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ULSTER JOURNAL
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VOL.8
DUBLIN,
BELFAST,
ARCHER & SONS,
X 1HJKL1JN, mmm,A LONDON.
HODGESSSMITH. 18 Si. J.RUSSELL SMITH.
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THEGE1
UBRAR'i
CONTENTS OF VOL, 8.
l'AGE.
Details of Discoveries made at the ancient Lake-Habitations of Switzerland. ( Illustrated. J 1
The Ruins of Bun-na-Mairge (County Antrim) : — Gleanings of their History.... ... 14
Lord Deputy of Ireland's Household Expenses, circa 1580. ... ... ... 27
Letter from Professor Adolphe Pictet, of Geneva. ... ... ... ... 34
On the Gold Antiquities found in Ireland, f Illustrated.) ... ... ... 36
The Aryan Unity. .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 55
Court-Martial held two centuries ago at Portaferry, County of Down. ... ... 62
Antiquarian Notes and Queries. ... ... ... ... ... ... 70
Proceedings of the Scottish and English Forces in the North of Ireland, a.d. 1642. ... 77
Historical Argument on the Origin of the Irish Gold Antiquities. ... ... 88
Ancient Irish Trumpets. (Illustrated. J ... ... ... ... ... 99
Cahir Conri. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Ill
Gleanings in Family History from the Antrim Coast: — The MacNaghtens and MacNeills. 127
Irish Ethnology. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 145
Antiquarian Notes and Queries. ... ... ... ... ... ... 149
Unpublished Poems relating to Ulster in 1642-43. (Illustrated. J ... ... 153
A few Notes upon Coal.... ... ... ... ... ... ... 172
Sydney's Memoir of his Government in Ireland, (concluded. J ... ... ... 179
Gleanings in Family History from the Antrim Coast: — The Macaulays and Macartneys. 196
Early Irish Caligraphy. (Illustrated).
Antiquarian Notes and Queries
Pro-Christian Notices of Ireland. ...
The Clan of the MacQuillius of Antrim.
Early Anglo-Irish Poetry. (Illustrated.)
The Round Tower Controversy: — the Belfiy Theory examined.
Early Irish Caligraphy. (Illustrated.)
Antiquarian Notes and Queries.
PAGE.
...
210
...
231
...
239
...
251
...
268
...
280
...
291
309
ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOL. 8.
Antiquities discovered in an ancient Lake- Habitation in Switzerland, Plate I.
Stone with conical perforation.
Antiquities discovered in an ancient Lake-Habitation in Sw
Gold Antiquities found in Ireland, Plate I. ...
Do. do., Plate II. ...
Head-dress of Women in Russia. ...
Do. do., in Holland.
Ancient Irish Trumpets, — folding Plate.
Do. do., Plate II.
New Zealand War- Trumpet.
The English-Irish Soldier.
itzerland, Plate II
PAGE.
3
5
6
36
42
4G
48
98
102
110
1C9
PAGE.
Fac-simile of Ornamentation, from an ancient Irish Manuscript in the Monastery of
St. Gall, Switzerland.
Fac-simile of Illumination, from an ancient Irish Manuscript in the Monastery of
St. Gall, Switzerland. ...
Specimens of ancient Irish Manuscripts, Plate I. (Christ on the Cross.)
Do. do. Plate II. (Saint Matthew.)
Do. do. Plate III. (Penmanship.)
Do. do. Plate IV. (Penmanship.)
210
223
301
302
304
304
DETAILS OF -DISCOVERIES MADE AT THE ANCIENT LAKE-HABITATIONS
OE SWITZERLAND.*
Me. Editoe, — Your excellent Journal contains, in the July Number for 1859, an article
giving an account of the lake-habitations discovered of late years in Ireland and Switzerland. After
the general view given to your readers, it may be not uninteresting to examine in detail one of the
localities which has just furnished new data concerning the industry and mode of life of the most
ancient inhabitants of Europe. — Yours with respect,
Lausanne, 30th October, 1859. Feedeeic Teotox.
Railway excavations very frequently assist the researches of the archaeologist. It is in this way
that an unexpected discovery, made near Concise, in the latter end of July, 1859, has revealed the
site of a former lake-habitation which is peculiarly rich in the remains of the " stone-period."
A steam- dredge, which was set to work opposite to the nearest houses of Concise, to procure
materials for a portion of the railway which passes the lake, soon brought up a number of ancient
remains belonging to habitations of a remote antiquity. Numerous persons having been attracted
to the spot as soon as the discovery became known, the workmen collected with great care every
article which they thought they might obtain a sale for. To give an idea of the number of objects
found on this site, it may suffice to mention that there have been collected in the museum of
Lausanne nearly a thousand; in that of Yverdon, from 800 to 900 ; the museums of Geneva, Berne,
Keuchatel, and Chaux de Eonds, possess numerous specimens; as also the collections of the following
individuals, Count Pourtalei, at La Lance, Dr. Clement, at St. Aubin, Messrs. Key and De Yevey, at
Estavoyer, and Colonel Schwab, at Lienne. Many articles have been sold to foreigners. Professor
Agassiz has purchased a number for the museum which he is establishing in America, and numerous
specimens are scattered in the hands of various other persons.
The objects discovered are remarkable for the variety of their forms, for the large use made of
bone in their construction, and for the stag's horn handles found in several of the implements.
* Though this paper relates to discoveries made in so' dis- (especially in the North), that we have no hesitation in
tant country as Switzerland, it throws so much light on the presenting a translation to our readers. — [Edit.]
uses of the various ancient stone implements found in Ireland
Before describing these various kinds of articles, however, it is necessary to add that the desire of
gain has induced some of the workmen to fabricate forgeries which have been sold to a considerable
extent. At the commencement of the discoveries, which lasted during the five weeks that the
dredge was working on this spot, these forgers confined themselves strictly to imitating the genuine
forms, and giving a handle to an instrument which had lost its own one ; but subsequently they
invented now forms for which there was no authority in antiquity, by joining together different
articles found in the lake ; and at last, emboldened by the ignorance of some purchasers, they
manufactured various implements out of common shore pebbles, bones, and stag's horn, amusing
themselves by producing something uncommon. These forgeries circulated by the workmen will
have a tendency to throw doubt on the authenticity of certain articles, and among others, on the
manner in which they were provided with handles. Nevertheless, before regarding as a forgery any
particular form reproduced b}r a workman, it is proper to ascertain whether or not the type of this
form has been really discovered. Taking this as a rule, I am able to bring forward as genuine the
following objects, either from having myself seen them taken out of the water, or from the testimony
of Mr. Rochet and Dr. Clement, who were present almost every day at these discoveries, and col-
lected a large number of specimens at the very time when found. On the other hand, every one
of the articles which I describe bears in itself a character of antiquity which the forgers with all
their skill have been unable to imitate.
The spot on which the dredge was worked is situated at about 300 feet from the shore. It
presented the appearance of a hillock covered with several feet deep of water: its surface was com-
posed of mud, and in no part presented any vestige of a habitation. It was in acting on this spot that
the dredge brought to light an artificial bed, more than two feet in thickness, which overlaid the
primitive bottom of the lake. This bed was composed of gravel, pebbles, flints of angular forms or
broken by the human hand, and stones of from one to two feet in diameter; in the midst of which were
found the remains of piles of oak and fir, wood charcoal, bones, innumerable stags' horns, cut or
notched, fragments of pottery, and instruments of stone and bone. At some spots the dredge cast
up mud containing seeds, with numerous debris of reeds and of small branches which had, without
doubt, formed the covering of habitations. Lastly, some articles of bronze were discovered towards
the north-east end of the site. These thousands of implements of the " stone period," stratified in
a layer whose formation must have required a lengthened period, prove that man had occupied
the spot long previous to the introduction of metal. On the other hand, it follows, from the presence
of bronze, and from the improvements introduced into the manufacture of some primitive -tools,
that these habitations have continued in existence down to the period of transition from stone to
bronze.
The axe is the instrument which has performed the principal part in primitive industrial opera-
tions. It was used both for the chase and, in case of need, as a weapon of war; while it likewise
PLATE
(/isrffi journal or /t/fc///foioer.
ANTIQUITIES DISCOVERED IN AN ANCIENT LAZE -HABITATION IN SWITZERLAND .
served for domestic purposes of the most various kinds. At Concise a very large number of speci-
mens have been found. With some rare exceptions, their small dimensions excite surprize. The
cutting edge measures only, on the average, 15 to 20 lines, at the most, in breadth. The kind of
stone employed by preference is serpentine, either opaque or semi-transparent. Several pieces,
roughly hewn out, have fallen into the water before being finished; others have evidently been
worn by long use; sometimes the edge is very sharp, bat also often injured ; and though some
specimens present a remarkable finish, a large number have been manufactured with little care.
The discoveries at Concise, furnish us with very precise information as to the mode of affixing
the handles. Occasionally the stone was simply fixed in a notch or mortise, made in a piece of
stag's horn which served as the handle (see Plate, fig. 5). These handles are either straight or
curved, according to the part of the horn used for the purpose. Two of the handles, cut into the
form of a T, were armed with a sharp stone in one of the transverse ends of the horn ; but most
of the axes have been originally formed of three portions ; — a piece of stag's horn two or three inches
long received the stone at one end, while the other end, cut into four faces, entered into the
mortise of the handle, as has already been observed in discoveries made at Estavoyer (Fig. 10).
It is curious that the actual junction of these three portions has not been met with again at Concise,
which, no doubt, has arisen from the handle having been made of wood, and not having lasted to the
present time. But to compensate for this, the sockets for the handle, being of horn, have been pre-
served in large quantities : several of them bear the marks of wear caused by the grindstone in
sharpening the edge of the axe ; others being split by a blow, have been thrown aside ; and
more rarely (to judge at least by the pieces found) the stone has broken in the socket.
These sockets present several varieties of form. Some are nearly square ; some have been cut in
saeh a way as to produce a projection on one sid3, which rested oa the handle (Fig. 2) ; others
have been forked, as if for the purpose of introducing a wedge to fasten them more firmly in
the opening which received them. One specimen is pierced with a transverse hole, no doubt in
order to fasten it by a peg ; and another, pierced parallel to the edge of the stone, received the
handle in this opening of an oval form.
The stone chisels, which are likewise very abundant, are distinguished from the axes by having
their edges of less width. Most of them are made of serpentine and of oriental nephrite or
jade (Fig. 18). They are fixed into the end of a piece of stag's horn, two or three inches long ;
and the opposite end has sometimes a circular longitudinal hole, into which was probably introduced
a cylindrical body intended to protect the handle from the blows of a hammer.
Small pieces of unwrought stone, nearly cylindrical in form, have been hafted in the same
manner as the chisels. One of these cylinders is close to the end of a stag's horn pierced trans-
versely to receive a handle, and may have been used as a ham nor. In these primitive ages we may
readily conceive that the place of the hammer would frequently be supplied by the first stone that
came to hand ; nevertheless, these stones sometimes received forms more specially adapted for their
intended use. Thus, we find fragments which have nearly the shape and size of the modern sledge-
hammer. As for the stone-hammers pierced with a hole, we ought to consider them as belonging
to the transition period.
Paring-knives (like the modern saddler's knife) have been in much use. Pieces of serpentine,
nephrite, and flint, have in general received a curved edge. The handles, which are often longer
fyian those of the chisels, are straight, or made of the ends of antlers, or pieces of stags' horn forked
naturally. Dr. Clement has one of these paring-knives, made of jade, fixed sideways on an antler,
like an axe, but the use of which can scarcely be doubted, as its edge is greatly curved. (Fig. 12.)
The flints employed in making different implements, are for the most part foreign to Switzerland •
"We find, however, numerous splinters, which show that the manufacture of at least a part of
these instruments was carried on at Concise. Scales, four or five inches long, by from six to ten lines
broad,f may have been used cither as weapons or domestic implements. Some are hafted like knife-
blades ; others again of a shorter kind, and rounded at the end into the arc of a circle, and fixed
to the extremity of a stag's horn, seem to have served rather as scrapers. A large blade of this
description, thin, and fixed firmly in a handle, may be taken for a saiv ; othcrj, fitted to straight or
forked handles, pointed, and having a triangular section, answer the purpose of regular piercers.
(Fig. 16). Among the pieces of flint with handles must also be mentioned a small pointed one, only
two lines in length, the use of which it is not easy to conjecture, unless it may have been used as
a kind of graver. (Fig. 15).
The javelins and arroics have occasionally had their heads made of flint. Arrow-points occur,
presenting the form of an isosceles triangle, or of a lozenge, with or without notches on the obtuse
angles ; others are made with a point which penetrated into the shaft, and also with two wings
something like those of a harpoon. The shafts of these missile weapons have in all cases
disappeared.
There have been found at Concise numerous disk-shaped stones, from an inch to two-and-a-half
inches in diameter, with a hole in the centre, like those which are usually regarded as weights for
spindles. The use of these pieces, however, is in reality very doubtful. The disk is rarely perfect.
One of these stones, nearly oval in shape, is pierced with two holes ; another, which is in an un-
finished state, is pierced only half-way through, and the hole, which has evidently been made by
some instrument which had a revolving motion, is widened out into a funnel-shape on each side of
+ All the measurements given in this paper are in Swiss sents two inches, one of them divided into lines.
feet, inches, and lines. The Swiss foot is divided into 10 1*3456789 10 lines.
inches, and the inch into 10 lines. The annexed repre- Ll 1 I I I 1 I ' ' I I
2 inches.
',Edit."|
the disk, presenting the form of two truncated cones. | Pebbles of sand-stone, and other kinds of
stone more or less compact, have been used for making these disks, and there are some of bone and
even of pottery. One specimen, made of wood, of an oval form, may perhaps have been used
as a float.
I Many stones, exactly answering to this description, are
found in the North of Ireland. They are always of a very
hard material ; and the holes, though generally placed
about the centre of the stone, are not always so. No satis-
factory hypothesis has yet been proposed for explaining
the use of these stones. That they were not intended to
be pierced quite through their substance is evident from the
fact, that very often the holes on each side are not opposite
to each other, and they are sometimes very shallow. A speci-
men now before us seems to afford a solution of the problem.
We give a sketch of it, of the full size, showing the hole on
one side, evidently produced by the continued motion of
some revolving substance of a very hard nature, the inside
of the cavity having a high polish, and showing a great
number of concentric scores or slight grooves. This stone
was found along with a quern or ancient hand-mill, when
ploughing up an old rath or mound near Carrickfergus.
Ourbelief is, that it was employed for supporting the spindle
of the revolving or upper mill-stone, which has gradually
worn a conical hole into its substance to the depth shown,
about three quarters of an inch. On the opposite of the
stone is another hole, perfectly similar, but more than an
inch nearer to the edge, and worn in an oblique direction.
It is therefore probable that tins latter was the side of the
stone first used ; but that, in consequence of the oblique
wearing of the hole causing the mill to be unsteady, the
stone was turned, and a new hole commenced on the
opposite side. — [Edit.]
Besides the unfinished and roughly hewn pieces which are found accompanying the per-
fect implements, and those which have been thrown aside after long use, there are also found many
splinters of different sorts of stone, which have been made in manufacturing the tools ; and many
flint pebbles broken by the human hand. There have likewise been found, in the midst of these
debris, some petrifactions, rock-crystal, and white coral from the Mediterranean.
If the hammer performed an important part in the manufacturing of stone implements, the
same has been the case with the xohet-stoncs, which gave the edge to the instrument. These are
found, made of sand-stone, in shape like a grindstone or lower millstone, with irregular outlines,
and bear marks of having been worn away by friction. Other grinding -stones, made of a compact
rock, present a plain or a concave surface, on which grain or fruit may have been bruised or pounded.
Some stones, to all appearance, have been used as regular anvils.
Most of the forms of the stone implements arc found also in bone ; and this last class of objects
which form quite a collection of tools, arms, and ornaments, is certainly not the least remarkable.
The largest sized and most compact bones were made use of as hammers, as were also pieces of
stag's horn, iuto the spongy part of which was sometimes introduced a bone which was driven in as
far as the surface where the horn was cut off. These hammers were pierced with a round or oval hole
for receiving the handle, the position of which was occasionally oblique, as is remarked in some axes.
The part of the wood which entered into the hole of one hammer has been preserved, while the
remainder has been destroyed by the action of time, which explains the disappearance of axe handles
when not made of horn. A violent blow has often broken these hammers, which are indeed rarely
found whole. Although articles of wood are most frequently destroyed, a complete beetle has been
discovered, made of fir. The wood being completely impregnated with water, and yielding to the
slightest pressure, left no doubt as to its antiquity. The instrument had been cut from the branch
of a tree, using a part of irregular growth for the handle.
Numerous chisels of bone and stag's-horn, of different breadths, and with or without handles,
must have been employed for working on materials of no great hardness. This has also been the
case with the paring knives of bone, and sometimes even of boar's tusks, which are found of a
variety of shapes, one of which is still used by shoemakers at the present day.
The variety of bodkins is very great. They are generally made of ribs or shank bones sawed
up, and more rarely of buck's horns, or the cutting teeth of the boar. Their length varies
from fifteen lines to seven inches. The point is sharp and polished ; and the other end often
preserves the natural form of the bone ; and sometimes has been cut so as to form an obtuse angle
with the stem of the bodkin (Fig 4). The point is usually round, but is sometimes four-sided, or
presenting two sharp edges. The head or articulation of the bone served for the handle ; while those
bodkins which were made out of splinters were fitted to a handle of stag's horn : such handles had
likewise in their other extremity a cylindrical body driven into the spongy part, and which was
evidently intended for flattening the stitches or seams.
PLATE 2.
ULSTER JOURNAL Or /l/?CH/£OLOGY.
ANTIQUITIES DISCOVERED IN AN ANCIENT LAKE -HABITATION IN SWITZERLAND
Bone needles, straight or slightly carved, and from three to six inches long, are found provided
with an eye, or even two eyes, near the end farthest from the point. In one of these needles the
bone has been scooped out on the two sides of the head, in order that the thread or cord, passing
through the eye, might not impede the action of the needle (Fig. 11). Another needle, pointed at
both ends, is pierced with an eye in the middle of its length, where it thickens perceptibly. The
eye is sometimes also near the point, as we may still see in some saddlers' needles,
"We may, no doubt, give the name ofj)olishers to teeth found driven up to the enamel in handles
of stag's horn. The incisor teeth of ruminant animals have been used in preference (Fig. 6) ; how-
ever, pig's teeth have also been employed for the same purpose, and even one human tooth. Bones
and stag's horn, in various shapes, have evidently answered a similar purpose.
Among the undetermined objects in bone and horn are several specimens, with or without a
hole, cylindrical either entirely or in part, sometimes surmounted by a head or button, or sometimes
merely in the form of thick scales. One of these objects deserves special attention, from the
delicacy of its workmanship. It is a small piece, about seven or eight lines in length, and less
than two lines in diameter, pierced lengthwise like a tube, whose cylindrical ends arc hooped by two
little straps, contrived at the time of cutting the bone (Fig. 17). The manufacturing of this
article, which would not seem anything remarkable at any other epoch, is very interesting when we
consider the delicate nature of the workmanship, and the limited means possessed by primitive
workmen.
We have already remarked that the numerous splinters of flint and of various other kinds of
stone, as well as the unfinished implements which have been found here, prove that the locality
of Concise was at one time the site of a manufactory ; and we arrive at the same conclusion when
we examine the large quantity of pieces of stag's horn, prepared for the handles of different tools,
these handles being more or less complete, or sometimes merely roughed out. They bear unequi-
vocal marks of some instrument whose edge has produced a notch generally striated. "We can also
distinguish the action of the flint-saw and of the grind-stone. Some of them have received a
polish which antiquity has not been able to destroy ; and several have been nibbled by the teeth of
some gnawing animal, most probably the rat, against whose attacks, we may readily conceive, the
lake-habitations were not more secure than ships are at present.
The weapons found at Concise are peculiarly interesting. The daggers, in spite of the imita-
tions of them made by the workmen, are known to be quite genuine, several having been taken out
of the lake in a perfect state. The blade has been made from the shank-bone of an animal, first of
all cleft, then cut and sharpened into the form of a large round bodkin, or triangular like a stiletto,
or else like a willow-leaf. These blades are hafted with stag's horn, and this arrangement is not
devoid of elegance. (Fig. 1). The entire length of the daggers varies from seven to thirteen inches.
Other weapons, similar in all respects to these daggers, have a blade curved like the rib of a
skeleton. Their use is not easy to determine, as they neither answer for cutting or thrusting. It
is likely that these blades were originally straight, and have gradually yielded to the pressure of
some heavy substance, which has at length given them a curved form not belonging to the piece
of bone used in making them. Some stout blades of stag -horn, deeply toothed on one side or both,
(Fig. 13), remind us of some spear-heads discovered in the valley of the Mississippi. Another
beautiful specimen, made of bone, about nine inches long, presents the same appearance. Others,
made of split bone, from four to five inches in length, have also the lanceolate form ; and the
socket is formed so as to admit of the handle being fastened along the marrow-hole, by ligatures
passing into grooves cut transversely on the bone (Fig. 14) ; a small hole is likewise placed at the
end for receiving a peg.
The bone arrow -heads (Fig. 7) present the same peculiarities as the specimen last described.
The form of some of them is lanceolate ; others are provided with a single wing like that of a
harpoon (Fig- 9) ; one has a point which entered into the shaft ; some fitted in after the manner of
a tenon and mortise (Fig. 8 ) ; and several have a degree of finish which we are rather surprised
to find in missile weapons, which must so often have been altogether lost by the hunter or the
warrior. The same remarks are applicable to the flint arrow-heads, which required no less labour
in the manufacture ; and it is to be presumed, that a part of the bone splinters, sharpened in the
form of bodkins, were fixed to reeds as arrows, as, no doubt, at that period, all kinds of wood
were made use of for this purpose.
Some pieces of bone have been found at Concise, which are scooped out and terminated by a
button : these appear to be the mounting of the ends of botes, to which the string was fastened. Of
the bow itself, being made of wood, no specimen has yet been found. Some stags' horns, deprived
of a part of their branches, may be considered as a kind of weapon or club.
lione has been employed likewise for making personal ornaments, of which some remains are
still met with. Two hair-pins, ornamented with a head, resemble those of the "bronze period."
The same use may, no doubt, be attributed to some small bone stems of a curved shape, pointed
at one end, and surmounted by an egg-shaped head. These articles present one peculiarity,
namely, a small ring on the convex side of the implement, not far from the point, and which has
been cut out of the solid bone (Fig. 9). This ring, which is a part of the pin itself, though interfering
with its easy movement, would facilitate its adjustment as an ornament, by permitting a cord to pass
through it from the head of the pin. Pins of bronze, very similar to these, but having the ring
nearer to the head, have been met with in Silesia.
One piece of bono cut in the form of a ferrule is exactly of the size of a finger-ring ; another,
which is highly polished and of a rounded shape, but unfortunately broken, must be the fragment
of a bracelet.
Several beads of "bone and horn, pierced with a hole, and some of them in an unfinished state,
have formed portions of necklaces. Beads of stone are likewise found.
An ornament of a much more delicate description consisted of small oval scales, from 9 to 1 2
lines in length, cut out of the enamel of large teeth, and pierced with one or two holes for suspend-
ing or attaching them to the dress.
Teeth, particularly those of the bear, have been bored or notched so as to be worn as a kind of
ornament, but probably also as amulets, as they are known to have been in subsequent ages, and
especially during the latter part of the Pagan period.
The pottery of this primitive age presents everywhere almost the same characteristics, and does
not differ at Concise from what has been discovered at other contemporary sites explored in Switzer-
land. Judging by the fragments found, and by six vessels which are nearly perfect, the cylindrical
shape has been greatly used ; however, several vessels, rounded in the bottom, are without feet. "We
do not meet with the clay supports which were used at a later period ; but sometimes we find little
protuberances, pierced with two holes, through which cords might have been passed for suspending
the vessels, as is observable in the most ancient pottery of the North. Five of the perfect specimens
measure only one or two inches in height, and fourteen to thirty lines in diameter. Three small
vessels, two of them cylindrical and the other bell-mouthed, are of bone, or rather stag's horn. One
of these has a little loop standing out from the rim, and must have had a wooden bottom fastened
at three points, the holes for which are visible at the lower part of the vessel.
A spherical hollow ball, as large as the two fists, made of clay kneaded up with charcoal, and
pierced with a hole, reminds us of the articles which have been considered by some as fire-balls.
