looked at me," really means "my being looked 
at." A further point I wish to make here is that in the independent 
mode, as in the possessive pronouns, the m suffix may be used. Thus in 
Menomini the intransitive first person plural exclusive and inclusive is 
ki — mindii^ and ni — mindu^ respectively; in the transitive verb "he — us," 
exclusive and inclusive is ki — giindu^ and ni — gitndiif. In these mi is 
the m suffix and -gu- the passive sign. Similarly Fox ke — guwd-uf, 
Menomini ki—gu-ii'du^ "he — you (pi.)" are to be explained as without 
the m suffix which reappears in Menomini ki — mwdvJ^ "you (pi.)" 
intransitive, ^z — imwd'uf' "you — me" (-z- " me " ; seG: American Anthro- 
pologist, 1. c, p. 694). Just so in Ojibwa ki — m "you (pi.)," intransitive, 
ki — im "you (pi.) — me," but ki—goica "he— you (pi.)," in which go 
is the passive sign and ki — iva the same as the possessive sign for the 
second person plural, animate and inanimate singular. It will be recalled 
that Ojibwa ki — m phonetically stands for ki — mwa. By the above I 
think I have made it clear that Dr Sapir's comparison of Vurok -m "thou " 
and Ojibwa -m in ki — m "you pi." intransitive of the independent mode, 
is not valid as different morphological elements are being compared. 
See also below. 

As to the comparison of Ojibwa -wa in ki — nu "your" and Wiyot 
kiluwa "you," as long as this va appears also in the Ojibwa possessive 

• In a future paper I shall take this up syste matically. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., l6 — 24 

366 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

pronoun of the third person plural (and similarly in Fox), though not in 
U'iyot, it is in the highest degree probable that we are here again dealing 
with tlifferent morphological elements. 

Wiyot hu, the third person possessive pronominal prefix is compared 
\Yith Fox »-, etc. But in Wiyot this hu- also occurs in the first person 
plural, though the Yurok correspondent does not. Is it not doubtful if 
we are dealing with comparable morphological elements? Another 
reason for not considering the apparent correspondence convincing will be 
found below. 

Dr Sapir thinks that, as some Yurok adjectives distinguish animate 
and inanimate, other evidence will show that such a distinction exists 
elsewhere in the language. If that were the case Dr Kroeber probably 
would have recorded it, as this feature is particularly easy to determine. 

I do not deny a few Wiyot and Yurok morphological elements re- 
semble Algonquian ones; for example, Wiyot k-, Yurok qe- "thy." But 
I do not think at present that we have any right to consider them as 
more than accidental. A number of such Wiyot and Yurok elements 
have resemblances in other languages. For example, the verbal pronoun 
of the first person singular in both Iroquois and Yurok is k, though in the 
former it is prefixed and sufiixed in the latter. In Molala and Miwok 
it is k, and is suiifixed; in Chitimacha it is k, ki under unknown conditions, 
but in both cases is suffixed. Molala k-l'"', the independent pronoun of 
the second person singular, resembles Wiyot k-, Yurok qe- "thy," to say 
nothing of Algonquian correspondents in independent, possessive, and 
verbal pronouns. The subjective verbal pronoun for the second person 
singular in Yurok is -m; certainly this closely resembles Tsimshian and 
Chinook m-, Maidu ml, Yuki mi, Wappo mi, Miwok mV , Pomo ma, 
Kalapuya vm-, as well as the corresponding Kalapuya independent 
pronoun via'. The Yurok independent pronoun of the first person 
singular nek is close to Chinook naika and Coos nE'xkan. Wiyot hu-, 
the possessive pronoun of the third person, might easily be compared 
with Miwok (S. Sierra) hu-, and Tlingit hu, the independent pronoun of 
the third person singular, and Tunica hu- "his." Again the W'iyot 
possessives hu- and m- casually resemble Hupa xo- and m-, though their 
respective usage is not the same. In Coahuilteco the possessive pronoun 
for the second person singular has two forms xa- and m-, the exact use of 
which is unknown; the former has a fanciful resemblance to Wiyot k-, 
Yurok qe-, and the latter to Yurok -m, the verbal subjective pronoun of 
the second person singular. In Wiyot the subjective verbal pronoun 
of the second person singular is -as, and in one Miwok dialect -s; in 


W'iyot the subjective verbal pronoun of the first person plural is -ilak; 
in Miwok -tok. It has long^ been recognized thai 11 in the possessive, 
verbal (as subject), and independent pronouns of the first person singular 
is widely spread: examples are Chinook n- (verbal), Maidu ni (verbal), 
iiiki (possessive), Tsimshian n- (verbal), Coahuiteco na- (possessive), 
Yurok 7ie-, no-, Fox tie- (possessive and verbal), and similarly other Algon- 
quian dialects. Languages as far apart as Wappo and Iroquois agree 
closely in the independent pronoun of the first person singular: in the 
former it is I, in the latter it is i^. 

Enough has been said to show the utter folly of haphazard compari- 
sons unless we ha\e a thorough knowledge of the morphological structure 
of the languages concerned. It is for this reason that I have refrained 
from endeavoring to compile a list of fancied lexicographical resemblances 
between Wiyot and Yurok with other languages than Algonquian ones, 
and a list of such similarities between Algonquian and other languages 
than Wiyot and Yurok. 

Truman Michelson 

Bureau of American Ethnology 
Washington, D. C. 

International Congress of Americanists 
The undersigned members of the Permanent Council of the Inter- 
national Congress of Americanists, basing their action on paragraph 
XV of the statutes of the Congress as adopted at Paris in 1900, feel 
obliged to make the following declaration: 

At the closing meeting of the XVIII Congress, held in London on 
June I, 1912, the following regulations were adopted in regard to the 
locality at which was to be held the XIX Congress in 1914: 

IV. (a) An invitation to hold the meeting of the XlXth Congress at Washing- 
ton was moved by Dr A. Hrd'.icka in the name of the Smithsonian Institution, and 
seconded by Professor H. Cordier. 

Letters of invitation from the Smithsonian Institution, the George Washing- 
ton University, the Catholic University of America, the Archaeological Institute 
of America, the Anthropological Society of W^ashington, and Georgetown Uni- 
versity were read, and a list of members of the proposed Organizing Committee 
was presented. 

Invitation accepted by acclamation. Mr W. H. Holmes, Dr A. Hrdlicka, and 
Mr F. W. Hodge were named as organizers. 

(b) An amendment: Mr A. Posnansky, as bearer of an invitation from the 
Government of Bolivia (and from the Geographical Society of La Paz) to hold 
the XIX Congress in La Paz, proposed the acceptance of this as an addition to 
the Session in Washington. 

368 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

"Accepted unanimously."' 

Followiiii;' these lucid aiul inconti'o\-ertible decisions, the Session of 
the XIX International Congress of Americanists is to be lield this year 
in Washington, and is to be followed bj' a supplementary session at La 
Paz, Bo!i^•ia. The latter session was from the first conceived as a kind 
of larger excursion to follow the post-session excursion in the United 
States, and at which papers and discussions might be presented. 

On the 24th of June, however, an undated invitation from La Paz 
reached a number of European Americanists, signed by a president and a 
general secretary of an organizing committee in La Paz, neither of whom 
appears to have been elected at the London session, which document 
contradicts the agreement of the London Congress in that it announces 
the La Paz Session as the Second Session of the XIX International 
Congress of Americanists, similar to the Second Session which, for im- 
portant reasons and under exceptional circumstances, was held in 1910 
in the City of Mexico, following the session in Buenos Ayres. In the 
present case such an assumption is in direct opposition to the clear 
meaning of the decisions rendered at the London Congress. 

The undersigned members of the Permanent Council of the Congress 
of Americanists definitely declare, therefore, that in this year only one 
authorized session of the XIX Congress can take place, and that in 
Washington; that this session has exclusive charge of carrying out the 
regulations of the Congress as given in its statutes; and that besides 
the discharge of these obligations it is to decide on the place of meeting 
of the XX Congress, which is to convene in 1916. The supplementary 
Session at La Paz is free to arrange for scientific presentations and dis- 
cussions, as well as additional excursions, and to publish its Proceedings. 
That Session will also be in a position to adopt resolutions, but not sta- 
tutory conclusions. 

This declaration will^be submitted to the XIX Session in Washington. 

Berlin, London, Versailles, and Wien, June 1914. H. Froidevaux, 
G. Hellmann, F. Heger, Sir Clements Markham, E. Seler, K. von den 
Steinen, W. Weckbecker.^ 

1 International Congress of Americanists, Proceedings of the XVIII Session, 
London, 1912, page lix. 

2 Several of the members of the Permanent Council could not be reached, owing 
to absence on expeditions or residence in distant countries. 


Peabody Museum activities. — The operations of Peabody Museum 
of Harvard University during last year were made noteworthy by the 
beginning of the construction of the addition to the museum building, 
the original structure having been commenced in 1859. The activities 
of the Museum, however, were important in a scientific way also. Dr 
H. J. Spinden's memoir on Maya Art, which was published during the 
year, embodies in its 285 pages, with numerous illustrations, the results 
of three years of research while the author was a graduate student. 
Dr A. M. Tozzer finished the preparation of his memoir on Nakum and 
was appointed to represent Harvard University as director of the Inter- 
national School of Archeology and Ethnology in Mexico for the season 
1913-14. Dr R. E. Merwin prepared a part of his report on the ex- 
ploration of a portion of Campeche and of that portion of Quintana Roo 
north of the Rio Hondo and including descriptions of several important 
ruins. Accompanied by Mr C. \V. Bishop, Dr Merwin will conduct 
another expedition to Central America during the season 1913-14. 
Mr A. V. Kidder, associate curator of archeology, has continued his 
studies of the pottery of the Pueblo region. Mr C. C. Willoughby, 
assistant director, accompanied by Mr R. G. Fuller, made an examination 
in August, 1913, of the archeological remains in Tseonitsosi canon and a 
portion of Chin Lee valley, northeastern Arizona, with a view of their 
future excavation. Mr Bruce \V. Merwin was employed during the 
summer of 1913 in investigating a group of seven large mounds near 
Obion river in Henrj- county, Tennessee; three of these were excavated 
and found to be domiciliary and of three periods of occupancy. With 
the cocJperation of the University of Nebraska, Mr F. H. Sterns, Hemen- 
way fellow, gave special attention to the prehistoric habitation sites on 
the bluffs of the Missouri in Nebraska, three months being devoted to 
this work. A note by Mr Sterns on these interesting remains appeared 
in the last issue of this journal. Mr Ernest Volk continued his digging 
in the vicinity of Trenton, New Jersey, and a large amount of material 
was sent to the Museum, obtained principally from various deposits of 
gravel. "While some of these gravel specimens are probably artificially 
chipped," says Professor Putnam in his report, " the same problem is 
here as is now being so carefully studied in England and in Europe, as 



to just what is man's Vork and what is nature's." Mr S. J. Guernsey, 
Hemenway assistant in archeology, in his studies of the archeology of 
the Charles River valley, has found a number of fire-holes at various 
points, and three Indian graNCs in Watertown, one of which was unusual 
in being walled or lined with stones. Mr Guernsey also explored two 
village sites on Martha's Vineyard, obtaining numerous collections there- 
from. Dr Charles Peabody, curator of European archeology, made two 
trips to France, Italy, and England for the purpose of obtaining for the 
Museum additional specimens by personal exploration. The results of 
Dr Peabody's excavations, at La Quina with Dr Henri Martin are de- 
scribed elsewhere in this journal. By the courtesy of Dr Sturge he was 
able to collect a number of paleolithic implements from the noted locality 
in Mildenhall, Suffolk, England. Dr Roland B. Dixon, curator of 
ethnology, was on sabbatical leave duiing the year, spending fourteen 
months in travel in Asia, during which time he was able to secure a con- 
siderable collection for the Museum. Dr Dixon journeyed twelve 
hundred miles through the northern Himalayas and along the borders of 
western Tibet, and after returning to India a visit was made to the 
Kasai and Nagas in Assam. He studied the various museum collections 
in India, and spent two months along the Chinese frontier in Upper Burma 
and the Shan States among the Kochin, Shan, and Palaung; the Museum 
collections in the Federated Malay States, Singapore, and Java were 
likewise studied and the most important archeological sites in the latter 
island visited. Mr Rudolph R. Schuller made an interesting discovery in 
the college library of two loose leaves which were recognized as a part 
of the long-lost work by Fr. Valdivia, published in 1607, in the little 
known language of the Millcayac Indians of South America. The 
importance of this work led to its publication by the Museum, with 
photographic reproductions of the four pages referred to. 

University Museum Expedition. — A letter has been received from 
Dr Farabee giving the history of the South American Expedition of the 
University Museum of Philadelphia up until the time of writing, April 29. 
The letter was written at the Barbadoes and was the first one received for 
six months. During this period the party was in the unexplored forests 
of southern British Guiana and northern Brazil. The letter states that 
from December 16 to April i the party was among tribes of Indians 
which had never before seen white men and the information obtained 
was new to science. The tribes encountered are the following: Parikutu, 
Waime, Chikena, Katawian, Toneyan, Diow, Kumayenas, and Urukua- 


nas. Besides these hitherto unknown tribes, the party passed through 
the territory of the Waiwais where collections were made and other val- 
uable data obtained. The part>-, which consisted of l)r Farabee, Mr 
Ogilvie, and four Indians, reached the coast by descending the Corentyne 
river. They were suft'cring from fever at this time and reached George- 
town greatly reduced in strength. Dr Farabee went to the Barbadoes 
to recuperate and has since proceeded to Para to make preparations for 
his next journey into the interior. The University Museum has received 
the third consignment of ethnological specimens from the Amazon 
expedition, as well as .^50 negatives and a large package of note books. 
Dr Franklin H. Church, physician to the Amazon Expedition, accom- 
panied Dr Farabee until January 8. At this time Dr Farabee found 
it necessary to reduce the party owing to the increasing scarcity of food 
in the forest. He therefore despatched Dr Church with most of the 
Indians to return 1)>- wa\- of Melville's ranch and Roa \'ista to Manaos, 
and to carry with him the collections and notes made to that date. 
Dr Church arrived at Manaos on March 15, and from that point returned 
to the United States. He arrived at the University Museum with the 
photographs and notes on June l. 

American Museum Bequest. — Mrs Morris K. Jesup, who died on 
June 17, bequeathed ^5,000,000 to the American Museum of Natural 
History and made other bequests to public institutions amounting to 
?3, 450,000. In providing in her will for the American Museum of 
Natural History, Mrs Jesup said: 

I give and bequeath to the American Museum of Natural Hi;tory of the city of 
New York four million dollars ($4,000,000) as a permanent fund to be known as ' The 
Morris K. Jesup Fund,' the income, and only the income, to be used in the purchase 
of specimens and collections and the expenses incident to and incurred in assisting 
scientific research and investigation and publication regarding the same, which the 
trustees of the museum shall regard as in its interests. 

In a codicil, added to her will three years after the will was drawn, an 
additional i?i,ooo,ooo is given to the Museum. Morris K. Jesup, who 
died on January 22, 1908, became president of the Museum in 1882, and 
devoted a large part of his time and energy to its interests. In his life- 
time Mr Jesup gave more than i5i,ooo,ooo to the Museum, and under 
his will it inherited an additional ^1,000,000. 

Porto Rico Research. — The New York Academy of Sciences has 
begun a scientific study of the island of Porto Rico along the lines of 
geology, paleontology, zoology, botany, anthr()])olog\", and oceanography. 

372 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

The Academy has voted ^1,500 a year for five years on this work, and 
cooperation with the Academy has been assured by the American Mu- 
seum of Natural History and other scientific institutions. The anthro- 
pological research of the Academy is represented on the committee by 
Dr Franz Boas. In a recent number of Science, Dr Edmund Otis Hovey 
thus writes of the needs of anthropological work in Porto Rico, and it 
may be assumed that the research in this field of science will follow the 
suggestions there outlined: "The anthropology of Porto Rico offers an 
attractive field of study not onh- in the ethnology of the present in- 
habitants, but also and more particularly along the lines of archeology. 
Much material has been gathered from the surface, but a broad field is 
offered in the investigation of anciently inhabited caves and in the 
scientific working over of numerous kitchen middens." 

Rev. A. G. Morice, O.M.I., M.i\., the well-known historian and 
anthropologist, who has just been giving for the fourth year a course of 
anthropology at the University of Saskatchewan, has been unanimously 
elected the first Honorary Member of the Royal Canadian Institute, 
" in recognition of his eminent services to science by his researches into 
the ethnology and philology of the Western Denes and other Indian 
nations of British Columbia embodied in numerous contributions which 
have enriched the Proceedings and Transactions of this Institute, and 
also by his studies for archeology and history shown by articles which 
have appeared in various scientific periodicals and by his History of the 
Northern Section of British Columbia,'' etc., as is stated in the official 
request for the title spontaneously made in his behalf to the council of 
the Institute. Father Morice had already been made the first Bachelor 
of Arts and the first Master of Arts of the University of Saskatchewan. 

Mr Sylvaxus G. Morley, formerly Central American F'ellow of 
The School of American Archaeology of the Archaeological Institute of 
America, has accepted a position as research associate with the Carnegie 
Institution of Washington. Mr Morley has just returned from a five 
months' field season in Central America, where, with Dr H. J. Spinden, 
of the American Museum of Natural History, he visited the sites of 
Naranjo, Tikal, Seibal, Aguas Calientes, Ixkun, Ucanal, Yaxha, Chunvis, 
Altar de Sacrificios, Piedras Negras, and Quirigua, in Guatemala; of 
Yaxchilan and El Pabellon in Mexico; of Santa Rita Corozal in British 
Honduras, and of Paraiso in Honduras. Many new hieroglyphic texts 
were brought to light. 


Alcee Fortier, professor of Romance languages in Tiilane University, 
New Ork'an>. and author of numerous works on history and folk-lore, died 
on February 14. Professor Fortier was president of the Modern Lan- 
guage Association in 1898, of the American Folk-lore Society in 1894, and 
of the Alhenee Louisianais since 1892; he was also an officer d'Academie, 
a chevalier de la Legion d'Honneur, and a member of various other lit- 
erar\- and learned organizaticms. He published Bits of Louisiana Folk- 
lore (1888), which was expanded into Louisiana Folk-tales, published in 
1895 as volume ii of the Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society. 
He was also the author of a History of Louisiana (1904) and a History of 
Mexico (1907). 

An expedition under the leadership of Miss Mary A. Czaplicka, of 
Somerville College, Oxford, left Moscow in May for the Yenisei river in 
order to study the physical and social anthropology of the Tungus and 
Ostiak. Miss Czaplicka has been commissioned by the University of 
Oxford and the Academies of Moscow and of St Petersburg, and the 
other members of the party represent dififerent institutions. Mr Henry 
A. Hall, of University Museum, Philadelphia, will undertake the anthro- 
pometric work. It should be noted that the Ostiak of the Yenisei are 
distinct from the Yenisei of the Ob, who have already been studied by 
members of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. 

We regret to note the death of Jean Chaffanjon on September 7, 
1913, at Tjitlim, district of Riouw, in the island of Bintang, Dutch Indies, 
aged 59 years. Chaffanjon was noted particularly for his studies of the 
archeology and ethnology of the Orinoco region of South America between 
the years 1884 and 1890, but he also traveled and made important anthro- 
pological collections in central and northern Asia. 

Sir Arthur Evans has presented to the museum of the L'niversity 
of Cambridge the last instalment of a set of archeological objects selected 
from the collections of his father, the late Sir John Evans. The gift 
consists of 121 specimens ranging in date from prehistoric times to the 
eighteenth century. x-\ll the specimens were found in Cambridgeshire 
and the adjacent counties. 

Mr M. R. Harrington, assistant curator of the American section of 
the L'niversity Museum of Philadelphia, has started on a trip to Okla- 
homa where he will spend the summer making studies and collections 
among the Ponca and Delaware Indians. 

374 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

The disastrous fire at Salem, Mass., spared the Peabcxly Museum 
and the Essex Institute. The house of Dr F^ S. Morse, with its valuable 
papers, drawings, books, and collections, also fortunately escaped. 

Professor Marshall H. Saville has departed for South America 
for the purpose of making archeological researches in Ecuador and 
Colombia in the interest of the Heye Museum of New York City. 

Miss Ellen Churchill Semple, of Louisville, Ky., author of works 
on anthropogeography, has received the Cullom Medal of the American 
Geographical Society. 

VVe regret to record the death of Professor Doctor Paul Ehrenreich, 
privat-docent in the Royal University of Berlin, on April 14th, in his 
fifty-ninth year. 

Rev. Stephen D. Peet died at Northampton, Mass., on May 24. 
He was founder, editor, and manager of the American Antiquarian from 
1878 to 1910. 

The archeologist, M. Georges Perrot, permanent secretary of the 
Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres of Paris, died on June 30. 

The Drapers' Company of London has made a grant of £200 a 3'ear 
for three years for anthropology at the University of Cambridge. 

Mr C. W. Bishop has been appointed assistant curator of the section 
of general ethnology of the University Museum of Philadelphia. 

Dr J. G. FrA/'ER, author of The Golden Bough, was knighted on the 
occasion of King George's birthday, June 22. 

As this belated issue of the American Anthropologist is passing 
through the press, the Organizing Committee of the XIX International Con- 
gress of Americanists which was to assemble in Washington, October ^-jo, 
after asking an expression of opinion of all available members has decided to 
postpone the session until such time as conditions in Europe may justify. 


American Anthropologist 


Vol. 1 6 July-September, 19 14 No. 3 




Primitive American Historj'. By John R. Swanton and Roland 

B. Dixon 276 

Areas of American Culture Characterization Tentatively Outlined 
as an Aid in the Study of the Antiquities. By W. H. Holmes. 
(Plate xxxii) 413 

Material Cultures of the North American Indians. By Clark 

WissLER. (Plate xxxiii) ^^47 

{Continued in the next issue) 

' Owing to the unfortunate condition of affairs in Europe it became necessary to 
postpone the Nineteenth Session of the Congress, but it was deemed wise to issue 
this number of the American Anthropologist in the form in which it was originally 
designed to commemorate the second session of the Congress to be held in the United 
States. The remaining papers will appear in the October-December number. 