The large number of different bones that have been collected afford material for a special inves-
tigation, which will throw much light on the Fauna of the country at the epoch of the earliest
human habitations. The great use made of the horns of the stag shows us how common
that animal must have been. The existence of the bison has been demonstrated by Professor Desor.
Horns of the roe-buck are not uncommon. "We have the teeth of the bear, the wolf, tbe wild boar,
the beaver, and of various carnivora and rodentia. Among domestic animals, we find many remains
of the ox. The horse, on the other hand, was scarce ; but the discovery of a molar tooth of thi3
animal leaves no doubt of his former existence. Of the goat, sheep, pig, and dog, many bones have
been found.
It is, no doubt, to the destruction of the habitations or to some armed struggle that we must
attribute the presence, in the midst of these debris, of three fragments of human skulls and two
jaw-bones, one of them that of a man, the other of a child. It is to be regretted that these frag-
ments are too imperfect for any deduction to be drawn regarding the race of this primitive people^
The rapid working of the steam-dredge has not at all times permitted as much careful attention
to be paid, as would have been desirable, to many remains of a kind less striking to the
10
eye, but nevertheless having much interest, such as grains of corn, or fruits gathered for food. I
am only able to mention the hazel-nut, the beech-nut, and the stone of the plum. Some filaments,
probably of hemp, if not of the bark of some tree, suggest their own probable use, when we
associate them with the bone-needles.
During the latter part of the work executed at Concise, the dredge, in advancing towards the
north-east of the site, brought up several articles of bronze, from which we may infer that these
habitations continued to be occupied until the introduction of that metal. Besides these, there
have been discovered some stone implements which belong to the " transition period," during which,
metals, though still scarce, were employed in perfecting the productions of primitive industry.
I do not hesitate to ascribe to this period the axes and hammers made of serpentine, pierced
with a hole, which received the handle. These implements, which are seldom found uninjured,
are 5 or 6 inches long, and are cut in the form of a hatchet at one end and of a hammer at the
other. Judging by the fragments which are preserved, we can see that they frequently broke at
the hole, and that this has also occurred during the operation of manufacturing them. The por-
tions of unfinished ones show that the hole was made by a boring-tool, which hollowed out a
circular groove, so as to form in the interior a core shaped like a truncated cone ; and an attentive
examination of the sides of the hole enables us to ascertain beyond doubt that the boring was per-
formed by a rapid rotatory motion. This motion must have been given rather to the stone itself
than to the borer, which latter would have had to describe a circle. To understand this method of
boring, it is sufficient to refer to the present mode of hollowing out vessels from pot-stone. This con-
sists in fixing the ends of a cylindrical block between the points of a horizontal axis, so that, when
made to revolve, the block is acted on by a borer of soft metal placed parallel to the axis. This
borer is then made to advance by little and little, until the desired depth has been obtained in
the grooving produced by the friction of the tool. It is unnecessary to describe here the process
by which the bottom of the vessel is made. The core which has been taken out is then placed
once more between the points of the axis, and hollowed out in its turn ; and it is in this way that
are manufactured those sets of vessels which fit inside of each other. This kind of boring- lathe of
the most primitive kind, must date from a remote antiquity ; for we know that the lathe has been
known as a tool from very ancient times. The collection of Baron Renberg, at Prague, contains some
stone axes, found, along with their cores, at the site of a manufactory of these implements in
Bohemia. These cores when replaced in the holes from which they had been taken (which was
easy to verify by the corresponding veins of the stone) left so little play-room, that it was evident
they could only have been detached by a metal point, and not by a hollow cylinder, which could
not have given to the hole its conical form, now quite apparent. Instead of the soft iron
which is employed now-a-days in such operations, the ancients used copper or bronze ; and, of
course, water and silicious sand were likewise employed in the process.
11
While it is certain that this process of boring must have been the one used in many cases, it is
also clear that it was not the only one. Many stone axes (not found at Concise, but at other
places) have been bored by more primitive methods ; and when the hole is oval, it, of course, can-
not have been produced by a rotatory motion.
Sometimes the cores produced in the boring of axes have been made use of; one of them, found
at Concise, was fixed on a disk made of stag-horn, but it is not easy to say for what purpose.
Some piercers, made of copper or slightly alloyed bronze, from one to three inches long, and
round or square, might seem at first sight to have been intended for boring stone ; but, not to
speak of their slenderness, other specimens of the same kind occur at a period when all recollec-
tions of the primitive age have disappeared.
Eight pins of bronze, from 25 lines to a foot in length, are surmounted by heads, either round,
conical, or spindle-shaped. They have generally fine marks engraved on them, such as do not
belong to the infancy of art.
A fibula, which has lost the tongue, is made of bronze wire, the two ends of which are rolled
into a flat spiral, presenting the form of a pair of spectacles.
A ferrule, three small rings, a convex button, a bead for a necklace, and a knife, complete the
series of articles in bronze found at Concise. The knife, which is 72 lines long, and elegantly
curved, is ornamented on the back with strice and zig-zag lines, and, on the two sides of the blade,
with parallel lines, dots, and portions of circles.
In the beginning of the present century, Captain Pillichody found, not far from this spot, but
a little farther in the lake, beside the remains of a submerged canoe and of stakes which still pro-
jected up from the mud, a beautiful bronze sword, which has been deposited in the museum of
Neuchatel. It would thus appear that the habitations of the "stone period" were destroyed at
the very time of the introduction of bronze, as only about a score of articles made of this substance
have been discovered, while the others have been found in thousands. After this destruction, new
habitations were raised during the " bronze period," at a greater distance from the shore of the lake.
The higher state of preservation of the piles (notwithstanding their great antiquity) would, of
itself, indicate a later period, which must have terminated, however, previous to historic times. On
the other hand, the thickness of the artificial bed of materials, which covers the first of these sites,
represents a period of time of considerable duration, and may correspond with the first migrations
from the East to the West.
If we take a general view of the discoveries lately made at Concise, we shall see that this
locality was a manufactory of some importance ; and that the productions of industry present a great
variety, considering the small number of materials employed. It is not uncommon to find in
Europe implements of stone : the museums of the North have collected thousands of them ; but the
case is not so as regards complete tools with their handles, such as axes, chisels, knives, saws, borers,
12
polishers, and daggers. Many features aro common to the "stone period" in all countries whore its
remains aro found ; nevertheless the very nature of the materials employed causes several modifica-
tions. Nothing can equal the beauty of some of the flint implements found on the shores of the Baltic
Sea; but several of those found at Concise, mado of bone, are unknown in that district. The abundance
of flint in the North gave rise to the manufacture of daggers of a kind not met with in Switzerland;
but, instead of these, we find blades of bone fixed on elegant handles of stag's horn. In the North
tho spear-heads of flint aro remarkable. In Switzerland, we see the forms of our modern weapons
reproduced in bone. "We are struck with surprise on seeing so many forms exhibiting, as it were,
the prototypes of those still in use in different branches of industry, and wo are led to ask whether
in this there may not be some reminiscence of a more advanced state of civilization, whose origin
must be sought in the East.
The use of many of the articles cannot now be precisely determined; but we cannot fail to perceive
that, besides being tools intended for cutting wood, several of them must have been employed for the
manufacture of skins into clothing, straps, tent -covers, or the like. We should be wrong, however,
in supposing that all kinds of cloth were unknown to these populations. At the site called "Wangen,
in the Lake of Constance, there have been found the remains of a kind of stuff, certainly of a very
coarse description, composed of thick hemp twine or loose yarn, crossed like matting. The presence
of hemp indicates a certain amount of agriculture ; and this seems, contrary to all expectation, not
to have been unpractised in these early ages, for, at several places belonging to the same epoch, there
have been found barley and wheat in a carbonized state, which leaves n> doubt on the subject.
These people, then, had as means of subsistence agricultural produce, the fruit and berries of
various trees and shrubs, abundance of game, and lakes probably well stocked with fish. To these
must be added all the resources derived from the domestic animals which occupied the cares of a
pastoral life. The flocks were, no doubt, kept on the borders of the lakes, and required armed
keepers, assisted by powerful dogs, to protect them from wild beasts. At the same time, it is
evident that a store of winter provender, for the support of the flocks, would require to have been
collected and sheltered from the snow and rain.
The discoveries at Concise, in conjunction with others of a similar kind made elsewhere
in Switzerland, during the last few years,* are important for the historic data which they furnish
respecting the mode of life of the first populations of Europe. All these implements, ornaments,
and weapons, have the force of written documents, and are assuredly not less authentic than the
assertions of historians. A manuscript would, indeed, give a name to this people, but would omit
many particulars which we learn from this remarkable assemblage of objects, by whose means the
antiquarian is able to reconstruct the history of man, in the same manner as the geologist restores
that of eras before the creation of man by studying the strata of our globe.
* For an account of these, see Pfahlbauten, Zweiter Bericht, von Dr. Ferdinand Keller, Zurich, 1858,
13
Although the antiquities found at Concise are certainly remarkable for the variety of forms and
of implements, still, when we compare them with the innumerable productions of civilized life, we
cannot but be struck with the poverty of this primitive industry, and the limited means by which
it was necessary to provide for the wants of man, for his food, clothing, lodging, and personal
security, in a country infested by wild beasts. If a tree was to be felled, there was no implement
available but a stone hatchet ; if it had to be stripped of its branches, and hollowed into a canoe,
still a stone implement must be used, with perhaps the assistance of fire. What toil must have
been required to procure the thousands of piles intended to support the cabins, for driving them
into the soil, and for preparing timber for building. Although agriculture was no doubt little
developed, it was nevertheless requisite to turn up the soil, to reap the harvest, and to provide for
the wonts of the inclement season. Game was abundant, but the chase was not without its
dangers. The absence of metal rendered every kind of labour difficult. Stone could only be cut
by stone, and, the more limited the means were, the more ingenuity was required in the methods
of working. In our own day we find this dexterity still among some tribes of savages who are
unacquainted with the use of metals. The products of their industry resemble, in many respects,
those of the first inhabitants of Europe. But these last were not in the savage state, which is
characterized by immobility and isolation, or, in other words, by the absence of all progress and of
all improving intercourse. Among savages a new generation adds nothing to the knowledge of
the preceding ones, and we know that men cannot remain stationary without in fact retrograding.
It was not so with the first populations of the West ; for it is easy to show a marked progress
during the " stone period." From the time that the first traces of a knowledge of metal make
their appearance, we find it employed for improving their primitive tools. When we study as a
whole the various materials employed, we see not only that each tribe manufactured its implements,
and made use of the stones which lay at hand, but that there existed a certain amount of com-
merce, as proved by the presence of foreign substances procured sometimes from the most various
quarters. Switzerland is but scantily furnished with flint, but she supplied herself with it from a
distance, often in the crude state, if we may judge by the splinters and roughly hewn pieces which are
found at Concise : she even imported the yellow amber of the Baltic, and the nephrite of the East.
The discovery at Concise, notwithstanding the original and peculiar types which it embraces, is
not an isolated fact in Switzerland ; and we are led to ask whether the first inhabitants confined
themselves to the borders of the lakes. It is to be presumed that they grouped themselves by
preference along the shores, in consequence of the security offered by lake-habitations ; but it
would be an error to suppose that all the habitations of the same period were raised above the
surface of the waters. Unquestionable traces of human habitations exist in caverns. The graves
of this period, which are characterized by some peculiarities in the mode of burial, are occasionally
met with at a considerable distance from the lakes, and it is reasonable to believe that they would
14
not be very distant from the dwelling of the defunct person. The same remark will apply to the
implements of stone which are discovered here and there in the interior of the country.
Theso general observations may be sufficient to show that a history might be almost recon-
structed from these dttris—the authentic documents of a period the remembrance of which has
been lost by written tradition. An attentive study of the antiquities anterior to our historic era
shows, besides, that the population of the " stone period " preceded the invasion of the Celts, who
have hitherto been regarded as the first inhabitants of Europe.
Fkedeeic Teotoit.
THE RUINS OF BUN-NA-M AIRGE (IN THE
COUNTY OF ANTRIM):-GLEANINGS OF THEIR HISTORY.
To see Bun-na-Mairge aright, it is not necessary to visit the venerable ruins by the light of the
moon, as in the case of the far-famed Melrose Abbey, and, no doubt, many another structure
similarly circumstanced. On the contrary, the pilgrim should approach this decayed shrine under
the broad sunlight, and, if possible, during the afternoon of a calm, clear, autumnal day. There
is nothing particularly attractive in the old monastic pile itself, if we except, perhaps, its appear-
ance of crumbling helplessness, and its position amidst the graves of many a past generation. As
the gate of the burying-ground closes after the visitor with a discordant creak, his eye rests on a
grey, time-worn tablet in the eastern gable, and he presses forward to read the following inscrip-
tion, now nearly illegible : —
"In Dei deiparaeque virginis honor em, illustrissimus ac nobilissimm dominus Randulphm Mac
Donnell, comes de Antrim, hoc Sacellum fieri curavit. — an. Bom., 1621."
There is no evidence that the Mac Donnells did anything for Bun-na-Mairge, further than
to adopt it as a family burying-place, and build that small portion of it specified in the above
inscription. Certain archaeological writers, as Harris, Allemand, and De Burgh, erroneously state
that the monastery was originally built by Somhairle Buidhe (Sorley Boy) Mac Donnell, in the year
1512. But that stout warrior was not born until some years later, and during his very stormy career
he seems to have had neither time nor inclination for church building. Other authorities ascribe
its erection to a chieftain of the Mac Quillins, at a somewhat earlier date, an opinion that is at least
countenanced by the existence of a manuscript list of Irish Franciscan abbeys, in the British Museum,
15
which represents Rory Mac Quillin as the founder of Bun-na-Mairge, in the year 1500. It is more
than probable, however, that the foundation existed even prior to the coming of the Mac Quillins
into the Route, and that the chiefs of that sept took it under their protection, as the Mac Donnells
afterwards did. The ruins clearly show that the building was not all originally erected at the same
date ; besides, it was quite common to ascribe the merit of originally erecting such structures to
chieftains who only had the honour of repairing them, or of adding, perhaps, in some respects, to the
dignity and comfort of their occupants. The inscription above quoted refers only to the erection of
the vault and a room above it, intended to be used as a chapel on occasions when members of the Mac
Donnell family were being interred ; but it puts forward no claim on the part of the first Earl of
Antrim, or any of his predecessors, to the honour of the original foundation. It is curious, however,
as preserving the original form of dedication — "In dei deiparaeque virginis honorem," — and more
especially so, as all writers on Irish monastic affairs are agreed that, in the year 1202, a priory was
founded by William De Burgh, to the Honour of God and the Virgin, at some point in this immediate
district. In the Monasticon Ilibernicion, page 11, Archdall has the following reference to this mat-
ter : — " About the year 1202,"William De Burgh granted the village of Ardimur, with the church and
all its appurtenances, to Richard, one of the monks of Glastonbury, to found a priory to tbe honour
of God and the Virgin Mary, which being done, the place was called Ocymild, and Richard was
appointed the first prior. It is thus mentioned in the Monasticon Anglicanum (Y. 2., page 1025) ;
but M. Allemand changes the name to Drymild, and conjectures that it is in this county (Antrim);
if Drymild be the true reading, we may, with some probability, suppose it to be Drumwillen, near
Ballycastle." In the magnificent copy of Dugdale's Monasticon, published in 1846, and reprinted
from the edition of 1817, we have a copy of the original grant above specified; but the editors
merely quote in connexion with it the extract from Archdall now given, It may be mentioned that,
in lists of Irish priories, the name of this Ocymild or Drymild immediately precedes that of Rathlin,
a circumstance that would indicate its position as at some point on the adjoining coast. It was
dedicated to God and the Virgin, and may have actually constituted the foundation afterwards known
as Bun-na-Mairge. The conjecture that it was Drumawillen cannot be encouraged, as that was only
another name for the old church of Ramoan, founded by St. Patrick, about the year 450.
Bun-na-Mairge, " the foot of the river Mairge," was evidently a local name, but it is not
likely that it was used as the original designation of this monastic establishment. Bonamargey,
was the name of a little town at the mouth of the Mairge,* which formerly entered tbe sea
at a point considerably farther west. The channel or bed of the stream was changed in 1738,
* On the 17th of March, 1601, one Donglas, a spy of the There was a small force stationed in the town. See an
English Government, landed here, on his way to Dunlnce interesting article in vol. v. of this Journal, entitled, the
Castle, for the purpose, it is alleged, of poisoning Sir "Overthrow of Sir John Chichester, 1597."
James Macdonnell. Douglas calls the place Boneargy.
16
when Hu<»h. Boyd commenced to construct the harbour at Ballycastle, and its waters, instead of
entering through the present mouth, had a more circuitous course, and fell into the bay, at the head
of what is now known as the Outer Dock, The Bay of Ballycastle was formerly known as Marheton
Bay, which was evidently the English form of Mairge-town. The old town has long since
disappeared, and its name at present only exists in connexion with the ruins of the monas-
tery. These remarks are intended only as suggestive, and have been offered simply with the
view of directing the attention of some Ulster archaeologist to the question. As it is, we know
almost nothing of this interesting relic of other days, neither its original name, nor the date of its
foundation, nor even a few facts connected with its history.
On looking into the dungeon-like apartment here known as the Antrim Vault, one is startled
when told that it contains the veritable remains of men who had been great in their generations,
at least as territorial lords, and whose names are becoming every year more familiar to us, as the
history of Ulster is better understood. It is true enough, no doubt, that the most secluded or
neglected burial-places may contain the ashes of persons who could have swayed the rod of Empire,
had they been destined to such unenviable distinction. Nevertheless, it requires some little time
and thought to reconcile us to the belief that these poor crumbling bones once bore themselves
gracefully in kingly courts, or gallantly on tented fields — that this handful of dust is all that
remains of that Sorley Boy who successfully asserted the old family claim of the Mac Donnells to
the Glynns of Antrim, and afterwards annexed the fertile lands of the B<oute — or that, in this
shrivelled coffin is pent up his grandson, Bandall, who was permitted to die peaceably in his own
house of Ballymagarry, nearly half a century after his three friends and associates, Charles the
First, Archbishop Laud, and Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, had perished on the scaffold.
Indeed, half-an-hour, or less, in this dismal vault ought to be quite sufficient to convince any
thinking man of the vanity of earthly grandeur : and, as for ourselves, we have already become
impatient to return into the sunshine of the open cemetery, where " the rude forefathers of the
hamlet sleep."
" Shall we build to Ambition ? Ah no !
Affrighted he shrinketh away,
For see they would pin him below
In a small narrow cave, and begirt with cold clay,
To the meanest of reptiles a peer and a prey !"
In the year 1820 or 1821, whilst certain repairs were being made in the apartment above the
Antrim Yault, an oaken chest was discovered, containing four Manuscripts in a state of good
preservation. A very interesting account of one of these manuscripts, from the pen of the late
Dr. Stuart, appeared in the columns of the Belfast News-Letter soon after the discovery. "We
cannot specify the precise date of the paper containing Dr. Stuart's statements, but they may be
17
found quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1822. The folio-wing are the opening
and concluding sentences of his notice :—
" Some time ago, four Manuscripts were found in an old oaken chest in the ruins of the
Abbey of Bunamargey, near Ballycastle. One of these is now in the hands of the editor of this
paper, who will, with pleasure, submit it to the inspection of any person who wishes to examine
antique manuscripts. . . . "We know not where the other three MSS., found at Bunamargey,
are at present. The one in question was presented by Mrs. Huggins to T. Millar, Esq., Port-
Surveyor of Carrickfergus, who has kindly favoured us with a perusal of the work. It is, cer-
tainly, the finest specimen of penmanship we have ever seen, and the ink is superior in brilliancy
and intenseness of colour to any at present manufactured in Europe."
The Mrs. Huggins mentioned in this extract was, previously to her marriage, a Miss
Mac Murdo, a Scotch lady. She emigrated with her husband to America, and both are long
since dead. Mr. Millar married Miss Dalway, who survived him, and afterwards became the wife
of the late Captain Fletcher, of Belmont, near Carrickfergus. This lady has carefully preserved
the beautiful manuscript, and at various times has obligingly permitted it to be examined. It con-
tains a large portion of one of the principal theological works of Saint Thomas Aquinas, written
on vellum, in very contracted Latin, and extending to about 600 quarto pages. The earliest date
appearing on it is 1338, and the latest 1380. In the interval between the years thus specified, it
it was probably written by two or three copyists. It originally belonged to the monastery of St.
Anthony, of Amiens, in France, but when or how it came into the possession of the friars of
Bun-na-Mairge, are secrets never likely to be explained.
This manuscript was exhibited before the jNatueal Histoey and Philosophical Society of
Belfast, in 1852, but the facts above-mentioned connected with its discovery seem to have been
overlooked, or, perhaps, were unknown to the members of that learned body. One gentleman
stated that he had heard it was found in the ruins of Bonamargey ; another, that he understood
the discovery was made in the ruins of "Woodburn Abbey; but the general opinion of the meeting
seems to have been that the manuscripts could not have remained amid any ruins for so long a
period in such excellent preservation. One or two circumstances may be mentioned, however,
which tend very directly to set aside this hasty conclusion. In the first place, the fact of the
discovery is perfectly well remembered in the family of the late Ezekiel Davis Boyd, Esq., of Bally-
castle, who obtained another of the four manuscripts, which is still in the pos session of his daughter,
Miss Boyd. It must also be recollected that these documents had been placed carefully in an
oaken chest or box, which, in its turn, was left in a dry room, enclosed all around with thick
walls, in which there was not even a small window. The roof of this room was always kept in a
state of good preservation. Besides, it is not likely that a period of more than ninety, or perhaps
a hundred years, had elapsed, from the time these manuscripts were left in Bun-na-Mairge, until
c
18
the date of their discovery in 1821. We must not suppose that the monasteries and other
religious houses in Ireland were all deserted by their inmates at the time of the great suppression.
On the contrary, the desertion was only partial at first, whilst many of the smaller and more
remote establishments continued to shelter their little communities of monks or nuns until a com-
paratively recent period. As a general rule, wherever the landowners continued to adhere to the
old faith, the monks and nuns were permitted to cling to their decaying establishments until they
grew wearied, and went away of themselves. But when the landlords became Protestants, this
change was generally, if not always, a signal for the monastic population to move off. Although
we hare no positive evidence that such was the case at Bun-na.Mairge, there are circumstances
which lead to this conclusion. The tradition is, that the friars left the monastery early in the
last century, and retired to a place called Ardagh, on the adjoining slope of Knocklade, in the
parish of Ramoan.* This move was significant when taken in connexion with the fact that
the first Protestant Earl of Antrim then held the estates, and came of age in the year 1 734.
Thus, the old manuscripts had not been left so long in Bun-na-Mairge as might be supposed,
neither had they been carelessly abandoned to damp and destruction.
The manuscript in Miss Boyd's possession, although not so large or so beautifully written as
the one already referred to, is perhaps more interesting in other respects. It consists of an
English translation of portions of Saint Bonaventura's Life of Christ, made not later than the
fourteenth century. The translation is written on vellum, in a free, fine hand, and covers thirty-
five quarto pages, in double columns. Perhaps the translator's name was George Tlieaker, as, at
the end, there is a note bearing this signature, although in a different hand from the translation.
It is highly probable that this tract was one of a series designed to embody and illustrate the
events of the New Testament. Theaker's note represents it as " a History of the Blessed Scrip-
tures" but he may, as editor or translator, have desired to exhibit on each part the general title of
the whole work.
Throughout the tract, Bonaventura makes certain appropriate quotations from the writings
of Saints Augustine and Gregory. Thus, at page 4, we have the following, from a commentary
by the former, on a portion of the Gospel narrative : — " Our Lord wolde not telle ho that shulde
betray hym, for, as Seynt Augustyn saith, gif Peter hadde guyst whiche he hadde ybeen, he
wolde have dasshid hym yn the teeth." At page 28, the author quotes from the same father,
thus : — "A great and a hig solemnfou feeste ys the resurreccion of our Lorde Jesus, as wel for
hymsylf as for us, for he, as a glouriss conqueror, apperede thanne, and we thereby juistifyed and
made ryghtful. And this is a wel worshipful day whiche oure Lord made ; for after Seynt Austin
• May not Ardagh have been the original Ardimvr of Bun-na-Mairge. Their place of residence in Ardagh is
the grant ? If so, this would account for its selection by still known as the Friary,
the friars when circumstances compelled them to leave
19
in a sermone that he made — This day is holyere thanne alle the others." In the same page, St.
Gregory is quoted as follows : — " "What profit, as Seynt Gregorye saith, shulde it haue be to be
borne, but gyf oure redempcion ne hadde ybe." There are certain curious references to the
several appearances of our Lord after he had arisen from the dead. According to legendary
authority, he appeared fourteen times. But whilst Bonaventura embodies this legend in his tract,
and evidently believes in its truth, he is careful to guard his readers against the conclusion that
all these appearances are recorded in the New Testament. On the twenty-sixth page he states
the authorities on which the belief of the early Church rested in reference to this most interesting
point: — " Neverthelates ye shull understonde that in the Gospel beeth but X apperynges. For
that he apperede to his moder ys not yn the Gospel, neverthelates yn the legende it is y sey of the
resurreccionn yn divers places. And that he apperede to Joseph, of Arimathie, it is y radde yn
the Passion of Nichodemus. And that he apperede to James, the same apostle hymsilf dyde write
to the Corynthyos, and Jerom tellith it also." From the above, it is evident that tradition had
ascribed to James certain writings addressed to the Church at Corinth, and had preserved also the
fact that some fragment was, at one time, in existence, entitled, The Passion of Nichodemus.
But whilst Bonaventura admits that three of the fourteen appearances he mentions are legendary,
he believes in them simply because our very nature proclaims their truth, or, at least, pleads with
us for their reception as true : — " And, furthermore, thou mast well bethynke, and sooth it is
that our blyssid Lord oftetyme visited his moder, and hys disciples, and Mawdeleyne, comfortynge
hem, which were feruentliche sory for his passioun."
The language of this translation, generally, is not later than the fourteenth century, and if
the manuscript originally belonged to Bun-na-Mairge, we have thus a proof that the monastery
must have had an earlier foundation than the beginning of the sixteenth century. Mr. J. Huband
Smith exhibited this document to a meeting of the RorAi Ieish Academy, and submitted, at the
same time, an interesting account of it, which may be found in the proceedings of that learned
body, for April, 1850, vol. iv., page 499. In one instance, Mr. Smith has erred slightly in con-
founding the Mairge with the Carey river. The Carey river and the Shesh unite at Drumaham-
mond bridge, and from that point their blended waters constitute the Mairge. This word origi-
nally means " the moaning" and probably had reference to some peculiarity of sound emitted by
its waters at their former entrance to the sea.
It may be mentioned, that a translation of St. Bonaventura' s Life of Christ was published in
1774, by the Rev. Edward "Sates.
Of the two remaining manuscripts found in the oaken chest at Bun-na-Mairge, we cannot
speak, as we have never been able to discover how or where they were disposed of. A curious
discovery was made last winter in a sand heap immediately adjoining the ruins. Heavy rains
washed the sands from the side of this heap, and laid bare a reliquary, or small silver box,
20
the remains of old booh covers, and fragments of small crosses. Here had evidently been another
deposit of manuscripts. At the same point, in 1851, a key was found, of beautiful workman-
ship, and bearing traces of having been overlaid with gold. This article has found its way
into the Museum of the Royal Ibish Academy having been presented by Caleb Powell, Esq.,
of Clonshaboy, County Limerick.
But the principal treasure-chest of the monastery is yet to be discovered. Local tradition
speaks unequivocally of a large collection of precious articles belonging to Bun-na-Mairge, which
was hastily hidden near the ruins, on some pressing emergency, the precise nature of which is not
known. So implicitly was this tradition received that searches have been actually made from
time to time, for the recovery of the treasures which the monks are alleged to have buried in the
sands. Tradition also has snpplied a sort of clue for the discovery, which some have attempted
to make available, but in vain. It is told that a light was placed in the highest (eastern) window
of the monastery on the night of the concealment, and that the precious chest was put down
exactly at the farthest limit to which the rays of this light reached. There is a solitary rock, or
large stone, imbedded in the strand, a little distance above the sea-mark, at or near which the
treasure was supposed to lie. The tradition, however, is becoming fainter in every succeeding
generation, and it will probably soon die out altogether. The hidden articles may be revealed in
some future age, long after the memory of them has perished from the district.
At the entrance to what had been the grand chapel of the monastery, there is a curious monu-
mental stone, which tradition affirms was originally placed there to mark the grave of the Black Nun
of Bun-na-Mairge. It would appear that this remarkable woman left strict injunctions with the
faithful to have her buried exactly at the threshold of the entrance to the chapel, that the
worshippers passing in and out might tread upon her grave — an injunction which was strictly
obeyed, and which has ever since been interpreted as expressive of her entire humility of mind.
The headstone is a rudely manufactured monument, having a round hole exactly in the centre, near
the top, to indicate, it is said, that " the poor inhabitant below," had died intensely penitent.
There is no written account of this lady, at least so far as we have been able to discover ; but, if
all her prophecies, austerities, and eccentricities were recorded, they would furnish materials for a
small volume. It is generally believed that her name was Julia Mac Quillin — dark Julia — and
that she was a member of the family that had reigned supreme in the Route for upwards of three
hundred years previously to the advent of the Mac Donnells. Julia is reported to have inherited
the personal lineaments, as well as the reckless pride and extravagance, of her race, and that, in
her declining years, she sought peace of mind and protection amidst civil feuds in the calm
security of the cloister. The peasantry, who speak of her almost as vividly as of an acquaintance
who had died last year, do not seem to have ever puzzled themselves about the time when she
jived. Dates with them are matters of no importance. "What is past is past, but how long, they
do not care to inquire.
21
Any references to the Nun which we have met in print would imply that she continued to
haunt the ruins of Bun-na-Mairge, after the fashion of an owl or a bat, when her fellow- worshippers
had died or deserted that shrine for other more modern temples. The local tradition, however,
already mentioned, which preserves the substance of her dying injunction, is a proof that Julia
lived during the period in which this house was used as a place of worship, and not subsequently
to its desertion. Another, and perhaps a still more specific tradition, to the same effect, still exists
among the members of at least one respectable Roman Catholic family in the district. The story has
come down from sire to son in this family, that, when the Mac Donnells resided at Ballycastle, the
Black Nun occasionally condescended to leave her cell and pay them a short visit. The time to which
this tradition refers must have been between the years 1630 and 1642. Randall Mac Donnell, the
first Earl of Antrim, built the family residence at Ballycastle, in 1630, and occupied it, at least
occasionally, until the time of his death, which happened in 1636. His countess and her two
daughters continued to reside there until a short time subsequently to the massacre of 1641, when
they left Ballycastle, never to return. Thus, Julia Mac Quillin lived in stormy times — times of
civil feud and religious rancour, and some of her prophecies partook pretty largely of the spirit
which actuated her party. She may have been in the castle during the fatal day and night of the
massacre, while the hapless women of the village crowded round the Countess, and vainly implored
the protection which her ladyship either could not or would not afford. The Nun must have looked
upon the Mac Donnells as usurpers of the inheritance which belonged to her own race and name.
But they seem to have treated her with consideration, perhaps, with personal kindness ; and,
besides, at that period the bond of a common faith was strong enough to hold together those who
might be opposed on other grounds.
On the supposition that Julia Mac Quillin survived the scenes of 1641, it may be inferred that
her seclusion would become more and more severe after the dispersion of her friends, and the utter
disappointment of her hopes, as a zealous partizan of the old faith. Before her death, the lonely
creature's austerities had rendered her an object not so much of veneration, as of fear, to the rural
population of the district. Many of her prophesies still float about the hill-sides and in the glens.
Among other alarming predictions, she foretold the bursting of Knocklayde, and the consequent
inundation of the surrounding country to the extent of seven miles. Another prophecy is,
that immediately previous to that awful and extraordinary cri ss which will consign Ireland
exclusively, and for ever, to the Irish, a ship will enter the Bay of Ballycastle, with her
tails on fire! Indeed, all her predictions, with only one or two exceptions, announce the coming
of very startling events. The only one, perhaps, on the list which may be described as peaceful has
long since been accomplished. She proclaimed that a marriage would take place between two
immense blocks of granite, which during her life time lay far apart from each other, but which
were afterwards actually placed side by side, and fastened together by means of iron bolts, when,
the Ballycastle harbour was in course of being constructed.
22
The original builders of Bun-na-Mairge selected an interesting, and, no doubt, appropriate
position, whether we consider its natural attractions or historical associations. The district is
now justly enough described as remote, by which we simply understand that it is distant from
any point at present remarkable for commercial activity or social importance. But it
was not always thus. There was a time when this beautiful Glen, now so Bilent and re-
tired, must have been familiarly known through the land as the scene of important events,
as a centre, too, of social and religious attractions. The echo of its ancient life, although
faint, because travelling down the stream of Time so far, is nevertheless, sufficiently distinct to
arrest our attention. The remains that still exist along the whole length of Glenshesk, and on
the adjoining hills, clearly testify to its character of old. To make this plain to the general
reader, it may be necessary to enter into a few details.
Traditionary' history states that a leader named Partholanus conducted a colony to these
coasts from some Eastern land ; and the ancient legend describes his ships as approaching from
the Orkneys and casting anchor in a bay belonging to that territory, afterwards known as
Dalriada. This legend is curiously supported by another contained in the Dinn Seanchm, to the
effect that Brecain, the son of Partholan, was drowned in the channel between the main land and
the island of Eathlin, when in the act of making his escape with fifty curraghs, out of Ere,
from his father.* Another important colony, known as Fir-lolgs, entered Ireland at this point,
having first made their appearance according to Nennius, in the islands of Ara, Jura, and Rachra
(Rathlin), and thence spread themselves over the adjoining coast of the mainland.
Xow, there exist certain remains in the immediate vicinity of Bun-na-Mairge, and at other
places in Glenshesk, of an antiquity evidently so remote as to induce us to connect them with
those early colonists from the East. There are the eastern tombs and the eastern temples. In the
townland called Greinan, a little way up the glen, curious and most interesting discoveries were made
a few years ago. From a hill-side on the Eastern bank of the river Shesk, the tenants in
occupation had cut away peat eight feet in depth, and when afterwards preparing the surface
thus cleared for cultivation, they came upon a mound, which, when dug into, was found to
contain several urns, besides a number of receptacles, each about two feet square, containing
small fragments of bones which had been partially burned previous to interment. These
graves had been most carefully and substantially constructed of unhewn stones, and protected
by large smooth slabs taken from the bed of the river. The urns were enclosed and protected
in a similar manner. The latter are composed of a deep red coloured clay, and the workmanship,
although in appearance very primitive and simple, is at the same time neatly ornamented.
* The Dinn Seanclius is a volume originally compiled the remotest antiquity. It is valuable also as a topography
so early as the sixth century, and is found to embody a of Ireland, preserving, as it does, the earliest recorded
vast number of legends coming down to that period from names of places.
23
They are each about four inches deep, and fourteen in circumference. These remains were
found a few feet below the surface, but the mound containing them had been overgrown
with peat, as already stated, to the depth of eight feet. A stone pillar also still remains.
Previously to the cutting away of the bog, the point of this stone just appeared, but it
now stands more than eight feet clear of the surface, and is known in the locality as Clough-
virrha. Farther up the stream, but only distant a few perches from the sepulchral mound,
are extensive remains of an erection, which consisted of a vast circle of stones, having a Cromleach
in the centre. The stones composing this altar are very black and smooth, exhibiting traces, in one
or two instances, resembb'ng grooves. In the adjoining townland of Duncarlit there is a place which
has been known from time immemorial, as Tom or Tarn, but the original cause of this name was only
revealed in the Spring of this year, 1859. The tenant observed that one portion of a field, under the
face of a high rock, had not been disturbed by any of his predecessors in possession of the farm. This
circumstance excited his curiosity, and he forthwith commenced to dig. On getting about two
feet below the surface he came upon soil which he described as being perfectly Hack, and very
soft. As there was a large quantity of it, and as it appeared to him to be of a very rich nature,
he determined to spread it over other portions of his farm, as top-dressing. On removing
upwards of twenty cart loads, a neatly constructed pavement presented itself, in the centre of
which was a large slab of reddish sandstone. On this centre stone stood an urn about a foot in
depth and eighteen inches in circumference. It contained portions of charred bones, and had been
placed in an inverted position on the slab. This tomb or Tarn was, perhaps, the resting-place of
a large number of bodies that had been slain in battle, or more probably, swept off by a
plague. Such was frequently the fate of early colonists in Ireland, and the common grave was
always afterwards known as a tam-haght, among the ancient Irish.*
Near the wall enclosing the cemetery of Bun-na-Mairge, stood a beautiful sepulchral mound,
known as Lunrainey, which has been partially removed during the spring of the present year.
It is not yet entirely demolished, and, perhaps, if the foundations were carefully excavated,
some remains indicating its era and the precise object of its construction might be discovered.
In the portion already removed, an implement of stone was found, resembling a hatchet. This
relic is about ten inches in length.
At a little distance eastward from this point, and nearer Fairhead, there existed, until very
recently, certain curious architectural remains of cyclopean dimensions, among which the ruins of
at least two Cromlechs could easily be recognised. This spot is in the immediate vicinity of a
cliff, which was supposed to have been untouched by human hand since the creation, but which
was found to contain a cavern of a very extraordinary character. In 1770, whilst the miners in
the Ballycastle collieries were busy at work, they suddenly introduced themselves into a narrow
* See O'Donovan's Translation of the Annals of the Four Masters, vol. i., page 9.
24
passage, which was found to lead into this cavern. On entering the latter, they were astonished,
naturally enough, to behold a complete gallery, supported by pillars, and branching into various
chambers, forming, in short, an extensive mine, which had evidently been worked according to
the most approved plan. Wbo were the original miners, and when did they live ? There was
little more than the echo in the old mine to answer. It is true, there lay the remains of their
baskets and candles, which had been constructed differently from similar appliances of the present
day, but they literally crumbled away on being touched, and before a conjecture could be formed
as to the time or country of those who had used them. All traditions of them have utterly perished
from the hills, a circumstance which proves, at least, the remoteness of the period in which they
lived. The most probable conjecture that can be formed respecting them is, that they were early
colonists, who must have had a somewhat advanced knowledge of the peaceful arts of life. If not
Phoenicians (as has been supposed by the author of an interesting and able volume),* they were
probably Tuatha Be Danann, who appear to have been the most civilized of all the early colonists
of Ireland.
In this accumulation of curious and very ancient remains, we have probably traces of eastern
colonists, or at least of the immediate descendants of snch, who must have occupied Glenshesk,
at a period so remote as to have no history beyond the merest shreds of legendary lore. The
name of the to wnland (GreinanJ is evidently formed from Grian, the name under which the
ancient Irish worshipped the sun. "Wherever a temple for this worship existed, a cave has always
been discovered at, or near the Cromlech, and in this instance there is no exception to the rule.
The cave was discovered a few years ago, in a beautifully rounded hill between the temple and the
river. It is entirely closed up, however, and the hill which is regarded as " gentle" is allowed to
remain in pasture. The vault beneath gives forth no responses now, except that it continues
to speak distinctly of its origin and the purpose of its construction. The earthen urns that have
been dug up prove that the place, as in other instances, was funereal as well as devotional, a union
which has been found to prevail throughout all ancient mysteries, so far as the initiated have ever
ventured to reveal them. Where the Cromlech and sepulchral remains are found thus in close
proximity, the former is supposed to have been used occasionally as an altar of oblation where
sacrifices were offered to the names of deceased and deified leaders or chiefs. The stone pillar
already noticed was originally raised to the memory of some such person. We omitted to mention
that a rude sarcophagus was found beside this pillar, consisting of several large stones exactly fitted
together.
The several remains now mentioned are, undoubtedly, the most ancient existing in the glen,
but there are others belonging to a later age, which speak no less distinctly of its local im-
portance.
• Hamilton's Letters on the Coast of Antrim.
25
In the bed of the stream near Bun-na-Mairge, was found in 1808, a curious instrument of
gold, the use of which has never, we believe, been satisfactorily explained. It is preserved in the
collection of the Royal Irish Academy. This relic was discovered near Drumahammond Bridge,
the point at which the Shesk and the Cary rivers meet. It projected from the bank at a place
from which the earth had been recently washed away by the current. It is a rod thirty-eight
inches in length, having a hook at each end. The rod consists of three distinct virgae
closely twisted together, like a toasting-fork. Its measurement, including the hooks at the
ends, is forty-two inches. It weighs upwards of twenty ounces. The workmanship, although
very good, is entirely free from ornament.* In a field above the river, in the same townland
(Drummeenie), a clasp of gold was found in 1858, by Alexander Simpson, for which he got the
sum of £7, from a jeweller. At Glenbank, farther south, a labourer found an ornament of gold
about the same time, which was sold for him in London, by Richard Davidson, Esq., M.P. In
this townland are the remains of an ancient church, which Dr. Reeves thinks " is probably
the ' Ecclesia de Druini-Indich,' which the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick states to have been founded
by him in the region of Cathrigia (Carey), and to have been placed under the care of St. Enan."f
The Annals of Ireland record a great battle which was fought at Ardagh, on the western side
of the Glen. The following is the entry in the Annals in reference to the battle, at the year 1095 : —
" A great victory was gained at Ard-achadh, by the Dal-Araidhe, over the Ulidians, wherein were
slain Lochlainn TJa Cairill, royal heir of Ulidia, and Gilla Chomhghaill Ua Cairill, and a great
host along with them." Erom the date of this disastrous battle, it is probable that the family
of O'Carroll began to decline in this district, although it still continued to hold a highly influential
position until the close of the sixteenth century. There is still a cairn in Ard-achadh,
"the high field," which may have been originally intended to mark the grave of Lochlainn
Ua Cairill. This monument stands at a place called Aghaleeh, " the field of the flagstone."
Immediately below Ardagh, on the north-western slope of Knocklayd, are certain magnificent
remains of what had once constituted princely abodes. They occur on both sides of the old
road leading from Ardmoy to Ballycastle. Of these the principal are Cnoc-na-Keenie, on the
left hand, and Cnoc-na- Cellach, on the right. The former is now known simply as the Fort-
It is very high, and from its position, must have been all but inaccessible. There is a cave
in the centre, near the top, and a stone building once covered the summit of the mound.
Cnoc-na-Cellach appears much larger from its higher position on the slope of the mountain'
The hill on which it stands is clothed with natural forest. In the vale below there was a burying-
ground, which is now, with the exception of a very small portion, under cultivation. These remains
probably indicate the residences of the Ua Cairill in former times, and if so, they must have been
originally constructed many centuries prior to the date of the battle above-mentioned. The only trace
* See Belfast Magazine, vol. L, page 100. + See Reeves' Eccl. Antiq. of Down, Connor, and Dromore.
VOL. VIII. U
26
now existing in tho district of this once powerful family, is a tomb-stone, in the burying-ground
of Ramoan. When the old church there was pulled down a few years since, this stone was
discovered in the foundations. It had evidently formed only part of a magnificent tomb. The
sculpture was elaborately and beautifully executed. There were three dates on the portion
thus recovered— tho earliest 1580, and the latest 1620. There were also three names of O'Carrolls,
one Richard, and two Williams. The names and dates were inscribed round the edges of the
immense slab, whilst the family arms, together with emblems of death and immortality,
occupied the centre.* In 1715, we find that a James O'Carroll rented the town, and town parks,
of Ballycastle, from the Earl of Antrim, for the yearly sum of £23 8s. The name of widow
O'Carroll appears in a list of the inhabitants of the town, in 1790. She was the relict of a Dr.
O'Carroll who had resided there, and who was probably the last male representative in this district,
of the TJi Cairill race.
In still later times, Glenshesk became celebrated as a principal scene of conflict between the
O'Neills and Mac Donnells, and subsequently between the Mac Quillins and Mac Donnells. At
Duncarbit, already mentioned, Shane O'Neill inflicted a severe defeat on the Scots — so severe
that the battle-field is still known as SlaugH, or the Slaughter. In the townland of Craigban,
nearer the sea, the forces of Mac Quillin met those of Mac Donnell in deadly strife, and succeeded
for once in defeating them. The place of battle is called Agh-na-havna. The decisive engage-
ment between these powerful families was fought at Aura, a mountain at the head of the glen.
Although, therefore, the position of Bun-na-Mairge may be remote now, it was certainly not
so considered by its original builders. It stood in a district which is perhaps one of the
most historical in Ireland, and was undoubtedly known as such at the time of the old
monastery's foundation. We have gathered up hastily a few of the more obvious evidences of
its former importance, although very many others might, and perhaps on some future occasion
may, be specified. These remains, apparently so insignificant, are so many indices to the past :
they constitute early annals of the district, and unfold, to a certain extent, the story of its
inhabitants in the days of other years.
Geo. Hill.
* This interesting relic was carefully preserved by the yard. Latterly, however, it has disappeared, and there is
Rev. Mr. Monsell, late rector of Ramoan, who had it reason to fear it may have been destroyed .
cleaned and placed so as to be readily seen in the church-
27
LOKD DEPUTY OF IRELAND'S HOUSEHOLD EXPENSES.
(CIRCA, 1580.)
Ha.vtkg, in a previous Number, given an inventory of the effects of a Lord Deputy of Ireland in
the sixteenth century, I now submit to the readers of this Journal an " estimate" of the house-
hold expenses connected with that high office about the same period. And I may observe that,
without being so particularly inquisitive as the learned Rabbi El Bassam, the celebrated Hebrew
commentator on the Talmud, who is said to have spent fifteen years in vainly endeavouring to
discover the ingredients composing the red pottage for which the hungry and impatient Esau
bartered his birthright, we may still have a natural curiosity respecting the vivers anciently con-
sumed at the vice-regal court, and also their prices. " Show me what you eat, and then I will
tell you what you are," is the literal rendering of an expressive French proverb common enough at
the present day ; and so may we, in like manner, form a good general idea of a Lord Deputy's
housebold, in the sixteenth century, from the quantity and quality of the provisions consumed by it.
"Whether from ignorance of the art of keeping accounts, the clumsy method then in vogue of
reckoning by the assistance of counters," or the prevalent practice of denoting numbers by the
cumbrous — in the more intricate calculations utterly unmanageable — Roman letters ; whether, I
repeat, from one or all of these, or other causes, b this estimate, like most, or, indeed, I may say,
all, of the ancient household account-books, exhibits frequent errors in computation, and even, in
several instances, the sums total do not correspond with the enumeration of particulars. Yet,
* In an edition of Record's Arithmetic, published so late with . . . fabulous legend ; and Mahometan, with his
as 1658, the author gives instructions for calculating by dreggy Alcoran ; any flint-hearted Jew, with his Talmud, a
counters, and says — " The feat with the counters would not mingle-mangle of Jewish, divine, and humane matters ; any
only serve those who cannot read and write, but also for dead, dry, unfruitful formalist may grow profound, exquisite,
them that can do both, but have not at some time their pen nimble — yea, though involved in the intricate windings of
or tables [tablets] ready with them." It will be remem- degeneration, out of the royal state of regeneration and hea-
bered that Iago, speaking of "a great arithmetician, one venly transformation, may apprehend the feats, terms, and
Michael Cassia, a Florentine," contemptuously terms him parts of this natural art [arithmetic], as digits, articles, mixed
a "counter-caster." numbers, ciphers, terniries, golden rule direct, golden rule
b It would almost seem that arithmetic was formerly reverse, a cube, Pythagoras's table, algorism, etcetera, yet
looked down upon in scorn, as a very inferior or contemp- De strangers to the divine exercise which leads to the Lion
tible branch of human knowledge. [See the preceding note.] 0f tue tribe of Judah." — A Mite into the Treasury, being a
One Lawson, writing so late as 1680, and alluding to arith- Word to Artists, especially to Heptatcchnists. London,1680.
metical science, says—" Any member of Italian Babylon
28
there is a shadow of excuse for its ancient compiler. From some other documents in the same
hand-writing, bound up in the same volume, he appears to have been a herald, and, consequently,
would be better acquainted with dragons rouge and griffins vert, than the less honorable, though
more useful, " beeves" and " muttons," with or and argent as metals of blazon, than as a circu-
lating medium of pounds and shillings. Dare I say, as another apology for his arithmetical blun-
ders, that he was a dabbler in rhyme, and has handed down to us, in the following lines, the time
and occasion
OF THE FOUNDATION" OF HEUATTLDES.
" What tyme the worthie Alexander, at whose triumphant fame
The earth did shake, repayred to Inde for conquest of that same,
Then noble Porus, kinge thereof, whome to his ayde had there
Twice twenty kinges and hundreds four of beastes that towers did bear,
"Who challenged Alexander, there, with shielde and speare in hande,
To try with him the victory, and that theire hostes shoulde stande ;
And he that best behaved himselfe, and wonne the victorie,
Should vanquish others hoaste that daye and praised for chivalrye.