AM. ANTIC, N. S., 16 — 25 375 



I. Introduction 376 

II. Indians of the Muskhogean Stock 378 

III. Other Southeastern Indians 381 

IV. Indians of the Siouan Stock 383 

V. Indians of the Iroquoian Stock 389 

VI. Indians of the Algonquian Stock 39i 

VII. The Beothuk 395 

VIII. The Eskimo 395 

IX. Indians of the Caddoan Stock 396 

X. Indians of Southern Texas 398 

XI. The Kiowa 398 

XII. Indians of the Athapascan Stock 398 

XIII. Indians of the North Pacific Coast 402 

XIV. The Kutenai 404 

XV. The Shahaptians and the Indians of Western Oregon 404 

XVI. Indians of Cahfornia 40S 

XVII. Indians of the Shoshonean Stock 407 

XVIII. Indians of the Piman Stock 409 

XIX. The Pueblo Indians 409 

XX. Conclusion 410 

I. — Introduction 

THE history, in the strict sense of that term, of the American 
Indians north of Mexico is contained in writings of a con- 
quering race and is confined entirely to the last four cen- 
turies. However, archeological investigations in classical and 
oriental lands have shown us that our knowledge of the history of a 
country does not begin with the earliest writings that have come 
down to us, nor yet with its most ancient inscriptions, but may be 
carried back far beyond them by the other relics of its culture and 
by studies of the living descendants of the people who possessed it. 
In investigating still existing peoples like the American Indians we 
can appeal in the first place to their traditions which, although 
sometimes noncommittal and frequently misleading, gain in weight 



when recorded by several different persons and when taken in 
connection with other data. These other data consist of the infor- 
mation yielded by archeological and ethnological investigations, 
especially when they are applied to classification, whether by 
physical characteristics, language, or general culture. For even 
though we take the most extreme polygenetic position, the fact that 
certain tribes now separated belonged to one physical, linguistic, 
or cultural group indicates that there has been some kind of contact 
between them, and this invoh'es true historical facts, although they 
are not commemorated in a single line of writing, or by a single 
monumental inscription. 

New information regarding the tribal movements of our Indians 
can come from only two sources: the discovery of new manuscript 
sources of information or of sources published but overlooked, and 
information obtained by field workers directly from the Indians 
themselves. As the latter is partly unpublished and is at any rate 
given out merely as incidental to other investigations, and the former 
is widely scattered, we shall not attempt a historical study of the 
growth of our knowledge on this subject nor include a bibliography, 
but confine ourselves to an attempt to link together the bits of 
information now available into a conservative statement of the 
results to which our studies appear to have led. 

In the absence of a satisfactory classification of native North 
Americans on a physical basis it will be most convenient to consider 
them as grouped into linguistic stocks, premising at the same time 
that we thereby admit the historical significance of that classi- 
fication. It will, however, be difficult for us to do otherwise. 

Roughly speaking, American linguistic stocks north of Mexico 
may be distinguished into an eastern and a western division, the 
former covering the eastern woodlands and most of the plains, 
the latter the grand plateau, the Pacific littoral, the southwestern 
arid region, and the plains of the extreme north, westward of 
Hudson bay. We will begin with the first of these, and with those 
stocks which occupied the southernmost part of the eastern area, 
of which the most important is known as Muskhogean. 

378 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

II. — Indians of the Muskhogean Stock 
The Muskhogean stock consists in the first place of the Musk- 
hogeans proper and of a small branch topically represented by 
the Natchez. The former embraced at one time about thirty-five 
groups sufficiently distinct to be called tribes, but many of these 
were small and evidently branches of the larger groups. The 
tribes of real importance were the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Chak- 
chiuma, Muskogee, Alabama, Koasati, Hitchiti, Apalachee, and 
Yamasi. Anciently there appears to have been another in the 
western part of the Muskhogean territory of which in historic times 
only fragments remained, known as the Napissa, Acolapissa, and 
Quinipissa. This tribe, the Choctaw, the Chickasaw, and the 
Chakchiuma spoke closely related dialects, and the traditions 
which have been preserved from them show that the fact was 
clearly recognized. The more recent legends affirm that the 
ancestors of at least the Chickasaw^ and Choctaw had emerged 
from the ground at the great sacred "mother hill" of Nanihwaya, 
in Winston county, Mississippi, between the ancient territories 
of these two peoples.^ But there is an older form of the narrative 
according to which these tribes and their allies reached Nanih- 
waya from the westward and settled there only for a time before 
separating, the Chickasaw to the north, the Choctaw to the south. 
Adair, who seems to give us the very oldest form of the story, says: 
''The Chicasaw, Choktah and also the Chokchooma, who in process 
of time were forced by war to settle between the two former nations, 
came together from the west as one famil}'." ^ Dr Gatschet notes 
several other migration legends from both Chickasaw and Choctaw, 
all to the saine general effect.^ 

The Alabama language is very close to Choctaw, but our record 
of Alabama traditions is not so complete. According to Sekopechi, 
an old Alabama cited by Schoolcraft,^ his people came "from the 
ground between the Cahawba and Alabama rivers." The late 

1 Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, 106. Miss. Hist. Soc, 11, 229-30-; iv, 269-270. 
Cf. Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, 11, 216-217. 

2 Adair, Hist. N. A. Ind., p. 352. 

^ Creek Mig. Leg., i, 219-222. Miss. Hist. Soc, 11, 228-9; viii, 521-549. 
* Hist. Ind. Tribes, i, 266 sqq. 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 379 

Dr Gatschet was told a somewhat similar story, only the rivers 
mentioned were the Alabama and the Tombigbee.^ Those Ala- 
bama now ]i\ing in Texas tell a story of having come westward 
across the Atlantic, but this has evidently been built up partly from 
what the whites have told them of their own origin, and partly 
from the subsequent westward emigration of the Alabama them- 
selves. The general drift of these people in accordance with their 
own traditions would thus seem to have been from west to east like 
that of the Choctaw, and this appears to be confirmed by the 
encounter which De Soto had with some of them between the 
Chickasaw country and the Mississippi river. There is no good 
reason to doubt that the "Alibamo" of his chroniclers refers to the 
tribe we are now considering. No distinct Koasati migration 
legend has been preserved, but this tribe must long have been 
associated A\'ith tlie Alabama, because the languages of the two 
peoples are closely akin. 

According to a story told Dr Gatschet by Chicote and G. 
W. Stidham the Hitchiti originated from a canebrake on the sea 
coast," but those people later called Hitchiti embraced a number 
of tribes some of which had actually come into the Creek country 
from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Other Hitchiti claimed that 
their ancestors had fallen from the sky.^ From an old doctor 
belonging to these people, however, the writer obtained an origin 
legend almost parallel with that of the Creeks, relating how they 
had come from a country far in the west and had followed the sun 
until they came out upon the ocean. As this old man also claimed 
to be descended from Yamasi Indians the story possibly embodies 
a Yamasi legend rather than that of the Hitchiti proper. From 
other southeastern Muskhogeans, such as the Apalachee, no legend 
dealing with tribal movements has been preserved, but we know 
that the languages of most of them belonged to the same group as 
Hitchiti and that they were more closely connected with Choctaw 
than with Muskogee. 

1 MS., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 
* Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 78. 
' Ibid., p. 77. 

380 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

Of the migration legends of the Muskogee, or Creeks proper, 
several versions have been preserved. The longest and best known 
is that told to Governor Oglethorpe in 1735 by Tchikilli, "head 
chief of the Upper and Lower Creeks." ^ Another well known 
\-ersion was collected by United States Indian agent Benjamin 
Hawkins,^ and a third, with modifications and exaggerations, by a 
French adventurer, Milfort.^ But there are several notices besides 
to much the same effect, and one of the authors of this paper has 
collected four or five narratives. The origin myth of the Tukaba'tci 
Creeks differs, however, in bringing that tribe from the north."* 

A few words may now be added regarding the Natchez group of 
Muskhogeans. This consisted, so far as we now know, of three 
tribes, the Natchez, Taensa, and Avoyel. Penicaut is authority for 
the statement that the last of these had come from the Natchez, 
and he is probably correct;^ that the Taensa and Natchez had not 
been separated long is attested by close resemblances in language 
and institutions. While we have no migration legend from the 
Taensa, two have been preserved from the more important Natchez 
tribe. One, the somewhat pretentious narrative of Du Pratz, 
brings them from the southwest,^ while the shorter account, ob- 
tained by the missionary de la Vente, assigns to them a north- 
western origin.'^ These at least suffice to show that the Natchez 
had notions regarding the quarter from which they had come similar 
to those of the Muskhogean tribes already enumerated. 

It is easy to lay too much weight on the importance of oral 
traditions, which, although not absolutely false, may have originated 
in movements much less important than those which they profess 
to relate, or may have been true only of a limited number of people 
such as a ruling class. Nevertheless there is every reason to 
believe that they do indicate an actual drift of population which 

1 Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, pp. 237-251. 

2 Ga. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii, 81-83. 
2 Memoire, pp. 229-265. 

^ Tuggle coll., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 

^ Margry, Decouvertes, v, 497. 

^ Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, iii, 62-70. 

" Compte-Rendu Cong. Internal, des Amer., isth sess., i, 37. 


has a historical value. Roughly speaking, the history of the Musk- 
hogean stock appears to have been something like this: At least a 
part of the population now represented by the speakers of the 
languages of this group moved into the Gulf region from the north- 
west, being already or soon coming to be divided into a northern 
and a southern group, the former represented by the true Muskogee, 
the latter typicall>' by the Choctaw. Later the Muskogee moved 
southeast and came in contact with the eastern tribes of the southern 
group with some of whom an alliance was formed, and the resulting 
confederacy finally destroyed most of those tribes — such as the 
Yamasi and Apalachee — which did not unite with it. The Chicka- 
saw were a northern branch of the Choctaw but more closely associ- 
ated with the Creek confederacy with which they might in time 
have become united. The Natchez group was evidently modified 
by very intimate contact and probably mixture with non-Muskho- 
gean tribes. While their position would indicate that they repre- 
sented the last wave of immigration there are reasons for believing 
that they had been among the first, a branch which settled to one 
side while the other tribes moved on eastward. 

III. — Other Southeastern Indians 

No tradition has been preserved regarding the origin of the 
Timucua, Calos, Tequesta, and Ais Indians of Florida, and we 
have no clue to their past history other than a distant resemblance 
between Timucua, the only language that has been preserved to us, 
and the Muskhogean dialects. A patient study of this language 
and comparison with those spoken north of it and in the West 
Indies would probably yield rich returns. 

Upon Grand lake, in southern Louisiana, and a network of 
bayous connecting this body of water, the Mississippi, and the 
Gulf of Mexico, was the little Chitimachan stock consisting histori- 
cally of only one tribe. Anciently they and the Natchez were on 
terms of closest intimacy, and for that reason Du Pratz supposed 
that their languages were the same. But, while there are some 
words common to the two, a superficial comparison fails to show 
any more intimate relationship, though it is quite possible that a 


closer connection may be revealed by future studies. According 
to the only Chitimacha origin myth which has been preserved, this 
tribe reached the country- about Grand lake from Natchez, the 
stor}' being thus the direct antithesis of the Natchez legend given 
us by Du Pratz.^ 

Still farther west, from Vermilion bayou to Galveston bay and a 
little beyond, were a number of small bands of Indians generally 
known to the Choctaw as Atakapa ("man eaters") and now classi- 
fied as the Atakapan stock. Their origin myth states that they 
came out of the sea but that later there was a flood which destroyed 
all mankind except a few persons who lived upon a high ridge, — 
"that of San Antonio, if we may judge," adds our informant.^ 
The Opelousa and Akokisa seem to have been eastern and western 
branches respectively of this stock, but we know little more about 
them than the names. The Chitimacha and Atakapa languages 
present many features in common, and some of these are shared by 
the languages of the Muskhogean group. Taken in connection 
with their several migration legends a suggestion is contained here 
which may yield interesting results to future investigation. 

Along the lower course of Yazoo river and scattered some dis- 
tance both to the north and south of it, as well as westward beyond 
the Mississippi, was another small stock, the Tunican, consisting 
in historic times of probably four or five tribes, the language of only 
one of which has been preserved. While this language contains 
features suggestive of Muskhogean, Chitimachan, and Atakapan, 
there are striking differences. No migration legend applying to 
prehistoric times has been preserv^ed, but since the "Tunica old 
fields" were in northwestern Mississippi at a considerable distance 
from historic Tunica seats, we may infer that they had moved from 
that place to the Yazoo at an earlier period. This inference is 
strengthened by Tonti's statement that "the Yazou are masters 
of the soil," ^ as if their neighbors the Tunica, Korea, etc., had come 
in from elsewhere. The Tiou, a tribe probably belonging, to this 

^Bull. 43, B.A. E., p. 356. 

2 Ibid., p. 363. 

s French, Hist. Coll. La., 82-83, 1846. 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 383 

Stock but incorporated with the Natchez, had been driven south 
by the Chickasaw.^ A northern origin for many of these people is 
thus indicated. It is probable that they played an important part 
in the history of the lower Mississippi valley before the coming of 
the whites. - 

The Uchean stock consisted of a large body of Indians on 
Savannah ri\er and a smaller band on the middle course of the 
Tennessee. \o migration legend has been recorded from them, 
yet there is some ground for thinking that they had moved into 
this country from a more northerly habitat in the latter part 
of the sixteenth century or the early part of the seventeenth. At 
any rate De Soto, Pardo, and other Spanish explorers between 
1539 and 1567 mention no tribe that can be identified with them, 
while the English colonists of South Carolina in 1670 speak of them 
at once as a very powerful people.^ 

IV. — Indians of the Siouan Stock 
When first encountered by Europeans the great Siouan linguistic 
family occupied two large and two small areas. Of the former one 
lay along the eastern skirts of the Appalachian mountains, between 
them and the tidewater region of the Atlantic coast, from about the 
great falls of the Potomac to Santee river, South Carolina. The 
second covered a vast extent of country westward of the Mississippi, 
extending southward to the mouth of Arkansas river and northward 
nearly to the Saskatchewan. Northwest it reached the Rocky 
mountains. The Winnebago about Green bay, Wisconsin, were 
cut off from the main body of western Siouans only in late times. 
The two detached bodies w^ere both in w^hat is now the state of 
Mississippi, one, consisting of the Biloxi, on the lower course of 
Pascagoula river, the other of the Ofo Indians on the lower Yazoo. 
No migration legends have been preserved from these last, and 
beyond two slight clues we have only the language upon which to 
build a theory of origin. One of these clues is the appearance on 
the De Cresnay map of 1733 of a place called " Bilouchy," on 

' Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, ii, p. 223. 

' Bull. 43, B. A. E., pp. 306-336. 

' Han Ibook of Am. Indians, Bull. 30, B. .4. E., article Westo. 

384 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

Alabama vWer near what is now known as Yellow Bluff, Wilcox 
county, Alabama.! Either the Biloxi once had a camp at this place 
or the tribe as a whole had occupied it in the course of its migrations. 
If this latter hypothesis is correct it would point to a northeastern 
origin for them. The other hint is furnished us in a legend repro- 
duced by Schoolcraft purjiorting to recount the past history of the 
Catawba, the most prominent of the Siouan tribes of the east. The 
gist of this story is that the Catawba formerly lived in Canada 
and were driven thence by the French and the Mohawk. They 
then settled in the valley of the Ohio where they divided into two 
sections, part moving into the piedmont region of northern South 
Carolina while part went away with the Chickasaw and the Choc- 
taw.2 The former home in Canada and the part played by the 
French as well as the late date assigned to such important move- 
ments, the middle of the seventeenth century, are features that 
must be rejected; but careful examination leads to the belief that 
they have been attached to a real native tradition. The substance 
of this tradition probably was that the Catawba had once lived 
farther toward the north or northwest where they had been so 
harrassed by Iroquoian or other peoples that they were impelled 
to move on southward, and that a part of them had separated and 
had gone to live near the western Muskhogean tribes. It is not a 
little curious, to say the least, that we now know of one Siouan tribe, 
the Ofo, which did live near the Chickasaw, and another, the 
Biloxi, which lived near the Choctaw, and also that the languages of 
the two resemble rather the dialects of the eastern Siouan group 
than those of the much nearer western Siouans. It should be 
noted, however, that this resemblance is rather with the Tutelo 
and their neighbors than with the Catawba. 

A northwestern origin, not alone for the Catawba but for the 
remaining eastern Siouans as well, is confirmed from two other 
sources. In his History of Carolina ^ Lawson says, speaking of the 
Siouan tribes between Charleston and the Tuscarora country, 

1 Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, ed.ipio, map, p. 196. 

2 Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, iii, pp. 293-296. 

3 Page 279. 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 385 

"When you ask them whence their forefathers came, that first 
inhabited the country, they will point to the westward, and say, 
where the sun sleeps our forefathers came thence." And it is 
certainly the eastern Siouan people specifically to whom Lederer 
refers when he says that the native inhabitants of western Virginia 
and Carolina affirmed that they came from the northwest "about 
four liundred years ago" and settled in their later country in 
obedience to an oracle.^ This tale agrees in a rather remarkable 
way with the migration legends of the Muskhogean tribes. All 
three of these notices tell substantially the same story, since the 
Ohio valley, which was roughh- north from the Catawba, was west 
or northwest of some of the other eastern Siouans. It is worth 
noting that the Catawba are represented as having been preceded 
b\' the Cherokee. 

Turning to the western divisions of Siouan tribes we find nearly 
all migration legends pointing in a precisely contrary direction. 
In this great group are contained several well marked subdivisions, 
one of which includes the Winnebago, Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, a 
second the Mandan, a third the Hidatsa and Crow, a fourth the 
Dakota and Assiniboin, and a fifth the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, 
Osage, and Quapaw. Each of these is associated by language and 
by claims of a common origin. 

The traditions we have regarding the group first mentioned are 
in substantial agreement. Perhaps the most complete is that given 
by Maximilian, obtained originally by Major Bean, an Indian 
agent, from an old Oto chief. According to this, "before the 
arrival of the whites a large band of Indians, the Hotonga ('fish- 
eaters'), who inhabited the lakes, migrated to the southwest in 
pursuit of buffalo. At Green Bay, Wis., they divided, the part 
called by the whites Winnebago remaining, while the rest continued 
the journey until they reached the Mississippi at the mouth of 
Iowa river, where they encamped on the sand beach and again 
divided, one band, the Iowa, concluding to remain there, and the 
rest continuing their travels reached the Missouri at the mouth of 
Grand river. These gave themselves the name of Neutache (' those 

' Lederer, Discoveries, p. 3. 

386 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

that arrive at the mouth'), but were caUed Missouri \)y the whites. 
The two chiefs, on account of the seduction of the daughter of one 
by the son of the (Mher, quarreled and separated one from the 
other. The di\ision led by the father of the seducer became known 
as Waghtochtatta, or Oto, and moved farther up the Missouri." ^ 
The main features of this legend are reproduced in the Iowa origin 
myth given in Schoolcraft,^ but it is peculiar in bringing the Winne- 
bago to Green bay from some northeastern region, and this is the 
only migration feature in the tradition which may fairly be doubted. 
There are reasons, traditional and archeological, for believing that 
the Winnebago had been in Wisconsin for a very long period in 
pre-columbian times. 

The early history of the Mandan Indians has been obscured by 
wild speculations based on a real or supposed lightness of com- 
plexion on their part and an attempt to identify them with the 
descendants of hypothetical Welsh colonists under Prince Madoc. 
In pursuance of that pleasing but absurd theory Catlin traces them 
back down the Mississippi river, and up the Ohio, until he lands 
them in what is now the state of Ohio, which they are supposed to 
have reached via the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.^ Like others 
since his time he was misled, not unnaturally, by the traditions of 
the people themselves which refer their origin to an underground 
village farther east near the shores of a big water. Nowadays they 
appear to identify this water with the ocean, and even Maximilian 
says, "They affirm that they descended originally from the more 
eastern nations, near the sea coast." ^ But, as we have seen, the 
eastern Siouans do not represent themselves as having started 
upon the coast but inland, and it is more likely that the big water 
of the Mandan was one of the great lakes. At any rate, if Maxi- 
milian can be relied upon, Mandan tradition indicated the mouth 
of White Earth river as the point where they first reached the 
Missouri,^ and from which they moved successively to the Moreau, 

1 Travels in the Interior of N. America, Appendix No. i. 

2 Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, in, pp. 256-261. 
^ N. Am. Indians, 11, pp. 259-261. 

^ Maximilian, Travels in the Interior of N. Ain., p. 335. 
' Ibid., p. 366. 


Heart, and Knife rivers, and finally to Fort Berthold where the 
remnant is now living. The mouth of White Earth river is almost 
due west from the Winnebago country, and this fact, taken in con- 
nection with the "big water" and a supposed linguistic relationship 
to Winnebago, has led some to believe that the origins of the two 
peoples were bound up together. Final judgment must be sus- 
pended until a more careful study of their language has been made. 

The traditions of the Hidatsa also point to a lake, and this has 
been identified by some with Devil's lake, N. Dak. According to 
the story they migrated southwest from this place until they came 
to the Missouri which they reached at the mouth of Heart river where 
the Mandan were then living.^ From that time on their history 
and that of the Mandan runs on together. A closely related tribe 
were the Amahami which were finally' incorporated with them and 
had probably shared their fortunes for a long time previously. 
Some time after the Hidatsa reached the Missouri part of the tribe 
separated and moved out upon the plains about the upper Missouri 
where they afterward came to be known as Crows.^ 

When first known to Europeans the home of the Dakota seems 
to have been in central Minnesota, extending from Mille Lacs and 
the neighboring parts of the Mississippi down as far as the mouth 
of the Minnesota. Westward they probably did not reach much if 
any beyond the present boundaries of Minnesota state. After the 
Chippewa obtained guns, if not before, they began pressing upon 
the Dakota bands, drove them from Mille Lacs, and pushed them 
continualh' westward. Partly for this reason and partly perhaps 
owing to the attraction offered by the herds of bison, the western 
bands crossed the Missouri and in time occupied all of what is now 
South Dakota along w4th much of North Dakota as well. The 
Assiniboin are a northern branch of the Dakota and differ little 
from them in speech. Tradition affirms that they separated from 
that part of the Dakota known as Yanktonai,^ and this appears to 
be confirmed to some extent by linguistic evidence. If not originalh- 

> Matthews, Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians, p. 36 et seq. 

2 Ibid. 

» 13th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 222. 

388 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

caused this di\ision Avas at least stimulated by the English trading 
posts on Hudson bay from which the Cree Indians were enabled to 
obtain firearms to the disadvantage of their southern neighbors. 
By withdrawing from the other Dakota and allying themselves 
with the Cree the Assiniboin were enabled to share some of the 
advantages of this trade. Tradition does not take us much back 
of the region indicated. Riggs states that some of the Dakota 
could trace their history as far back as the Lake of the Woods, 1 
and from this fact and the general tradition of a northeastern 
origin it has been assumed by some that they originally resided 
northward of Lake Superior. It is also said that Chippewa tradi- 
tion makes their first meeting place with this tribe at Sault Ste 
Marie, but, even if this were so, it would not prove that the Dakota 
ever lived north of the lakes. 