Which saying, when Alexander, by iuste reporte did knowe,
And how within his valient breste noe cowardness did growe ;
Lord, how he joyed in Porus, then his marshall mynde did cease,
And saide, 0 seconde Alexander, thy courage yieldes the peace."
The " estimate," though not dated, was certainly written about 1580, and will be found
among the Sloane MSS. (No. 1742) in the British Museum. To avoid typographical errors, and
render the document intelligible to the general reader unversed in ancient accounts, I have
reduced the complicated reckonings, by scores, dozens, &c, to simple numbers and plain pounds,
shillings, and pence. I have also changed the Roman letters signifying numbers to the more
modern Arabic numerals.^ Where errors in computation seem mere slips of the pen — for example,
where one figure or amount is evidently put in the place of another — I have corrected them ; in
other instances, I have let them remain as in the original.
cAs an instance of the complication caused by the mix- times five, that is fifty M. So 3, in the sixth place, is CM
ture of Roman and Arabic numerals, I may quote the fol- times 3, that is CCCM. Then 1, in the seventh place, is
lowing " example" from Record's Arithmetic : — " If I make one MM.; and 9, in the eighth, ten thousand thousand times
this number, 91,359,684, at all adventures there arc eight 9, that is XCMM., i.e. XC. thousand thousand CCCLIX
places. In the first place is 4, and betokeneth but four; thousand, 681, that is VICLXXXiiij."
in the second place is 8, and betokeneth ten times 8, that The above extract is from a school-book intended to teach
is 80; in the third place is 6, and betokeneth 600; in the children arithmetic ! but those among us who are able to
fourth place, 9 is 9,000 ; and 5, in the fifth place, is XM recollect Goiu/h will not be much surprised.
29
£500 0 0
226
13
4
24
6
8
20
0
0
6
0
0
"An Estimate of the Terelie Expenses of the Lorde Deputie of Irelande for his House and Table
with other extraordinarie Chardges, by good and perfect viewe of the Bookes kepte therof,
as alsoe by the Experience and Judgements of them that have continuall dealinge therein.
In Beovesd by the week 10, over and above 40 beoves allowed for ffestival times,
at 20s. ster. a peece — £500 in money,
Muttons by the week 36, amountinge unto, per ann., to 1,700, at 2s. 8d., one
with another,
Veales by the yere 70, at 6s. 8d., one with another,
Porkes by the yere 60, at 6s. 8d., one with another,
Brawnes6 by the yere 6, at 20s. a peece, one with another, ...
All kindes of ffresh Acates/ as ffoule, wylde and tame, pig, lambe, rabbetts, eggs,
sweete butter, ffresh ffyshe, etcet., by the weeke in estimacion, £7 — per
annum,
White lightes, 214 dosen per ann., at 3s. a dosen,
Sturbridge5 linge, 100, at 6s. 8d. the couple, one with another,11
purchased their stores of wine, wax, salt, provisions, wheat,
&c., at Stourhridge fair. From the Northumherland
Household Book, we learn that the Earl's house at Wressil
was supplied from the same place ; and by the above we
see that the Lord Deputy's table in Dublin was furnished
with salt fish from Stourbridge fair. Tusser, in his
Husbandry, says : —
364
0
0
32
2
0
20
0
0
d Beeves.
e Fat hogs.
fFrom the French achats, and signifying articles pur-
chased for the daily use of a house, in contradistinction to
those supplied by purveyors.
"A gentle Manciple was ther of a temple,
Of which achatours mighten take exemple,
For to be wys in beyyng of vitaille.
For whether that he payde, or took by taillc,
Algate he wayted so in his acate,
That he was ay bifom and in good state."
— Canterbury Tales.
"The Mantuan, at his charges, him allowed
All fine acates that that same country bred."
— Harrington's Orlando Furioso.
In Henry the Eighth's household there was a sergeant of
the Acatry whose duty was " to make provyson of freshe
acates, as well for fleshe as for fishe."
b One of the greatest of the old English fairs was held at
Stourbridge, on the banks of the Stour, a small rivulet close
to the town of Cambridge. Before provincial towns had
attained wealth and consequence, and when communication
between them was difficult and dangerous, the necessaries
of life could only be procured at stated times and fixed
depots. It was usual, therefore, to travel several hundred
miles to a fair, to dispose of produce, and lay in stores of
food and clothing for the ensuing year. The priories of
Maxtoke, in Warwickshire, and Biester, in Oxfordshire,
"At Bartlemew tide or at Sturbridge fair,
Buie that is needful, thy house to repaire."
h This is correct, reckoning by the long hundred, accord-
ing to the old English adage—
" Five score of men, money and pins,
Six score of all other things."
The old Teutonic hundred of six score is derived from
the Scandinavian tolfraed, whence our word tirclve, which
converted ten into twelve, and one hundred into one hun-
dred and twenty. By the statute 25 Henry VIII. Cap. 13.
no person shall have above two thousand sheep on his
lands ; and the twelfth section (after reciting that the
hundred in every country be not alike, some reckoning by
the great hundred, or six score, and others by five score),
declares that the number two thousand shall be accounted
ten hundred for every thousand after the number of the
great hundred, and not after the less hundred, so that
every thousand shall contain twelve hundred after the less
number of the hundred.
80
Old huberdame,1 100, at Is. 4d. the couple,
Irish linges, 70 dosens, at 8s. the dosen, one with another, ...
Grene codd and drie codd, 140 dosen, at 4s. 6d. the dosen, ...
Sturgion, two keggs, at 16s. a peece, ...
White hearinges, 12 barrells, at 8s. a barrell, one with another,
Red hearinges, 3 cades, at 7s. le cade, and red spratts, 2 cades, at 2s. le cade, ...
Salte butter, 14 barrells, at £2 5s. a barrell, one with another,
Baye salte, 40 hh.k per ann., at 10s. le hh., one with another,
White salte, 6 barrells per arm., at 8s. le barrell, one with another, ...
Oteraeal, 6 barrells per ann., at 8s. 4d. le barrell, ...
Vinegar, 4 hoggesheades, at £2 13s. 4d. le hh., and verges' one hh., at £1 le hh.,
Hopps, 1,220 lbs., at £8m le hundred, one with another, ...
Spices of all sortes by the week, £1 6s. 8d. per ann., £69 6s. 8d., Alsoe
banquettinge stuffe and sweet meates per ann., £10, in all,
Fruites for Sommer, as Apples, Peares, Plums, and Cherries, per. ann.,
Clarret wyne 6 Tonnes per ann., at £18, le Tonne,
Sacken two Tonnes demiper ann., at £28, le Tonne,
4 0 0
43 0 0
36 0 0
1 12 0
4 16 0
1 5 0
31 10 0
20 0 0
2 8 0
4 0 0
11 10 0
54 16 8
79 6 8
1 10 0
108 0 0
70 0 0
1 Randle Home says : — " A Haberdine or Island [Iceland]
fish, of some called Poor John, it is the worst sort of ling
fish, though very often it doth pass for it, because it is of
so near relation, and so much resembles it in colour and
forme ; it is by the Latins termed Asinus Piscis,Leopardus
and Molus, because this fish is variously spotted." Academy
of Armory.
Willughby, however, says that it was a cod fish and
derived its name from the town of Aberdeen. " Tlie Cod
— Asellus Major Vulgaris (maxima Asellorum species),
Piscis hie pro locis ubi capitur aut modis quibus salitur et
induratur aliterve prseparatur varia sortitur noinina. Fine
Green-fish, i.e. Asellus Groenlandicus ; North Sea Cod, i.e.
Oceani Septentrionalais Asellus; Haberdeen, i.e-, Asellus
Aberdonensis." " A lytill codde called habburdyn" is men-
tioned in the Lestrange Jlousehold Accounts. For my own part
however, I have an idea that the haberdine was not a cod
but a haddock, and that its name, instead of being derived
from Aberdeen, was merely a corruption of aigrefin, the
old French name of that fish.
At Sir John Neville's feast, when Sheriff of Yorkshire
at the Lammas assizes, in 1529, three couple of great ling
cost twelve shillings, and forty couple of huberdine,
two pounds.
l " Verguyce," Venner says, " is made of unripe
grapes, or other unripe sower apples, is like vinegar
in operation, saving that it is of a more cooling nature
and, therefore, more agreeable for hot and cholerick
bodies." — Via Hecta. From the prevalence of scurvy,
caused by eating salt provisions, vinegar and verjuice were
actual necessaries of life in the olden time.
m Evidently an error. According to Harrison, hops, about
the same period in England, cost from ten-pence to a
shilling per pound. This price would come pretty near
to the sum total as given in the estimate.
"There was no mention of Sack in Lord Grey's inventory.
In fact the strong hot wines of the south of Europe did not
come into fashion or general use in England, until nearly
the close of the sixteenth century, consequently Shake-
speare's representation of Falstaffe, and his roystering
companions drinking Sack, in Henry the Fourth's time,
is simply an anachronism. Not only in this, but in several
other instances, the great dramatist attributed the customs
31
Sea coales 250 Tonnes per ann., at 5s. le Tonne, one with another, with 8d.
for the carriage of everie Tonne, ... ... ... ... 79 3 4
Wood 78 Tonnes per ann., at 5s. le Tonne, with 8d., for the carriage of a tonne, 19 16 8
Porte wheate0 for course wheate at 2s. 6d. le peck, as alsoe for Slower for the
pastrie of 626 pecks of Porte measure amountinge in money to ... 84 10 0
Ffine wheate to be provided and bought in the markett, for fyne mannchetts for
his owne Table, at 6s. le peck, one with another. ... ... ... 30 0 0
Alsoe wheate of the Porte for Head Corne, for 42 Brewings per ann., alloweing
2 pecks to everie Breweing, 84 pecks at 2s. 6d. le peck, ... ... 10 10 0
Beere Malte first to make 6 good Brewinges for Beer onelie for his lordshippe 30
Tonnes alloweing to everie Tonne pecks,
N.B. — Besides 122 pecks of Oatemeale, 4 pecks Porte measure, at 2s. 6d. le
peck, 122 pecks. ... ... ... ... ... 15 10 0
Beare Malte more for 36 Breweinges, for the housholde brew einge, 180 Tonnes
allowinge to evrie 5 Tonnes 12 pecks statute measure, besides 32 pecks of
Oatemeale to evry of the sayd 5 Tonnes, 430 peckes, at 2s. 6d. le peck, ... 54 0 0
Oat Malte, first for the 6 Brewinges, alloweinge to evrie Tonne, besides 4 pecks
Beare Malte as aforesaid ; Alsoe Oat Malte for the rest of 42 Breweinges,
which commeth to 176 Tonne, alloweinge to evrie 5 Tonne 32 pecks
statute measure at Is. 8d. le peck ... ... ... ... 96 0 0
Pfor the chardges of cooprage for the said 200 Tonnes of Beere at 2s. 6d. evry
Breweinge, ... ... ... ... ... ... 5 5 0
More for the hire of 2 laborers to helpe the brewer for 42 brewings at 3s. every
breweinge, ... ... ... ... ... ... 6 6 0
Ffor the carriage and Breweinge of 205 Tonnes of beer p. ann., at Is. 4d. le
Tonne, Alsoe for the carriage and fetchinge of 205 Tonnes emptie casque
at 2s. every Tonne, ... ... ... ... ... 17164
Ffewel as Pfurresp and brushe bavens, had from Kilmanigham payeing onelie for
cuttinge, carriage, and rickeing for the said 42 Breweinges, alloweing to
every Breweinge 400 Pfaggotts — 16, 800 at 8d. every hundred cuttinge,
and 7d. every hundred carriage, ... ... ... ... 860
of earlier periods and distant lands to his own time and Sack, and that was onely for Medicine, and for sicke folkes ;
country. Taylor, in his Drink and Welcome, published in but, though now it be more dispersed into great men's
1637, tells us that : — " Sacke is second nature to man, and houses and ventners' cellars, yet it hath obtained no
that the physitians knew when they confinde it to the absolute freedom to this day."
apothecaries shops (which was till neere the end of King « Probably wheat purchased at market. A port sale
Henrie the Eight's Raigne,about the yeere 1543) till which signified a sale in open market.
time none but the apothecaries, had the honour to sell P Furze.
32
More Ffurres and brushe ffaggottes for the bake, pastrey, and laundry 16,000 at
like rates ; Alsoc for sondreye necessaryes for housholde chardges per ann.,
as ffollowes :— Brushes, Bowes, Broomes, Tubbes, Payles, Fferists,q Drayes,
ClofFcs for jorncys, ryding chardges, removings, recorders for presents, with
sondrey other extraordinarie disbursements, by estimacion, per ann., ... 100 0 0
Sum Totalis of the whole chardges of the house, ... ... ... 221515 4
Sum Totalis of all the chardges requisite to the Lorde Deputie's house, as well of
household wages, lyverics, and table chardges arise unto per ann., ... 3344 0 4
The brewing account is scarcely comprehensible. I consulted a gentleman favourably known
to the readers of this Journal on the matter, and he advised me to " print it accurately as it stands
without note or comment," and I have done so. I have since, however, met with the following
memorandum among the State Papers, which may probably throw some light on the subject. It is
signed "H.S.," in all probability the initials of Henry Leckford, a commissary, whose name
frequently appears in the Irish papers of the period ; it is noted on the back in Lord Burleigh's
handwriting, and though un-dated, was written about 1580 : —
" Porte Corne paydo yearly to the Ld. Deputie of Irelande in severall kindes, viz : — in
Wheate, Beare Malt, and Ote Malt, Pecks 2,100.
" Of Wheate, Clean Corne, . . .. .. ... .. Pecks, 700
Beare Malte, . . . . . . . . . . . . Pecks, 466
Ote Malte, ... . . . . . . . . . . Pecks, 932
Remayneth of the nomber to be devyded into 3 partes, . . . . Pecks, 2
2100
" The diversitie of measures of the severall Counties comenly caulyd the Inglishe Shyres
to be consyderyd.
The Countie of Kylkenny, . . . . . . . . } Bushells, 4
wheate the Peck, . , . . . . . . . . j Gallons, 32
The Countie of Kylkenny, . . . . . . . . \ Bushells, 8
Ote Malte the Peck, . . . . . . . . ) Gallons, 64
The Porte of the Countie of Meath pecks,
"Wheate clean the Peck, . . . . . . . . Bushells, 2, demye.
Beare Malte the Peck, . . . . . . . . . . Bushells, 2, demye.
Ote Malte the Peck, . . . . . . . . . . Bushells, 2, demye.
i Fire steels for striking a light with flint.
33
To make one Hogshead houshold Beare,
Beare Malte, . . . . . . . . . . . . Demy Peck.
OteMalte, .. .. .. .. .. .. Pecks, 2.
To Make of the strongyst Beare,
Beare Malte, . . . . . . . . . . One Peck.
OteMalte, .. .. .. .. .. One Peck."
It may scarcely be necessary, in order to place the above memorandum in a clearer point
of view, to state, that according to it, in Kilkenny, the peck (port measure) of wheat contained
four bushels or thirty-two gallons ; and the peck of oat-malt, in the same county, contained eight
bushels, or sixty-four gallons ; while in Meath, the peck of either clean wheat, beare malt, or
oat malt, contained two and a half bushels. Again half a peck of bear malt and two pecks of
oat malt were used to brew a hogshead of household beer ; while for the strongest beer, one
peck of bear malt and one of oat malt were required. These it must be observed were
"porte" pecks, and if we convert them into English measure, we find that a very similar
quantity was used at the same period in England. The brewer of Yiscount Montague' was
ordered to make eighteen gallons of good wholesome beer out of every bushel of malt ; and
Arnold's Chronicles gives the following quantities : —
" To brewe Beer. Ten quarters of malte. Two quarters of wheete. Two quarters of
oates, forty pound weyght of hoppys, to make sixty barrellys of sengyl beere ; the barrell of ale
conteynes thirty-two galones, and the barrell of beere thirty-six galones."
Harrison tells us that his wife, from eight bushels of malt, half a bushel of wheaten
meal, and a half a bushel of oaten meal, brewed three hogsheads (189 gallons) " of good beer
such as is meet for poor men." Thus we see that not only barley malt and oaten malt were
used in brewing, but also wheaten and oaten meal, long after hops had come into general use.
Venner, in his Via Recta thus discusses the question : —
" Whether Beer made of Barley malt be better and wholesomer than that which is made
of Barley and Oaten malt in equall portions mixed together, or of two or three parts of
Barley malt, with one of Oaten ? To which, I answer, that whereas, the ende of the use of
drinke is four-fold : —
1. — To quench the thirste ;
2. — To temper the naturall heat ;
8 — To moisten the inward parts ;
4. — To help the concoction and distribution of the meats ;
That Beer made of Barley and Oaten malt mixed together doth more effectually accomplish
the first three, without any manner of hindrance unto the fourth, and also is of a more lively
Sussex Archaeological Collections.
VOL. VIII. E
34
taste, if it be kept untouched till it hath got sufficient staleness. "Whereuppon I may well affirme
that Beer mado of Barley and Oaten malt mingled together, is better than that which is made
of Barley malt alone. A meetely large draught of stale beer, of an indifferent good strength,
taken in the morning fasting, or a little before meales, with a little fine sugar in it, exhilarateth
the heart, cleanseth the stomach and blood, and expelleth melancholy, and at such times, thus
used profitteth more than wine."
Bishop Hall, however, in his Satires, speaks depreciatingly of Oaten beer : —
" "What tho' he quaff pure amber in his bowl
Of March brewed wheat, yet slakes my thirsting soul
"With palish oat, frothing in Boston clay."
"W. Phtkeetow.
LETTER FROM PROFESSOR ADOLPHE PICTET, OF GENE YA.
To the Editor of the Ulstek Journal op Aech-eology.
Deae Sle, — It is with much satisfaction that I have learned from you the favourable re-
ception given by scholars in Ireland to my Origines Indo-Europeennes, and I am hence led to
hope that some impulse may be given by this work to studies which promise to throw light on
the primitive history of our race. Ireland, which may be henceforth considered as united with
certainty to the great Indo-European family of nations, will no doubt contribute her quota
to the task of reconstructing this history of our common ancestors, — a work beset with difficulties,
and which can only be accomplished by many united efforts. The importance of the Celtic group
of languages in assisting to attain this object in a complete manner cannot be estimated too
highly ; and, among these languages, the Irish unquestionably holds the first place, from the
richness of its vocabulary and the antiquity of its written monuments. Unfortunately, however,
one serious want is felt, which it would be important to supply as soon as possible. Ireland does not
possess a single dictionary of her language such as the science of philology at present requires.
It is on this subject, Sir, that I ask permission to make a few observations, with the view of
drawing the attention of your countrymen to this great desideratum for the future progress of
the science.
The Irish dictionary of O'Reilly, which is considered as the least defective of those published,
is so, nevertheless, to a great extent. Although it may be an exaggeration to say, as one very
good judge does say, that the half of the words which it contains are a " mere sham," it is, at all
35
events, certain that the author has drawn too inconsiderately from doubtful sources, and has
admitted without proper examination a large number of imaginary terms and erroneous significa-
tions. If to this we add the mixing up of words of all epochs, almost always without indicating
the authorities from which they are derived, it will be easily understood that such an instrument
in the hands of a comparative philologist can only be a perpetual source of error and deception. I
have myself experienced this most disagreeably in the composition of my Origines, which will
consequently require many corrections in this department, as well as in several others. Already I
find that many of my comparisons of Irish terms are stated to be imaginary, and are contested, appa-
rently with reason, by competent judges. It is not possible, however, for the linguist who compares
languages to take upon himself the task of proving the authenticity of every word in a particular
language. His business commences where that of special philologists ends ; and it is these last who
must prepare for him the materials he is to work on. Now, Ireland, it must be confessed, is far in
arrear in this respect ; and she must take immediate steps to supply the deficiency, or see herself
excluded for a long time to come from the field of study which is now beginning to fix the
attention of the learned in Europe.
And what do you wait for ? Is there any want of means ? "With such men as Curry, 0' Donovan,
Stokes, Siegfried, &c, you have all that is necessary for the work. The Royal Irish Academy
is surely in a good position to give the impulse. I cannot believe that the question of money
can be any obstacle : an appeal to Irish patriotism would surely provide the necessary funds. All
further delays are injurious. The old relics of your language are disappearing, year after year,
from accidents, carelessness, fire, or damp. How many irreparable losses have taken place
during the last two or three centuries ! Preserve at least what still remains, by condensing the
substance of them in a Thesaurus, if the means are not forthcoming for publishing them in a
complete form. Even if not for the sake of national self-love, you are called on to do so lest you should
be anticipated by some foreigner. Zeuss, a German, has already snatched from the hands of your
scholars the glory of having raised Celtic philology to the level of modern science. But Zeuss, as far
as the ancient Gaelic is concerned, has only explored continental sources of information : and it will
be for you to complete his work by the aid of those rich native stores which you still possess.
To work, then ! the honour of Ireland is concerned. Take example by the Highland
Society, which, with much fewer resources than you have, was able to publish a good lexicon of
the Scottish Gaelic. And do you, Sir, urge in your excellent Journal the necessity which is
everywhere felt for a reliable Irish dictionary. Commence an agitation in Ireland, which, for
once, will not be political. If necessary, open a subscription list, and I feel assured it will before
long be filled. Although a foreigner, I would myself gladly be the first to subscribe for such a purpose.
ADOLrHE PlCXET.
Geneva, January, 1860.
36
ON THE GOLD ANTIQUITIES FOUND IN IKELAND.
To the Editor of the Ulster Jot/bna.l of Archeology.
Sie, — In conformity with a suggestion of yours, that it might be useful to preserve a record
of the opinions expressed by intelligent strangers, from various countries, who have visited
the collection of Irish antiquities in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, respecting some of
the remarkable specimens preserved there, I have looked over my notes of conversations, made
at the time, and have thrown together the following summary, confining myself for the present
to one class — the gold antiquities.
The origin of these antiquities is so obscure, and the opinions of archaeologists, respecting them,
are so conflicting, that any light which can be thrown upon the subject is of importance. For so
far, the gold antiquities found in Ireland have been a complete puzzle to antiquaries. With very
few exceptions, they are quite peculiar to this country ; as no articles of the same kind have been
discovered elsewhere, that I know of; or, if they have, no account has been published of them.
Our native history, whether written or traditionary, affords us no clue to their original uses ; and
there seems, therefore, to be no mode of assisting our speculations, but that of ascertaining, as far
as possible, whether any things of a similar kind be now in use in other parts of the world.
One class of antiquaries (all of whom are Irish,) hold that these gold antiquities, being dis-
covered in Ireland, are necessarily of Celtic origin,* while others, in England, &c, are found who
hold a very different opinion. For my own part, I do not profess to hold an opinion either way ;
and, if the tendency of the following recorded observations leads altogether towards the latter view
of the question, I am not the less ready to admit the force of any arguments which may be brought
forward in support of the other.
In the present state of the case, deprived as we are of all data, except the single undoubted
s Celtic Origin. — The term " Celtic " used in relation be Celtic ; but if they are not, we are at liberty to speculate
to antiquities, must, I think, be taken in connection with as to what people they belonged to, and as to the circuni.
the statements made by Herodotus as to the European locus stances which placed them in Ireland. Ancient articles
of the Celts in his time, as known to the Greeks. He found in Wurtemburg may with propriety be called Celtic,
places the Celts near the head- waters of the Danube, in the in relation to place ; and, in like manner, such objects found
district now called Wurtemburg, where we ought now to in certain parts of Spain may be called Celt-Iberian when
look for Celtic antiquities. If gold antiquities, like those they cannot be proved to be exotic productions, as our
discovered in Ireland, are also found in Wurtemburg, it argument leads us to consider the gold antiquities found in
is evident that we must admit the Irish gold antiques to Ireland.
37
fact, that certain articles made of gold, of peculiar forms, of unknown use, and of unquestionable
antiquity, have been found under the soil in Ireland, not only singly, but sometimes in large
quantities and during a period of many years — we may legitimately compare them with similar
objects in use elsewhere ; and we may to a certain extent, apply to both the old mathematical axiom
that " things which are equal to the same are equal to one another." Tested by this principle, let
the following observations be taken at what they are worth.