A rough summary of the traditional origin of the Omaha, 
Ponka, Kansa, Osage, and Quapaw is to the effect that these tribes 
came westward to the mouth of the Ohio river as one people, that 
the Quapaw separated at that point, going down the Mississippi, 
and that the rest moved up the Missouri, resolving themselves 
gradually into the Osage, Kansa, Omaha, and Ponka in about this 
order.2 No doubt this is to some extent an ex post facto explanation, 
but all of these tribes do actually constitute one linguistic group, 
and there is reason to believe that they at one time occupied a 
conterminous area farther east. That the Quapaw moved down 
the Mississippi much as indicated is shown by other evidence. 
Thus the Jesuit missionary Gravier says that the Ohio was called 
"the river of the Akansea [Quapaw], because the Akansea formerly 
dwelt on it."^ Another missionary notes that his party passed a 
small stream falling into the Mississippi somewhat lower down upon 
w^hich this tribe had formerly dwelt. In. his Journal Historique de 
V Etahlissement des Frangais a La Louisiane La Harpe says that 
"the nation Alkansa is so named because it is sprung from the 
Canzes established on the Missouri,"-* and in the report of his 

1 Handbook Am. Indians, art. Dakota, p. 39. 

2 3d Ann. Rep. B. A. £., pp. 211-212. 

^ Shea, Early Voyages up and down the Miss., p. 120. 
" Page 317. 


Arkansas river expedition reproduced in Margry he repeats the 
same statement, adding that they had since adopted the name 
"Ougapa" [QuapaAv], and that Hnguistically they were connected 
with the Osage.* 

The several Siouan groups suggest in their situations a broken 
semicircle and it is therefore not surprising to find that their tradi- 
tions point to a central region within this. The region thus indi- 
cated would seem to be that included in Illinois, Indiana, southern 
Wisconsin, and perhaps western Kentucky. We can determine it 
only in general outline and perhaps it included still more territory. 

V. — Indians of the Iroquoian Stock 
The Iroquoian tribes when first discovered formed three princi- 
pal divisions, all in the eastern parts of the present United States 
and in the provinces of Ontario and Quebec. In the valley of the 
St Lawrence and about Lake Simcoe southeast of Georgian bay 
were four allied peoples later classed as Hurons. In western New 
York, along the north shore of Lake Erie, and in portions of Michi- 
gan and Ohio were the Neutral nation, or rather confederacy; east 
of Lake Huron and south of Georgian bay were the Tionontati or 
Tobacco nation; south of Lake Erie the Erie confederacy; in central 
New York the great confederacy of the Iroquois or "Five Nations" 
(Seneca, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga, and Mohawk); and south- 
ward of them the Conestoga, Susquehanna, and probably several 
other tribes extending down Susquehanna ri\-er to its mouth. The 
second group was located in eastern Virginia and North Carolina, 
and embraced the Nottoway of Nottoway river, Virginia; the 
Meherrin on Meherrin river; the Tuscarora, probably a confederacy 
of three tribes, on the Roanoke, Neuse, Taw, and Pamlico rivers; 
and probably the Coree or Coranine about Cape Lookout.^ The 
third group consisted of the one great tribe known as Cherokee 
centering in the southern Appalachians and occupying portions of 
the present states of Virginia, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, 
and perhaps Kentucky, in later times northern Georgia and northern 
Alabama also. 

• Margry, Decouverles, vi, p. 36s. 
2 See Lawson, op. cit., p. 280. 

390 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

It is a striking fact that, in contrast with both the Muskhogean 
and Siouan peoples, the migration legends whicii have been pre- 
served from the Indians of this stock are meager and unsatisfactory. 
According to colonial documents the Meherrin were a band of 
refugee Conestoga which fled south after the destruction of that 
tribe b}^ the Iroquois about 1675,1 but one form of their name occurs 
in the census of Virginia Indians taken in 1669.- Thus it is evident 
either that some Conestoga had replaced an Algonquian tribe of 
similar designation or else that the tribe antedated the destruction 
of the Conestoga and the reputed influx of population at that time. 
Possibly, as Mooney suggests, an original small Iroquoian tribe was 
practically submerged by later immigrations of Conestoga. At all 
events the whole question of origin is left in uncertainty. When 
the first northward migration of Tuscarora took place after their 
defeat by the English in 1711-12-and the Five Nations were pre- 
paring to adopt them, several Iroquois chiefs are quoted as having 
said that the Tuscarora had gone from them long before and were 
now returned.'^ Still we do not know whether there was a definite 
tradition that the Tuscarora had gone south from the place then 
occupied by the Iroquois, whether there was a general tradition of a 
common origin, the place of separation not being specified, or 
whether a common origin was merely inferred from similarity in 
language. So far as this evidence goes, however, it indicates a 
northern origin for the southeastern Iroquoian group. 

Still less substantial evidence is to be had regarding the move- 
ments of the tribes of the northeastern group. We hear of an 
attack on the Erie by some western enemy in consequence of which 
they were forced farther east, displacing some tribes of western 
New York; but this may have been a local and temporary afifair. 
Colden, Cusick, Morgan, and some other writers assert that the 
traditional home of the Iroquoians was north of St Lawrence river. 
There is reason to believe, however, that the tales on which 
they base this opinion have been colored by more recent move- 

^ Bull. 22, B. A. E., pp. 7-8. 

2 Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 326, 1886. 

^Handbook of Am. Indians, art. Tuscarora. 

swaxton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 39I 

ments such as the expulsion of the Iroquoieiiis of Hochelaga and 
Stadacona from the lower St Lawrence, the movement of the 
Tionontati and part of the Hurons south of Lake Erie after they 
had been broken up by the Iroquois, and the later movement of 
many Iroquoian tribes toward the southwest. Boyle shows the 
uncertain foundation on which this theory rests and cites evidences 
from Iroquois and other m>ths pointing in a diametrically opposite 
direction,^ and most students of the Iroquois agree with him in his 
conclusions. The culture and social organization both point to a 
southern rather than a northern origin, and this is confirmed to some 
extent by archeological evidence and suggested in the morpholog- 
ical resemblance noted by Professor Boas between the Iroquois and 
Pawnee languages. It is also confirmed to some extent by the 
Walam Olum which represents the Iroquois and Delawares as having 
come east at the same time. In fact the sharp contrast in many 
particulars between these people and their Algonquian neighbors 
rather marks the northern Iroquoians as a wedge of southern 
tribes shoved northward at no \evy remote date. 

If the Talligewi and Alligewi of Delaware tradition are the 
Cherokee as Mooney contends, this fact seems to indicate an earlier 
occupancy of the upper Ohio valley by that tribe. Hewitt, how- 
ever, is of the opinion that the people referred to under those names 
were a part of the Miami. Be this as it may, Haywood is authority 
for the statement that the Cherokee formerly had a long migration 
legend bringing them from the upper part of Ohio river .2 Dr Cyrus 
Thomas has brought together considerable archeological and other 
evidence which he believes to point in the same direction, and the 
gradual pressure of the tribe into Creek territory may also be cited. 
All things considered we may say that a more northerly habitat for 
the Cherokee in prehistoric times appears to be indicated.^ 

\l. — Indians of the Algonquian Stock 
The Algonquian, with one possible exception, was territorially the 
most widely extended of all North American stocks. All but three of 

' Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to Rep. of the Minister of Education, Ontario, 
pp. 146-156. 

- Thomas, The Cherokee in Pre-Columbian Times, p. 7. 
3 Ibid. 

AM. ANTH., N. S.. l6 — 26 

392 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

its dialects were coinparati\-ely near together, the exceptions being 
all in the far west — the Blackfoot of Montana, Alberta, and western 
Saskatchewan and Assiniboia, and the Cheyenne and Arapaho of 
our own great plains, the last the most divergent of all. The main 
group of dialects is further divided into those of the Cree, Chippewa, 
and Massachuset types. To the Chippewa group belong the 
Chippewa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Illinois, and Miami; to the 
Massachuset type belong the Indians of Rhode Island, eastern 
Massachusetts, and a few others. The remainder are all of the 
Cree type. When first encountered by Europeans the Indians of 
this major group were almost cut in two by the Iroquoians, leaving 
one set of tribes along the Atlantic coast from the mouth of the 
St Lawrence to Pamlico sound, and a northern and western group 
occupying much of eastern Canada above the Iroquoians and 
some of our present middle western states. We have few migration 
legends from the Atlantic coast tribes outside of the Delawares. 
The well known tradition of these last is given by Beatty and 
Heckewelder and in the famous Walam Olum,^ according to which 
the Delawares came from the west, crossed a great river called 
Nemassipi, or Fish river, drove out a people called Talligewi, and 
finally pushed east to the river Delaware and the sea coast. Some 
investigators have sought to identify the Nemassipi with the 
Mississippi and some with the St Lawrence; all that seems certain 
is that the tribe believed itself to have come from the west or north- 
west at about the same period as the Iroquois, Nanticoke, and 
Shawnee. The origin of the Nanticoke of Chesapeake bay is thus 
bound up with that of the Delawares, and from some scraps of the 
languages of the Conoy, Powhatan Indians, and Algonquians of 
Albemarle and Pamlico sounds it is probable that they belonged to 
the same group and had the same origin. As much may be said 
of the Mohegan, Mahican, and Pequot of eastern New York and 
western New England. No legends pointing to tribal movements 
seem to have been recorded from the Indians of the Massachuset 
group, but archeological and other evidence appears to point to 
immigration from the southwest. Rand says of the Micmac, 

1 Thomas, op. cit., pp. 11-18. 


that they always asserted that their former home was in the south- 
west also;^ and Boyle, in quoting Rand, adds "the southwest origin 
was claimed b>- all the Abenaki tribes." ^ No authority is given 
for this last assertion, but it would probably follow if the corre- 
sponding legend of the Micmac were correct. Turning to the 
northern and western Algonquian group we find that the Naskapi 
believed they had been dri\-en into the inhospitable regions of 
northern Labrador by the Iroquois.'^ The Cree and Montagnais 
appear alwa>'s to have occupied much the same region as that in 
which we find them today, though the latter have displaced Eskimo 
from the north shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence, while the former 
have extended themselves somewhat to the north and west. Ac- 
cording to our earliest records the Sauk Indians once lived in the 
neighborhood of what is now Saginaw bay and later moved or were 
driven beyond Lake Michigan, to the west of the Winnebago. 
There is slight evidence pointing to a similar early location for the 
Fox Indians, but it is by no means as definite. Nevertheless the 
languages of the two tribes are so nearly related that their close as- 
sociation at some period in the not distant past can not be doubted. 
Another language belonging to the same group is Kickapoo, and 
Shawnee is but little removed. The traditions of the last point 
to the north.^ The Menominee appear to have lived long in the 
region where they are still to be found; at least no migration tradi- 
tion has been recorded from them. From their linguistic con- 
nections it is probable that the Illinois and Miami had moved, 
like the tribes just considered, from north to south, and this is to 
some extent confirmed by the earliest historical references to them, 
though no actual migration traditions have come down to us. 
When we first hear of the Illinois some of them were in W'isconsin, 
some, including the Kaskarskia, in northern Illinois, while the Metchi- 
gamia had recently migrated much farther south into the present 
Arkansas. The Miami also appear to have drifted from southern 

1 Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to Rep. of the Minister of Education, Ontario, 

P- I.S4- 

2 Ibid. 

' nth Ann. Rep. B. A. E.. p. 267. 

■• Trans. Kansas State Hist. Soc, x, 383. 

394 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

\\'isconsin toward the southeast as far as southwestern Ohio. The 
Monsopelea, who probably belonged to this group though we know 
very little about them, were driven out of Ohio or Indiana by the 
Iroquois and settled far down the Mississippi, finally uniting with 
the Taensa.^ When we first hear of them the Potawatomi were 
in the lower peninsula of Michigan, but the Ottawa now found 
there have moved over in historic times from Manitoulin island and 
the neighboring shores of Lake Huron. The Chippewa now inhabit 
both shores of Lake Superior, but they entertain a general belief that 
they once lived farther toward the east. Within historic times 
they ha\-e driven the Dakota from Mille Lacs, and this may have 
been onh' a late stage in a very much older aggressive movement, 
since they are said to have had a tradition that they first en- 
countered the Dakota at the Sault. If any reliance could be 
placed upon this story it would indicate that they were at one 
time living north of Lake Huron, though we may discount Warren's 
belief that their original home was on the Atlantic coast. Some of 
this western migration was, however, due to the acquirement of 
firearms by the eastern tribes and a consequent temptation to take 
advantage of those farther away who had not yet obtained them. 
Upon the whole we may perhaps consider the territory of the true 
Algonkin, who belonged to this group and lived between Ottawa 
river and Georgian bay, as lying nearest the center of the most 
ancient region occupied by Indians of the Chippewa division. 

According to Mackenzie, Maclean, and Grinnell the origin 
legends of the Blackfoot point toward the east or north, but this 
has been disputed by other writers.- That the nucleus of the 
tribe was Algonquian there can be no doubt, but it is equally 
evident from the language that they have been seriously influenced 
by other peoples. From the first fact a presumption is raised 
that the larger portion of the people now known as Blackfoot had 
moved westward. This is as far as we can go at the present time. 
Cheyenne tradition carries that tribe back to Minnesota river and 

1 Margry, Decouvertes, i, p. 566. 

2 For an extended discussion see Wissler, Anlh. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
vol. V, pt. I, pp. 15-18. 


thus to the neighborhood of other Algonciuiaii peoples.' At some 
prehistoric period the Arapaho and Atsina separated from some 
common body the home of which is unknown though there are 
scanty indications pointing to tlie neighl)orhood of Red ri\er. 

\II. — ^The Bkothuk 
Newfoundland was formerly occupied by a people called Red 
Indians or Beothuks. The remnant of their language preserved 
to us shows some Algonquian affinities, but it varies so greatly 
that for the present it has been thought best to consider it an 
independent stock. In the first half of last century these Indians 
were exterminated by the whites and Micmac who took their 
places. It is believed that some escaped to Labrador, and that 
there were a few survi\ors has been proved by Dr Speck who 
had the good fortune to meet an indi\'idual descended from the 
Beothuk tribe. As an independent people, however, they have been 
long extinct. Willoughby inclines to the opinion that there may 
have been some connection between the Indians of this tribe and 
the " red-paint people " of Maine.^ If this could be demonstrated it 
would extend the territory and increase the prehistoric importance 
of the Beothuk very considerably. 

VIII. — The Eskimo 
The Esquimauan stock occupied a long, narrow fringe of shore 
from the eastern coast of Greenland and the northern side of the 
Gulf of St Lawrence to the easternmost points of Siberia and south- 
ward on the Alaskan coast as far as Copper river. The Aleut of 
the western portion of Alaska peninsula and the Aleutian islands 
constitute a subgroup of the same stock, offering many points of 
divergence from the normal Eskimo. Formerly it was customary 
to separate the people of this stock from all other Americans and 
to assume a more intimate connection between them and the 
Ural-Altaic peoples of Asia. Nevertheless the language of the 
Eskimo is distinctly American in type. Moreov^er traditional and 
ethnological evidence alike point to a comparatively recent coloni- 

* Mooney, Mem. Am. Anthr. Asso., vol. i, pt. 6, pp. 363-4. 

2 Willoughby in Arch, and Ellt. Papers Peabody Museum, vol. i (No. 6), pp. 50-52. 

396 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

zation of Siberia from the American side.^ and it seems certain that 

the Aleutian islands were also occupied from Alaska, since the 

Commander group, natural stepping stones between the Aleutians 

and Asia, were found uninhabited by their Russian discoverers, and 

they were the refuge of the sea cow, sure to have been exterminated 

had the islands been occupied for any considerable period.- Again 

the culture and mythology of the Alaskan Eskimo are strikingly 

different from those of the typical Eskimo farther east. It is, 

furthermore, unlikely that Siberia should have remained uncolonized 

until after all of the Alaskan coast afterward held by the Eskimo 

had been settled, and, if that occupancy was comparatively recent, 

the occupancy of the Alaskan coast south of Bering strait was 

probably recent also. From Norse chronicles we know that the 

Eskimo occupancy of Greenland began in the fourteenth century, 

and studies made by Thalbitzer on the languages of this stock 

indicate that the Labrador tribes also moved into their country 

from the west.^ Thus the evidence so far collected points to an 

expansion outward from some middle region, between Baffin land 

and the Mackenzie river. 

IX. — Indians of the Caddoan Stock 
The earliest inhabitants of our central and southern plains 
beyond the Missouri belonged to the Caddoan stock, of which, in 
early historic times, there were three divisions. The largest of 
these covered most of northwestern Louisiana, southwestern 
Arkansas, southern Oklahoma, and northeastern Texas. It con- 
sisted of a large body of closely related people from which the 
stock itself derives its name of Caddo, the Wichita and their allies, 
and the Kichai. The second group centered on the Platte and 
Republican rivers in the present Nebraska and Kansas, and con- 
sisted of the four Pawnee tribes— the Skidai, Chaui, Pitahauerat, 
and Kitkehahki. Finally there was a northernmost group on the 
Missouri river, in the present states of North and South Dakota, 
constituted by the Arikara. 

1 Some additional proof is announced by V. Stefansson in the Summary Report 
of the Geological Survey, Canada, for the calendar year 191 2, pp. 488-489. 

2 Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. i, pp. 93-106. 
^ Bull. 40, B. A. E., pt. I, pp. 971-972. 



Traditional and carl\- liistorical references as well as similarity 
in language all ixjint to a separation of the last mentioned body 
from the Skidi Pawnee at a comparatively recent period. Of the 
Pawnee tribes proper the Skidi were to the north of the others and 
seem to have considered themselves original inhabitants of the 
countr>- occupied 1)>- them when first discovered. According to 
Mr James Murie two of the remaining tribes placed their original 
homes in the east, one as far as the Ohio, while the last claimed to 
have come from the southwest. The Wichita are merely the 
largest and most representative of a group of seven or eight allied 
peoples most of whom have been absorbed by them. When first 
encountered by whites they were camping along Arkansas river 
and its branches.^ Late in the eighteenth or early in the nine- 
teenth century, however, they were pressed out of this country by 
northern and eastern tribes and moved southwest, first to the 
North Canadian, later to the Wichita mountains.^ There is no 
tradition pointing to any region outside of this area. The Kichai 
were formerly on the upper waters of Red river whence they were 
gradually forced down upon the Trinity. No Kichai migration 
legend has come to our attention. 

The Caddo proper also seem to have partaken of the compara- 
tively immobile character of the tribes of this stock. They were 
found by the De Soto expedition, in the region later associated with 
them, and there is no legend pointing to a place of origin or 
habitation anywhere beyond. Sibley cites a tradition to the effect 
that the Kadohadatcho, the leading eastern Caddo tribe, had 
formerly lived at the Cross Timbers, 375 miles above their later 
seats,^ but this does not indicate any general movement on the 
part of all of the tribes. An origin myth collected by one of the 
writers from a Natchitoches Indian teikes us back to the neighbor- 
hood of Lake Sodo. 

• Handbook of Am. Indians, article Quivira. La Harpe in Margry, Decouverles, 
vol. VI, p. 289. 

2 Gatschet in Am. Antiq., Sept. 1891, pp. 249-252. 

* Annals of Cong.. 9th Cong., 2d s^ss., 1085. 

-,g8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

X. — Indians of Southern Texas 
South of the Caddoan peoples were a vast number of Indian 
tribes now classified into three linguistic stocks called Tonkawan, 
Karankawan, and Coahuiltecan, but there are reasons for believ- 
ing that more complete linguistic data (which unfortunately it will 
be difficult to obtain from any but the first mentioned) would 
show these to be related. And it is also probable that they would 
be found to have a connection with the ancient inhabitants of the 
northern and central parts of the state of Tamaulipas, Mexico. 
Further than this we have practically no information, no migration 
traditions having been preserved and little information of any 
kind regarding them having been recorded. 

XI. — The Kiowa 
The Kiowa, constituting the Kiowan linguistic stock, are 
associated in history with the southern plains, but about 1780 
they were in the Black hills and their own traditions as recorded by 
Mooney carry them back to the head waters of the Missouri in 
western Montana. Mooney believes that their affiliation is rather 
with the tribes west of the Rocky mountains than with those on 
the eastern side, and recent investigations would seem to confirm 

this view.^ 

XII. — Indians of the Athapascan Stock 

We now turn to the great western division of stocks referred to 
at the beginning of this paper. 

In point of territory covered, the Athapascan family equals, if 
indeed it does not outrank, the Algonquian, which is usually con- 
sidered the largest of all the stocks in North America. Geographi- 
cally the Athapascans fall into three separate groups, Northern, 
Pacific, and Southern. The first, and by far the largest of these, 
comprises the various tribes sometimes known collectively as 
Tinneh or Dene. In one immense continuous area they spread over 
the whole of the interior of Alaska, northern British Columbia, and 
the Mackenzie basin, extending over about 65° of longitude and 

1 Mooney in 17th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. iSi-iSS- See J. P. Harrington in Am. 
Anth., XII. 119-123- 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 399 

nearly 20° of latitude. Among the more important of their many 
tribes were the Dog-ribs, Yellow-knives, Chipewyans, the various 
Kutchin divisions, the Xahane, Carrier, and Chilcotin. A small 
isolated tribe, the Sarsi, lived with the Algonquian Blackfoot in 
southeastern Alberta and northern Montana. The Pacific group 
includes a small isolated band in southern British Columbia, 
together with others in western Washington, and a series of small 
tribes stretching in a nearly continuous strip along the Oregon and 
California coasts between Umpqua and Eel rivers. The southern 
division, of which the most important members were the Navaho 
and Apache, occupied a large area in eastern Arizona, western and 
southern New Mexico, and southwestern Texas extending south- 
ward some distance into the Mexican states of Chihuahua and 
Coahuila. A small isolated group of Athapascan people, the 
Kiowa Apache, were with the Kiowa in the southern Plains. 

The historical problems presented by the Athapascan stock 
are among the most difficult as well as most interesting in the 
northern continent, and there is much difference of opinion not 
only in regard to the movements of the various individual tribes 
and branches, but also concerning the relations of these branches 
within the stock. For the northern branch, migration traditions 
have been recorded chiefly from the tribes of the Mackenzie basin- 
These were first given by Mackenzie himself ^ and have since been 
secured by others, notably by Petitot.- Most of these accounts 
seem to be in accord in placing their earlier home far to the west, 
either across the sea or on the other side of a long lake full of islands. 
From this western land they were driven by the cruelty and fierce- 
ness of their neighbors, and after long travel and many difficulties 
came into their historical habitat. Some versions of the tradition 
make this western home a sort of terrestrial paradise, and it is 
uncertain how far the accounts are to be taken as purely mythical. 
Little or no information has been gathered from the Alaskan tribes 
as yet, and until more abundant material is at hand, it is premature 
to try to draw conclusions. The most that may be said is that 

' Mackenzie, Voyages, etc., p. cxviii. 