The simplest form exhibited by our gold antiques belongs to those usually called " bangles,"
and by some antiquaries, " ring-money," under the impression that they were used in lieu of
money in very ancient times, not only here, but in Africa. This latter opinion is countenanced
by the existence of certain Egyptain paintings in which pieces of gold, in forms not very unlike
these rings or bangles, are represented as the tribute paid by a conquered African people, or as
spoil taken from them by a victorious Egyptian monarch. It i3 argued by Keating that the
progenitors of the Irish (who are asserted by the bardic chroniclers to have passed some time in
Egypt) brought the custom thence of using gold torques. But this argument is fatal to the claim
put forward for a Celtic origin of these antiquities. It points to the Jews, and to Africa as the
gold country; and, when conjoined to the difficulty of accounting for the supply of the material in
Ireland (which never was geologically a gold-producing country), would lead to the opinion that
nearly all gold bangles came from Africa to this country.
Different visitors to the Museum have coincided in pronouncing some of the forms of the gold
antiquities to be African, while denying this to be the case in others. They have denied also the
correctness of certain statements, published both by Irish and English antiquarians, regarding the
identity in form of the bangles now used in some parts of Africa as money; and particularly as
to any modern African bangles being the same in shape as those open gold rings, commonly
called Irish gold "ring-money," composed of -a round bar of gold, bent nearly into a circle, and
having more or less expansion at its two ends [see Plate I., figs. 1, 2, and 3]. It has been affirmed
by African travellers that such things are not now manufactured in Africa ; or that, if they are,
they are unknown to the gold traders both on the eastern and western coasts.
The present African wrist-bangle is a plain ring having no expansion at the ends, like Figs. 1,
and 2 in plate I. ; while the greatest part of the Irish specimens, probably the ivhole of those which
correspond in size with the wrist-bangle, have at least a burr or incipient expansion at the extre-
mities, which in more elaborate specimens takes the form of a thimble or small cup [see Plate L,
figs. 5, 6, 7, and 8]. It is a curious fact that at least twenty African travellers, and among them
several traders from the west coast, who have visited the Museum, all told the same story a3 to the
absence of any expansion on the modern gold African bangle. It is right to state, however, that
some of them ventured to express the opinion that it must have existed formerly, because it is
found on what are called the " manillas" or copper bangles now manufactured in England, in
38
imitation of African ones.b These are sent to Africa to be exchanged for commodities in the way of
trade. It was also stated that the silver bangles, at present commonly worn as armlets in the north
and east of Africa, have always an expansion at the ends : this part, indeed, is now ornamented in
various ways, but may still indicate the ancient form ; one use of which may have been to retain
a number of smaller rings on the large one.
An Irish lady of rank (though of Spanish origin), who visited the Museum some years ago
in company with the Rev. Dr. Russell of Maynooth College, claimed the gold rings of this class as
ancient wedding rings, the same as were used formerly in Spain, and still occasionally even at the
present day. She actually wore, at the time of her visit, a gold bangle on her left wrist, which
she said was her wedding-ring. She further explained that her family had originally been
Jewish, and that her belief was that the custom had been derived from the Jews of Seville. She
suggested, with regard to the Irish rings resembling hers, that they might have come from Spain,
and that they were originally Jewish ornaments, and not Irish. This lady mentioned that, among
the Jews of Seville, it was the custom to bury women with their gold rings on their wrists, and
even expressed the hope that, when she herself died, her wedding-ring would be buried with her.
She has paid the debt of nature some time ; but, though I have asked the question, I have not
discovered whether her wish had been complied with. I suggested to this lady some doubts as
to the possibility of the Jews of Seville, or any Jews, having been so innocent as to bury valuable
articles of gold with the dead. She referred me to the statements in Josephus' History of the Jews
concerning the vast treasure buried with King David ; the opening, from time to time, of his tomb,
and the abstraction of more or less of the hoards of gold accumulated therein. The usage of the
old Spanish Jews, of burying articles of value with their dead, has been denied in toto by several
Dublin Jews who have visited the Academy ; but the statement of Lady B. has been since corrobo-
rated by the details published by Lindo of the violation of the Jewish cemetery at Seville.
While alluding to the desecration and plunder of the Jewish cemetery at Seville, and
regarding it as a worked-out gold mine of ancient Jewish art, I cannot help expressing the hope
that some of the proposed rail- ways in Spain may, during their construction, afford the opportunity
of exploring some similar cemetery, and that proper means may be taken by the authorities to
b To prevent misconception, it should be mentioned have been from the remotest period. Irish antiquities of
that copper is believed not to be found west of the Nile, jron have, in my opinion, the same African stamp of
ar.d consequently is not an African production. It is at character about them as those of gold. The peculiar pro-
present, and may at all periods have been considered by. the duction, copper, found to the east of the Nile, may have led
native Africans as a precious material, and hence was used the Greeks to call the district the Copper -land, and the
by them for personal ornaments. The most universally people Copper-smiths, Copts, and Egyptians — a name not
diffused African metal is iron, of a superior quality. Gold recognized by the natives themselves. According to
abounds in several localities, and the Africans are proficient Herodotus, copper was the material specially used in Egypt
in the manufacture of both these metals, and probably for drinking- cups.
39
preserve or record their contents. Not only might the value of the objects found be of importance
intrinsically, but they might afford the means of settling the disputed origin of the gold ornaments
found in Ireland.
Everything that I have heard, so far, leads to the conclusion, that the so-called Irish " ring-
money," of the simple " form," is made of African, and not native gold ; and fashioned after an
ancient type, which seems to have been common to all the gold employed in commerce formerly
in Spain, Africa, Egypt, Syria, &c, probably until the introduction of Mahomedanism, when silver
appears to have everywhere become (probably under Arab or Moorish influences) the standard
currency in all those countries, and even in Ireland.
The second type of Irish gold bangle [see Plate I., figs. 5,6, 7, and 14], has its ends expanded
into cups or concave disks. It is stated, by several visitors to the Museum, to have been seen
by them worn as an ornament on the ankles of women in Africa residing in the vicinity of the
great gold districts. Specimens as large as the one generally known as the " Castle Kelly
fibula," and closely resembling it, have been met with in actual use, leading to the inference that
this was the purpose for which these articles were originally intended, whether it was a fashion
originating in the gold-producing country or copied from some other.
This last supposition may, perhaps, be the nearest to the truth; for although travellers in Africa
state distinctly that such things exist at present on that continent, yet several European travellers,
also visitors to the Museum, have claimed these as of European or Asiatic origin. Thus, a very
intelligent lady, who had travelled in Hungary, mentioned to me that she had seen in that country,
in the possession of different individuals, articles made of iron, exactly of the same shape as our
Irish gold bangles with expanded ends. She explained that these iron articles -were equivalents
of gold ones of the same size, formerly possessed by the ancestors of these persons, and which, for
some reason, they had exchanged with the Hungarian Government ; and she referred me to a
work on Hungary in which I might find the whole history of the transaction, and also see an
engraving of an object of this kind. I made some inquiry for the book at the time, but not finding
it in any of the libraries to which I had access, and being afterwards occupied with other matters,
the whole thing passed away from my memory. To the best of my recollection, the book referred
to was in English ; and, as the works in our language describing Hungary are not numerous, some
of your readers may be at once able to give a reference to it.
Two other persons who have visited the Museum have mentioned facts which tend to localize
this particular form of gold bangle in the eastern and southern parts of Europe. One of these was
a Greek priest, from Constantinople. The moment he saw the large " Castle Kelly fibula," or
bangle with cupped ends, he asked what it was ? giving as a reason for his inquiry that there
existed in the treasury of the Church at Constantinople, to which he was attached, a similar article
of gold ; and that he and others supposed it was an ancient cymbal, though this was merely a
40
surmise. He stated his entire ignorance of its history ; but, from seeing so many things of the kind
in our museum, he thought we might have been able to give him some information as to their use, &c.
The other gentleman was an artist who had been employed in executing some of the paintings
in the new Houses of Parliament. He expressed his surprise at seeing the " Castle Kelly fibula,"
and explained that, during a recent visit to Poland, he had noticed an ornament of a very similar
kind worn by a Jewess in full dress. It was slung in the knot of a scarf, which passed loosely
round her waist, and was tied in front, where the weight of the massive gold ornament kept the
scarf -knot in her lap. Being very desirous of recovering traces of the ancient Jewish costume,
he made some inquiry regarding this style of ornament, and learned that the usage was one of the
old national customs of the Jewish nation, and not by any means uncommon among Polish Jews.
This testimony, therefore, again leads us to a Jewish origin for our Irish gold bangles, while the
mode of wearing this ornament may coincide with that attributed by Herodotus to the Scythians,
who, he explains, wore gold cups in their belts to swear upon.
Several visitors have remarked the similarity of the general form of these cupped bangles
to that of a particular ornament represented on images of the most ancient female deities of India ;
whose girdles, worn slack round the hips, are kept in their places by gold articles or locks of some
kind fixed in the knot in front, very much after the fashion of the Polish Jewess. May not the old
myth of Danae's shower of gold have been, in its original form, a Greek joke on the adoption of the
ancient Argive women of this Asiatic or Jewish usage ? A shower of gold money is an antiquarian
blunder, for there was no money in that age at all ! Put gold locks in the girdles of unmarried
women may have been quite common. They may have been the lady's fortune, or dower.
A third variety of the Irish gold bangle, has the ends tipped with a hollow cone or thimble,
the connecting bar being in all cases hollow, except at the necks [Fig. 8~|. I have no recollec-
tion of any special remarks being made on these by visitors, farther than the surmise of ladies, who
generally coincide in the opinion that they were more likely to be anklets than bracelets. No. 7
has a tendency to this type, for its cups are deeper than usual, and the arch is hollow. Its orna-
ments are like those on No. 8. They might have belonged to the same dress, and were evidently
made in the same manufactory, and possibly by the same hands.
There are in the Museum several bangles made simply of round gold wire, without any
expansion at the ends ; and one made of such wire but perforated with small holes, and likewise
without expansion [Fig 10] : there are, also, several flatted bar bangles [Fig. 16], quite plain and
devoid of ornamentation. All these have been claimed by travellers as specimens of common modern
African ornaments worn by the Negro people in the Gold Country ; though there can be no doubt
of their having been discovered buried in the ground in two different places of Ireland. This may
indicate a connection between Ireland and Africa in the time of the Moorish occupation of Spain, or
even later.
41
"We find, also, in the Museum, several small gold rings, made in two kinds of twisted patterns,
both of which, according to the statements of several visitors, are now quite common on the Gold
Coast ; and one gentleman brought to the Museum several specimens of African gold rings, which
were identical in pattern with one of these varieties, and explained the usages connected with rings
of this kind in Africa. This seems to prove to demonstration, that the rings of this description now
in the Museum, and which were discovered near Cork, are of African origin.
Besides the gold rings already described, which might fit the wrist, arm, and ankle, there wa3
lately added to the collection of the Royal Irish Academy a number of gold articles, discovered
along with a very large number of others in the County Clare. One of these is a heavy gold
ring, having another smaller ring playing on it. Now, several recent visitors have assured
me that this description of ring is a common form of anklet in Africa and India. Among these
visitors was the Ameer of Scinde, who, some time since, came to England, in the hope of obtaining
from government a grant of certain rights which he claimed over a territory in India. This personage
appeared to take special interest in this and other gold articles found in the County Clare, which, he
said, were quite similar to those now used in Scinde; and particularly the hollow gold "lunettes," or
crescent- shaped ornaments, having button-shaped ends, and usually termed gold collars, resembling,
in form, the gorgets worn by our military oificers fifty years ago. These rare objects were con-
sidered by our Indian visitor as not being Irish at all, but importations from hi3 own country. I
ventured to question the correctness of his opinion ; but at the same time assured him that, if he
would only send to our Museum a present of a single gold ornament of this kind, from the neck
of one of his eunuchs or chamberlains, he would go far towards convincing our learned
antiquaries that our Irish collars, &c, were of Asiatic origin. I may here add, that the native
attendants of the Ameer corroborated every thing he said on the subject, whether they were, or
were not within his hearing; so that his opinion assumes additional importance. It is not
improbable, however, that the customs of Scinde, such as the one here referred to, may have
been introduced by Arabs, or other Mahomedan races, and that hence they may have had their
origin in Africa. The Asiatic use of gold rings on the arms, legs, or neck, may perhaps be
considered as indicating an African immigration, or the introduction of African usages into the East.c
"We want information as to the use of gold lunette ornaments in the turbans of the old Mahome-
dans, and the origin of the Crescent as their national emblem. Are the flat gold lunettes [Fig. 23],
c It has been stated by several visitors that the usage things, may have applied originally to gold. We know that
still exists of the Sultan placing a silver bangle on the a usage prevailed anciently in Ireland of presenting gold
wrist of a Pacha at the time of his investiture in office ; rings, from the greater chieftains to the heads of minor
and that it is theoretically believed to contain fire and evil tribes. This custom may be Jewish or African, as it
in one end of it, and water and mercy in the other ; but corresponds with the description given in Genesis, where
that, in consequence of its form, the two ends can never Pharaoh is said to have taken the ring off his hand or
meet ! This usage though now said to be confined to silver wrist, and put it on Joseph as the investiture of his office.
VOL. VIII. F
42
in our Museum spoils taken by our Crusaders from the Turks ? and, if they are, why do we not
find them elsewhere than in Ireland ? Or are they emblems of Astarte, and antagonisms to the gold
disks ornamented with the figure of the Cross ?
Besides the gold articles comprehended in the " find " of the County Clare, which are large
enough to fit the neck of an adult man or woman, there are several others [Fig. 17, 18, 19,]
which are of the same dimensions, though different in construction. One of these is formed
of a twisted bar of gold, having the ends hooked, and has been for several years in the
collection [Fig.17]. When this ornament (which is of the kind usually called a " neck-torque,")
was first exhibited, a most intelligent lady, sister of a member of the Academy, remarked at
once that it must be African, because it closely resembled a torque represented on the neck of a
negro in an ancient Venetian painting belonging to her brother. And another lady from Scotland,
who visited our Museum, the moment she saw this torque, remarked to her husband, who was
with her, that the object generally supposed to be a piece of rope on the neck of the ancient
statue known as the " Dying Grladiator," was really a torque of this kind : an opinion now, I
believe, generally adopted, although not critically correct — for the Gladiator's torque has only a
general resemblance to the one in our Museum. There is, however, an actual gold torque of small
size on an ancient statue of Mercury, now in the British Museum, which approaches more nearly
in form to the Irish torque. Might not its use in this case imply that, at the time when this
statue was so ornamented, gold neck torques were a usual personal ornament of merchants,
Mercury being the deity who presided over Commerce ? or may it not have been emblematic of the
trade carried on with Spain or Africa in manufactured gold ?d.
The fineness and purity of gold is still tested in Africa by the amount of twisting it
will bear before it breaks. This natural substitute for the " Hall-mark " of our modern
goldsmiths, to indicate pure gold, has been noticed by several visitors to the Museum as a purely
African characteristic of articles made of gold.
Besides the twisted neck-torque, we have in the Museum collection several other articles
of gold not twisted, [Fig. 15] which, from their size, may be considered as likewise ornaments for
the neck. These are stated to be almost identical with those now worn in different parts of Africa,
chiefly by women, who, it is said, are generally the traders in the Gold Country.
d The term "wreathen," applied frequently in the Old into thread, and put together into filagree. Fig. 12 is a
Testament to Jewish articles made of gold, manifestly re- wonderful imitation of filagree, produced hy pouring the
fers to gold beautified by workmanship. It implies melted gold into a mould, containing an impression taken
" twisted, " " spun, " &c, and is applicable to many of from real filagree. The diadem (Fig. 22) is to a great
our Irish specimens. As mere works exhibiting the skill extent an imitation of "wreathen" or twined work produced
of the gold-smith, the torques of the Tara type, made of by " stamping," a method indicated in the Old Testament
four fillets of " wreathen " gold, are a master-piece of the as implying a very high order of gold work and or-
craft. Fig. 11 (Plate 1) is the perfection of gold work of namentation.
another kind. Here the gold is beaten out, then twisted
i/LSre/f JOURNAL OF ARCHEOLOGY
Plate 2
^0xsssas^
~^~'
43
There is some reason to believe that twisted bars of gold, -with hooked ends, were used in a
perfectly straight form, and for altogether a different purpose from that attributed to our circular
torque. The Syrian dragoman or interpreter to our Consul atBeyrout, when visiting the Academy's
Museum some years ago, was requested to point out any articles which resembled such as were used in
Syria. He examined the specimens carefully, and stated that the only ones he recognized
were the torques. These, he said, were to be seen in churches in that country, but were
perfectly straight, and not bent, being used as links to form chains for suspending the lamps from the
roof. He said that at present these twisted links were always of silver, though he believed that
they were made of gold in former times when the Christian churches were richer in Syria. They
are baptismal gifts made to the churches ; and in form resemble the girdle which the Jewish bride-
groom is said to have presented to the bride.
In the collection of Irish antiquities lately deposited for exhibition in the Royal Irish
Academy, by the Royal Dublin Society, there is a very well made model in brass of a silver
torque made of two wires. Although this is now bent into the form of a hoop, there is no doubt
that, some years ago, either this model itself or a duplicate of it in Trinity College Museum
was exhibited, extended at full length, thus corresponding both in form and material with the
silver twisted links described as used in the Syrian churches. Is it not possible that the original
from which the model was copied may have actually been used for suspending a lamp in an ancient
Irish Greek6 church ? It should be added, that in size this silver torque was smaller than either of
the Tara gold torques, but larger than the gold hoop, made of a square bar, which I have
ventured to call a girdle. Hence the question arises, were such articles used as girdles in the
Middle Ages ? An answer in- the affirmative has been given by a visitor who has paid great
attention to all matters relating to the later Jew/ish customs. This gentleman has assured me that
the Jews in different countries, at their marriages, employ torques as bridal fillets, bandages,
or girdles round the loins or hips ; and that, although anciently all bridal girdles were of gold, yet
latterly the girdle presented by the bridegroom to the bride was of silver, while the one given to
him by the bride was of gold. According to Rabbinical notions, the difference in the colours,
white and yellow, indicated certain distinctions of a peculiar kind. It is right to mention that
several Jews to whom I have spoken on this subject, deny the correctness of these assertions, and
seem grossly ignorant of all ancient usages connected with gold or silver ornaments among
their people.
e The Greek character of many of the old ecclesiastical his sympathies with Ireland may have sprung from a re-
articles in theAcademy's Museum, and the style of architec- mimscence of some material benefit rendered by that
ture observable in the ancient Irish (or so-called Scottish) country to his nation in their time of trouble. The story
churches, both in Ireland and on the Continent, connect told by Keating, to account for the good feeling which
the early Christianity of Ireland with the East. This is anciently subsisted between the Irish Jews, and vice versa,
what would be expected if a previous Jewish connexion had is absurd,
existed. Saint Patrick was by birth a Jew; and as such,
44
In favour of the idea that the original and normal form of the gold torques, such as those
found at Tara, was a hoop, we have, however, the evidence of several native Africans. Two of
these were the Ashantee princes who paid a visit to Dublin some years since. At the request of
several members of the Academy, and of a lady who has contributed to its Transactions a valuable
paper, these accomplished savages were brought to see the Museum, chiefly in order to test the
correctness of a statement made by the captain of an African ship, that gold articles very similar to
the Tara torques were occasionally sold on the Gold Coast. Accordingly, it was arranged that
these torques should be placed on a table in the library before the princes arrived, but that nothing
should be said or done to attract their attention to them. Yet, the moment they entered the room,
their eyes caught the torques ; they at once took them up and put them on like belts, over one
shoulder and under the other. They then walked up and down the room, seeming quite
gratified with their ornament. Being asked why these things pleased them so much, they at once
replied, that they reminded them of the return of their warriors from successful expeditions into
the interior of the country, where the people used such ornaments. They mentioned one purpose
to which the warriors applied these articles —namely, to string upon them various other trophies
which they had plundered. These they exhibited ostentatiously for some time after their return ;
and then the torques were chopped up and sold in pieces to the European traders. It thus appeared
that the African captain's story was to a certain extent correct.
On a subsequent occasion a French gentleman, introduced by a dignitary of the Roman Catholic
Church, paid a visit to the Museum, for the purpose of disposing of some exquisite specimens
of ancient necklaces taken from the Venetian Museum. There were, indeed, a few such glass beads
in the collection ornamented somewhat in the same style of art as his, but infinitely inferior
in taste and execution ; so that an inspection of our glass department gave him little satisfaction.
Finding that he had heard nothing of our gold antiquities, I asked him to remain for a few moments,
and that I would open the safe in which they were kept and let him see them. He agreed to do so,
and mentioned at the same time that, not long previously, he had had an excellent opportunity,
not only of seeing 6ome very curious gold things in the interior of Africa, but of learning their
uses; so that, although he had failed in the object of his visit to the Academy's Museum, he might
have it in his power to give some information regarding the gold specimens ; since, as I had
told him, these gold antiquities had, in several instances, been claimed as African, though found buried
in the ground in Ireland. The safe being opened, the moment the Frenchman saw the collection he
at once declared that the whole of the gold specimens (with two or three exceptions) were African J
adding, with much vivacity, ""You can't tell what that thing is for — and that — and that; but I
can, for I have seen them all in use ; and I now regret that I did not bring a specimen of each to
Europe. But how did you get them ? It is surely not possible that these were found in Ireland !''
It was with some difficulty that I was able to convince him that they had been found buried in
45
the ground in this country. He then informed ine that he had succeeded in making his way into
the mountain district of Kong or Bafra, which lies north of the Gold Coast, in which gold is very
abundant, and that there he had found a colony of Jews who professed to have ancient records
proving that they had quitted Spain on the irruption of the Goths into that country, and who had
remained free from the corruptions which afterwards crept into the customs and usages of the
Jews in Spain and Northern Africa. They asserted themselves to be uncorrupted Sephardim or
Scribes (?) and were so entirely at variance with the Spanish and Barbary Jews on account of their
backsliding from the old Jewish orthodoxy, that they would not eat, drink, or hold any intercourse
with them. It was among this people that the French traveller mentioned having seen the
counterparts of so many of our gold antiquities, and learned their uses. He had met with articles
quite similar to our Tara torques, and stated that they were worn at the weddings of the Jews, as
girdles round the hips, by the newly-married couple, and that the bride had an absolute right to
the torque presented to her by her husband. Any further gifts which she received from her
friends were likewise her own property, and were slung on the torque. These were often extremely
valuable, and sometimes so ponderous that cases have been known of fortunate brides being thus
loaded with presents to such an extent that they could not rise from the ground. At the wedding
the bride also wore a golden frontlet, exactly resembling the articles found in Ireland, and called
by Yallancey " Brehons' Collars," of which there are three specimens, nearly perfect, in the
Academy's museum [Fig. 22].
This traveller likewise recognised in our crescent -shaped gold plates [Fig. 23] a Jewish
ornament for unmarried women ; and, finally, described the females in this part of Africa as using
gold ornaments in every possible way, in the form of necklaces, armlets, bracelets, anklets, &c,
realising the picture of the women of Jerusalem drawn by the prophet Isaiah.
It may be a question worth considering, whether the forms of gold ornaments used by these
secluded African Jews are all of Jewish origin, or whether some of them may not be African. The
fiat lunette, or crescent- shaped frontlet [Fig. 23], and the diadem [Fig. 22], seem to be Asiatic orna-
ments ; but the gold rings or bangles appear to be purely African, and intended more for the osten-
tatious display of wealth than for ornament. The former class of ornaments were certainly
employed to add dignity and grace to the human head and face, an object not aimed at by a naked
race like the negroes, who maybe said to be "all face;" whereas, the Jewish women, in every age,
and in every country, have been elaborately clothed, and have adopted a class of ornaments
to correspond.
A Greek lady, who inspected the iluseum, on being shown the gold frontlets (the " Brehon's
collars" of Yallancey) [Fig. 22], claimed them at once as the prototypes of the frontlets worn by
brides at weddings in the island of Corfu. These are at present made there of gilt paper ; but,
no doubt, represent the more costly material of former times, and may have been borrowed by the
46
Greek Church from the Christianized Jews. Anciently, the frontlet or diadem was worn by both
the bride and bridegroom, according to the usage of the Greek Church, as it was worn among the
Jews, though now, I believe, confined to the bride. It seems clear that the Christians borrowed
the custom from the Jews : whether these again borrowed it from some pagan nation is another
question. Rebecca's frontlet was probably not Shemitic. JJasnage is unquestionably wrong in
not deriving the Greek Christian usage of wearing gold crowns at weddings from the Jewish Church.