2 Petitot, Monographie des Dene-Dindjie. 

400 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

attempts to derive the northern Athapascans from Asia on the 
basis of these traditions are absurd. The only realh' definite indi- 
cation of migration in this northern group is in the southward 
movement of the Sarsi, who separated from the main body to the 
north, and allied themselves with the Blackfoot. A similar origin 
seems to be indicated for the small tribe formerh- living in the 
Nicola valley in southern British Columbia. 

The scattered tribes or bands forming the Pacific group seem 
to possess no trace of any traditions of migration, and all, without 
exception so far as is known, locate the creation of their first an- 
cestors within the territory where the bands were living at the time 
of first European contact. Their general distribution, however, is 
such as to indicate a movement parallel to the coast and presumably, 
in conformity with other tribes in this region, from north to south. 
From the completeness of their adaptation to the environment it 
would seem that the original immigration into this coastal area 
must have taken place at an early period. 

The two great tribes which together comprise the larger portion 
of the southern group present an interesting problem. Two con- 
trasted points of view are held. Hodge, ^ relying on the statements 
of early Spanish writers and explorers as well as native traditions, 
believes that the Apache moved westward from eastern New Mexico 
and had not reached Arizona until after the middle of the i6th 
century. On this theory they would be thus comparatively recent 
comers in the Southwest, where they have, with the usual readiness 
of the tribes of Athapascan stock, adapted themselves rapidly to 
their new environment, and borrowed many elements of their 
culture from the sedentary Pueblo tribes with which they came in 
contact and portions of which they completely absorbed. The 
Navaho on this theory are believed to have appeared originally 
about the end of the 15th century in northern New Mexico. At 
first an insignificant tribe, they grew gradually, in part by absorption 
of other elements derived from the Rio Grande pueblos, the Zufii, 
the Ute, and the Yuman stock, and in part by incorporation of 
portions of the affiliated Apache, and in this way extended their 

1 Hodge, The Early Navaho and Apache, Am. Anlhr., 1895, viii, pp. 223-240. 


territory westward far into Arizona. Goddard ' on the other hand, 
relying more on cultural and linguistic considerations, believes 
that the evidence brought forward by Hodge is inconclusive, and 
that the Apache and Navaho are on the contrary old residents of 
the Southwest, having become completely assimilated to the environ- 
ment in a way imijossible if they were recent comers. The migra- 
tion and origin legends regarded by Hodge as in large part really 
historical are thus considered to be almost wholly mythical and to 
have little or no value as indicating tribal movements. The final 
solution of this jiroblcm must await fuller archeological evidence. 
For the small isolated tribe of the Kiowa Apache — whose afifiliations 
seem clearly with the northern group — ^we have distinct traditions 
of their meeting with the Kiowa at the time when these were still 
in Montana, and of their accompanying them in their southward 
movements in the Plains. 

The larger problem of the movement of the Athapascan stock 
as a whole has usually been answered by assuming a southerly 
drift by which portions, breaking away from the parent body 
in the north, have wandered southward through the Plains as 
far as New Mexico and Arizona, the Sarsi and Kiowa Apache 
being laggards or remnants left behind. The Pacific group were 
thought to be either jjortions of these who passed west across the 
Rockies, perhaps down the Columbia, and then from its mouth 
down the coast as far as California, or else a separate migration 
from the westerly portion of the northern parent stock passing 
directly south along the Pacific shores, and of which the Washington 
and southern British Columbian fragments represented the laggards 
or latest comers. This view has been opposed by Goddard - who 
believes that the exact contrary is not improbable, and suggests 
that a further possibility is that the stock formerly had a continuous 
distribution but has been disrupted by the intrusion of other 
peoples. Until, however, more conclusive proof in favor of a north- 
ward movement or of a disruption by force is brought forward, 
the theory of a southerh- drift seems best to fit the facts. 

* Goddard, XVUi Congress of Americanists, 1, pp. 337-359 
2 Ibid. 

^02 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

XIII. — Indians of the North Pacific Coast 
We nuu- tlixidc the Indians of the north Pacific coast rout;iily 
into two sections, a northern composed of the Chimmesyan, Skitta- 
getan, and Koluschan stocks, and a southern, mainly represented 
by the Wakashan and part of the Salishan peoples. Among the 
former the Chimmes>'ans stand entirely apart, linguistically and 
to a certain extent culturally. They consist of three tribes, the 
Tsimshian on Skeena river, the Niska on Nass river, and the Kitksan 
on the headwaters of both these streams. Although typically a 
coast people their traditions all point to an inland origin, at least 
as far back from the coast as the present territory of the Kitksan. 
The Skittagetan stock, embracing the people more often known 
as Haida, was located on the Queen Charlotte islands, British 
Columbia, and the southern end of Prince of Wales island, Alaska. 
The traditions, both of the Haida themselves and the other Alaskan 
Indians, show that those Haida now on Prince of Wales island 
emigrated to that region some time in the early part of the eighteenth 
century. 1 The traditions of the Queen Charlotte Islands Haida 
carry us to the eastern shore of the islands, particularly to the 
northeastern point and to the southern end.^ The Koluschan 
stock, embracing the Indians usually known as Tlingit, extended 
over all the coast and islands of the panhandle of Alaska, with the 
exception just indicated, and beyond as far as the mouth of Copper 
river. The traditions of the greater number of their clans point 
to an origin on the Nass river to the south, but that of the K!acke- 
qoan brings them from among the Athapascan tribes on Copper 
river, that of the Nanyaayi points to an origin inland from Taku 
inlet, and that of the Qatcadi to the interior along the upper Skeena.^ 
On the other hand several Tlingit clans are now represented among 
the Tahltan of the upper Skeena by later settlement or intermarriage 
from the coast, ^ and the Tagish of Chilkat pass are said to be a 
Tlingit offshoot.-"^ This last statement, however, is probably an 

1 Dawson in Rep. Geol. Survey Can., for 1879, p. 104B. Swanton in Metn. Am. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., viii, pp. 88-90. 

2 Swanton, ibid., p. 72 et seq. 

3 Swanton in 26th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 410; also cf. p. 411- 

■> Emmons in Anth. Pub. Univ. of Pa., vol. IV, no. i, pp. 11-21. 
5 Dawson in Rep. Geol. Surv. Can., 192B. 1887. 


error. Within comparatively late historic times the Tlingit have 
moved farther west toward Copper river, and have modified an 
Eskimo tribe on Kayak island, the Ugalakmiut, to such an extent 
that these are now indistinguishable from the Tlingit proper, having 
adopted their language as well as their customs. ^ The Tlingit and 
Haida languages furnish still further evidence of an inland origin, 
the resemblance between at least Tlingit and Athapascan being 
very marked. 

The Wakashans consist of two branches, the Kwakiutl of Queen 
Charlotte sound and the coast northward to Kitamat, and the 
Nootka of the west coast of Vancouver and the extreme north- 
western point of Washington. Many of these tribes are divided 
into family groups which trace their origin from an ancestor who 
descended from the sky and settled at such and such a place. As 
village sites are usually to be found at the places indicated it is 
probable that they were in fact formerly occupied by the people in 
question. Nevertheless these sites are all in the same region and 
do not indicate any movement en masse from elsewhere.- 

The Salishan tribes may be divided roughly into the coast 
Salish and the interior Salish. The former were on Georgian 
straits, the Straits of Fuca, Puget sound, and on the outer coasts of 
Washington and Oregon — with the exception of the Columbia 
river entrance, and the northwestern corner of Washington state- 
as far south as Siletz river. Still farther north, on North and South 
Bentinck arm, Dean inlet, and Bellacoola river, was a detached 
body known as the Bellacoola. These seem to have migrated 
from the coast Salish farther south, but along the heads of the 
deep inlets instead of by the outer coast. The interior Salish 
occupied a large part of the lower Frazer valley, including the 
valle\- of the Thompson, the upper valley of the Columbia, and as 
far east as the headwaters of the Missouri. While no memory 
appears to have been preserved of movements among these people 
in great bodies, there is reason to believe that the coast Salish 
originally pressed down from the interior. At least Boas is able 

1 Petroff in Tenth Census, vol. viii, p. 146. 

2 Boas in Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., for 1895. pp. 328-334- 

404 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

to say that "both linguistic and archaeological indications sug- 
gest that the Salish tribes which now inhabit the coast of the 
Gulf of Georgia separated from the Salish tribes of the interior at 
a time when both had the simple form of culture that seems to be 
characteristic of the whole plateau area and of the Mackenzie 
basin." ^ 

The Chimakuan stock consists, or rather consisted, of but two 
tribes, the Chimakum about Port Townsend, Washington, and the 
Quileute on the northwestern coast of the same state. It is believed 
that a closer study of the Chimakuan language may show some 
connection with Salish. 

XIV. — The Kutenai 
The Kitunahan stock consisted of the Kutenai tribe only. 
Its historic seat was in southeastern British Columbia along the 
west flanks of the Rocky mountains, extending also slightly into 
the present United States. Chamberlain says regarding the origin 
of these people: "Their traditions suggest that they are com- 
paratively modern intruders into this area from some quarter to 
the east of the Rockies, possibly around the headwaters of the 
Saskatchewan." ^ Their language shows some points of resemblance 
with those of the Shoshonean group. 

XV. — The Shahaptians and the Indians of Western Oregon 
The Shahaptian area included a considerable territory in the 
vicinity of the Columbia and Snake rivers, in southwestern Idaho, 
southeastern Washington, and northeastern Oregon. The best. 
known of the several tribes composing the stock was the Nez Perce. 
Very little information is available in regard to the early history of 
these tribes, which were first met by Lewis and Clark at the begin- 
ning of the last century. The Nez Perce themselves seem to have 
been long in their historic habitat; on the other hand the Klikitat 
appear to have begun a movement westward across the Cascades 
not long before European contact, and to have thus paralleled north 
of the Columbia the movements of the Molala south of it. 

1 Ann. Arch. Rep. for 1905, App. to the Rep. of the Minister of Education, Ontario, 
p. 225. 

2 Chamberlain in Ann. Arch. Rep., op. cit., p. 178. 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 405 

A number of small, apparenth- independent linguistic stocks 
occupied the western portion of Oregon at the time \\lKn it first 
became known to Europeans. These were the Chinookan along 
both banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the sea; the Kala- 
pooian in the Willamette valley; the Kusan about Coos bay; the 
Siuslauan and Yakonan just north of these along the coast; the 
Takelman isolated among Athapascan peoples on the middle 
Umpqua; the Waiilatpuan in two separate areas, one along the 
western slope of the Cascades south of the Columbia, and one 
southeast of the bend of the Columbia at Wallula; and lastly the 
Lutuamian, who occupied the southern Cascades, mainly on their 
eastern slope, and the basins of the Klamath lakes. 

For the majority of these, no traditional or other evidence of 
migration is available. Exceptions are in the case of the Molala 
who are said by the Cayuse (the eastern branch) to have separated 
from them, and to have crossed the Cascades toward the west to 
their historic sites. As the two dialects are quite distinct, this 
separation must have occurred at an early time. The Klikitat 
and some other Shahaptian tribes also seem to have been pushing 
north and west.^ For the Kalapooians there is some evidence of a 
southward movement of slight extent, toward Umpqua valley. 

XVI. — Indians of California 

The Californian area presents a somewhat troublesome problem. 
Powell divided the languages of the state into twenty-two separate 
stocks, with the result that this region appeared to be linguistically 
one of the most complex in the world. Recent investigations 
however by Kroeber^ and one of the authors and also by Sapir^ 
make it very probable that the many stocks of Powell may be 
reduced to nine or ten, of which three (Shoshoncan, Athapascan, 
and possibly Algonquian) are mainly extra-Californian families. 

Of the newly determined families, the largest is the Penutian, 
occupying a continuous area which ma>- be roughly described as 

> Lewis, Mem. Am. Anthr. Asso., vol. i, pt. 2, pp. 195-196. Gibbs in Coiil. to 
N. A. Eth., vol. I, p. 224. 

2 Dixon and Kroeber. Amer. Anlhr. (n. s.), xv. pp. 647-655. 
'Sapir, ditto, pp. 617-646. 

406 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 191 4 

incliuling- tlic whole of the (ireat Valley together with the coastal 
region south of San Francisco to beyond Monterey. This includes 
the former Wintun, Maidu, Miwok, Costanoan, and Yokuts stocks. 
No definite traditions of migration have been found among any of 
the members of the Penutian family, but on linguistic grounds there 
would seem to be some e\idence of a former continuity of the 
Maidu and Yokuts groups, now separated by the intervening 
Miwok; and in general of a spreading outward from the central 
portion of the state along the courses of the Sacramento and San 
Joaquin rivers. 

The second large Californian stock is the Hokan, whose territory 
is much broken up. In the north it comprises the region occupied 
by the Shastan, Chimarikan, and probably the Karok and Yanan 
groups as well. Separated from these and farther south are the 
Pomo, along the coast and in the Coast Ranges north of San Fran- 
cisco; the now extinct Esselen on the coast south of Monterey; 
and the Yuman group of the extreme south of the state and in 
western Arizona. As in the case of the Penutian stock, practically 
no traditional evidence is available indicating any migratory move- 
ments except the slight indications shown by the Yuman branch. 

The area occupied by Yuman tribes comprised southw^estern Ari- 
zona, the extreme southern portion of California, and the northern 
portion of the peninsula of Lower California. As in the case of 
most tribes west of the Rockies, there is little traditional evidence 
of migration. In one or two cases, however, there are some facts 
which may be significant. Thus the Havasupai now* living in 
Cataract canyon (a tributary of the Colorado just west of the 
Grand canyon) have traditions of having lived formerly farther 
to the south, along the Little Colorado and upper Verde rivers. 
The Yavapai on the other hand, would seem to have moved from a 
position along the Colorado near the mouth of Bill Williams fork, 
eastward toward central Arizona. A somewhat similar eastward 
movement also occurred in the case of the Maricopa who moved 
during the 19th century from a position near the mouth of the 
Gila to one near its middle course. Except for the Havasupai, 
who acquired not a little of the characteristic culture features of 

swanton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 407 

the Pueblo tribes, the general type of Yuman culture is reminis- 
cent of California, and would suggest an earlier home in that direc- 

The Shastan group shows some indications of a southerly move- 
ment, and general considerations — cultural, linguistic, and geo- 
graphic — make the supposition of a similar tendency for the whole 
stock probable. How far the intrusion of the Athapascans has 
been responsible for this it is as yet impossible to say; the possibility 
of disruption due to this cause and to the expansion of the Penutian 
stock must certainly be considered. It seems probable, however, 
that any such movements, both in this case and in that of the 
Penutian stock, must have taken place at a very early period. 

For the other Californian stocks, there is little evidence at hand. 
The Yuki, who are in three separate divisions, two north of and one 
south of the Pomo, show evidence of disruption by the intrusive 
Athapascans, and of an older separation by which the southern or 
Wappo group were divided from the parent stock. The Washo 
in the region about Lake Tahoe on the eastern border of the state 
show no indications of movement in any direction. For the Salinan 
and Chumash stocks of the southern coast also there is no tradi- 
tional or other evidence which would show tribal movements, and 
it is probable that they have been for a very long period in occu- 
pancy of the region in which they were found by the earliest 
European explorers. 

XVII. — Indians of the Shoshonean Stock 
The Shoshonean tribes stand at present in a somewhat uncertain 
position as regards their linguistic independence. Since the middle 
of the last century ^ a feeling has been growing that the Shoshonean 
languages should be grouped with the Piman and Nahuan to form a 
larger stock or family, called by Brinton - the Uto-Aztecan. Leaving 
this question aside for the moment, however, the history of the 
Shoshonean branch can be briefly summarized. 

The area covered by tribes of this group at the time of their 

* Buschmann, Spur en der aztekischen Sprache, Berlin, 1859. 
^ Brinton, American Race, p. 118 sq. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 27 

4o8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

earliest contact with Europeans was, with two exceptions, a con- 
tinuous one. The mass of the people lived almost wholly within 
the region generally known as the Great Plateau, and comprised 
southeastern Oregon, southern Idaho, southwestern Montana, 
western Wyoming and Colorado, the whole of Utah and Nevada, 
together with most of California south of the Tehachapi and a 
narrow strip along its eastern border. The two outlying tribes 
were the Hopi, whose villages lay in northern Arizona, and the 
Comanche, who ranged over the southern Plains. On a linguistic 
basis 1 the Shoshonean tribes may be divided into four very unequal 
subdivisions: the Pueblo (comprising the Hopi only); the Plateau 
(the most important tribes being the Ute, Shoshoni, Comanche, and 
Paiute); the Kern River; and the Southern California (including 
the Serrano, Gabrieleno, Luisefio, Cahuilla, etc.). 

Little has been recorded for any of these tribes, except the 
Hopi and Comanche, in the way of migration traditions. The 
Hopi were of complex origin, and will be considered along with the 
other Pueblo Indians. The Comanche are linguistically closely 
related to the Shoshoni of Idaho and Wyoming, and there is tradi- 
tional evidence- of their being residents of that section early in the 
1 8th century, and that they were driven by other tribes from this 
northern home southward along the western edge of the Plains. 
At this same period, probably, the Shoshoni were forced west across 
the Rockies to their hstorical site. Brinton ^ and others have held 
that this latter movement indicated a former residence of the whole 
stock in the region between the mountains and the Great Lakes; 
and Powers ^ supposed the southern California tribes to be recent 
intruders there from the eastward. There seems, however, to be 
little ground for either of these assumptions, and the evidence, 
both linguistic and cultural, would appear to show that the tribes 
composing the Shoshonean group have been in occupancy of the 
Great Plateau and of southern California for a very long time. 

1 Kroeber, Univ. Col. Pub. Amer. Arch, and Eth., iv, p. 97 et seq. 

2 Clark, Indian Sign Language, p. 118. 

3 Op. cit., p. 121. 

4 Powers, Tribes of California, p. 369. 


XVIII. — Indians of the Piman Stock 
The Piman family holds still, like the Shoshonean, a somewhat 
uncertain position in regard to its linguistic independence, and it is 
probable ' that with the Shoshonean and Nahuan it forms merely a 
branch of the larger Utb-Aztecan stock. The larger part of the 
territory occupied b>- tliis group lies in northwestern Mexico, in 
the states of Sonora, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, and Durango, with 
extensions still farther south; of the tribes in the United States 
the Pima and Papago are the most important, and occupied in the 
1 8th century a considerable area in southern Arizona. 

The origin tradition of the Pima- refers to the Salt River valley 
as the region where the tribe had its beginning, and states that their 
ancestors moved thence southward to the Gila; much later, under 
the attack of enemies from the east, a portion moved into Mexico 
while others went northward to join the Zuiii and Hopi.-^ Other 
traditions refer to an earlier eastern home.^ That the Pima had 
been long settled in the southern portion of Arizona seems indicated 
by the abundant ruins throughout the area, the majority of which, 
including the famous Casa Grande, are attributed to their ancestors.^ 
The fact that linguistically the Piman languages stand closer to the 
Shoshonean than they do to the Nahuan dialects ^ and that geo- 
graphically they are intermediate between these two branches of 
the Uto-Aztecan family, may perhaps be taken as indicating a 
general southerly drift for the entire great group. More definite 
knowledge of the culture and archeology of northwestern Mexico 
is, however, necessary before any certain conclusions can be reached. 

XIX. — The Pueblo Indians 
There is very little information available regarding the migration 
traditions of the Pueblo Indians outside of the Hopi and the 
Zuni. All that we can make out is a widespread belief that the 

' Kroeber, op. cit., p. 164. 

2 Russell in 26lh Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 206-23C. 

' Fewkes in 28lh Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 153-160. 

* Russell, op. cit., p. 26. 
' Fewkes, loc. cit. 

• Kroeber, op. cic, p. 163. 


people had come up from the underworld at some point in the north. 
According to dishing the Zuiii were composed of two elements, an 
earlier element, the traditional origin of \\lu(li was identical with 
that given above, and a later element from the west or southwest.^ 
According to Dr Few^kes the Hopi were formed by three prehistoric 
immigrations, the first of which, consisting of the Honau or Bear 
people and Kokop or Firewood people, he believes to have come 
from the Rio Grande region, tradition specifying Jemez. Secondly 
came the Snake people from the San Juan region in the north, who 
settled first on the Little Colorado west of Walpi, and finally came 
to Tusayan. The third and last consisted of what is now the 
Patki people who came up from the Gila valley, and were perhaps 
of Piman origin. They were very likely of the same stock as the 
southern immigrants into Zuni. Within historic times, especially 
since the rebellion of the Pueblos against the Spaniards in 1680, 
several other movements ha\-e taken place. Thus the Asa, a Tewa 
people, moved to Zuiii and from there again to Hopi, founding the 
Pueblo of Sichomovi, called "the Zuni town." About 1710 came the 
Hano people, also of Tewa stock, and founded the pueblo of that 
name where the Tewa language is still preserved. Some Keres 
also came to Hopi, but the bulk of them afterward left and founded 
Sandia. Over and above these great migrations movements of 
small bodies of persons frequently occurred, sometimes perhaps of 
two or three people only, but this served to spread clans from one 
pueblo to another and to increase the complexity throughout.^ 


Let us now recapitulate briefly. From the data available it 
appears that the origin of the tribes of several of our stocks may 
be referred back to a swarming ground, usually of rather indefinite 
size but none the less roughly indicated. That for the Muskho- 
geans, including probably some of the smaller southern stocks, 
must be placed in Louisiana, Arkansas, and perhaps the western 
parts of Mississippi and Tennessee, although a few tribes seem to 

1 Gushing in 13th Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 342. 

2 Fewkes in igih Ann. Rep. B. A. E., pp. 573-634. 

swaxton-dixon] primitive AMERICAN HISTORY 4II 

have come from the region of the Ohio. That for the Iroquoians 
would be along the Ohio and perhaps farther west, and that of the 
Siouans on the lower Ohio and the country to the north including 
part at least of Wisconsin. The dispersion area for the Algonquians 
was farther north about the Great Lakes and perhaps also the St 
Lawrence, and that for the Eskimo about Hudson bay or between it 
and the Mackenzie ri\-er. The Caddoan peoples seem to have been 
on the southern plains from earliest times. On the north Pacific 
coast we have indications that the flow of population has been from 
the interior to the coast. This seems certain in the case of the 
Indians of the Chimmesyan stock and some Tlingit subdivisions. 
Some Tlingit clans, however, ha\'e moved from the neighborhood 
of the Nass northward. Looking farther south we find evidence 
that the coast Salish have moved from the inner side of the coast 
ranges, while a small branch has subsequently passed northward to 
the west of it. The Athapascan stock in all probability has moved 
southward, sending one arm down the Pacific coast, and a larger 
body presumably through the Plains which reached as far as 
northern Mexico. Most of the stocks of the Great Plateau and of 
Oregon and California show little evidence of movement, such 
indications as are present, however, pointing toward the south as a 
rule. The Pueblo Indians appear to have had a mixed origin, part 
of them coming from the north, part from the south. In general 
there is to be noted a striking contrast between the comparatively 
settled condition of those tribes west of the Rocky mountains, and 
the numerous movements, particular!},- in later times, of those to 
the east. 

While we can hope for little more traditional evidence regarding 
the migrations of our Indians the collection of further ethnological 
material of all kinds is bound to cast a flood of light upon the whole 
question of tribal movements. More exact information regarding 
Indian languages will doubtless bring out new resemblances and 
contrasts, some of which will in time be shown to have historic 
value. Again, all of these tribes must be reclassified in accordance 
with the data yielded by physical anthrojxjlogy as soon as those 
data are sufficiently complete. We already know that this classi- 



fication will show a ver>- different alignment of tribes, that in some 
cases linguistic stocks will be cut to pieces and in other cases brought 
together. This discordance, however, far from disturbing us, 
should be welcomed as giving a different angle of approach which 
will probably enrich rather than confuse our conception of aboriginal 
American history. The study of cultural features properly so 
considered will also yield certain valuable results, at least of con- 
firmatory value, but less is to be expected from this branch of 
ethnology than from the two already considered. Culture, how- 
ever, as well as physical anthropology, has one great advantage 
over language in that it can be enriched progressively by arche- 
ological investigations long after the living peoples are extinct, and 
there will come a time when the archeological method of approach 
will be the only method remaining. 




By W. H. holmes 


Introduction 413 

The North Atlantic Area 41? 

The Georgia-Florida Area 420 

The Middle and Lower Mississippi Valley Area 424 

The Upper Mississippi and Great Lakes Area 428 

The Great Plains and Rocky Mountain Area 43° 

The Arid Region 432 

The California Area 435 

The Columbia-Fraser Area 43^ 

The Northwest Coast Area 440 

The Arctic Shoreland Area 443 

The Great Northern Interior Area 445 


AS an initial step in the description and interpretation of the 
antiquities of the continent, the archeologist observes the 
tribes of today, their cultural characteristics and environ- 
ments, and acquaints himself with what is known of them histori- 
cally. He finds that their achievements are greatly diversified 
and that certain forms and states of culture characterize particular 
geographical areas and realizes that environment has had a large 
share in determining the course of the culture evolution. He 
examines the antiquities and finds that analogous geographical 
distinctions characterize the material culture of the past and reaches 
the conclusion that the relations of environment to man and culture 

1 The present paper is extracted from a work now in course of preparation which 
is intended to bring together in comprehensive form the antiquities of the continent; 
it is thus not complete in itself. The several areas are tentatively outlined to facilitate 
descriptive and comparative studies of the numerous classes of artifacts; and the 
brief sketches here presented are intended to familiarize the reader and student with the 
field as a whole and with the relative culture status of its more important subdivisions. 

_|.I4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

must play an important part in tiic prosecution of his researches 
and in the analysis of aboriginal history. 

In the practical work of museum classification and arrange- 
ment — a work which has served in part to give form to this writing— 
archeological materials are necessarily grouped primarily by conti- 
nents and other natural divisions, and secondarily by political 
divisions, such as states and territories. Separation by the larger 
natural divisions is always necessary, but separation by ethnic 
areas, or areas of culture characterization, as they are sometimes 
called, is most advantageous. These areas may be large or small 
according to the understanding or the needs of the student. By 
their means he approximates the real or natural grouping of the 
material traces of human achievement and studies to advantage 
culture and culture relationships and the causes of the resemblances 
and differences everywhere met with. The geographical limitations 
of culture units are, as a matter of course, not usually well defined. 
Cultures are bound to overlap and blend along the borders and 
more especially along lines of ready communication. But not- 
withstanding this, certain characteristics of achievement or groups 
of culture traits within each area will be found to separate it from 
its neighbors and afford effective means of comparison with other 
culture groups. In the present work, keeping in view the arche- 
ological rather than the ethnological evidence, it is convenient to 
recognize eleven areas north of Mexico (pi. xxxii), namely: (i) The 
North Atlantic area; (2) The Georgia-Florida area; (3) The Middle 
and Lower Mississippi Valley Region; (4) The Upper Mississippi 
and Lakes Region; (5) The Plains and Rocky Mountains; (6) The 
Arid Region; (7) The California Area; (8) The Columbia-Fraser 
Area; (9) The Northwest Coast Area; (10) The Arctic Coastal 
Area; (11) The Great Northern-Central Area. To these may be 
added (12) The Hawaiian Islands; and (13) The West Indies. 
These areas are here made as few and simple as possible to avoid 
too great complexity in conducting comparative studies of the 
several classes of antiquities. 

The Middle and South American areas, also outlined on the 
broadest possible plan, are as follows: (i) Northern Mexico; (2) 


Middle Mexico; (3) Southern IVIexico; (4) The Maya Provinces; 
(5) The Central American or Isthmian Region; (6) The North 
Andean-Pacific Area; (7) The Middle Andean Pacific or Incan 
Area; (8) The South Andean-Pacific or Chilean Area; (9) The 
Amazon Delta Area; (10) Primitive South America, Northern 
Division; (11) Primitive South America, Southern Division. 
Detailed study of the antiquities and history of these vast regions 
might profit e^'en in the initial stages of research work by further 
subdivision of the areas, but in the present restricted state of our 
knowledge this would not prove greatly advantageous, as it would 
prolong the summary review here contemplated without an equiva- 
lent in useful results. 

These areas in all cases are based on the clearly manifested 
phases of their culture content. In some areas evidence has been 
reported of early cultures radically distinct from the type adopted 
as characteristic of the areas, and ancestral forms grading into the 
later and into the historic forms are thought to have been recognized. 
In these particular branches of the research, however, haste must 
be made slowly as the utmost acumen of the student is called for in 
making areal and chronological discriminations. It is anticipated, 
however, since the period of occupancy of the continent must have 
been of long duration, that not only early but more elementary cul- 
tures may in good time be identified. 

Within the region north of Mexico the culture of the most 
advanced communities rises high in the scale of barbarian achieve- 
ment — a status characterized by an artificial basis of subsistence, 
sedentar>' life, successful agriculture, and extensive town building, 
yet still far below the culture level of glyphic writing reached by the 
more advanced tribes of Middle America. Pictographic records 
carved on stone, engraved or painted on bark, and painted on 
surfaces of many kinds, were almost entirely pictorial or graphic, 
slight advance having been made in the use of purely conventional 
characters, save as separate symbols or as ornamental designs. The 
lowest stage ranges well down in savagery- where art in stone in its 
rudimentary forms had barely obtained a sure foothold, as with 
the Seri and other Lower Californians. 

41 6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

In Middle and especially in South America the culture con- 
trasts are even greater, and nations standing upon the very thresh- 
hold of civilization, with arts, industries, and institutions highly 
developed, are in close juxtaposition with utterly savage tribes to 
which even clothing and stable dwellings are practically unknown. 
^^'ith the exception of a limited group at the mouth of the Amazon, 
the more advanced cultures were confined to the west coast and 
the Andean plateaus, where forests are rare and deserts common, 
while the primitive status was and is yet found in places throughout 
the vast forest regions of the eastern slope of the Andes and the 
Orinoco-Amazon region, in the broad pampas of Brazil, Paraguay, 
and Argentina, and on the entire Atlantic coastal border from 
Panama to Tierra del Fuego, excepting always the limited areas 
about the delta of the Amazon. 

These difTerences in culture status appear to be due to a complex 
of causes not readily analyzed. Whatsoever the nature of the 
molding agencies, they have acted to diversify, differentiate, and 
individualize cultures in a most pronounced manner throughout the 
two Americas, and the results, as suggested by a study of the 
several areas, are among the most striking and scientifically im- 
portant features of our aboriginal ethnology. 

The following sketches do not assume to approximate complete 
presentation of the cultural remains of the several areas; they are 
merely intended to cultivate familiarity with the vast field as a 
whole and to lay out its great features tentatively as an aid in 
describing and comparing the antiquities and the cultures they 
represent. It is by no means assumed that the culture phenomena 
of any considerable area are uniform throughout. There may be 
much diversity, possibly great complexity of conditions. There 
may be a number of somewhat independent centers of development 
of nearly equal importance, or a single center may have spread its 
influence over a wide area. The mapping of the cultures will, in 
the end, take forms that cannot now be foreseen. When all avail- 
able relics of antiquity have been considered and their history and 
distribution recorded, discussion of the culture complex may be 
taken up to advantage, and, enforced by the somatic evidence and 


illumined by the researches of ethnology-, may round out the history 
of man in America with gratifying fullness. 


The north Atlantic characterization area, as outlined for present 
purposes, extends from Newfoundland and the St Lawrence valley 
on the north to Georgia on the south. It includes eastern Canada, 
New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and large 
portions of Virginia, West Virginia, and the Carolinas. It is a 
region of splendid forests, rugged highlands, charming valleys, and 
a diversified coast line indented by many tidewater inlets, and the 
aborigines, largely of the Algonquian, Iroquoian, and Siouan stocks, 
were primarily hunters and fishers, although agriculture was 
practised successfully in many of the fertile valleys. The native 
culture of both colonial and precolonial times, so far as known, 
though varying with the widely distributed centers of habitation, 
was quite uniform in grade and general characteristics. It is well 
differentiated from that of the south and middle west, but passes 
with no abrupt change into that of the upper lakes and the great 
interior region of the north. The changes from north to south 
were due in large measure to differences in food resources and 
the influence of neighboring cultures. 

The use of stone in building was practically unknown, the 
dwellings being constructed of bark and mats, and stockades were 
relied upon for village defense. Burial mounds and other earth- 
works in the area are rare or insignificant in size, save where the 
influence of the Mississippi valley culture was felt along the western 
border, but the shores are lined with shell-heaps often of great 
extent. Methods of burial were primitive and considerably varied, 
and the graves yield many examples of the simple artifacts em- 
ployed by the people. Numerous caves and rock-shelters were 
occupied for dwelling and burial. 

The ceramic art was in a somewhat rudimentary stage, although 
considerable skill and taste were displayed by the Iroquois in the 
manufacture of culinary utensils and tobacco pipes of clay. The 
vessels are round-bodied and often conical beneath, adapted thus 

4l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6. 1914 

to earthen floors, and were decorated with incised lines forming 
simple geometric figures, with fabric or cord impressions, and often, 
among the Iroquois, with crude figures in relief. The tobacco pipes 
of this people are varied in form and elaborately embellished with 
modeled life forms. The Virginia clay pipe with long stem and 
upturned bowl, carried to England by the early colonists along with 
the first tobacco, gave form to the common clay pipe which pre- 
vails even today in the English-speaking world. 

Of implements of pecked and polished stone, the grooved ax, 
celt-hatchet, chisel, pick, gouge-adz, mortar, pestle, slate knife, 
slate spearhead, and hammerstone are present in large numbers, 
and articles of faith and ornament include bannerstones, bird- 
shaped stones, plummets, tubes, pierced gorgets, etc. Chipped 
implements of all ordinary types are well made and plentiful, as 
are also shell beads, pins, and pendent ornaments. The engraved 
conch-shell gorgets of Virginia and the Carolinas are of particular 
interest, but it is probable that these should be regarded as culture 
intrusions from the west. 

The tribes of this region surpassed their neighbors in the manu- 
facture of a few varieties of artifacts only; their gouge-adz takes 
first rank among implements of this general class. Within the 
area there are a number of local features of particular interest, 
some of which are due to the occurrence of mineral deposits of 
exceptional character, while others are due to ethnical conditions 
not at present fully determined. Maine has furnished a group 
of relics of exceptional character, most noteworthy of which are 
certain long, slender celts and gouge-adzes, and ground and 
polished lance-heads, discovered and described by Willoughby and 
tentatively ascribed by him to some pre-Algonquian people. The 
occurrence of red oxides with the burials has led to the use of the 
designation "the Red Paint people." The resemblance of the lance- 
heads to those of the Eskimo and even to those of northern Europe 
and Asia is noted. The occurrence in New England and the eastern 
Lakes region of examples of the ground spearhead and the broad- 
bladed slate knife, the woman's knife of the Arctic, is also worthy 
of remark. 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 419 

Deposits of soapstone occur throughout nearh- all the states 
from Massachusetts to Georgia and were extensi\-el>' worked by 
the aborigines for the manufacture of cooking utensils, tobacco 
pipes, anfl articles of ornament, and the stone pick-axes and chisels 
used in cutting out and shaping these articles constitute a unique 
feature in American archeology. Mica was mined extcnsixeh- in 
Virginia and North Carolina, and quarries of argillite, jasper, and 
rh\olite are found in Pennsylvania, and of quartz and quartzite 
bowlder deposits in the District of Columbia. From the materials 
obtained in these quarries and from other widely distributed 
sources of supply vast numbers of chipped implements were made, 
as would be expected with a forest people devoted to war and the 
chase. It is stated that a single collector amassed, largely within 
the limits of a single county in South Carolina, twenty bushels of 
arrowheads. The coarse grain and refractory nature of most of 
the materials, however, rendered impossible the refined work 
which was produced in the areas to the west. Deposits or caches 
of large chipped blades, mostly of the narrow oblong type, have 
been found at many points throughout the area. The spear was 
not in general use on the arrival of the whites, the bow and arrow, 
the tomahawk (celt-hatchet), and club being the principal weapons. 
Dugout canoes and canoes of bark were in use, and occasional 
examples of the former have been uncovered in recent years. Petro- 
glyphs of primitive type are found in all sections. The most noted 
example is that of Dighton Rock, Massachusetts, which has greatly 
puzzled antiquaries and has been the subject of much controversy. 
Relics of stone and bone, believed to have had their origin in 
glacial and early post-glacial times, have been collected in the 
Delaware valley and elsewhere, but geologists are not yet agreed 
as to the exact age of the formations with which most of the objects 
are said to be associated. These artifacts are not specifically 
different from those of the Indian tribes, and whether they repre- 
sent an earlier and a distinct culture from that of the remains of 
the region generally seems to be an open question. The possi- 
bilities are that, howsoever ancient the older traces may be, they 
represent continuous occupancy of the area by the same or related 
tribal groups. 

420 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

A few remnants of the original tribes, mostly of mixed blood, 
still live within the more easterly and southerly states, while a 
considerable body of the Iroquois remains in the valley of the St 
Lawrence. That the tribes of this great region should have re- 
mained always in a state of culture so primitive while other areas 
witnessed advancement must be attributed in large part to the 
forest environment. In both physical and intellectual attributes 
they had few superiors on the continent. 

Explorations have been conducted in this area by numerous 
students, prominent among whom are Kain in New Brunswick; 
Boyle and Laidlaw in Canada; Willoughby, Putnam, Gushing, 
McGuire, and Moorehead in Maine; Putnam and Chase in Massa- 
chusetts ; Perkins in Vermont; Haldeman, Mercer, Holmes, and Wren 
in Pennsylvania; Beauchamp and Harrington in New York; Rau, 
Abbott, and Volk in New Jersey; McGuire, Holmes, Fowke, 
Dinwiddle, Kengla, Reynolds, and Proudfit in the District of 
Columbia and Virginia; Thomas, Holmes, and Bushnell in the 

Early observers embodying in their works important data re- 
garding the aborigines of the region are White of the Roanoke 
colony. Smith, Strachey, and Hariot of the Virginia colony, Burk, 
Beverley, Jefferson, Heckewelder, Kalm, Holm, Lawson, Adair, 
Bartram, and others. 


This area includes the Florida peninsula and part of southern 
Georgia. The aboriginal occupants, so far as known historically, 
were mainly of the Muskhogean and Timuquan stocks, a rem- 
nant of the former only, the Seminole, remaining in the peninsula 
today; and since the antiquities show no radical diversity of char- 
acteristics they may safely be assigned, in large part at least, to the 
ancestors of these groups. A colony of Cuban Arawak is said to 
have settled on the west coast of Florida in comparatively recent 
times, but no very distinctive traces of their presence have been 
observed. The early literature of the region, summarized by 
Brinton in Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, supplies many inter- 
esting details of the vanished peoples. 


The antiquities of the area are somewhat distinctly set off from 
those of the North Atlantic area, but graduate almost imperceptibly 
into those of the Gulf states to the west and the great Mississippi 
valley area on the northwest. 

Shell-heaps, often of reqiarkable extent, occur along the Atlantic 
and Gulf coasts, and on the ri\-er banks and lake shores. Some of 
these remain as originally deposited, while others have been more 
or less remodeled for purposes of dwelling, observation, or defense. 
Burial mounds, principally of earth and sand, are very numerous. 
The houses, built of poles and thatch, arranged often in circular 
village groups and surrounded by palisades, have left but meager 
traces. Communal houses mentioned by Cabeza de Vaca were so 
large that they "could contain more than 300 persons." The 
researches of Gushing demonstrated the fact that pile dwellings 
were in use along the Gulf coast, and also that canals and "water 
courts" were dug to accommodate the canoes of the villagers. 
Agriculture was practised in favorable localities, as recorded by 
the early explorers. 

Knowledge of the native culture is obtained largely through a 
study of the contents of the burial mounds and shell-heaps, and 
more especially through a study of the earthenware, which is very 
plentiful and presents numerous features of interest. The forms 
were often pleasing, and in the west life forms were modeled with 
considerable skill. The figured stamp or paddle was employed in 
decorating the surfaces in the east and north, while engraved and 
indented designs are most common in the west. Curvilinear 
designs and peculiarly conventionalized life forms prevail, and some 
of these are thought to suggest Middle American influence. The 
use of color was elementary. Owing to the meagerness of sculptural 
remains pottery takes the place in large measure of stone art as a 
means of determining the culture status of the people. 

The remarkable finds of Gushing in an ancient village site on 
Key Marco which, through the accidental inclusion of articles of 
wood, bone, and shell in deposits of muck in an old canal bed, 
give us a most instructive and interesting glimpse of the Gulf 
coast culture of which otherwise we should have remained in almost 



total ignorance. The ceremonial masks, figurines, implements, 
and other carvings in wood, and the conventional and highly 
symbolic embellishments in color indicate a degree of artistic 
accomplishment not suggested by the few articles of stone and 
pottery found in the same connection or, for that matter, elsewhere 
in the south or west. That artistic development of such pro- 
nounced characteristics should be possible, practically without the 
aid of stone, is a matter of much interest to the student of culture 
history. It is probable that the culture was exotic in some measure. 
Implements of shell and sharks' teeth appear to have been the 
main reliance of the craftsmen of the keys. 

Flint occurs in association with the extensive limestone forma- 
tions of Georgia and northern central Florida, and was utilized by 
the natives in the manufacture of chipped implements of all the 
usual varieties; their abundance in Georgia is phenomenal. Vari- 
eties of stone usually employed in the manufacture of pecked- 
ground implements do not occur in the area, and implements of 
this type are comparatively rare with the exception of the celt 
which is found in large numbers in mounds and graves and on 
village sites; the grooved ax is of rare occurrence, a noteworthy 
circumstance since it is observed that this implement is abundant 
in the northern portions of most of the Gulf states and in intimate 
association with the celt. Moore's great collection of relics from 
the peninsular region includes hundreds of celts but not a single 
typical or fully specialized grooved ax. It is observed that while 
the celt is found in great numbers in the adjacent West Indies, the 
grooved ax does not occur there, the ax of the islands being of a 
totally distinct type. It is further observed that the celts of the 
Florida region approximate more closely those of the West Indies 
than do those of any of the more northerly districts, suggesting 
intrusion from that direction. An examination of the material of 
which they are made may serve to throw needed light upon their 

Mortars and pestles of stone are of rare occurrence. Wood 
was in common use for these utensils, and examples of mortars and 
pestles, as well as dishes, stools, masks, and figurines, of this material. 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 423 

exceedingl>- well made, were recovered by Gushing from the amal 
muck at Key Marco. 

Numerous ornaments of gold and silver have been found in the 
peninsula. It is quite possible that some of the more elaborate 
pieces reached the peninsula from Mexico or Central America 
subsequent to the Columbian discovery, but that the native metal 
workers were highly skilled is amply shown by numerous examples 
of the overlaying of wooden ornaments and objects of bone with 
sheet copper and b>' certain plates of sheet copper collected by 
Moore which display symbolic devices executed repousse fashion 
with much precision. 

Burial places and mounds yield a rich harvest of relics. A 
feature peculiar to the peninsula is the inhumation with the dead 
of great numbers of crudely shaped objects of baked clay, vessels 
of fanciful shapes, and rude images of creatures and things real 
and fanciful, manifestly intended for no other purpose than as 
mortuary offerings. I rn burial, common in Georgia, was rare on 
the peninsula. 

Decided relationships with the culture of Yucatan and the 
West Indies have been looked for in vain, yet certain analogies 
more or less pronounced do occur in pottery forms and decoration, 
in implements of stone and wood, and in the treatment of metals. 
The relationships are not intimate, but a glance at the general 
facies of the antiquities leaves the impression of trans Caribbean 
kinship, which fades out as we penetrate the interior. A suggestion 
of cultural connection with South America is found in the frequent 
occurrence in this and other Gulf states of a perforated hoe-shaped 
stone implement which corresponds closely with a type of ax 
prevalent in South America. It is believed to have had only a 
ceremonial use north of the Gulf. 

There has been some discussion of certain supposed evidences 
of the geological antiquity of man in Florida based on the discovery 
of human skeletal remains, apparcnth' fossilized, embedded in 
geological formations in the western part of the state, but it has 
been shown that the age of these deposits is recent, the appearance 
of petrifaction being due to the coating and infiltration of cal- 

AM. ANTH., N. S., l6 — 28 

^^24 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6. 1914 

careous and ferruginous matter present in solution in percolating 
waters. The most remarkable evidence of age is that furnished by 
the shell deposits, which are of great depth and horizontal extent 
and include varieties of shells not now prevalent on the coasts. 

The superiority of the culture of this area over that of the 
North Atlantic region is manifest, especially in skill in the potter's 
art and in the manipulation of metals. On the whole, considering 
all branches, the material culture of typical centers differs but 
slightly in state of advancement from that of corresponding centers 
in the Mississippi valley. In some respects it is decidedly inferior 
to that of the more advanced culture centers of the West Indies. 

The leading explorers of the antiquities of the Georgia-Florida 
area are: Brinton, Wyman, Webb, C. C. Jones, Bartram, Gushing, 


The very extensive interior region, which comprises the middle 
and lower portions of the Mississippi valley with much outlying 
territory, was the seat of a remarkable group of peoples w-hose 
culture, all things considered, stands higher than that of any other 
characterization area north of Middle Mexico. This culture was 
characterized by well established sedentary life, extensive practice 
of agricultural pursuits, and construction of permanent works- 
domiciliary, religious, civic, defensive, and mortuary, of great 
magnitude and much diversity of fonn. The people, some if not 
all of whom were mound builders, were of numerous linguistic 
stocks, principal among which were the Siouan, Algonquian, 
Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Tunican, Ghitimachan, and Gaddoan; 
and these historic peoples, remnants of which are still found within 
the area, were doubtless preceded by other groups not of a distinct 
race but probably of the same or related linguistic families. This 
view, in recent years, has gradually taken the place of the early 
assumption that the mound culture belonged to a people of high 
cultural attainments who had been succeeded by the Indian tribes. 
That mound building continued down to the period of European 
occupancy is a well established fact, and many of the burial mounds 
contain as original inclusions articles of European make. 