The diadem, or head ornament, represented as worn by some of the martyrs in the catacombs of
Home, closely resembles the frontlet just mentioned. We may also recognize the same form of
ornament in the head-dress for married women in llussia; while the lunette, or crescent-ornament,
is likewise found in that country as the ornament of the unmarried one.
It seems natural to suppose that these customs came to Russia along with Greek Christianity, from
the Holy Land : as the Greek Church adopted or retained many Jewish usages as allowable, simply
because they were not specifically forbidden by the New Law.
A Russian gentleman, lately visiting the Museum (who appeared by his card to be a chamber-
lain to the Emperor), on being asked if such articles as the diadems and lunette-ornaments were
to be seen in Russia, replied, " Yes, certainly, they are Russian national head-ornaments, used by
all classes, from the Empress and the royal princesses down to the poorest peasant." To prove his
words true, he promised to send to the Museum specimens in brass of things of this kind, worn by
47
the humbler classes. Unfortunately for the further elucidation of our subject, I am not able yet
to report the arrival of this donation.
Another fact tending to the same conclusion, as to the analogy of these ornaments with old
Jewish ones, was lately communicated by a lady, the sister of an Irish member of Parliament
distinguished in the scientific world, and herself a person eminently calculated to make correct
observations. This lady stated to me that she had lately seen a Spanish lady-in-waiting to the
Queen of Spain, actually wearing a golden head-ornament, precisely the same in form as the so-
called " Brehon's Collars" of our museum [Fig. 22]. Here, then, we find this peculiar ornament in
Spain, the very country from whence the Sephardim Jews of Africa alleged that they had
emigrated in the fourth century. The invasion of the Goths at that time may possibly have
driven the Jewish inhabitants into various other countries, and perhaps even to Ireland ; though,
if such be the case, it is likely that they did not remain here permanently, but returned to Spain
at a subsequent period. Hence it may be conjectured that at least a portion of our ancient
specimens of gold ornaments may owe their presence here to a temporary exodus of the Spanish
Jews to this couutry in the fourth century. A larger portion may afford evidence of a still
earlier temporary exodus of Jews, from various parts of the Roman Empire, in the first century,
about the time of the final fall of Jerusalem, and the extinction of the temple. Not long after, how-
ever, a milder policy of the Emperors permitted the Jews to obtain once more a footing throughout
the Roman provinces and cities, with the privilege of trading and holding land. This was
especially the case in Spain, where Jewish fashions and fancies, in art and literature, seem to
have rapidly revived, and from whence they spread themselves far and wide through Christendom,
threatening, in Spain, the absorption of Christianity itself. It would appear, in fact, that, in those
times the Jewish goldsmiths and silversmiths led the fashion in ornamental art, as the French
do at present, and that to them may be traced the origin of many forms of personal decorations,
as well as ecclesiastical ornaments, found in different countries. I do not mean to say that it was
in the fourth century the ancient Irish and British women adopted the fashion of wearing gold
ornaments on the head ; for it is recorded that Maud, Queen of Connaught, in Ireland, and Queen
Boadicea, in Britain, wore golden diadems at a much earlier period ; but it is quite possible that
even these were made in Spain or Africa, and imported into the British Islands, just as
thousands of other personal ornaments or articles of Jewellery* were introduced by traders from
Spain into Ireland.5
f Jewellery, Jewel. — These words, expressive of orna- as if this had, in later times, been preferred to native Jewish
mental work for the person, made of precious metals, are workmanship. This may have been the case; but it is not
usually derived from the Latin jocale. The French isjoyau ; the less probable that the Arabs or Moors themselves had
Spanish, joyel ; German, juwel. But may they not all be learned the art from the Spanish Jews. The agency of this
derived from the name Jew? people in the revival of literature, commerce, and art, has
gLindo, in enumerating the trades lost to Spain by the been overlooked, or unfairly passed over by the Christian
final expulsion of the Jews, specifies " Arabian jewellery," historians of the Middle Ages.
48
A fact stated by another visitor to our Museum may be appropriately mentioned here. This
person was a lady who had resided for some time in Amsterdam, and who had had an opportunity
of examining many gold head-ornaments, worn especially by old-fashioned people. One form of
ornament, this lady stated, was identical with the gold diadems or frontlets which have been so
often alluded to ; and she confirmed the truth of her statement by presenting to the museum an
old engraving purchased by her in Amsterdam, in which two women are represented, one holding
the gold head-ornament in her hand, the other wearing it on her head. And, so far as can be deter-
mined from the inspection of a small picture, there is certainly an apparent identity between our
Irish specimens and these Dutch head-dresses.
"We know that Amsterdam was one of the places where the Jews early became a rich community ;
and it is extremely probable that Jewish emigrants from Spain to Holland may have introduced this
style of gold ornament there.
In Switzerland, Poland, and Hungary, we can trace the use of gold head- gear for women,
always made of thin gold plate ; and it was in these countries in particular that the Jews found a
refuge from persecution in the early part of the Middle Ages, and where they were longest per-
mitted to use their peculiar national costume, which, according to all tradition, was extremely rich
in gold and embroidery-work.b
b The head-ornaments of these countries are all made of gilt ; and finally, gold substituted for silver. But gold alone
thin gold plate, and indicate a time when gems were not was the more ancient material, as we find by the remains
introduced as additional decorations. Precious stones were of Egyptian and Etrurian antiquities,
originally set in silver. At a later period, the silver was
49
The Jews, in the most ancient times of which we have record, were always the great dealers
in gold and silver, if we may judge by the writings of Isaiah and by numerous other passages in
the Old Testament. They were so before the foundation of Carthage, a city which, beyond doubt,
was as much an Israelite or Samarian, as a Phoenician or Tyrian, colony. And, after the fall of
Carthage, we find these Jews, as a distinct nationality (or Carthaginians assuming the old name),
quietly monopolizing the entire trade in those metals in Spain, Africa, and Britain, and carrying on a
great commerce everywhere, with the connivance or under the protection of the Eomans themselves,
who seem to have despised trade. It is by no means improbable, too, that their great wealth may have
been sometimes employed in furnishing the "sinews of war" to Eoman generals (even to Julius
Csesar, Pompey, &c), and in assisting one or other of the opposing parties during the decline of the
Empire. Jerusalem must have been looked on by the Eomans as a treasure-house ; and its siege
seems to have been in reality undertaken for the sake of the plunder, which may have been only
saved to be lost again in Ireland !
Then came the expulsion of the Jews from all parts of the Empire' to places beyond the limits
of the Eoman power, such as Ireland and parts of Africa. Both these countries were previously
known to the Jews as markets ; Ireland being probably one of their great marts for exporting slaves k to
the mines of Spain and Cornwall ; and Africa being the country from which they procured their
gold. The supplies of gold obtained by chieftains in Ireland may in fact have arisen from this very
slave trade ; and at this time may have commenced the fashion, among men of rank, of wearing
gold neck -torques and rings in Ireland.
If these speculations be good for anything, in the absence of antagonistic facts and arguments,
there really seems to be some reason for supposing that a great portion of our Irish gold antiquities
are of ancient Jewish manufacture, and of African gold. With regard to the plain gold rings, it
may be maintained, on the evidence furnished by the Old Testament, that the ancient cur-
rency of the Jews consisted of rings or bent bars of silver and gold, which were estimated by
weight, and not at a conventional value, such as that given by a stamp.1 According to the argument
here developed, the gold bangles brought to Ireland were estimated rather by weight as bullion
iFrom the circumstances of the times, it follows, as a kBy the same canon of the council of Toledo (quoted in
matter of course, that on war being declared by the Eoman the preceding note), Spanish Jews are prohibited from
State against the Jews, all of that people within the limits purchasing Christian slaves. At all times the Jews were
of the empire had to fly or deliver themselves up as slave merchants. There was nothing uncommon in
prisoners. In their flight they would, no doubt, carry with Joseph's brethren selling him as a slave. The impro-
them their gold. So late as a.d. 612, the currency of the priety (according to the custom of the day) consisted in
Jews in Spain was gold in ounces, not coined money : for selling a man who was the property of another person, who
in the 24th canon of the Conncil of Toledo, it is enacted happened in this instance to be their father,
that no Jews shall sing psalms at funerals, under a penalty ' The Jewish shekel is comparatively modern as a circu-
of six ounces of gold. lating medium.
VOL. VIII. G
50
than for their use as ornaments. Those who have adopted the opinion that these articles are "ring-
money" seem to be not far from the truth, if they understand by money a medium of exchange
employed by merchants in trade. But, if our theory be correct, these merchants were foreigners,
most probably Jews ;m and, though the rings may have been employed by the native Irish as a
currency, they can no more be claimed as Irish money than European coins can be called money by
the Chinese, who employ silver in trade by weight only.
A very large specimen of that kind of ornament which we usually designate a " collar" was
obtained by the Royal Irish Academy, along with the collection of antiquities which belonged to
the late Major Sirr. It is believed to have been found at Kildare. Now, if we bear in mind that
similar ornaments, according to several of our informants, form the insignia of a bride in
Greece ; and, if we add to this a statement made both by the Greek lady (formerly mentioned)
and her English husband, namely, that one of these ornaments is to be seen forming a nimbus or
glory on the head of an image of the Virgin in Corfu ; it is not an extravagant idea to suppose that this
very diadem may have adorned the head of the famous image of Saint Bride or Bridget at the Sanctuary
of Kildare. If this could be proved, it would add to the evidence, which seems to be accumulating,
of a great infusion of the Greek (and probably of the Ebionite or Jewish) form of Christianity into
Ireland at a very early period. The suppression of these, and the substitution for them of the Roman
form of Christianity, seem to have been the real object of St. Patrick's mission to Ireland.
To the evidence of the various visitors already quoted I might add the concurrent testimony of
at least seven or eight other intelligent travellers from Spain, who have at once asserted that nearly
all our gold and silver antiquities are Spanish. Spanish priests and laymen, French and English
travellers, both in Spain and in South America (where much old Spanish jewellery still exists),
have all given the same opinion.
The question is an open one, as to which articles found in Ireland are Jewish, which Cartha-
ginian, Moorish, or Christian ? If these questions were decided, antiquarians would have but little
trouble in determining what objects we have remaining in our museums of genuine Celtic antiquity,
whether British, Scottish, or Irish.
I cannot conclude without mentioning to your archaeological readers a fact just stated to me by a
visitor from Spain, that the silver-smiths of Valladolid, at the present day, are in the constant
habit of buying up old jewellery for the purpose of re-melting it and converting it into modern
ornaments. A gentleman from Portugal also mentioned to me, only a few days ago, that the same
practice exists, to a considerable extent, in Oporto. Now, if means were taken, it is probable that
a very valuable illustrative collection of antiquities could be brought together from these places which
m If the general argument be admitted, of the great com- the trade of the Irish porta may not have been in their
mercial importance of the Spanish Jews before and after hands. Though the Jews were not sailors, they could,
the fall of Carthage, and subsequently during the Roman as capitalists, employ merchant vessels for their trade,
dominion, extending even to England, I see no reason why
51
might materially assist in deciding several of our obscure questions. In Lindo's work on the Jews
in Spain (already quoted), we have a pathetic notice (p. 283) of the desecration and pillage of the
Jewish cemetery of Seville, in the year 1580, when the coffins were despoiled "of everything of
value." This may serve as a hint to some of our enthusiastic Irish antiquarians, who might not
feel indisposed to violate another Jewish cemetery, if such could be found. And, in the same
page, it is stated that the old cemetery of the Jews at Yittoria " is yet preserved ;" so that here is
an opportunity afforded of founding a genuine museum of Jewish antiquities, and of filling up the
astounding blank indicated by the following passage in Ferguson's Palaces of Nineveh Restored
(p. 9) : — " It is one of the peculiarities of the Jewish history, and certainly not one of the least
singular, that all we know of them is derived from their own written books. Not one monument,
not one sculptured stone, not one letter of an inscription, not even a potsherd remains to witness,
by a material fact, the existence of the Jewish kingdom. No museum ever possessed a Jewish
antiquity ; while Egypt, Assyria, Greece, and all the surrounding countries, teem with material
evidences of former greatness, and of the people who once inhabited them." Has our argument
made this statement somewbat doubtful ?
In the present paper I have brought together fairly the statements made by a great variety of
intelligent witnesses quite unconnected with each other, and I now lay the result before those who
are capable of judging. I have, of course, suppressed names, as the remarks were not intended to
be made public. My object has not been to establish a theory ; but the remarkable convergence in
the statements of so many persons towards the same point cannot fail to have some weight in an
obscure question such as the one before us. If the evidence can be met by arguments and facts of
equal value, I am content. If not, the tendency of what has been now advanced is towards a
solution of the question which is entirely opposed to the popular opinion.
Edwakd Clibboen,
Curator of the Koyal Irish Academy.
Dublin, January, 1860.
EXPLANATION OE THE PLATES.
Fig- Pi ate I.
1. Plain gold bangle, or wrist- ornament, with the ends slightly expanded, and terminating in a
flat surface.
2. Do. somewhat smaller, terminations slightly convex.
3. Do. smaller than Fig. 2, ends slightly concave.
4. Bar of gold, with ends slightly expanded; thickest in the middle, and slightly tapering
towards the ends. It is evidently in an unfinished state and appears intended to form a
bangle.
52
5. Gold bangle, with the ends expanded into cups. There is no ornamentation except two lines
round the edges of the cups outside.
6. Do. The connecting bar is here so much bent that the cups touch each other at their lower
edges. If this has been a wrist-ornament, its form and size are exceptional. For such
a use the cups would require to be bent outwards, so far that their edges should be on
the same plane, like those of Fig. 5. The space inclosed would then be about the same
as in Fig. 9.
7. Do. In this specimen the cups are ornamented with three grooves round the inside, and two
round the outside. Below these, in the interior, a toothed or serrated ornament is carried all
round, composed of acute triangles filled in with fine lines parallel to one of the sides.
The same ornament, but coarser, appears on the ends of Fig. 13. The distance between
# the inner edges of the two cups is not sufficient to admit the wrist of either a man or
woman. On the exterior the cups are covered with an ornament composed of rows of
concentric ovals. These are not regularly distributed, as in some places they over-
lap each other, as if the stamp which produced the ornament had been placed carelessly
by the operator. (This same ornament is found on the tops and bottoms of two cylindrical
gold boxes in the Academy's Museum, but indistinctly developed. An ornament very
similar is also observed on some of the golden head-ornaments.) The place where the
cup joins the handle or connecting bar, is ornamented with a zig-zag or serrated pattern
with very acute angles, similar to that in the interior of the cup, but formed by two out-
lines which are filled in with parallel lines. "We observe the same pattern on the outside
of the cup in Fig. 8. The ornaments on the neck of the bent bar, or point of junction
with the cup, are nearly identical in Figs. 7 and 8, being representations of fine wire cord, and
differing merely in the number and arrangement of the plain and twisted bands. This peculiar
ornament may indicate a usage of attaching cups of this kind to their connecting arches,
by means of gold cord, which is the method employed for fastening the circular ear-pieces
to the large gold frontlets. The ornamentation of these last seems, in some respect, to
connect them with these decorated cupped bangles, and to prove that they had been used
together, probably as personal ornaments at weddings, or on other special occasions.
8. Do. Like No. 7, and all the specimens of the same class, it has the connecting arch hollow,
but the passage is not complete from one cup to the other. Several practical goldsmiths
have remarked that the perfect manner of stopping the openings at the bottom of the cups,
after removing the cores of scarlet sand from the interior of the hollow arch, is a proof of
the admirable skill of the manufacturer, and would be a difficult matter at the present
day.
9 A wrist-ornament like Fig. 2, but bent in a peculiar manner like the ends of a torque. This
and Fig. 6, from their small size, may possibly have been intended for a young person,
and may have been used at the old Jewish ceremony of betrothal, which took place when
the girl was only nine years old.
53
10. An ornament, very nearly circular, covered with dots drilled or punched into the gold. It
can hardly have been used for the same purpose as any of the preceding specimens,
for their curves are not perfect portions of a circle, and it is likewise nearly closed. Its
ideal form is evidently a perfect circle. In this respect it corresponds with many modern
African bangles, and indeed has been claimed as African by various visitors to the Museum.
There are several similar gold rings in the collection, but perfectly plain, and which have
likewise been considered as African. Rings of either kind, however, are seldom fonnd in
Ireland, whereas the types 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6, are very common; and 7 and 8, though rare,
when found are generally accompanied by specimens of 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6.
11. A curious little gold case made of beautiful twisted wire filagree, of exquisite workmanship.
It was purchased from a man who said he had found it, when screening gravel taken out
of the bed of the river Dodder, near Eathfarnham, County Dublin.
12. Another case made in imitation of filagree- work, by running the melted gold into a clay mould
into which a real piece of filagree had been previously impressed. By this cheap and rapid
process an imitation has been obtained so exact that the naked eye can hardly distinguish
the difference. Capsules of this kind are said to be used in Africa for holding bloody
cotton, possibly the evidence of circumcision or marriage ; being the equivalent of the
marriage-fillet of the ancient Etruscans, and of other emblems employed in several countries
as indicative of the consummation of marriage. If these gold cases or capsules be ancient
Jewish, I can find no notice of them or their equivalents, unless they may have been for
the " Philistine fore-skins " mentioned in Scripture, which were considered by the Philis-
tines as charms or amulets for averting evil, an idea still in vogue among the Kaffirs, who
carefully preserve the prepuce for this purpose.
13. Large gold armlet : its arch is considerably flattened. Though smaller, it strongly resembles the
armlets worn by Assyrian warriors, as represented on the remains found at Nineveh, and
which may have been trophies taken in their campaigns in Syria and Judea.
14. A gigantic bangle, with cupped ends, of the same type as Pig. 5. It appears to belong to a
class of articles valued more for its weight than as an ornament. Specimens are believed to
have been found worth £1,000 each. This one is worth about £300. Altogether, the gold
ornaments represented in this Plate represent an intrinsic value of about £1,000.
Plate II.
15 & 16. Gold bangles or wristlets, resembling modern African ornaments of the same kind.
Several specimens of each were found together, but none of the forms of ornaments represented
in Plate I. were found with them ; nor, in any case, were any specimens like those in
Plate I. discovered either in large or small "finds" of the former.
1 7. The thick twisted neck-torque, referred to in the text as having been considered not unlike the
torque represented on the Dying Gladiator.
18. A neck- torque composed of four thin fillets of gold twisted together.
54
19. A torque made of a single fillet of gold twisted. Both Figs. 18 and 19 are furnished with hooks.
20. The great torque said to have been found on the rabbit-warren, at Tara Hill, County of Meath.
It differs from several found in Ireland, in having an appendage, which bears a resemb-
lance to the wire ornament that projects in front of the hat or helmet, appearing in
representations of ancient Egyptian Kings.
2 1 . The smaller Tara torque. It has a curious appendage which appears to have been formerly
folded into a flat helix or spiral. Both Figs. 20 and 21 hook and unhook most freely, if
handled in a certain way ; but otherwise, they appear to lock firmly. The appendages of
both these torques are formed of four fillets of gold, and their sections represent a cross.
22. One of the diadems or frontlets, of which the Museum posesses several specimens. All of them
(like all others known) are made apparently in imitation of wire- work, strengthened at
intervals by ribs. In this specimen there are only four such ribs, in others the numbers are
different. The greatest number of ribs known in any specimen is eleven ; and as this last,
when discovered, was much tarnished by the phosphorus (?) of the soil, it may have been
buried with a corpse. Hitherto we have failed in obtaining the particulars relating to the dis-
covery of this eleven-ribbed frontlet.
23. One of the numerous flat lunette ornaments which have been found in Ireland, and may have
been worn on the head by young women, like the lunette ornament on the breasts of the
horned cattle represented on the Arch of Titus, at Rome, drawing a triumphal chariot. They
may have been considered as a charm against the Evil Eye, or as emblematic of the protec-
tion of Diana ; Astarte, and, in later times, the Virgin, is frequently represented, on old
Spanish jewellery, standing on the concavity of a lunette, or having the lunette under her
foot, as if, in this latter case, the emblem was considered as antagonistic to Christianity.
Several articles of this kind were found, near Enfield, deposited in the ground with horns.
No human bones were discovered at the place. It is worthy of remark that, in several
instances, where these lunettes were found perfect, they were folded or rolled up.
55
THE ARYAN UNITY*
There is not, perhaps, within the wide range of human enquiry, particularly as regards the
ethnology of our race, anything more interesting than the affinities of language as developed
in the progress of modern philology. And great as are the merits of the investigators, Bopp,
Pott, and Rask, in this department of knowledge, no one of them excels Adolphe Pictet in patient
research, clearness and ingenuity of deduction, and cautious watchfulness against drawing rash
or premature inferences. This latter fault has indeed, long been the besetting sin of philologists ;
and a too copious indulgence in inferences, premature or unwarranted, for a long time went far
to nullify, and even to throw ridicule on the researches of many inquiring and pains-
taking men.
Pictet was not the first to claim for the Celtic dialects the right to be included in the great
Indo-Germanic or Aryan family of languages. But, with the exception of Prichard, and the
lamented Zeuss,a he has certainly done more than any other philologist, perhaps more than
all other philologists put together, to prove their analogy, which had been neglected and even
denied by the great linguists already named. His merits, in this respect, cannot be too highly
appreciated.
Modern researches have established the fact, that languages classed as the Hindoo branch of
the Aryan family of tongues, the Iranian or Aryo-Persian, the Greek, the Latin, the Celtic, the
Teutonic or German, and the Lithuano-Slavonic, are all congeners, descendants from one common
mother-tongue, which was spoken by the parent race who inhabited the regions bordering on
the present Hindoo-Cooch, in their Bactrian cradle by the Oxus stream. Swarm after swarm
hived off at remote, though varying periods, some to India, some to Iran or Persia, some to
Greece, others to Italy, Spain, and Gaul, Germany and the British Islands, and some to the
distant peninsula of Scandinavia. All these different countries were peopled by them during a
series of successive, as well as intermediate, migrations.
It is supposed with reason, that the dates of the primary and secondary migrations of
colonists, combined with the operation of subsequent natural changes and the intermixture with
the other great families of the human race (the Semitic and Turanian), must have exercised an
influence over the past and present complexion of the Indo-Germanic tongues, not only as regards
their resemblance to the parent-tongue, but their resemblance to each other. b Hence it is that
the Irish Celtic has greater affinity with the Latin : the "Welsh Celtic with the Greek. The Russian
* Les Origines Indo-Europeennes ; ou les Aryas primitifs : » Author of the Grammatka Celtica.
Essai de Paleontologie Lingtristique, par Adolphe Pictet, b Max Miiller.
Premiere Partie, Paris, Joel Cherbouliez, 1859.
56
language, though resembling the Greek in its forms, is more akin to the Latin in its vocables.
It was the similarity of the "Welsh to the Greek which first startled the great "Welsh archaeologist,
and the investigation of which enabled him in some degree to anticipate the discoveries of later
philologers.
The belief was long held that the Sanscrit was the great mother-tongue of all this family of
languages ; a notion fostered by the researches of Sir William Jones, and by the subsequent
investigations of Schlegel. But it seems to be now conceded on all hands that the Sanscrit itself
is only a congener, a single member of the Aryan family, wonderfully preserved, indeed, and regular
in its structure, and, from its presumptive close resemblance to the primitive speech, a fitter
ciiterion of comparison than the rest. All the Aryan tongues, however, are found to resemble
each other, more or less; an affinity which Pott and Bopp, in particular, have succeeded in
establishing after stupendous researches, though neither of them included the Celtic in their
inquiries. The resemblances are so numerous and varied that, it would be idle here to attempt
selecting illustrations from the thousands that might be adduced.0
The roots are uncommonly well marked in the Sanscrit ; les3 so, perhaps, in all the other
Aryan languages In Greek and Latin, the pure root is the most rare form of the wordd.
Latin, however, in some points of grammar, displays greater marks of antiquity than Greek, or
even Sanscrit itself.6 But, in all the languages, the suffixes and prefixes retain their forms with
such tenacity that, as Bopp remarks, they maintain themselves unaltered for thousands of years.
The laws which regulate the permutation of consonants, particularly in the transference of words
from one dialect to another, are of extreme interest. They are now very well defined, and have
been successfully employed by Pictet in determining radical analogies between the various
languages. The laws which govern the changes of vowels (known by the Sanscrit terms of
Guna and Vriddhi*) are also very note-worthy, and, like those relating to consonantal changes, are
found exerting their influence in all the Aryan tongues as strongly as ever at the present day. Tho
moderns, however, are more practical in their grammar than were their predecessors. The
Sanscrit grammarians of India, who cultivated grammar for its own sake, and with the minutest
accuracy, have handed down to us many observations of much importance ; for we must consider
as of importance those laws of language which concern, not merely the utterances of thought,
but the development of the human intellect with the evidences of knowledge and thought
themselves.