Traces attributed to \-er>- early occupants of the area have been 
reported from time to time, especialh- the osseous remains of man 
found in association with remains of the mastodon and mammoth. 
In nearly every instance, however, subsequent observations have 
thrown serious doubt upon the authenticity of the original associ- 
ation. A human skeleton, found recent 1>- embedded in terrace 
deposits near Lansing, Kansas, is assigned by some authorities to 
the lowan phase of the glacial period, while others regard the 
inclusion as more recent. Certain relics of stone, attributed to 
glacial times, have been found in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, 
and these await fuller investigation. Numerous crania of primitive 
type have been collected from ancient sites in the Missouri valley 
and claims to geological antiquity have been promulgated, but 
Hrdlicka has shown that this type occurs among the modern tribes 
of the area. The region abounds in caverns, and man^^ of these 
contain traces of occupancy, but none so far examined seems to 
include in their floor deposits remains of other than the well-known 
culture products of the Indian tribes. 

Unfortunately for the antiquarian of today the peoples of this 
area did not construct their buildings of durable materials, and 
nothing is left to us of their architectural achievements save such 
works as employed earth and loosely laid stones. These works are 
now mere unshapely mounds and embankments. The buildings 
of the Natchez and other tribes of the south have been described by 
early writers, though imperfectly. The walls were often of wattle- 
work faced with plaster, and the roofs were of bark and thatch. 
Little that is specific can be ascertained regarding the character of 
the buildings which must have crowned such great mounds as those 
of Cahokia and Etowah, or as were associated with such remarkable 
works as those of Marietta, Newark, and Fort Ancient. Stockades 
often supplemented the embankments in defensive works and 
served to protect the villages from intruders. Modes of burial 
within the area were extremely varied, and a vast body of the 
minor works of the people were deposited as offerings with the 
dead in ordinary cemeteries, in stone graves of several types, and in 
earth and stone mounds. Shell-heaps, composed mainly of mussel 

426 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

shells, border the rivers in some sections. They contain relics of 
art of the ^•arieties prevalent in the respective localities. 

The lithic arts were wonderfully diversified and in some respects 
highly developed. Sculpture of the human figure had, however, 
made but slight advance, save in connecti(Jt^ with the carved tobacco 
pipes where much skill is shown. The mineral resources, in which 
the region is extremely rich, were well exploited and extensix'ely 
utilized. Stone was employed in a limited way in building walls 
and fortifications and in the construction of graves, and desirable 
varieties were quarried on a large sceile for the manufacture of 
implements, utensils, and objects of faith, ceremony, and ornament. 
Hea\'ily bedded chert deposits were worked in Ohio, Arkansas, 
Kentucky, Georgia, and Missouri; nodular cherts in Indiana, 
Illinois, Kentucky, and Tennessee; and hematite ore for imple- 
ments and ochre for paint in Missouri. The ice sheets of the 
glacial period brought down vast bodies of detritus from the far 
north, filled with fragments and rounded masses of granitic and 
other durable rocks which were utilized by the inhabitants of the 
region. Copper from the Lake Superior mines had taken an im- 
portant place in the arts and much skill was shown in its manipu- 
lation by maleating processes. The tribes of the middle region, 
the greatest of the mound builders, mined mica in western North 
Carolina, and the evidences of their operations are of astonishing 

As a result of the mineral riches of the area, the range of lithic 
artifacts is greater than in any other region north of the valley of 
Mexico. By the fracture processes vast numbers of cutting, 
scraping, boring, piercing, digging, and hammering implements 
were manufactured. The sword-like blades of Tennessee approach 
the highest place among American chipped products, and the 
agricultural implements of the Illinois region constitute a unique 
and remarkable class without parallel in any country. 

The large class of implements and other articles shaped by 
pecking and grinding processes, often as secondary to chipping, is 
of great archeological interest. The groo^"ed axes, celts, adzes, 
and chisels are of superior make, and the discoidal chunkey stones. 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 427 

tobacco pipes, bannerstones, and other objects of faith and orna- 
ment are remarkable for their perfection of form and high degree 
of finish. 

Among the specially noteworthy features of the area arc the 
caches or hoards of stone implements employed as mortuary 
offerings. Perhaps the most remarkable of these hoards is a deposit 
of many hundreds of obsidian implements found in an Ohio mound; 
the beautifully made implements are of unique shapes and were not 
designed for use, but as offerings merely. They had been trans- 
ported from unknown sources in the Rocky mountains a thousand 
miles away, or from California or Mexico. A single deposit in a 
mound at Hopewell, Ohio, contained upward of 8000 well-made 
disks of flint of large size. There are also the hematite objects of 
the central districts; the pigment palettes of Alabama; the engraved 
shells, and the sculptured utensils and idols of the middle districts; 
the skilfully executed implements and ornaments of copper; and 
the remarkable and very puzzling repousse figures in sheet copper 
obtained from mounds in Georgia and Illinois. Among the most 
noteworthy examples of the handiwork of the mound-building 
peoples are certain relics obtained by Putnam from the Turner 
group of mounds in Ohio. 

Some of the tribes were excellent potters, and the elaborately 
painted \-ases and effigy vessels of the middle Mississippi region 
and the scroll decorated vessels of the lower Mississippi and Gulf 
coast evince excellent taste and great skill, falling short, however, 
of the achievements of the ancient tribes of the arid region in some 
imp3rtant respects. The stamp decorated ware of the south 
Appalachian region is of much interest. 

It is observed that the culture of this area in certain of its 
typical phases extends down to the Atlantic in Georgia, blending 
with that of the Florida area and to the Gulf in Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana, and Texas. It has much in common with the 
culture of the upper Mississippi and Great Lakes region, and grades 
somewhat abruptly into the culture of neighboring areas on the 
east and west. Although presenting a certain degree of homo- 
geneity throughout, this area is by no means a simple culture unit. 

428 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

There are a dozen or more somewhat locaHzed centers of develop- 
ment and differentiation, no one of which could in the present state 
of our knowledge be safely selected as a type for the entire area. 
Aside from the more typical forms of culture there are limited 
areas in which ^■er3' primitive conditions seem to ha\'e prevailed 
down to the coming of the whites. There are some indications of 
culture relations with Mexico; among these are similarities in the 
arts as in certain sculptured figures and engraved designs on shell 
ornaments and pottery, but as a whole the cultures stand well apart. 
This area has been the field of extensive though somewhat 
scattered research. Some of the more important explorations are 
those of Tomlinson, Squier and Davis, Force, Putnam, Moorehead, 
Mills, Fowke, Thomas and his assistants, Phillips, Thruston, 
Moore, Jones, Peet, Whittlesey, MacLean, Holmes, and Metz. 


The upper Mississippi and Great Lakes region is not very 
sharply differentiated from the neighboring areas either in its 
aboriginal inhabitants or its culture, ancient or modern. The 
historical tribes are of the Algonquian and Siouan stocks, and 
important communities of the former are still found within the 
area. The ancient culture is about on a par with that on the 
east and in some respects is inferior to that on the south. Hunting, 
fishing, and seed gathering were the leading avocations of the 
people, but agriculture was practised in favorable localities and the 
so-called garden beds of Michigan are among the most novel 
features of our northern archeolog>^ Burial mounds of ordinary 
forms are widely distributed and monumental features of unique 
type abound. The latter include groups and chains of earthworks 
in formal and puzzling arrangements, and numerous animal-shaped 
mounds, confined largely to Wisconsin, and supposed to have had 
some important sacerdotal function. 

The area has within its borders two features of exceptional 
interest: the ancient copper mines of the Lake Superior region and 
the catlinite or red pipestone quarries of southwestern Minnesota. 
The sites of the copper mines are marked by extensive pittings 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 429 

made in exposing the copper-bearing rocks and breaking them up 
to release the masses of native copper. This work was accom- 
plished mainl>- with heavy bowlder hammers obtained frcjm the 
lake shores and by the aid of fire. Thousands of these hammers 
are found in and about the old pits, occasional specimens being 
grooved for hafting. The copper was worked up into implements, 
ornaments, and objects of faith of great variety which are found, 
especially associated with burials, throughout the United States. 
The implements employed in quarrying the pipestone were tough 
fragments of quartzite rock, roughly shaped for the purpose. The 
old excavations extend along the narrow outcrop for nearly a mile 
across the smooth surface of the prairie. The articles made from 
the catlinite were tobacco pipes, ceremonial objects, and orna- 
ments, and these were distributed and used as was the copper over 
a large part of the area now known as eastern United States. 

The stone utensils of the area comprise rude mortars and pestles, 
the latter of the cylindrical type, and the pecked and ground imple- 
ments include grooved axes, celts, adz blades — rarely of gouge 
shape — tobacco pipes, tubes, and the usual range of ceremonial and 
talismanic objects. The fluted ax and the faceted celt are peculiar 
to the area. Deposits of flint were worked in many places and 
chipped implements of usual types are exceedingly plentiful. 

Quartz veins were worked at an early period about the Little 
Falls of the Mississippi, and crudely chipped artifacts are found 
in flood-plain deposits of the vicinity which are regarded by some 
geologists as having been laid down during the closing stages of 
the glacial period. 

The pottery of the area is of distinctive types and generally 
more primitive in make than the ware of the south. In some 
sections the pots are carefully finished and decorated with incised 
and indented figures, but painted specimens are rare. 

A most noteworthy feature of the region is the manufacture in 
recent years of many false antiquities of peculiar type, purporting 
to represent early occupancy of the country by Old World peoples. 

Explorations have been conducted within the area by Catlin, 
Latham, Winchcll, Brower, Brown, Hamilton. Phillips, Smith, 
Holmes, and many others. 

430 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 


Traces of the typical culture of the agricultural mouiul-building 
peoples of the Mississippi valley fade out gradually as we traverse 
the great plains which extend westward to the Rocky mountains. 
The region generally is not well suited to primitive agriculture, and, 
abounding in game, it encouraged a nomadic rather than a sedentary 
life, although several stocks — Siouan, Algoncjuian, Caddoan, Atha- 
pascan, Shoshonean, Kiowan, and others — claimed and perma- 
nently occupied somewhat definite areas. Agriculture was prac- 
tised in a limited way in some of the more easterly valleys. There 
were no buildings that could be called permanent, although many 
hut rings, house depressions, and small mounds, the last being the 
remains of earth lodges, occur on the old village sites, and burial 
mounds are not of infrequent occurrence in some of the principal 
valleys. The dwellings of the less sedentary tribes were made of 
the dressed skins of animals, especially the buffalo, which overran 
the region in vast herds. 

Quarries of flint with associated sites of manufacture are found 
in Oklahoma, Kansas, and Texas, and of quartzite and soapstone 
in Wyoming. Obsidian is plentiful in the Yellowstone park and 
in the upper valleys of the Snake river, and was much used locally. 
The obsidian implements found occasionally in the eastern states 
may have come from this region. The population was sparse, the 
activities restricted, and as a consequence the varieties of well 
specialized artifacts were limited in number. The more essential 
stone implements of the hunter tribes, the projectile points, knives, 
scrapers, hammers, and club-heads, are very generally distributed, 
while other forms are comparatively rare. An implement of much 
importance to the hunter tribes was the heavy grooved hammer so 
useful in killing and breaking the bones of large game, in driving 
stakes, and in pounding seeds and pemmican. It is probably the 
most typical and characteristic of the stone implements of the 
plains and mountains of the middle region. A powerful weapon 
was a hafted hammer, probably of somewhat recent introduction, 
called pogamoggan by some of the tribes. These two hammers 
were the principal articles of the pecked-ground variety of the 


region, although implements of other classes and even objects 
devoted to sacred and ceremonial use occur here and there in the 
valleys. Similar lithic conditions prevail in the mountains and 
valleys north of the arid region, west to the Sierra Nevada and 
indefinitely toward the north. There arc some traces of the spread 
of the characteristic implements of the arid region, especially the 
metate and muller, toward the north beyond Salt Lake and to the 
east over the great plains even as far as the Ozarks, and there is a 
noticeable overflow of the types of artifacts characterizing the 
middle Pacific slope into the upper valley of the Missouri. Among 
these latter objects are straight, tubular stone tobacco pipes and 
paddle-shaped stone clubs. These intrusions are probably due to 
the Shahaptian stock, whose habitat extended from Oregon and 
Washington well over into the valley of the Missouri. Two 
remarkable discoveries within the region are a deposit of nearly- a 
thousand flint implements obtained from a sulphur spring at 
Afton, Oklahoma, and a cache of thousands of arrowheads in Dela- 
ware county, Oklahoma. Large areas along the eastern border of 
the plains that were formerly occupied by sedentary, mound-lniilding 
peoples, had become, through the invasion of the buffalo, the hunting 
grounds of the so-called wild tribes. Pottery, the safest index of 
the stable status of a people, is somewhat rare in the area save in 
the more easterly valleys, and where found it is of the simplest culi- 
nary type. 

Collections from this great area are comparatively limited, and 
large tracts of the territory have received almost no attention on 
the part of archeologists. 

Claims to great antiquity in this grand division are based on 
reported finds of stone implements associated with fossil mammal 
remains in the loess formations, on a small figurine of baked clay 
known as the Nampa image found in Idaho, and on an obsidian 
blade from Nevada. It is a most remarkable fact that the image 
which is assigned tentatively to the Tertiary or early Quaternary, 
is probably the most mature example of modeled human figurine 
yet found west of the Missouri. 

Naturally the antiquities on the southwest border affiliate in 

432 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

numerous features with the art of the Pueblo region and in the Far 
West with the remains of the CaHfornia and Cohunbia-Fraser areas, 
but the general state of culture has been everywhere about the 
same and closely akin to that of the historic and the present time in 
the same area. 

The principal scientific explorations of the region are those of 
Dorsey, Smith, Holmes, Norn's, Brower, Winchell, Montgomery, 
Leidy, McGee. 


This area includes New Mexico and Arizona, and portions of 
Utah, Colorado, Nevada, and Texas. It is in the main a region 
of plateaus, canyons, and cliffs; of limited fertile areas bordering 
stream courses, and broad stretches of arid semi-desert. Con- 
trasting thus strongly with neighboring areas, it has induced a 
culture peculiarly its own. The cliffs abound in caves and deep 
recesses well adapted for habitation, and the improvement of these 
for dwelling probably led to the intelligent use of stone in building, 
with the result that the building arts were more highly developed 
than in any other section north of middle Mexico. 

That the region has been occupied for a long period is amply 
attested by the occurrence of great numbers of ruins of substantial 
structures, cliff-dwellings, and plateau and lowland pueblos scattered 
broadcast over the territory. Reservoirs and extensive traces of 
irrigating canals attest the enterprise of the people. That the 
present town-building tribes are the descendants of the ancient 
peoples is indicated by tradition, by skeletal evidence, and by 
material culture. The past connects with the present without 
perceptible break, and the implements and utensils of today are^ 
save for the intrusive elements of white civilization, the imple- 
ments and utensils of the past. The town-building peoples belong 
to a number of linguistic stocks, — Shoshonean, Zufiian, Tanoan, 
Keresan, Piman, and Yuman, — and aside from these a number of 
non-townbuilding tribes "^occupy the region, — the Ute, Paiute, 
Navaho, and Apache, — the range of whose lithic arts is quite 
limited, agreeing somewhat closely with that of the hunter tribes 
of the plains and mountains. 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 433 

Four types of dwellings are noted: concrete, as in the Casa 
Grande ruins in Arizona; adobe bricks, as in parts of New Mexico 
and Arizona; masonry, throughout the region; and excavated, as in 
Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona. The clifif-dwellings are of 
great interest and are single houses, small groups, and, in cases, 
villages capable of accommodating hundreds of people. Generally 
they occupy picturesque and almost inaccessible niches in the 
canyon walls. The plateau and cliff sites were often selected with 
a view to defense, and the lowland pueblos were practically forti- 
fications. The outer walls were unbroken save by a single doorway, 
while entrance to the dwellings generally was from the inner court 
by way of the roofs of the first stor>'. In many places steep ascents 
and narrow passes were defended by low walls of rude masonry, 
and it is assumed that the round and square towers found in some 
sections were designed for observation and defense. 

Aside from the buildings and excavated dwellings, other features 
of the lithic art of the region, although distinctive, are in no case 
markedly superior to corresponding features of neighboring areas. 
Nearly all implement types are in present use or have been in 
recent use by the tribes, and the practice of gathering and using 
stone implements from the ancient sites has been so general that the 
old and the new are not separable, and references of implements or 
other relics of art to particular tribes, ruin groups, or districts must 
be made with caution. The mealing stones, especially the metate 
and the muUer, though plain slabs or shallow troughs, are well 
made, and the numerous small mortars and pigment plates are 
sometimes carved to represent serpents, birds, and other animal 
forms. The car^'ing of animal fetishes is a noteworthy feature, 
particularly of the modern art, but the work is not of a high order 
of merit. Attempts at representing the human form are exceedingly 
crude. The most ambitious sculptural effort of the region is ex- 
emplified in the figures of two crouching mountain lions worked 
out life-size in the rock in place near Cochiti in the Rio Grande 
valley, but these figures have been so mutilated that it is difficult 
to determine their original merit as works of sculpture. 

Receptacles of stone, aside from the mealing stones and mortars^ 

434 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

are rare, their place having been taken by products of the potter's 
art, which are abundant and of superior quality, and remarkable 
for \-aried and tasteful decoration. The potter's art had reached a 
degree of perfection not greatly surpassed elsewhere in America, 
certain groups of the ware displaying grace of form and beauty of 
decoration advanced apparently far beyond the attainments of the 
people in other directions. 

The minor stone implements of the area correspond in grade 
somewhat closely with those of the middle and eastern states and 
the Pacific slope, but the gouge, celt, chisel, and perhaps other 
forms are absent; while a few are peculiar to the area, as the spatulate 
celt and the sandal last. The grooved ax takes the most prominent 
place, and in form, finish, and effectiveness as a stone-age cutting 
tool is rarely surpassed. Numerous axes of exceptional interest 
are quite distinct in type from the ordinary ax and are made of 
fibrolite, a handsome mineral of great toughness and hardness 
which is rarely found elsewhere. Implements for straightening 
and smoothing arrow-shafts are quite numerous and exceptionally 
varied in shape. A group of spatulate implements of jasper, re- 
sembling somewhat closely the celt of the East, is of special interest. 
Although it is referred to by the natives as an agricultural imple- 
ment, its modern use, according to Fewkes, is entirely ceremonial. 
In one instance this explorer found twelve of these implements 
among the sacred paraphernalia of a Hopi altar. The present 
writer found one embedded in a bin of charred corn in a cliff-house 
on the Rio Mancos. Hammerstones of all ordinary varieties are 
present in large numbers, and abrading stones and polishing imple- 
ments are of common types. Chipped implements — arrowpoints, 
spearheads, knives, scrapers, and drill-points — are of usual types 
and are not very abundant or especially noteworthy. The materials 
used include obsidian, jasper, and many varieties of chalcedony. 
Great skill was evinced in the manufacture of beads and other 
small trinkets, the boring being done with the pump drill. Bone 
was much used for awls, and shell for ornaments. The bow and 
arrow was the principal weapon, while the atlatl, or throw-stick, 
was in pretty general use. 

holmes] areas of a M eric a. X CULTURE 435 

Mines of turquoise were worked extensively in New Mexico, 
Nevada, and Arizona. This semi-precious stone was used for 
ornaments and especially for inlay or mosaic work, some very 
attractive specimens of the latter having been collected, and it was 
distributed by trade to distant parts, even to Mexico. There are 
few traces of the working of metals, the silversmith's art of recent 
times ha\ing been introduced !)>• the Sj^anish, and the copper bells 
occasionally found are probably of Mexican origin. The weaving 
arts and basketry were practised with much skill. 

In three important branches of material culture — the ceramic, 
the textile, and the stone-building arts — this area stands far above 
any other north of middle Mexico. Little evidence of great anti- 
quit}" beyond that furnished by the complex cultural conditions 
and innumerable deserted dwelling places and acequias has been 

Among those who ha\'e contributed observations of scientific 
\alue regarding the antiquities are: Blake, Cope, Powell, Gushing, 
Fewkes; Bandelier, Matthews, Hewett, Russell, Hodge, Holmes, 
Hough, Jackson, the Mindeleffs, Nordenskiold, Stephen, Pepper, 
the Stevensons, Wheeler, Whipple, Simpson, Morgan, Dorsey, 
Bartlett, \'oth, Bourke, Prudden, Kidder, N. C. Nelson. 


Notwithstanding the diversified physical characters of the state 
and the extraordinary assemblage of linguistic groups within 
its limits, the culture of California was and is uniformly primi- 
tive. At the same time it is set off with remarkable distinct- 
ness from the equally primitive cultures of other areas, especially 
those of the Atlantic side of the continent. In the desert and 
semi-desert regions of the extreme south and in northwestern 
Mexico, occupied mainly by the Yuman stock, an exceptionally 
primitive state of culture prexailed, as graphically depicted by 
Father Baegert in his report dated 1772, and by McGee in the 
lyth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. It is 
observed that the Santa Barbara region, including the islands off 
the coast, was in early times the center of a somewhat exceptional 

436 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

development in certain branches of handicraft and especially in 
the working of stone, while more i)riniitive but kindred conditions 
prevailed to the north and east throughout California. 

The lithic antiquities of the Santa Barbara district, which are 
attributed in large part to the Chumashan group, are characterized 
by great numbers of well sculptured domestic utensils — -bowl- 
shaped mortars, and long, graceful pestles of sandstone, globular 
cooking pots, rectangular and ovoid baking or boiling plates, tubular 
tobacco pipes of steatite, and polished bowls and cups of serpentine. 
The quarries from which the materials were obtained are situated 
partly on the mainland, but principally, it is believed, on the 
islands off the coast. The shell-heaps and village sites of the main- 
land and of the islands have been examined by Schumacher, 
Bowers, Nelson, and members of the War Department surveys, 
and the quarries of Santa Catalina island have been described 
by Schumacher and the present writer. Contrasting with the 
thin-walled bowl-like mortars of this district and the slender, grace- 
ful pestles associated with them, are the heavy, globular, conical 
and cylindrical mortars, the numerous mortars and clusters of 
mortars worked in outcropping rock masses with their heavy 
cylindric pestles, and the metate slabs with their flattish mullers 
which occur in great numbers in many sections. 