The influence exerted on language by the process of committing it to writing, does not seem
sufficiently to have engaged attention. Of the Aryan dialects, some, such as the Irish Celtic, have
been committed to writing sooner than others, as for example, the Welsh and the Scottish Gaelic,
c Bopp, Vergleichende Grammatik. of the English Tongue.
<i Id. On Moots, see also Wilsford's Origin and Mutations e Monier's Sanscrit Grammar, p. 27 — 8.
57
both of which have probably been considerably damaged by the operation. Even languages
already written for some time are occasionally made to undergo remarkable changes. This is
singularly illustrated by the devastation committed by the French Academy in producing
the arbitrary French language of the present day, and by the somewhat similar, but less
destructive proceedings of the Accademia della Crusca in respect of the Italian. "We have a foretaste
of the same process in the horrors which the phonographers threaten to inflict, and those which
American lexicographers' and writers actually have inflicted, on our noble English tongue. Indeed,
if it were practicable, it would be most desirable to fix the language as it now is, and even that every
existing spoken, as well as written, tongue, should be safely enshrined in the Eoman letter.
It is a subject of extreme interest to trace out the affinity of two languages so widely separated
from each other in geographical position as the Sanscrit and the Celtic ; and the inhabitants of our
Islands of the "West cannot fail to be struck with wonder as proof after proof appears of their old
connection with the far East. In his able essay on the Affinity of the Celtic Tongues with the Sanscrit,
M. Pictet (preceded in some measure by Prichard) has most satisfactorily established this. His
illustrations are often curious; they are always interesting. To select a few examples : — Irish,
osna, a sigh ; in Sanscrit, usna ; Irish sruth, to flow ; Sanscrit, sru ; Irish suaraeh, despicable, Sans.
svar, to despise ; Irish, suanach, a garment, Sans, svan, to clothe. The instances, indeed, adduced by
Pictet are so numerous as to establish not merely an affinity, but in very many cases an absolute
identity, of roots. He does not confine himself, however, to establishing this linguistic unity, but
fully illustrates the powers and combinations of vowels and consonants, and the transformations alike
effected in both these long separated tongues through the influence of what the Sanscrit grammarians
(as already stated) have named Guna and Vriddhi.
Pictet makes the important remark \_Affinite, p. 8], that a great number, if not the whole of
the Celtic words, if stripped of their grammatical prefixes and suffixes, may be reduced to mono-
syllabic roots — always verbs — closely connected with Sanscrit roots. The phonic system of the
Celtic group of languages has a marked similarity to that of the Sanscrit, while the mutations of
the initial consonants can be traced back to the remotest times. A great number of Celtic com-
pound words, indeed, can be explained only by the Sanscrit ; a fact which goes far to prove that
their formation was previous to the separation of the two languages. Pictet comments with great
ingenuity and ability on the interpretations of Celtic words, and throws much light on this
obscure subject from his minute knowledge of the ancient language of India. If this distinguished
philologist, would but undertake a comparative glossary of the Celtic tongues, — a real "concordance,"
such as is demanded in the present state of Indo-Germanic philology — it would form a most worthy
complement of his other labours. Perhaps no individual now living is so competent for the task.
The more recent work of the same author, his Origines Indo-Eurojpeennes, is a very remark-
f See Webster's English Dictionary, passim.
VOL. VIII. H
58
able production, and is interesting both as an able contribution to Comparative Philology, (or as
he happily expresses it, " linguistic palaeontology"), and as a most ingenious investigation into the
origin and early seat of the Indo-Germanic peoples, as deduciblc from the structure of their
several tongues. Here again he is indebted for a large portion of hi3 illustrations, to the Celtic
tongues, and more especially to the Irish branch of the group. So far as the work extends, it
forms in fact, an admirable comparative lexicon, and only makes us more anxious that he should
accomplish for the whole what he has so well done for a part. This last and best of Pictet's works
is fully entitled to take its place beside the most celebrated labours of the German linguists. His
object is to penetrate, by the light of philology, through the night of time, and, by the means
afforded by language alone, to determine the primary seat of the nation or people from whom the
widely-spread Indo-Germanic or Aryan races, one and all, have sprung. Wherever these races
have penetrated, they have carried along with them (as Pictet remarks) a potent spring of pro-
gressive development. At the present moment, in fact, the tribes of the Aryan family are in
possession of the earth's most advanced and most advancing civilization. They seem, in truth, to
be rapidly tending to unity again ; and it may not be unreasonable to anticipate the future
formation of one mighty federation of the whole. The study of Comparative Philology, by
pointing out their innumerable affinities in speech and thought, will facilitate the acquisition of
their respective tongues, and further the consummation of so desirable an end.
After a number of general remarks of much interest, Pictet, in this work, adverts more par-
ticularly to the several points which bear upon his great inquiry. A given idiom, for example,
shall have lost many of its original grammatical forms, yet have preserved more of its verbal roots
than another member of the same family. Thus, he speaks of the surprise occasioned by meeting in
Ireland with a genuine Sanscrit word, which, like a geological boulder, has been transported from
one extremity of the Aryan world to the other. Again, he shews how the names (as determined
by Comparative Philology) given by the ancient Aryan peoples to the seasons of the year afford
the means of determining, to some extent, the climate of their abode, and hence its geographical
position. Commencing with the Sanscrit hima, cold or white, he finds it in the term Himalaya,
and traces it through the Zend language, the Afghan, Kurdish, and other oriental tongues, till he
runs it down in the Greek yiw the Latin hyems, and the Irish geamh, winter. In Zend (the
ancient language of Persia) gniz is to snow, in Lithuanian it is snigti, in Russian, sniegu, in
Polish snieg, in Bohemian, tnih, in Irish sneachd, in Anglo-Saxon, snaw. The Sanscrit root, gal,
chill, is found in the Persian jal, Latin, gelu, Irish gel, geal, French, gelee, and Slavonic, goloti. It is
therefore evident that the ancient Aryans must have inhabited a country where snow was familiar
to them. The elevated region of Bactriana, which from other considerations he is led afterwards
to consider their probable residence, has the required climate, and we know from the statements
of the traveller Bums, that the river Oxus yearly freezes from bank to bank. In another chapter
59
Pictet endeavours to prove that, as the term for "sea" is nearly alike in all Indo-European lan-
guages, the Greek excepted, (in Irish, muir, genitive, mara; Latin, mare; Lithuanian, mares; Old
Slavonic, moru; Sanscrit, mira, &c.,) so the ancient Aryans, in their original country, must have
been acquainted with some large sheet of water — possibly the Caspian Sea, or Lake Aral. An
examination of a number of curious relations observable between names applied to the sea and to
the West, leads him to consider it most probable that the Caspian was the western boundary of the
ancient Aryana. He completes his geographical evidence by pointing out the affinity of the names
of mountains and rivers in the various languages of the family.
He next proceeds to examine the nomenclature of the earth's natural productions, with the
view of discovering whether the results will correspond with the inference deduced from the pre-
vious evidence. The labour which he has expended in this most novel path of research has been
great indeed, and can only be appreciated by a philologist. But, as he says himself, " the miner
must collect the gold, grain by grain, before it can be stamped into current coin." He leaves it to
his successors to work up the store of valuable material he has collected.
Commencing with the most usual metals, he shows that the progenitors of the Indo-European races
were acquainted with them all. He points out the close affinity of the names applied to gold in these
various allied languages, and draws attention to the fact that, running through all of these, is found
a parallel series of words, signifying "yellow," or "brilliant." In like manner, the names for
silver seem to have been originally derived from the idea of whiteness. In Sanscrit, ragata and
arguna, "silver," and "white;" Zend, erezata; Armenian, ardzath; Persian, arziz (which, how-
ever, now denotes "tin," and "lead"); Greek, Agyvsog ; Latin, argentum; Irish, airget; "Welsh,
ariant; Albanian, ergent. The other prevailing name for this metal, corresponding to our English
silver (Gothic, silubr; Anglo-Saxon, seolfor; Old Alemannic, silupar; Old Prussian, sirabras; Lithu-
anian, sidabras; Old Slavonic, scebro; Wendish, sliebroj, he traces to the Sanscrit gubhra, silver, or
sitabhra, brilliant white (a name also for camphor). The Irish, alone, has preserved a peculiar
synonym for silver; namely, cim, which is now obsolete, though found in ancient manuscripts. Pictet
shows the analogy of this with the Sanscrit hima, snow, or any very white object ; proving that the
same radical idea of whiteness pervades all the names applied to silver from India to Ireland. In
a similar manner, he examines the names of iron, copper, brass, and lead, and demonstrates that
these metals were known to all the Indo-European tribes. In a curious dissertation on the names
applied to tin, he shows that the origin of the term Cassiterides, or " tin-islands," anciently applied
to the British Islands, is to be looked for not merely in the Greek xamneos, but in the Sanscrit
kastira, the name applied to this metal, and the one probably used by the Phoenicians, when trading
to Cornwall : the Moors and Arabs still employ the word Jcaedir. A knowledge of the most useful
metals, at so remote a period as that which preceded the final separation of the Aryan peoples,
indicates a considerable advance in material civilization, and proves also that their ancient country
60
must have been rich, in metallic productions; hence, that it must have been a mountainous region,
a conclusion which confirms the result derived from an examination of the geographical terms. The
following remarks of Pictet are worth extracting: — "We must not lose sight of the fact that
linguistic data give us information only as to the state of the Aryans immediately before their dis-
persion, that is, at the period when their civilization had reached its highest relative development.
"We cannot doubt that this period was preceded by several centuries, at the very least, of gradual
progress ; since, as we shall see, the Aryans must have been shepherds before they began to apply
themselves to agriculture and industry. It is, therefore, probable that the use of the metals. was
acquired gradually, and in succession ; and there is nothing to hinder our admitting, for the Aryans,
the hypothesis lately adopted by some archaeologists for the people of the North of Europe, of a
" stone period" anterior to the periods of bronze and of iron ; although here, as far as the primitive
race is concerned, our linguistic facts are not sufficient for a demonstration. This is, certainly, no
reason for rejecting it, as far as the North of Europe is concerned, if it be confirmed by the exami-
nation of ancient sepulchres and their contents ; but we ought not to extend the theory prematurely
beyond the field of actual observation. As regards Europe itself, we remain still in doubt whether
the stone-period, in which no metal was employed, belonged to the same race of men as the periods
of bronze and iron, or to some aboriginal people who preceded the immigration of the Aryans. It
would certainly be rather difficult to explain how the Celts and Germans, who must have brought
with them into Europe a knowledge of bronze and iron, as well as of gold and silver (since they
have preserved their primitive Aryan names), could have retrograded to the use of stone before
returning to that of metal. What seems most probable is, that the facility of working copper and
bronze has given to those metals a wider sphere of application, without necessarily implying a loss
of the knowledge of iron. This is, in fact, what took place among the Greeks, who chiefly used
bronze for making their weapons in the time of Homer, a period at which, nevertheless, iron was
perfectly well known [see Iliad, vi., 48]. It is certain that, in the East, this last metal has been
in use from time immemorial, as mention is made in the Book of Genesis of Tubal Cain, who forged
all sorts of implements out of brass and iron." — Origines, p. 185.
Pictet next directs his attention to the names of plants. It is remarkable that the Sanscrit dru,
the name for a tree in general (and daru, wood), Persian dar, tree, Armanian dzar, is found in the
Irish, dair the-oak-tree ; Welsh, deric; as if " the tree" par excellence; and that another general term in
Sanscrit for a tree, sala, is limited in several Indo-European languages to the willow. Thus Latin,
salix; Greek, eX/x?j, Irish, saileach ; Welsh, helyg; Anglo-Saxon, sealh; French, saule; to which may
be added our provincial English sally. Pictet accounts for this by supposing that the emigrating
tribes, on reaching their new country, would naturally apply their old names to plants, without
being very particular as to their identity. A careful examination of a long series of analogies leads
him to the conclusion that the oak, the birch, the beech, the ash, the elm, the willow, the poplar,
61
the lime-tree, the alder, yew, and pine, were natives of the country inhabited by the primitive
Aryans ; and consequently, that, the climate must have been both temperate and mountainous.
His researches respecting the names of fruits, grain, and roots of the various kinds, are
extremelyinteresting, and disclose the most surprizing affinities between the various widely separated
branches of the Indo-European tongues.
An examination of the names given to flax in all the languages of Europe, which totally differ
from those in the Eastern languages, enables M. Pictet to show the high probability of an early
separation of races into two distinct groupes ; one of which was more addicted to agriculture,
and colonized Europe in successive swarms, while the other continued in the East in the pastoral
state. He supplies additional arguments from a comparison of the words applied to the operations
of tillage.
Proceeding to the names of animals, he finds several for the ox and cow which are universal
among the Aryan or Indo-European tongues. Thus, the Sanscrit go, Zend gad, Persian gaw,
Armenian kov, Scandinavian ku, and English cow, are evidently identical. The Irish ha3 gamhuin,
a calf, corresponding with this form of the word. But the Irish word for cow, bo, represents
another form of the same root, where b is substituted for k or g — a change which, for some reason,
is traceable through a number of the dialects. Thus, the Greek has (3ovg, Latin bos, "Welsh bwch,
one of the Indian dialects bo, and another pau. Another set of words agrees with the Irish tarbh,
the name for a bull: thus, Greek ravgog, Latin taurus, Russian turu, Danish tyr. This class,
in many of the languages, takes an initial s, as in Sanscrit sthira and sthura, Anglo-Saxon steor, Eng-
lish steer and sturk.
An investigation of the names applied to the horse, ass, sheep, goat, pig, dog, the domestic
fowls, the bee, and even to man's little enemies, the rat, mouse, flea, &c, affords the same wonderful
evidence of an original unity of speech amongst the Aryan nations. Pictet extends his researches
to every department of natural history, and hardly ever fails to trace the names through the whole
series of languages, though altered by time and other causes. The last example we shall quote is
the oyster, the name of which furnishes him with another proof (like that derived horn flax) that
the original mother-nation had separated into two distinct branches or stems. "With very slight
variations, the word oyster is found in all the European tongues (Latin, ostrea; German, auster ;
"Welsh, oestren; Irish, oisridh; Russian, ustersu; Bohemian, austrye, &c), but not in Sanscrit,
Persian, or any of the Eastern languages. Now, as the oyster is found abundantly in all seas,
it is impossible to explain this general agreement by supposing its name to have been borrowed from
the Greek or Latin, more especially as oysters cannot be carried to a great distance. The Celts of
Britain, the Anglo-Saxons, the Scandinavians, and the Slavonic nations on the Baltic Sea, can
hardly all have waited for a classical name for a shell-fish which was in constant use among them-
It is more rational to admit a common Arvan origin for the whole : and the fact that this name is
62
universal among the European branches, but unknown among the Eastern ones, indicates clearly a
separation of races.
Thus, by abundant evidence derived from every department of physical knowledge, and by
showing the absolute identity in many cases, and the close affinity in many more, which i3 found to
exist in the names applied to natural objects by the different peoples, Pictet arrives at the indu-
bitable conclusion that all the Indo-Germanic or Aryan races have sprung from one common origin.
By applying the knowledge derived from these researches, he proves further, that in all probability
the geographical position of their original native country coincided with the region included between
the Hindo-Cooch, the Oxus and the Jaxartes, a conclusion which corresponds with any traditional
evidence which we possess. He shows, moreover, that in the first migrations, they must have
separated into two great bodies, the Eastern and "Western ; the first comprising the ancestors of the
modern Indians and Persians, the other the progenitors of the Aryan peoples who now occupy
Europe. The date of this separation, and of the first migration, is of course unknown to U3, being
long previous to the commencement of history ; but Pictet gives it as his opinion (and promises to
furnish the proofs in a future volume) that we must fix this epoch at least three thousand years
before the Christian era.
Belfast. H. McCormac, M.D.
COURT-MARTIAL HELD TWO CENTURIES AGO,
AT PORTAFERRY, COUNTY DOWN.
The manuscript of the following strange episode in the stern realities of the critical period of history
wherein the scene is laid, was lately found among the papers of the Ormonde family, in the Castle
of Kilkenny, and kindly furnished for publication in this Journal by the Eev. James Graves, of
that town. The Marquis of Ormonde of that day was the well-known leader of the Royalists
in Ireland ; in high military command ; and the person to whom the issue of life or death, arising
from the finding of a court-martial, would be most likely to be referred by the Lords Justices, who
are "the lordships" referred to in the closing paragraph of the document. This paper, now for the
first time published, possesses a double interest: firstly, as presenting a singularly graphic, yet simple
picture of the relation in which the officers and sergeants of the army then stood to each other in a
social point of view, so different from the marked distinction of ranks in our own times ; and secondly,
as having a peculiar claim on the attention of the readers of this Journal throughout Ulster, from
the occurrence happening at a time bo historically important to this province ; and in a corps par-
63
ticularly connected with the struggle so long and so gallantly maintained in Ulster, during the
period of the Civil War and the commencement of the Commonwealth. The reader who is desirous
for fuller information on these subjects will find them amply detailed in Reid's History of tlie
Presbyterian Church, and in the Montgomery MSS. (published 1830).
It will suifice for an introduction to the document that follows to state, that Sir James
Montgomery was the younger son of that Hugh Montgomery, who, acquiring by patent from
James I. a considerable portion of the forfeited estates of Con O'Neill, of Castlereagh, brought over
that large body of Scottish colonists whose descendants still occupy the northern parts of the
County of Down ; and, being created Yiscount Montgomery of Ards, was the ancestor of the
Earls of Mount Alexander, whose names appear so conspicuously in Irish affairs during the
latter part of the seventeenth century. Sir James Montgomery appears to have possessed great
sagacity and courage, and more than an ordinary share of political honesty — a quality
rarely exhibited in those days. He was member of parliament for the County of Down ; and
as such, formed one of a deputation to the King in 1640, to remonstrate against the
arbitrary government of Strafford. On the breaking out of the great Irish Rebellion in the next
year, he was one of many Protestant noblemen and gentlemen who received a commission for each
to raise a regiment of one thousand foot and one troop of horse, to resist the forces of the native
Irish. The manner in which he raised this regiment will be best told in the words of the Mont-
gomery MSS.: — ''As for gentlemen of the better sort, who had lands or estates in the Ardes, he
gave them commissions, chargeing them to raise a quota of their tenants to serve in their companys ;
and he proceeded accordingly with the subalterns, whom he choosed out of fee-farmers or other
substantial men ; and was very ready to make provision for, and to receive all those who had fled
from their burn'd habitations : thus (as it were in an instant), he raised his regiment and troops,
placing some officers (who had served beyond seas) among them. Such was Lieutenant- Colonel
Cochran, Major Keith, and some like Lieutenants and serjants." The regiment was scarcely raised
until it was actively engaged in suppressing the revolt of the native Irish in Locale and Iveagh,
who were assisted by the more disciplined forces of Phelim O'Neill. On the 11th February, 1642,
the Antrim rebels, commanded by Alaster MacDonnell (afterwards celebrated in Scottish and Eng-
lish history as Colkitto), had defeated a large body of Protestant refugees at Ballymoney, and slain
six hundred of them; thus leaving the whole of Antrim and Down open to the invasion of Con Oge
O'Neill, who was advancing with a large force from Tyrone. Sir James Montgomery's regiment
was thereupon quartered in Dufferin and Castlereagh, to defend that part of Down ; and it was
then that the event happened at Portaferry detailed in the following document. Prom its proxi-
mity to Sir James's own estate; from the fact of its proprietor, Savage, being brother-in-law to Sir
James, and himself Captain of a troop of horse in Viscount Montgomery's regiment ; and from its
situation on the sea-coast, where supplies could find ready access; Portaferry would appear to have
64
been most eligible head-quarters for Sir James's regiment ; and if the principal officers were absent
at more distant stations, it is very probable that discipline would be considerably relaxed at head-
quarters, and that such drunken brawls as that which caused the court-martial might readily occur.
From the extract given above, from the Montgomery MSS., it may be inferred that many of
the officers and sergeants were of those hardy bands of mercenaries, whose characters are so well
personified in the Dugald Dalgetty of Sir Walter Scott. It is now a well-known fact that the
character of Dalgetty was drawn by Scott, from the original presented by Sir James Turner ; a who,
at the very time of this court-martial, was coming to Ireland as Lieutenant General of the Scottish
forces, under Monro, which landed at Carrickfergus in April, 1642, and were immediately joined by
several of the Irish regiments lately raised ; and amongst them, Sir James Montgomery's. For the
next six years the Irish regiments formed part of the forces under Monro's command, and subse-
quently under Monk's; until, suspecting the complicity of the latter with Cromwell's designs, they
withdrew from under his command, and maintained a sort of armed neutrality until the advent of
Cromwell in Ireland, in June 1649, when the Presbyterian forces abandoned Ireland for Scotland;
and Sir James Montgomery, having taken part in the battle of Dunbar, where Cromwell gained " a
crowning mercy," and having attempted to make his escape to Holland, was captured at sea and
killed ; as fully detailed in the Montgomery MSS.
To return to head- quarters at Portaferry: — The names of the officers and sergeants given
in the document, would show that the Scottish element principally abounded : some of them
can be traced through their subsequent career. Cochran is probably the Colonel Cochran
mentioned by Turner, who, being in command of one of the regiments that marched over the
* Sir James Turner. — The amusing autobiography of likely, however, to fall under suspicion as a " malignant" if
this soldier of fortune -was printed in 1829 from the original he did not take the Covenant, he complied with public
MSS. in the Advocate's Library, Edinburgh ; and from it opinion in the following manner: — " I made a fashion (for
Scott has drawn many of the traits of the immortal Dalgetty. indeed it was no better) to take the Covenant, that under the
The following extracts will shew by what a convenient code of pretence of the Covenant we might ruine the Covenanters ;
morals he squared his military duty with his conscience; and a thing (though too much practis'd in a corrupt worlde) yet
in doing so, he only followed the example of greater names in itsself dishonest and disavouable ; for it is certaine
of that century, from Monk to Marlboro': — that no evill suld be done that good may come of it." — If
" I had swallowed without chewing, in Germanic, a very such were the ethics of the officers of Sir James Mont-
dangerous maxime which militarie men there too much gomery's regiment — a regiment raised by a moderate
follow; which was, that so we serve our master honestlie, Royalist, equally opposed to the anti-monarchical tendencies
it is no matter what master we serve." . . . . " All of the English and ultra-Royalist zeal of the Irish — it will
this while I did not take the national Covenant; not because account for the eagerness with which they sought to have
I refused to doe it, for I wold have made no bones to take, their regiment incorporated with Monro's Scottish forces
sueare, and signe it, and observe it too ; for I had then a (in November, 1643) ; but which offer was not so readily
principle, having not yet studied a better one, that I received by that general, or acceded to by their own
wronged not my conscience in doeing anything I was commander,
commanded to doe by these whom I served." Being
65
Border, under Lesley, in 1640, was suspected of Royalism, and cashiered by the Scottish
Parliament. This would be rather a recommendation to the good opinion of the moderate
Royalist, Sir James Montgomery. Cochran's name, as well as Keith's (afterwards Lieut.-Colonel),
appears at the several councils of war held in at Antrim, in 1645 ; at Lisburn, in 1647; and at
Newtownards, in 1649. In some of these, also, appear the names of Colin Maxwell, J. Austin (or
Augustin), James Hamilton, and also a Fergus Kenedy, who may be the Lieutenant Kenedy named
as present at the court-martial, but whose name is not subscribed. It is a curious circumstance that
so many names appear amongst the signatures which are not specified in the heading, where there
are, on the other hand, many names (especially those of sergeants) whose signatures do not appear at
the end. The only plausible solution of these anomalies is, that it was only those who could write
well that were called on to subscribe, and that many were present at the hearing of the case whose
names were not specified in the opening of the court. The signatures are all pretty good specimens of
writing; several indulging in the fanciful interlacing of the initial of the Christian name with the first
letter of the surname, which we see so prevalent in the monogram carvings of that age, and which
is again coming into fashion. It is probable that the greater number of the officers and sergeants
present were of those described by Scott as —
"Adventurers they from far, who roved
To hYe by battle, which they loved.