Bone was much used for piercing implements and ornaments. 
The beautiful shells of the coast — especially the haliotis and large 
clam — were a favorite material for the manufacture of personal 
ornaments, and the dentalium and other of the smaller shells served 
as ornaments and as a medium of exchange. 

In the middle and northern districts obsidian is plentiful, and 
chipped implements made of this material are found in great num- 
bers. The large knives, some of which measure two feet or more in 
length, are marvels of the flaking art, and are second in this respect 
in North America only to the slender fiint blades of Tennessee. 
There are also superb fiint blades in some localities, and arrow- 
points and spearheads of exceptional beauty are found, their manu- 
facture having continued in some sections down to the present day. 
Other features deserving special mention are the perforated digging 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 437 

weights made of numerous varieties of stone, the hook-shaped 
carvings and the killer whale images of soapstone of the Santa 
Barbara region, and the plummet stones of middle California. 
Among the unique objects are specimens of boat-shaped and 
banner stones (imperforate) of eastern type also found in middle 
California. It is a remarkable fact that the grooved ax, the celt, 
and the gouge, implements of so much importance in eastern areas, 
do not occur, or are found but rarely, on the Pacific slope; the small 
adz blades take, in a measure, the place of these tools. 

The dwellings were of grass, brush, bark, and earth, and in the 
north were to a limited extent of slabs of wood. The floors were 
sometimes excavated to slight depths, and the more primitive 
structures were often covered with earth. Absence of stone building 
in the area and the practical absence of pottery are in striking con- 
trast with the well matured state of these arts in the arid region on 
the east, shortcomings which, notwithstanding the well-made utensils 
of stone and the exquisite basketry and shell and bone work of Cali- 
fornia, place the Pueblo culture on a considerably higher plane than 
that even of the most advanced group of the Pacific states. The 
practice of agriculture gave the Pueblo people a decided advantage 
over the non-agricultural peoples of the coast, whose chief food 
resource, aside from the products of the chase, consisted of acorns, 
seeds, and berries. 

The handiwork of the tribes of the coast merges with that of 
the inland valleys and ranges, and this blends in turn with the 
culture of the Sierra, and the basin range region to the east. The 
transition between the culture of southern California and that of 
the Pueblo region is decidedly abrupt, although the somewhat 
recent coastwise extension of the Shoshonean stock from the east 
has resulted in limited blending. The transition to the north is 
gradual, the disappearance of the oak being responsible for marked 
changes in the activities and manner of life of the people. 

A most extraordinary feature of California archeology is the 
occurrence of articles of stone — mortars, pestles, and other objects 
of kindred culture grade, as well as fossil human remains — in the 
gold-bearing gravels of the mountain \alleys, numerous specimens 

438 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

liiuintj been reported as coming from beneath beds of lava of early 
Quaternary or late Tertiary age. That the relics are old in cases 
can not be doubted, but their exact chronological place and value 
have not as yet been ascertained. 

The most note\vorth>- features of Californian culture are entirely 
its own and are manifestly due in great measure to the molding 
influences of the environment. The acorn is ])robably responsible 
for the wonderful development of the mortar and pestle, and de- 
posits of soapstone have made possible the unique cooking pots 
and other noteworthy features of the native handicraft. The art 
of basketry was remarkably developed and retains its superiority 
to the present day. Watertight baskets and utensils of stone took 
the place of earthenware. 

It is interesting to note that, beginning in middle California, 
the status of culture as represented by art works rises gradually 
as we pass to the north through Oregon, Washington, and 
British Columbia, the culmination being reached with the tribes 
of the Northwest coast. In the south attempts to model or carve 
the human figure are unknown, while animal figures are of rare 
occurrence. As we advance toward the north, sculptures, human 
and animal, increase in number, and in British Columbia there is 
an extraordinary development of the sculptor's art culminating in 
the remarkable grave posts, masks, and giant totem poles. That 
Middle America has had no influence on the culture of this coast is 

Considering all phases of their culture, the achievements of the 
California tribes must be regarded as inferior to those of the Gulf 
states, the Mississippi valley, the Pueblo region, and the Northwest 
coast, and even of the Eskimo of Alaska. 

Among those who have conducted archeological investigations 
in California are: Whitney, Schumacher, Yarrow, Henshaw, Powers, 
Bowers, Holmes, Sinclair, Meredith, Terry, Yates, Palmer, Becker, 
Nelson, Rust, J. C. Merriam, and Skertchley. 


The interesting region beginning in northern California and 
extending north to include the Columbia and Fraser valleys, pre- 


sents diversified yet in a large way uniform culture phenomena. 
Owing to the somewhat marked differences between the coastal 
environment which is moist, and rich in forests, and the interior 
which assumes generally a semi-arid aspect, the material culture, 
ancient and modern, presents numerous minor differences. Natur- 
ally the inland culture graduates into that of the plateau and 
mountain region on the east. It is not separated very definitely 
from California on the south, but presents strong contrasts with 
the culture of the Northwest coast. 

The inhabitants of recent times comprise numerous stocks and 
tribes of primitive culture whose chief dependence was and is hunting 
and fishing and the natural supply of seeds, nuts, fruits, and roots. 
In the south the acorn was a principal article of diet. Their 
better houses were of wood and earth, and have left few traces save 
the shallow floor excavations with accompanying heaps and ridges 
of earth, and in the arid interior the earth-rings which mark lodge 
sites. Along the shores are numerous shell-heaps, the industrial 
contents of which agree with those of the general region save in 
so far as differences have resulted from differences in environment. 
Eells mentions burial mounds in the Willamette valley which 
yielded a wide range of the ordinary local relics, besides, in cases, 
glass beads and articles of iron. Chase examined certain mounds 
on the coast in southwestern Oregon with similar results. Earth- 
works and simple fortifications are mentioned by both explorers. 
Numerous cemeteries have yielded many relics of art of all classes. 
Rock carvings are generally distributed over the area. 

The relics of stone seem to tell a consistent story of ethnic 
conditions varying but little from that of historic times. Certain 
forms of implements and objects of sculpture characteristic of 
California extend to the north throughout the entire length of the 
area, while other forms characteristic of the Northwest coast extend 
far to the south. Deep globular forms of mortars prevail in some 
sections, and metates are found in others. The pestles in certain 
regions are of the oblong-club shape, often well finished and even 
tastefully carved, while in others they are ovoid or fllattish, often 
merely adapted bowlders. All were used as hammers on occasion. 

AM, ANTH., N. S., l6— 29 


Tobacco pipes, strait::ht in the south and bent tubes and other 
forms in the north, are mentioned. The grooved ax and celt are 
absent, the adz blade taking the place of these forms here as elsewhere 
on the Pacific slope. Dishes, slate knives, sinkers, wedges of antler, 
abrading stones, scrapers, drills, arrow-shaft rubbers, and clubs 
(the latter of bone and stone), and projectile points and knives are 
found in numbers. 

Among objects of exceptional types may be mentioned large 
obsidian ceremonial blades in the south, batons of stone or bone 
carved to suggest or represent animal shapes, weight-like stones 
with loop for suspension, and some curious carved heads which 
have been regarded by some as intended to represent apes. The 
latter, although not carvings of particular note, find no counterpart 
in any portion of North America. 

Detailed study of this region would, perhaps, as in other cases, 
require its separation into two or more minor environments, but 
the blendings of the material culture are so intricate that conclusions 
of value can not be reached until further field investigations are 

There appears no certain evidence of the presence in early times 
of peoples distinct in character and culture from those of the 
present. The valley of the Columbia is given an important place 
in the ethnic history of the continent by Morgan who imagined it 
was a kind of hot-house, the multiplying peoples of which spread 
out over the south and east; but slight evidence has been found 
to support this hypothesis. Certain finds of supposed geologically 
ancient human remains and culture traces have been reported, but 
none of these have so far been fully authenticated. If, however, 
geologically ancient man did occupy the continent, the valley of 
the Columbia ought to be a very promising field for the preservation 
and discovery of the record. 

Explorers of the region include Schumacher, Eells, Smith, 
Boas, Terry, Dawson, Morice, and Chase. 


This area comprises a rather narrow strip of the mainland and 
the contiguous coastwise islands in British Columbia and Alaska, 


and extends from Puget sound on the south to Mt Saint Elias on 
the north, a distance of twelve or thirteen hundred miles. The 
present tribes belong to half a dozen stocks, well differentiated in 
physical characteristics from the Eskimo, with whom they come in 
contact on the north, and differing somewhat decidedly from the 
Indian tribes on the east and south. The material culture em- 
bodies many noteworthy and exceptional features and, as a whole, 
stands well apart from all other areas of the continent. It affiliates 
in some respects with that of the coast culture on the south and 
with the inland culture on the east. Hunting and especially 
fishing are and ha\'e always been the chief food resources of the 
people, agriculture being unknown. The area abounds in splendid 
forests, and the people have developed exceptional skill in carving 
wood, originally with stone tools, and later in greater elaboration 
with implements of iron and steel. The dugout canoes are often 
of great size, beauty, and seaworthiness, and are probably the world's 
highest achievement in this direction. Not less worthy of mention 
are the substantial houses of hewn timbers, and the totem poles, 
house posts, grave posts, human and animal efifigies, and various 
utensils, masks, and other objects carved with a skill and boldness 
that would do credit to any people. Although it must be allowed 
that these results are due in a measure to the acquirement of white 
men's tools, it can not be denied that the people are endowed with a- 
genius for sculpture without parallel among the tribes of northern 
America. Their skill in carving extended to stone, shell, bone, 
and horn, and to a wide range of minor articles of use, ornament, 
faith, and ceremony. The artifacts of stone include hammers and 
mauls of the highest known types, adzes, mortars, pestles, knives, 
batons, tobacco pipes, amulets, ornaments, and other objects, 
but examples of chipped stone are of rare occurrence. Pottery is 
unknown, vessels of wood, bone, and horn serving in its place. 
Slate obtained from deposits on the Queen Charlotte islands has 
been much used in recent times for carving, and remarkable results 
are seen in miniature totem poles, boxes, dishes, pipes, and in 
diversified animal, human, and fanciful forms. Jade, found in the 
Frazer valley and probably elsewhere, was skilfully cut by primitive 

442 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

abrading processes and shajuxl into tasleful implements and orna- 
ments. Much taste is shown in the inhu'ing of ornaments of bone 
and stone with the briUiant nacre of shells. Petroglyphs are 
numerous in some sections and probably date back to very early 
times, although they display the peculiar characteristics of the 
graphic art of the living tribes as embodied in painting, engraving, 
and weaving. Copper was and still is worked with considerable 
skill, and although the native metal occurs within the area, it is 
not known to what extent it was mined and utilized before the 
coming of the whites. Certain features of the arts — practical, 
religious, and ornamental — are thought to suggest inspiration from 
the Pacific islands, but if this is showm to be the case we shall still 
be unable to say whether that influence may not have been exerted 
exclusively during the rather long period since modern sea-going 
vessels began to ply back and forth on the Pacific. Traces of 
advanced Asiatic art are occasionally encountered along the coast, 
but these may be attributed to the stranding of vessels carried 
across the Pacific by the Japan current rather than to purposeful 
voyages in prehistoric times. 

The peculiar geography of the country has doubtless served in 
conjunction with its exceptional vegetal and animal resources to 
develop the unusual ability and enterprise of the people. Indeed, 
if a greatly diversified coast line tends, as some have held, to 
accelerate the culture progress of peoples, the inhabitants of this 
region should rank high among American nations. 

The archeologist can lay little exclusive claim to the antiquities 
of the region, since nearly all the known forms of native artifacts 
appear to have been in use since the coming of the whites, and these 
have given way only gradually to the encroachments of iron and 
steel. Scientific researches within the area have hardly touched 
the problems of antiquity, and no evidence serving to carry the 
history of man into the remote past has been obtained. The 
culture, so far as observed, appears to be decidedly homogeneous 
and with slight trace of antecedent forms of art either lower or 
higher than the historic. It is believed by some authorities that 
certain elements of the population entered the area from the high- 


land \allcys on the east. Although this region lies along the 
most likely trail of peoples entering America by way of Bering 
strait, nothing has been observ'ed in the culture of the people 
suggesting migrations from the north, and no characteristic features 
that might not ha\'e arisen within the local enxironment or from 
possible intrusions within a few hundred years. 

Original investigators of this area who have contributed 
information regarding the native culture and antiquities are Swan, 
Niblack, Boas, Emmons, Smith, Swanton, and others. 


The arctic characterization area extends from Greenland on the 
east to farthest Alaska on the west, and from the tortuous northern 
shores of the continent somewhat indefinitely into the interior. 
Along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts the peculiar arctic culture 
shades off into the cultures of the south. Where not subject to the 
direct influence of other races, it is essentially Eskimoan in its 
prehistoric as well as in its historic phases, and the uniformity of 
the frigid environment and of the racial elements involved has 
resulted in marked uniformit>- of achievement throughout the area. 
Indeed, so all-impelling are boreal conditions that it would seem 
strange, since Bering strait does not interfere with free intercourse 
between the east and the west, did this uniformity not extend 
practically the entire length of the Arctic circle. The culture of 
the past merges into that of the present and archeological researches 
may be expected in time to contribute much of interest to the cul- 
ture history of the area, at least of the more recent past. There 
is no doubt that marked changes have taken place in the arts and 
manner of life of such of the peoples as have come in close contact 
with the whites, but we may feel assured that their ingenuity and 
their exceptional dexterity in many directions are indigenous traits, 
developed largely as a result of long struggles with the exacting 

In these inhospitable regions shelter during the inclement seasons 
is an ever-existing necessity, but home-building had its severe 
limitations. Houses were built of driftwood, whale bones, stone, 

444 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. i6, 1914 

earth, sod, and snow, and the sunken floors aided in making exis- 
tence dtiring the long winters bearable. Explorers find traces of 
these long-deserted structures and of storehouses and cairns scat- 
tered along thousands of miles of the frozen coast. 

Fire for warmth and for cooking is a first consideration to 
dwellers in the arctic, and since oils and fats were the main de- 
pendence for fuel, the lamp filled an important place in every 
household. This useful utensil was made usually of soapstone. 
It is a remarkable fact that the lamp is unknown in any other part 
of America, while several forms are found in arctic Asia. 

Hunting and fishing are and were always necessarily the almost 
exclusive means of subsistence of the people, and weapons and 
other devices for capturing game are among the most ingenious of 
their kind. In the west tough jades, the rare pectolites, and other 
hard varieties of stone were employed in making mortars, pestles, 
dishes, vessels for containing, hammers, adzes, chisels, picks, knives, 
whetstones, sinkers, tobacco pipes, and other implements and uten- 
sils. Hard, brittle stones, such as flint and slate, were wrought 
and skilfully shaped by fracture processes into knives, scrapers, 
drills, and projectile points, and the art is by no means a lost one 
at the present day. It is a noteworthy fact that, although great 
skill was shown in the shaping of stone by these processes, spear 
and harpoon heads, knives, and especially the woman's knife, were 
very often shaped and sharpened by grinding. Familiarity with 
this process in the shaping of bone and ivory would necessarily 
suggest its use in working stone. The grooved ax, celt, and gouge 
are absent from the area. 

Stone was used also in the manufacture of personal ornaments, 
such as labrets, beads, ear-plugs, and pendants, some of these 
being unsurpassed for beauty of material and finish. Figurines, 
toys, fetishes, charms, talismans, and a multitude of other articles 
were also carved with great skill and in all available materials, and 
engraving of pictorial subjects of considerable merit is a distinctive 
feature of the more recent arctic art. 

It is a remarkable fact that pottery was formerly in common 
use in the far north, especially along the coast as far east as Franklin 

holmes] areas of AMERICAN CULTURE 445 

bay. The vessels, rather thick-wallcd, and generally of medium 
or large size, were probabh' intended for cooking and containing 
food, but are of good shape and tastefully ornamented with incised 
and impressed decorations. The pottery-making period is not yet 
determined, but the art appears not to have been practised in 
recent times, save in the manufacture of lamps. 

As with many of the ethnic areas of America, the material 
culture of the present and past blend completely. The task of 
determining by a study of the antiquities the changes that have been 
wrought falls to archeology. The shell-heaps of the Aleutian 
islands have yielded data of interest regarding the problems of 
chronology, carrying the story back perhaps thousands of years. 
The Bering region is believed to be pregnant with historic interest — 
geological, geographical, climatic, and anthropological — to hold 
within its soil and more recent formations solutions of many of 
the problems of the American race — but the inquirer must wait. 

A comparison of the culture of the Eskimo race with that of 
the other ethnic groups of the continent must result in giving this 
people an enviable place in the scale of intellectual achievements, 
but the environment has placed rigid limitations on the possibilities 
of accomplishment. However, the list of minor artifacts would 
probably be as long as that of any other northern American area, and 
many of the things are without corresponding features elsewhere. 

Among the explorers who have contributed original information 
regarding Eskimo culture may be mentioned Dall, Murdoch, 
Nelson, Turner, Boas, Solberg, Rink, Mackenzie, Holm, Frobisher, 
Simpson, Krantz, Kane, Hoffman, Grenfell, and Stefansson. 


Archeologically the great interior region of British America is 
practically a negligible quantity. It may contain traces of early 
occupancy of deep interest to the historian of the race, but research 
has as yet made slight progress within its borders. It is assumed 
as probable that successive instalments of migrating peoples 
entered the gateway at the northwest and moved southward and 
eastward over the region, some remaining, unaware of better things, 

446 AMERICAN ANTIIROrOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

Others passing on to more genial climes. None appear, however, to 
have made a perceptible impression upon the face of the northern 
wilderness. Over a large part of the area, at least, all traces of very 
earh- occupancy, if such there ever were, must have been wiped 
out by the ice sheets which, one after another, swept southward 
over the country, the latest invasion in the central region con- 
tinuing down to the period which witnessed the building of the 
EgA'ptian pyramids. Limited areas in the west and northwest were 
not thus in\'adcd, but these have, as yet, yielded nothing of particu- 
lar value to archeology. The extensive operations of the gold 
miners of the Yukon have, during twenty years of unprecedented 
activity, brought to light no trace of man or his works. 

That the primitive Athapascan and Algonquian stocks — the 
caribou hunting peoples — have long occupied the region and have 
left the simple products of their handicraft on countless abandoned 
sites is safely to be inferred, but it is probable that past cultures did 
not in any instance rise above the level of the present. The 
researches of Mackenzie, Hearne, Morice, and others indicate the 
poverty of the historical tribes in manifestations of material cul- 
ture, and the archeologist may expect to find little beyond artifacts 
of the simplest type — projectile points, knives, scrapers, abrading 
stones, hammerstones, boiling stones, and minor relics of other 
materials — merely such things as are necessary to the existence of 
hunter tribes. Traces of intrusive culture may be expected along 
the western and southern borders. The unfolding of the story of 
the past in this area must prove a tedious and almost thankless 
task. At any rate, it is apparent that in the present state of our 
researches this region will seldom be referred to in the discussion 
of the antiquities and culture history of the continent. 

Explorers of this area who have made contributions to the 
history of early times include Mackenzie, Hearne, Morice, Hill- 
Tout, Dawson, and others. 

Bureau of American Ethnology 
Washington, D. C 






Culture Areas 440 

Plateau Area 451 

California Area 4^-5 

North Pacific Coast Area 4-4 

Eskimo Area 4-- 

Mackenzie Area 4^^ 

Eastern Woodland Area 4cq 

Southeastern Area 452 

Southwestern Area 45^ 

Widely Distributed Tr.\its 45^ 

Culture Centers and their Problems 455 






FOR some years the study of material culture has been quite out 
of fashion, though not so very long ago it was othersvise. 
Field-workers still record such random data as come to hand 
and gather up museum specimens, but give their serious and system- 
atic attention to language, art, ceremonies, and social organization. 
As a result we have accumulated certain stimulating and serviceable 
conceptions which ser\^e as a basis for the further development of 
these problems. On the other hand, there is little of this character 
to record for material culture, so that if we give our attention 
strictly to a review of progress, the task will be light. In conse- 
quence, we have chosen to review briefly the data for North Ameri- 
can material culture and then present some of the most obvious 
general problems that are suggested. 

The description of a tribe's material culture, to be regarded as 
adequate, should give reasonably full data on the points enumer- 


448 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

ated in our topical list. Such a list might well serve as a guide to 
field-work and also as an outline for the published reports. In the 
preparation of this outline we have been guided entirely by practical 
considerations rather than by logical relations. Thus the order of 
topics and their divisions have no scientific significance, but are 
such as justify- themselves to us as the most convenient. 

The thorough treatment of our subject would require taking 
up in succession the three hundred or more tribes known to us and 
reviewing their culture in detail. Unfortunately, we have very 
meager data on many points, but on the whole this outline can be 
more completely filled in for all these tribes than similar ones for 
their social and ceremonial cultures. For some tribes we have 
special papers treating most phases of their material cultures, but 
the bulk of our information is scattered here and there among books 
of travel and exploration. Most of these data are still awaiting 
the ethnological student, yet we have now available in the readily 
accessible literature an extensive knowledge of the continent that is 
sufficient for a brief general discussion of our subject. 

Topical List of Data Needed to Characterize the Material Culture 
OF AN American Tribe 

1. Food: a, methods of gathering and producing vegetable foods; b, hunting; 

c, fishing; d, agriculture and domestication; e, methods of cooking; /, 
manufactured foods. (Details of methods and appliances in every case.) 

2. Shelter: details of structure for (a) seasonal types; (&) permanent types, and 

(c) temporary shelters. 

3. Transportation: methods and appliances for land and water. 

4. Dress: materials and patterns; sex differences, a, headgear and hair dress; 

h, foot gear; c, hand gear; d, body costume; e, over-costume. 

5. Pottery: methods of manufacture, forms, uses, colors, technique of decoration. 

6. Basketry, mats, and bags: materials, kinds of weave, forms, uses, technique of 

color and decoration. 

7. Weaving of twisted elements: materials, methods of twisting thread and cord, 

weaving frames or looms, technique of dyeing and pattern-weaving, kinds 
and uses of products. 

8. Work in skins: a, dressing, methods and tools; b, tailoring and sewing; c, 

technique of bags and other objects; d, use of rawhide. 

9. Weapons: bows, lances, clubs, knives, shields, armor, fortifications, etc. 

10. Work in wood: a, methods of felling trees, making planks and all reducing 
processes; b, shaping, bending and joining; c, drilling, sawing, smoothing, 

wissler] material CULTURES 449 

d, painting and polishing; e, use of fire; /, tools; g, list of objects made 
of wood; //, technique of carving. 

11. Work in stone: processes, forms, and uses. 

12. Work in bone, ivor^', and shell. 

13. Work in metals. 

14. Feather-work, quill technique, bead technique, and all special products not 

enumerated above. 

One cannot take up problems in the distribution of material 
traits in America without acknowledging the extensive work of 
the late O. T. Mason. Though deeply interested in logical classi- 
fication and genetic problems he rarely permitted these concep- 
tions to obscure the geographical relations of traits. Thus no 
matter what points of view may ultimately prevail in anthro- 
polog>% his works will stand at the head of the reference list. 

Culture Areas 

It is customary to divide the continent into culture areas the 
boundaries to which are provisional and transitional, but which 
taken in the large enable us to make convenient distinctions. 
North of Mexico we have nine culture areas: the Southwest, Cali- 
fornia, the Plateaus, the Plains, the Southeast, the Eastern Wood- 
lands, the Mackenzie, the North Pacific Coast, and the Arctic 
areas. Each of these is conceived as the home of a distinct type of 
culture; but when we take a detailed view of the various tribal 
groups within such an area we find a complex condition not easily 
adjusted to a generalized type. 

Plains Area. In the Plains area we have at least thirty-one 
tribal groups, of which eleven may be considered as manifesting the 
topical material culture of the area.— The Assiniboine, Arapaho, 
Blackfoot, Crow, Cheyenne, Comanche, Gros Ventre, Kiowa, 
Kiowa-Apache, Sarsi, and Teton-Dakota. The chief traits of this 
culture are the dependence upon the buffalo and the very limited 
use of roots and berries; absence of fishing; lack of agriculture; the 
tipi as a movable dwelling; transportation by land only with the 
dog and the travois (in historic times with the horse); want of 

_|.50 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

basket r\- and pottery; no true \vea^•i^g•; clothing of buffalo and 
deerskins; a special bead technique; high development of work in 
skins; special rawhide work (parfleche, cylindrical bag, etc.); use 
of a circular shield; weak development of work in wood, stone, and 

In historic times these tribes ranged from north to south in the 
heart of the area. On the eastern border were some fourteen tribes 
having most of the positive traits enumerated above and in addition 
some of the negative ones, as a limited use of pottery and basketry, 
some spinning and weaving of bags, rather extensive agriculture 
and alternating the tipi with larger and more permanent houses 
covered with grass, bark, or earth, some attempts at water trans- 
portation. These tribes are: the Arikara, Hidatsa, Iowa, Kansa, 
Mandan, Missouri, Omaha, Osage, Oto, Pawnee, Ponca, Santee- 
Dakota, Yankton-Dakota, and the Wichita. 

On the western border were other tribes (the Wind River 
Shoshone, Uinta and Uncompahgre Ute) lacking pottery, but 
producing a rather high type of basketry, depending far less on 
the buffalo but more on deer and small game, making large use 
of wild grass seeds, or grain, alternating tipis with brush and mat- 
covered shelters. 

Also on the northeastern border are the Plains-Ojibway and 
Plains-Cree who have many traits of the forest hunting tribes as 
well as most of those found in the Plains. Possibly a few of the 
little-known bands of Canadian Assiniboine should be included in 
this group in distinction from the Assiniboine proper. 

These variations from the type are, as we shall see, typical 
traits of the adjoining areas, the possible exception being the earth- 
lodges of the Mandan, Pawnee, etc. On the other hand, the tribes 
of the area as a whole have in common practically all the traits of 
the typical group.^ For example, the Mandan made some use of 
tipis, hunted buffalo, used the travois, worked in skins and raw- 

1 The reader should bear in mind that all the interpretations and assumptions in 
this paper are limited absolutely to the bounds of material culture and that no con- 
sideration is given to the applicability of the several conclusions to other aspects of 
culture. Hence, the word culture, unless otherwise stated, is to be taken as excluding 
all traits not enumerated in the topical list. 

wissler] material CULTURES 45^ 

hide, and armed aiul rlothcd themselves Hke the typical Plains 
tribes, but also added other traits, pottery, basketry, agriculture, 
and earth-lodges. Thus we see that while in this area there are 
marked culture differences, the traits constituting these differences 
tend to be typical of other areas and that, hence, we are quite 
justified in taking the cultures of the central group as the type for 
the area as a whole. ^ 

Plateau Area. The Plateau area joins the Plains on the west. 
It is far less uniform in its toi^graphy, the south being a veritable 
desert while the north is moist and fertile. To add to the difficulties 
in systematically characterizing this culture, arising from lack of 
geographical unity, is the want of definite information for many 
important tribes. Our readily a\'ailable sources are Teit's Tht^mp- 
son, Shushwap, and Lillooet; Spinden's Nez Perce; and Lowie's 
Northern Shoshone; but there is also an excellent summary of the 
miscellaneous historical information by Lewis. In a general way, 
these three intense tribal studies give us the cultural nuclei of as 
many groups, the Interior Salish, the Shahaptian, and the Shoshone. 
Of these the Salish seem the typical group because both the Nez 
Perce and the Shoshone show marked Plains traits.^ It is also the 
largest, having sixteen or more dialectic divisions and considerable 
territorial extent. Of these the Thompson, Shushwap, Okanagan 
(Colville, Nespelim, Sanpoil, Senijixtia), and Lillooet seem to be 
the most typical. The traits may be sumimarized as: extensive 
use of salmon, deer, roots (especially camas), and berries; the use 
of a handled digging-stick, cooking with hot stones in holes and 
baskets; the pulverization of dried salmon and roots for storage; 
winter houses, semi-subterranean, a circular pit with a conical roof 
and smoke hole entrance; summer houses, movable or transient, 
mat or rush-covered tents and the lean-to, double and single; the 
dog sometimes used as a pack animal ; water transportation weakly 
developed, crude dug-outs and bark canoes being used; pottery 
not known; basketry highly developed, coil, rectangular shapes, 
imbricated technique; twine weaving in ficxible bags and mats; 

> Consult: Wissler. (a). (6), (c). 

2 Consult: Lewis; Teit. (a). (6). (c); Spinden; Boas, {b)\ Hill-Tout; Lowie. 

452 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

some simple weaving of bark fiber for clothing; clothing for the 
entire body usually of deerskins; skin caps for the men, and in 
some cases basket caps for women; blankets of woven rabbitskin; 
the sinew-backed bow prevailed; clubs, lances, and knives, and 
rod and slat armor were used in war, also heavy leather shirts ; fish 
spears, hooks, traps, and bag nets were used; dressing of deerskins 
highly developed but other skin work weak; upright stretching 
frames and straight long handled scrapers; while wood work was 
more advanced than among the Plains tribes it was insignificant 
as compared to the North Pacific Coast area; stone work was 
confined to the making of tools and points, battering and flaking, 
some jadeite tools; work in bone, metal, and feathers very weak. 

The Shahaptian group includes tribes of the Waiilatpuan stock. 
The underground house seems to be wanting here, but the Nez 
Perce used a form of it for a young men's lodge. However the 
permanent house seems to be a form of the double lean-to of the 
north. In other respects the differences are almost wholly due to 
the intrusion of traits from the Plains. Skin work is more highly 
developed and no attempts at the weaving of cloth are made, but 
there is a high development of basketry and soft bags. 

The Northern Shoshonean tribes were even farther removed 
toward Plains culture, though they used a dome-shaped brush 
shelter before the tipi became general; thus, they used canoes not 
at all, carried the Plains shield; deer being scarce in their country 
they made more use of the buffalo than the Nez Perce, depended 
more upon small game and especially made extensive use of wild 
grass seeds, though as everywhere in the area, roots and salmon 
formed an important food; in addition to the universal sagebrush 
bark weaving they made rabbitskin blankets; their basketry was 
coil and twine, but the shapes were round; they had some steatite 
jars and possibly pottery, but usually cooked in baskets; their 
clothing was quite Plains-like and work in rawhide was well de- 
veloped; in historic times they were great horse Indians but seem 
not to have used the travois either for dogs or horses. The remain- 
ing Shoshone of western Utah and Nevada were in a more arid 
region and so out of both the salmon and the buffalo country, but 


Otherwise their fiindaiiKntal culture was much the same, though 
far less modified by Plains traits. The Wind River division, the 
Uinta or Uncompahgre Ute, it should be noted, belong more to the 
Plains area than here, and have been so classed. In the extreme 
western part of Nevada we have the Washo, a small tribe and 
linguistic stock, who in common with some of the little-known 
Shoshonean Mono-Paviotso groups seem to have been influenced 
by California culture. Among other variants, their occasional use 
of insects as food may be noted. On the north of our area are the 
Athapascan Chilcotin whose material culture was quite like that of 
the Salish, and to the northeast the Kutenai with some individualities 
and some inclinations toward the Plains. 

In general, it appears that in choice of foods, textile arts, 
quantity of clothing, forms of utensils, fishing appliances, methods 
of cooking and preparing foods, there was great uniformity through- 
out the entire area, while in houses, transportation, weapons, cut 
and style of c othing, the groups designated above presented some 
important differences. As in the Plains area we find certain border 
tribes strongly influenced by the cultures of the adjoining areas. 

California Area. In California we have a marginal or coast 
area, which Kroeber divides into four sub-culture areas. However, 
by far the most extensive is the central group to which belongs the 
typical culture. Its main characteristics are: acorns, the chief 
vegetable food, supplemented by wild seeds, roots and berries 
scarcely used; acorns made into bread by a roundabout process; 
hunting mostly for small game and fishing where possible; houses 
of many forms, but all simple shelters of brush or tule, or more 
substantial conical lean-to structures of poles; the dog was not 
used for packing and there were no canoes, but used rafts of tule 
for ferrying; no pottery but high development of basketry, both 
coil and twine; bags and mats very scanty; cloth or other weaving 
of twisted elements not known; clothing was simple, and scanty, 
feet generally bare; the bow, the only weapon, sinew-backed usually; 
work in skins very weak; work in wood, bone, etc., weak; metals 
not at all; stone work not advanced. With the single exception of 
basketry we have here a series of simple traits which tend to great 

454 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

As with the preceding areas we must again consider inter- 
mediate groups. In the south the characteristic Hnguistic indi- 
\iduality vanishes to make room for large groups of Yuman and 
Shoshonean tribes; here we find some pottery, sandals, wooden 
war clubs, and even curved rabbit sticks, all intrusive. The 
extinct Santa Barbara were at least variants, living upon sea food, 
ha\'ing some wood work, making plank canoes, and excellent workers 
of stone, bone, and shell. In northern California are again the 
Karok, Yurok, Wishosk, Shasta, and Hupa and other Athapascan 
tribes; here sea food on the coast and salmon in the interior rival 
acorns and other foods; dug-out canoes; rectangular gabled houses 
of planks with circular doors; basketry almost exclusively twined; 
elkhorn and wooden trinket boxes; elkhorn spoons; stone work 
superior to that of central California; the occasional use of rod, 
slat, and elkskin armor and also basket hats of the northern type. 
These all suggest the culture farther north. ^ 

North Pacific Coast Area. Ranging northward from California 
to the Alaskan peninsula we have an ethnic coast belt, known as 
the North Pacific Coast area. This culture is rather complex and 
presents highly individualized tribal variations; but can be con- 
sistently treated under three subdivisions: (a) the northern group, 
Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian; (b) the central group, the Kwakiutl 
tribes and the Bellacoola; and (c) the southern group, the Coast 
Salish, the Nootka, the Chinook, Kalapooian, Waiilatpuan, Chi- 
makuan, and some Athapascan tribes. The first of these seem to 
be the type and are characterized by: the great dependence upon 
sea food, some hunting upon the mainland, large use of berries; 
dried fish, clams, and berries are the staple food; cooking with hot 
stones in boxes and baskets; large rectangular gabled houses of 
upright cedar planks with carved posts and totem poles; travel 
chiefly by water in large sea-going dug-out canoes some of which 
had sails; no pottery nor stone vessels, except mortars; baskets in 
checker, those in twine reaching a high state of excellence among 
the Tlingit; coil basketry not made; mats of cedar bark and soft 

1 Consult: Kroeber, (a). Also the special anthropological publications of the 
University of California. 

wissler] material CULTURES 455 

bags in abundance; the Chilkat, a Tlingit tribe, specialized in the 
wea\'ing of a hl.iuket of goat hair; there was no true loom, the 
warp hanging from a bar and weaving with the fingers, downward ; 
clothing rather scanty, chiefly of skin, a wide basket hat (only one 
of the kind on the continent and apparently for rain protection); 
feel usual!},' bare, but skin moccasins and leggings were occasional!}' 
made; for weapons the bow, club, and a peculiar dagger, no lances; 
slat, rod, and skin armor; wooden helmets, no shields; practically 
no chipped stone tools, but nephrite or green stone used ; wood work 
highly developed, splitting and dressing of planks, peculiar bending 
for boxes, joining by securing with concealed stitches, high develop- 
ment of carving technique; work in copper may have been aboriginal, 
but, if so, very weakly developed. 

The central group differs in a few minor points; use a hand 
stone hammer instead of a hafted one, practically no use of skin 
clothing l3Ut twisted and loosely woven bark or wool; no coil or 
■twined basketry, all checker work. 

Among the southern group appears a strong tendency to use 
stone arrowheads in contrast to the north; a peculiar flat club, 
vaguely similar to the New Zealand type, the occasional use of the 
Plains war club, greater use of edible roots (camas, etc.) and berries, 
some use of acorns as in California, the handled digging-stick, 
roasting in holes (especially camas) and the pounding of dried 
salmon, a temporary summer house of Ijark or rushes, twine basketry 
pre\'ailed, the sewed rush mat, costume like the central group.' 

Eskimo Area. The chief resumes of Eskimo culture have been 
made by Boas who div^ides them into nine or more groups, but his 
distinctions are based largely upon non-material traits. When we 
consider the fact that the Eskimo are confined to tlie coast line and 
stretch from the Aleutian islands to eastern Greenland, we should 
expect lack of contact in many parts of this long chain to give rise 
to many differences. While many differences do exist, the simi- 
larities are striking, equal if not superior in uniformity to those of 
any other culture area. However, our knowledge of these people 

^ Consult: Boas, (c), (d); Krause; Niblack; Emmons, (a), (6), (c). 

AM ANTH.. N. S.. l6 — 30 

456 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i6, 1914 

is far from satisfactory, making even this brief survey quite pro- 

The mere fact that they live by the sea and chiefly upon sea 
food, will not of itself differentiate them from the tribes of the 
North Pacific coast; but the habit of camping in winter upon sea 
ice and li^•ing upon seal, and in the summer upon land animals 
will serve us. Among other traits the kayak and "woman's boat," 
the lamp, the harpoon, the float, woman's knife, bowdrill, snow 
goggles, the trussed-bow, and dog traction, are almost universal 
and taken in their entirety rather sharply differentiate Eskimo 
culture from the remainder of the continent. The type of winter 
shelter varies considerably, but the skin tent is quite universal in 
summer, and the snow house, as a more or less permanent winter 
house, prevails east of Point Barrow. Intrusive traits are also 
present : basketry of coil and twine is common in xA.laska ; ^ pottery 
also extended eastward to Cape Parry; the Asiatic pipe occurs in 
Alaska and the Indian pipe on the west side of Hudson bay; 
likewise some costumes beaded in general Indian style have been 
noted west of Hudson bay. All Eskimo are rather ingenious 
workers with tools, in this respect strikingly like the tribes of the 
North Pacific coast. In Alaska where wood is available the 
Eskimo carve masks, small boxes, and bowls with great cleverness. 

These variants all tend to disappear between Point Barrow and 
Hudson bay and it may be noted that they are at the same time 
traits that occur in Asia, the North Pacific coast, or the Mackenzie 
area. Hence, we seem justified in looking toward the east for the 
typical material culture. From our limited knowledge it appears 
that the great central group from Banks land on the west to 
Smith sound in North Greenland is the home of the purest traits; 
here are snow houses, dogs harnessed with single traces, rectangular 
stone kettles; and the almost entire absence of wooden utensils.^ 
In Greenland and Labrador the differences are small and apparently 
due more to modern European influences than to prehistoric causes. 

' Mason asserts the occasional occurrence of coil baskets among the Central 

2 Consult: Boas, (e), (/), (g), {h); Murdoch; Nelson, E. W. 

wissler] material CULTURES 457 

The limited study of archeological specimens by Dall, Solberg, and 
Boas suggests much greater uniformity in the prehistoric period, a 
conclusion apparently borne out by the collections made by Stefans- 
son on the north coast. While this is far from conclusive, it is 
quite consistent with the view that the chief intrusive culture is 
west of the Mackenzie river. 

Mackenzie Area. Skirting the Eskimo area from east to west 
^s a great interior belt of semi-Arctic lands, including the greater 
part of the interior of Canada. Hudson bay almost cuts it into 
two parts, the western or larger part occupied by the Dene tribes, 
the eastern by Algonkins, the Saulteaux, Cree, Montagnais, and 
Naskapi. The fauna, flora, and climate are quite uniform for 
corresponding latitudes which is reflected to some extent in material 
culture so that we should be justified in considering it one great 
area;^ this would, however, not be consistent with less material 
traits according to which the Dene country is considered as a 
distinct area. For this reason we shall treat the region under two 

Our knowledge of the Dene tribes is rather fragmentary, for 
scarcely a single tribe has been seriously studied. Aside from the 
work of Father Morice we ha\'e only the random observations of 
explorers and fur traders. It is believed that the Dene tribes fall 
into three culture groups. The eastern group: the Yellow Kni^'es, 
Dog Rib, Hares, Slavey, Chipewyan, and Beaver; the southwestern 
group: the Nahane, Sekani, Babine, and Carrier; the northwestern 
group comprising the Kutchin, Loucheux, Ahtena, and Khotana. 

' The chief cultural bond through this region is the use of the caribou. The 
caribou ranged from Maine to Alaska and throughout all this area furnished the 
greater part of the clothing and tents and a considerable portion of the food. They 
could not be taken easily in summer but in winter were killed in drives, on the ice, 
or after a thaw, in the water. They were also snared. All of these methods were 
known from Alaska to Newfoundland. Between the Mackenzie and Hudson bay 
ranged the barren ground variety, whose habits were somewhat like those of the 
buffalo on the Plains, and the tribes in reach of their range lived upon them almost as 
completely as did the Indians of the Plains upon the buffalo. (See Pike, chap. 4; 
for map see Madison Grant in the Seventh Annual Report, New York Zoological Socitly.) 
Along with these widely distributed caribou traits go the great use of spruce and 
birchbark for canoes and vessels, babiche, and bark fiber, toboggans, and skin or bark- 
covered tents, the use of snares and nets. 

458 AMERICAN ANTHROFOLOGISr [n. s.. i6, 1914 

The Chilcotin are so far removed culturally that we have placed 
them in the Plateau group and the Tahltan seem to be intermediate 
to the North Pacific center. 

Of these three groups the southwestern is the largest and occu- 
pies the most favorable habitat. From the writings of Father 
Morice a fairly satisfactory statement of their material cultures 
can be made, as follows: All the tribes are hunters of large and small 
game, caribou are often driven into enclosures, small game taken 
in snares and traps; a few of the tribes on the headwaters of the 
Pacific drainage take salmon, but other kinds of fish are largely 
used; large use of berries is made, they are mashed and dried by a 
special process; edible roots and other vegetable foods are used 
to some extent; utensils are of wood and bark; no pottery; bark 
vessels for boiling with and without use of stones ; travel in summer 
largely by canoe, in winter by snowshoe; dog sleds used to some 
extent, but chiefly since trade days, the toboggan form prevailing; 
clothing of skins; mittens and caps; no weaving except rabbitskin 
garments,^ but fine network in snowshoes, bags, and fish nets, 
materials of bark fiber, sinew, and babiche; there is also a special 
form of woven quill work; the typical habitation seems to be the 
double lean-to, though many intrusive forms occur; fish-hooks and 
spears; limited use of copper; work in stone weak.- 

Unfortunately, the data available on the other groups are less 
definite, so that we cannot decisively classify the tribes. From 
Hearne, Mackenzie, and others it appears that the following traits 

1 These are often woven on a frame similar to the skin-dressing frame but without 
loom-like appliances. 

2 The following statement as to the archeology of the southwestern group ma}- be 

"Throughout the whole extent of their territory, no mounds, enclosures, forti- 
fications of a permanent character or any earthen works suggesting human agency 
are to be found, nor is their existence, past or present, even as much as suspected by 
any Carrier, Tse'kehne or Tsikoh'tin. In the same manner, pottery, clay implements, 
perforated stones, mortars, ceremonial gorgets, gouges, stone sledges and articles of 
shell either plain, carved, or engraved, have to this day remained unknown among 
them. They did formerly, and do still occasionally, use stone pestles. But for the 
mortars common among natives of most heterogeneous stocks, they substitute a dressed 
skin spread on the ground whereon they pound dried salmon, salmon vertebrae, bones, 
etc." (Morice, a, 35.) 

wissler] material CULTURES 459 

prevailed over the entire Dene area: the tAvisting of bark fiber 
without spindle and its general use, reminding one of sennit; snares 
and nets for all kinds of game ; the use of spruce and birchbark for 
vessels and canoes; basketry of split spruce root (watap) for cook- 
ing \viih hot stones noted by earh' obser\'ers; the toboggan; in 
summer the use of the dog to carr>- tents and other baggage; 
extensive use of babiche; the short-handled stone adze; iron p>rites 
instead of the fired rill and fungus for touchwood; the use of the 
cache; and above all, dependence ui)()n the caribou. These seem 
to be the most characteristic traits of the Dene as a whole and while 
neither numerous nor complex are still cjuite distinctive. 

Some writers have commented upon the relative poverty of 
distinctive traits and the preponderance of borrowed, or intrusive 
ones. For example, the double lean-to is peculiarly their own, 
though used slightly in parts of the Plateau area; but among the 
southwestern Dene we frequently find houses like those of the 
Tsimshian among the Babine and northern Carrier, while the 
Skena and southern Carrier use the underground houses of the 
Salish, and among the Chipewyan, Beaver, and most of the eastern 
group, the skin or bark-covered tipi of the Cree is common. Similar 
differences have been noted in costume and doubtless hold for other 
traits. Pemmican was made by the eastern group. According to 
Hearne some of them painted their shields with Plains-like devices. 
In the northwestern group we find some sleds of Eskimo pattern. 
Such borrowing of traits from other areas is, however, not peculiar 
to the Dene, and while it may be more prevalent among them, it 
should be noted that our best data is from tribes marginal to the 
area. It is just in the geographical center of this area that data 
fail us. Therefore, the inference is that there is a distinct type of 
Dene culture and that their lack of individuality has been over- 

Eastern Woodland Area. We come now to the so-called Eastern 
Woodland area, the characterization of which is difficult. As just 
noted, its northern border extends to the Arctic and all the territory 
between the Eskimo above and Lakes Superior and Huron below 

> Consult: Morice, (6), (c); Mackenzie; Hearne; Emmons, (c). 

460 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 16, 1914 

and eastward to the St Lawrence is the home of a culture whose 
material traits are comparable to those of the Dene. In brief, the 
traits are the taking of caribo