All brave in arms, well train' d to wield
The heavy halbert, brand, and shield :"
and who, although perhaps living a dissipated life when not on duty, would the more readily be
inclined to avenge the consequences of dissipation on the comparatively innocent, but less important,
delinquent; and accordingly, and contrary to all modern ideas of justice, condemned poor Sergeant
Kyle to be shot to death ; a sentence which it is to be hoped the Marquis of Ormonde at once
reversed. It is certain, from what we know of the constitution of armies in the 16 th and 17th
centuries, that, being generally the feudal followers of the crown, or of some great noble, there was not
such a distinction of ranks as now pervades the English military system ; but one more analogous to
that which we know exists in many of the Continental armies of the present day. Men of gentle
and even of noble blood entered the service in the lowest grade: and we must conclude that in those
days when social distinctions were often merged in the bowl, the lieutenant and sergeant may have
quarrelled in their cups, and challenged each other on a perfect equality as relates to their feelings as
"gentlemen;" and poor Sergeant Kyle, when he found Lieutenant Baird determined on a quarrel,
appears to have considered himself quite the equal of the Lieutenant in the privileges of the duello,
having once got over the qualms arising from his inferior position in military parlance. Yet it 13
vol. vm. i
66
plain he either relented towards his antagonist (perhaps being conscious that himself, being the
more sober, had the other at his mercy), or that he foresaw the consequence of a fight d Voutrance,
and so wished to avoid the double risk of killing a defenceless adversary, and suffering military
execution for so doing. G. S.
" A Courte of "Warre houlden by the chiefe officers of Sr James Mountgomry, knight, his regiment,
at Porteferry, the second day of March, 1642.
Att whh were present —
The Leuetanant Collonell.
The Major.
Captaine Samuell Mountgomry.
Captaine Wardlaw.
Captaine Houston.
Captaine Maxwell.
Captaine Wauchop.
Leuetanant Kenedy.
Leuetanant Will.
Leuetanant McAndrew.
Leuetanant Girvan.
Leuetanant Hamilton.
Ensigne Crawford.
Ensignc Hugh Mountgomry.
Ensigne Biggar.
Ensigne Maxwell.
Ensigne "William Mountgomry
Sergeants present :
Sergeant Corrie, Sergeant Broadfoot, Sergeant Crawford, Sergeant Edgar, another Sergeant
Edgar, Sei-geant Kernechan, Sergeant Ffisher, Sergeant Fflouck, Sergeant Bonald,
Sergeant Logan, Sergeant McClannan.
In presence of whom, one Sergeant "Walter Kyle was produced, and accused for killing of one
Leuetanant William Baird, both of them being of the sayd regiment ; and the sayd Sergeant
Kyle answered for himselfe to the effect following : —
That there had alwayes been kindness betwccne Leuetanant Baird and him ; That the sayd
Leuetanant, a litle before night on Wednesday, the 22th of Februarie, as they were going out of
the towne of Portefery to their own quarters in the country, invited him, the sayd sergeant, to take
a drink in the howse of James Houston by the way. After theire being there a certaine space, came
one William Hutton, an acquaintance of the sayd sergeant, who drinking in another roome, the
sayd sergeant went to that roome where the sayd Hutton was and the sayd sergeant, where there
were occasioned some words of difference betwecne the sayd Leuetanant who came in after, and him,
the sayd sergeant, and soe that the Leuetanant would command the sergeant, who was not of his
company, to drink to whome hee should appoint. The sergeant answered that hee would obey him
in the field upon service, but noewhere else. Hee saith that the Leuetanant demanded him to fight
with him, but that hee, the sayd sergeant, denyed, because they were not of equal! place. That the
67
Leuetanant thereuppon disclaimed the places of Leuetanant or Ensigne, and called hirnselfe a Sergeant
to cause the sayd Sergeant Kyle to answere him ; and the sayd Sergeant Kyle heing demanded if hee
made any challenge of combat unto the sayd Leuetanant by offering a blow or in any other way,
answereth hee did not. And further saith, that the sayd Leuetanant Baird called him out and
would needs have him fight with him, it being moone -light; and as they fought togeather a while,
people followed and parted them; that in ende hee, the sayd sergeant, fledd away and the Leuetanant
overtook him hard by a ditch, and the people crying to him "fey sergeant, either leape the ditch
or turne and defend thyselfe," upon which the sayd sergeant turned on a suddayne, held out his
sword to hold off the Leuetanant, who rann upon his sayd sword and wounded hirnselfe in the head.
Upon which the Court called and examined the witnesses undermentioned : —
"William Hutton sworne and examined saith — That the examined and James McCullagh, going
to drink together a little after night-falling, on "Wednesday the twentie-two of February, the sayd
Leuetanant and Sergeant rann into the roome where they were drinking, and the Sergeant being first
there, offered the chair hee sate in to the Leuetanant, but the Leuetanant refused it, and sate upon the
end of a chest. Afterward the Leuetanant and Sergeant fell a ieering one an other, upon wch the
Sergeant tould him that if hee would trey him hee would feind him a man, or if hee had ought to
say to him. Also Sergeant Kyle threw down his glove, saying there is my glove, Leuetanant, unto
which the Leuetanant sayd nothing. Afterward divers ill Avords were betweene them, and the
Leutenant thrcatning him, the said sergeant, the sergeant tould him that hee would defend hirnselfe
and take no disgrace at his hands, but that hee was not his equall hee being his inferior in place,
hee being a Leuetanant and the sayd Kyle a Sergeant. Afterward the sergeant threw down his
glove the second tyme, and the Leuetanant not having a glove demanded James McCullagh his glove
to tbrow to the sergeant, who would not give him his glove ; upon that the Leuetanant held upp his
thumbe, licking on it with his tongue and saying, " there is my parole for it." b Afterward Sergeant
b Licking onhis thumbe, and saying, there is my parole for it. s£ile was perfected; winch continues to this day in
— This very ancient form of giving a pledge or promise has bargains of lesser importance among the lower rank
nearly disappeared from amongst our customs : the shadow of the people — the parties licking and joining of
f it may still, however, be seen in the mode in which thumbs ; and decrees are yet extant, sustaining sales
dealings and bargains are conducted in fairs and markets, upon 'summonses of thumb licMng,' upon this medium,
by the purchaser spitting on a piece of money, laying it in ' That the parties had licked thumbs at finishing the
the hand of the seller, and closing his own hand on it. It bargain.' "
is still a common saying in the parts of Ulster where the Jamieson, in his Scottish Dictionary, remarks, "This cus-
inhabitants are of Scotch descent, when two parties agree tom> though now apparently credulous and childish, bears
in a bargain, or have a community of opinion: " We may indubitable marks of great antiquity. Tacitus, in his Annals
lick thooms upon that." (Lib. sii.), states that it existed amongst the Iberians; and
The custom remained as a legal form of bargain in Hire alludes to it as a custom amongst the Goths. I am well
Scotland to a late period. Erskine, in his Institutes, assured by a gentleman who has long resided in India, that
says it was "a symbol anciently used in proof that a he has observed theMoorsLby which, it ispresumed, Jamieson
68
Kyle -went to tho Lcuetanant's eare and asked him '"' when?" The Leuetanant answered " presently."
Upon that Sergeant Kyle went out and the Leuetanant followed with his sword drawen under his
anno, and being a space distant from the house said, " where is the villain now ? " " Here I am
for you," sayd Kyle, and soe strooke fiercely one at another, that either the sword fell out of the
Leuetanant's hand or was stricken out, and these that gathered togeather about parted them, and
held them awhile asunder; and this examined held Sergeant Kyle but the others letting the Leuetanant
to slipe out of grippe came upon the sergeant, and then this examined feareing the stroke should
fall upon himselfe turned the sergeant loose. After that they went about twice or thrice and soe
were parted, and then Sergeant Kyle fledd untill he came to a ditch necr by, and the Leuetanant
following, some of the people sayd "fye ! turn thee Kyle or be killed," upon wch the sayd sergeant
turned on a suddaine and held out his sword, and the Leuetanant rann uppon the sayd sword, was
wounded and dyed within a short tyme of the same : And further saith not.
James McCullagh, sworno and examined, saith to all purposses material, and agreeth with the
former deponent untill the tyme that the sword fell out of the Leuetanant's hand, after which hee
knoweth not any thing.
John Cambell, sworne and examined, saith that when the said Leuetanant and Sergeant were
drinking with "William Hutton and James McCullagh, the Leuetanant offered to fling the drink in
the sergeant's fface; upon which this examinat left them and went about his own buissines, and
returning that way thereafter, found them the sayd Leuetanant and Sergeant fighting, and saw the
sword fall out of the Leuetanant's hand, and healped to hould the sayd Leuetanant for a tyme ; after
that the Leuetanant followed the Sergeant, and they went once or twise about in fight. Afterwards
Sergeant Kyle ffledd unto a ditch, and some crying " Kyle, either leap the ditch or turne and defend
theself;" upon which the sayd Kyle turned and held out his sword, and the sayd Leuetanant rune upon
it, and wounded himselfe, of which hee dyed ; And further saith not.
The Sentence of the sayd Cotjet of "Waeee.
It is agreed and concluded by all the officers afforenamed in the sayd Court of "Warre by one
consent, that the sayd Sergeant "William Kyle is guiltie of killing of the sayd Leuetanant Baird ; and
soe, according to the law of armies and articles of warr, the sayd Sergeant Kyle is found guiltie of
death by all the aforenamed officers, and is to be shott att a poste till death ; soe wee having noe
means the Mohammedans either of Arab or Mongolian des- to promise, to engage — has by many been considered to be
cent, as distinguished from the Hindoos] when concluding derived from pollcx, icis, the thumb, instead of from the pre-
a bargain, do it in the very same manner as the vulgar in position per, and liceri, to be allowed or granted. [See also,
Scotland, by lick ing their thumbs." Something of the same on this subject, Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. vi-, p.
kind prevailed amongst the Komans; and the yfordpolliccri — 189 and 279.]
69
gbnerull person here, wee have sent here this censure of said Court of Warr unto yo1- Lo?P-> desirim
to know yor Lopp's pleasure herein whether hee shal he put to death or not.
As witness our hands, the second day of March, 1642.
Bryc [_Bryce] Crawford. George Keith.
H. Montgomerie. S. Montgomeri.
William Montgomerie. Archbald Wardlaw .
John Bigart. Patrick Houston n.
John Maxwell. Collin Maxwill.
John Bigam [query Bigham ?]. Collin W achub.
Ninian Crawford. John Will.
James Curie. John Crachtonn.
Giles Flock. James Kamiltonn.
John Bonnald. J. Austein.
H. Cochran. J. Garden.
70
ANTIQUARIAN NOTES AND QUERIES.
The article on Legends, in this Journal [vol.
vii., p. .338], by the Rev. James O'Laverty,
suggests many interesting considerations as to
the ancient connexion between nations long
separated from each other. I am persuaded
that much important truth may yet be dis-
covered in the researches of the fashionable
study of ethnology, by attending to the in-
dications afforded by seemingly insignificant
coincidences in little matters of customs and
traditions. The very jests and amusing stories
of a people are often traceable to remote and
ancient sources.
A curious instance occurs in a common "Joe
Miller" story, of a very poor and very hungry
man, who could not resist the temptation to order
a steak at a cook's shop, but, on its being dressed,
found his appetite so far allayed by the mere
smell of the savoury meat that he resolved to
save his last pence, and leave it untasted : where-
upon the cook brought him before a magistrate,
and insisted on being paid at least for the smell
of his dish ; and the magistrate condemned him
to surrender the coppers; which, however, he
only jingled in the ear of the cook, and then
returned to the famished defendant, pronouncing
that the sound of the cash was sufficient payment
for the odour of the beef. Now this is substan-
tially borrowed from an ancient Egyptian story,
recorded by one of the Greek writers, the details
of which do not bear repeating to modern British
ears. I am ashamed to confess that I have for-
gotten the author, and have in vain searched my
books for the passage. But that I did read it
many years ago I am quite certain. Perhaps
some of your readers may hit on it.
For another instance, I have myself heard a
boatman in Cork harbour tell of a rat there going
to feed on an oyster, whose shell lay invitingly
open, at low water ; but the oyster, closing on
his snout, held him fast till he was drowned by
the returning flood-tide. This agrees exactly
with one of La Fontaine's fables. But the same
incident was found many centuries ago, by one
of the earliest western travellers, popularly
current in India : where, however, it is told of
a fox — the oysters there being so much larger.
Many commonly-retailed jokes and bon-mots
might thus be easily traced back, from land to
land, and from age to age ; and the evidence
thus hinted, of mutual intercourse, would often
be found more convincing than that drawn from
coincidences of greater seeming importance.
This observation of agreement in traditions
becomes also very interesting and instructive in
a critical view of the relative merits of ancient
writers, especially poets. Mr. O'Laverty's re-
marks illustrate this in the case of Homer ; who
would be very unfairly judged of if we ascribed
to him the invention of all the fables that form
so great a part of his narratives. Even Longinus
and Plato blamed him for faults respecting the
characters assigned by him to the gods. "When,
however, we regard these as the established
71
popular traditions of his age and country, we
only admire his judgment in weaving into one
mighty and varied work, those incidents and
descriptions which were hest fitted to engage the
prejudices and sympathies of the nations among
whom he composed his ever-memorable lays.
Thus, we justly praise in his poems what becomes
only silly and contemptible in the imitations of
servile moderns. Homer and Yirgil are to be
admired for things which are only ridiculous in
Epics manufactured by " the sons of little men,"
according to the approved " receipt." Mytho-
logical subjects and allusions are striking and
venerable in Hesiod, and Pindar, and Callima-
chus, and Horace, which are tiresome and
ridiculous in the Cockney idolators of Endymion,
and Tithonus, and Andromeda. Shakspeare more
suitably and wisely has introduced the fairies and
the witches.
Mr. Pinkerton, in his mediaeval history of
Saint Patrick's Purgatory [Journal, vol. iv.],
has judiciously applied the same principle to the
illustration of Dante; whose strange work might
be verj* unfairly censured, if we attributed to him-
self the contrivance of the plan, and the inven-
tion of the principal incidents. Nor would Milton
escape unmerited blame, if we forgot that his
descriptions of hell, and his history of wars between
good and bad angels, were merely in accordance
with the far-derived persuasion universally
prevalent in his times.
I believe, also, that seeming trifles of this kind
may often be found to throw a sure light upon the
origin of civilization in remote countries. Let us
take the case of Mexico and Peru. There, if we
adopt the theories of Prescott and others, the arts
and polity of the Aztec3, and the laws and institu-
tions of Manco Capac and the Incas, were the
indigenous growth of some countries in the
North East of America ; where they arose a few
centuries before the Spanish invasion, and
whence they migrated southward. But all proof
and probability everywhere are utterly against
the supposition of any savage people sponta-
neously civilizing themselves. In every instance,
the germs of improvement can be shown to have
been imported from some more anciently civi-
lized region. This theory is well developed in a
workon the subject by the lateW. C.Taylor,LL.D.;
who derived his leading ideas from Archbishop
Whately. The same view, however, is clearly
stated and convincingly argued, in a work en-
titled The Knowledge of Divine things from Revela-
tion, not from Reason. This book was published
about a century ago, by the Rev. T. Smith, Rector
of St. Catherine's, Dublin: it deserves to be better
known than it is. Many things seem to indicate
that some nations, possessed of great skill in some
arts and of much political wisdom, crossed the
Pacific from Asia, and settled in America. Their
temples, their idols, their pyramidal high places
for sacrifice, all too nearly resemble the same class
of objects in some parts or other of the old world,
to leave a doubt of a community of origin. A
coincidence occurs in the little circumstance of
the print of the hloodg hand on parts of those
buildings. The red hand is found as a talisman
among the superstitious Jews in Morocco : and
I suspect the same was the origin of the "red
hand of the O'Neills'' in Ulster. Again, Iremember
to have seen, at the Royal Irish Academy, a
Peruvian mummy with which were wrapped up
72
several small articles; among which were one or
two little models of ships or canoes, painted red.
This reminded me of Homer's epithet " red-
cheeked," applied to ships. This Peruvian had
long hair, the locks of which were confined at
intervals with little transverse hands of gold. I
could not but think of Euphorbus, whose " curls
were bound like ivasps with gold and silver." —
[Iliad, xvii. 52.] This mummy was in a sitting
posture. Now Herodotus (4. 190) says of the
Nasamones, in the North of Africa, that they
buried their dead sitting. I have no doubt that
the more that is learned of the antiquities of the
Asiatic nations, the more will be discovered to
throw light on the vestiges of early American
civilization.
A singular instance of unexpected agreement
between nations, the most widely separated in
position and character, presents itself in that
strange weapon, the Australian boomerang ; the
exact counterpart of which has been found in
the catacombs of Egypt. The resemblance is
very striking between Herodotus' description of
the manners of the Scythians and some characte-
ristics of the American Indians. The use of an
instrument, exactly like the South American
" lasso," by the Sagartii, an Asiatic people,
(Herod. 7. 85) is also remarkable. I may notice
likewise the Russian practice of hot vapour baths,
followed by immersion in cold water, or even
snow. What are called " sweating-houses,"
beside streams in some of our Irish mountain
glens, are the same in principle ; and, if I mis-
take not, just the same are in use among the
North American Indians. These also have a kind
of game, played by their young men with balls
and clubs, exactly like the Irish " hurling" or
' ' goaling. ' ' Each of such resemblances is trifling
in itself ; but they make up together a strong
cumulative evidence of a common original.
A curious conjecture of a critical nature once
occured to me, on seeing in a museum at
Bristol a rude earthen Peruvian vessel. It
was like a small vase, with two handles, and
had under it four clumsy little legs, which rested
on a sort of a platform, raised at some height
above a disk of the same diameter, which served
as a bottom for the entire. These reminded me
of the two bottoms of Nestor's cup. — [Iliad 11.,
G32.] I think a good designer might imagine a
massy silver cup that would better answer the
poet's description than the form assigned by any
of the commentators. Cosmas.
Extinction of the English Language in
Ireland. — I beg to correct a probable error in my
paper on "Life in Oldlreland," [vol. vii., p. 277]
where I have asserted that " in the parliament
of 1541, none of the peers but Lord Ormond
understood English." The State Letter, printed
in the State Papers, vol. iii., p. 306, mentions
that the speech of the speaker, on the opening
of parliament, was "by the Earl of Ormonde
declared in Irish." I had taken my assertion
from a less trustworthy source. Indeed, the
same letter styles the peers " English and Irish;"
and it is probable that Lords Gormanstown,
Slane, Delvin, Howth, and others, spoke the old
English dialect of the Pale, such as the Book of
Howth is written in. Herbert F. Hore.
Irish Language in Afeica. — In a communi-
cation from Lord Talbot de Malahide [vol. vii.,
p. 347], it is stated that the African dialect
73
mentioned by Sadi Ombark Benbey as resemb-
ling tbe Irish, is spoken " in a mountainous dis-
trict near Mogador, called Sus or Suz." Now,
the Berber language is spoken from the moun-
tains of Souse, which border the Atlantic Ocean,
to those of the Olleletys, which rise above the
plains of Kairoan, in the kingdom of Tunis. It
will, therefore, be easy for any of your readers
who have paid attention to the Berber language
to determine whether it has any affinity with
the Irish. Senex.
" That Taught at mountains with outstretched arms,
Yet parted hut the shadow with his hand."
—King Henry VI., Acti., Sc. iv. Part iii.
Query. Had Shakspeare heard of the famous
" Spectre of the Brocken," produced at sunrise
by the shadow of a spectator standing on the
summit of a mountain ; or had he witnessed such
a phenomenon ? Reteo.
The following are examples of provincialisms
common in Ulster which occur also in Shaks-
peare. " Contemptible," in the sense of " con-
temptuous." " He is a man of a contemptible
spirit." [All's Well that ends well.'] — "To think
long," for "to long:" "I thought long."
\_Eomeo and Juliet.] Keteo.
" Cap him," is a familiar cry in Ulster when
a horse or other beast is running astray. This
probably means to stop him, by waving one's
cap at him. It resembles the Spanish phrase
" capear el toro," used in the bull-fights, when
a bull, pursuing his enemy, is diverted by another
displaying his red cloak, capa, before him.
Celtibee.
The French are particularly prone to altering
the proper names of other nations, so that they
sometimes can hardly be recognized. A very
curious instance of this occurs in Eapin's Histoire
d' Angleterre, liv. xv. ; where, in recording the
VOL. VIII.
burning of George Wishart by Cardinal Beaton,
he calls the Scottish martyr Sophocard ! Seeking
for the origin of this strange misnomer, I found,
in Buchanan's Eerum Scoticarum Ilistoria>
" Sophocardius," a pedantic version of " Wise
heart." " Wishart," however, is the same as
the Norman " Guiscard." Eapin evidently had
consulted no authority but Buchanan's Latin
history. Eeteo.
Hogmanat Night. — Mr. Drennan's specula-
tions on Celtic etymologies [vol. vii., p. 214]
are very curious, and in most instances seem
correct. I think, however, he has looked in the
wrong direction for the origin of the Scottish
Hogmanay. The following passage, from the
UeimsTcringla, or Chronicle of the Kings of
Norway, gives a more probable explanation.
" Hakon was a good Christian when he came to
Norway. He kept Sundays, and some token of
the greatest holydays. He made a law that
the festival of Yule should begin at the same
time as Christian people held it ; and that every
man should brew a maling of malt into ale, and
therewith keep the Yule holy as long as it lasted.
Before him the beginning of Yule, or the
Slaughter- night [Hogg nott] was the night of
mid- winter; and Yule was kept for three days
thereafter." On this passage Mr. Laing, the
translator, has the following note : "Jloggn nott,
or mid- winter night, at which the Yule of the
Odin-worshippers began, is supposed by Olavius
to have taken its name from the slaughtering,
hogging, or hewing down of cattle on that night
for the festival. Uogmaney night is still the
name in Edinburgh for the first night of Yule
among the common people." Sexex.
"Wooden Hoese-Shoes. — In turning over the
pages of the Ulster Journal of Archeology for
1858 and '59, the articles on ancient Irish horse
74
Bhoes reminded me that I had in my possession
a wooden horse shoe, found in Ireland ; a notice
of which may, perhaps, be interesting to some
future inquirer on the subject. It is made of
root of oak ; and advantage seems to have been
skilfully taken of the natural crooked form of
the wood, which almost of itself turns into the
necessary shape, and required but little paring
to become a horse-shoe. One side is in its natural
state, but the other was flattened by some arti-
ficial process, which strikes me as worthy of
remark. It has the appearance of having been
done by a number of very small instruments of
a chisel form, acting from a common centre, and
the grooves formed by them, one close to another,
with most of the ridges made by the process, are
still visible all over this particular side. The
marks left by the teeth of a comb, passed over a
soft substance, would give something of the
appearance it presents. Its size is about the
same as that figured in the Ulster Journal for
1859, page 168, fig. 1, though the general form
is somewhat different. There are no nail-holes
in it; but as it was found with three other
wooden shoes which have nail-holes in them, it
is certain that such were intended to be used in
fastening it on. I may remark that my shoe does
not appear to have been ever used, or indeed,
fully finished.
The person from whom I procured it informed
me that it was found, with the others already
mentioned, under the roots of a very old thorn-
tree in the County Monaghan. These latter aro
stated to have every appearance of being used ;
and are now in the possession of a nobleman
residing in the neighbourhood in which they
were found.
Dublin, 1860. Thomas O'Gorman.
In the seventh page of a report of the ethno-
logical excursion to the western isles of Aran,
in 1859, by Mr. Martin Haverty, kindly sent
me by "W. R. Wilde, Esq., are some observations
on the name of the island of Aran. Now, the
name signifies "the Bread Isle;" and it seems
to be remarkable that in a party consisting of
seventy, amongst which were several distin-
guished Irish scholars, any difficulty in this
respect should have occurred. The name sug-
gested by Mr. Haverty is from an ancient writer
of the fourteenth century, viz., Augustin Ma-
graiden, "namely, that Ara signifies a kidney,
in Irish, such being the shape of the large island.' '
The word Aran is the Irish and Scotch Gaelic
for bread. In Ulster, the term Maide-aran sig-
nifies a bread-stick, and aran-seagail is the Irish
for rye-bread. The Isle of Arran, in the Frith of
Clyde, as well as our Irish islands of Aran, both
south and northern, appear to take their names
from the same origin. I should not have troubled
you with this information, but for the fanciful
derivation given by Mr. Haverty, of which he
says "no better has yet been discovered by
Irish scholars." "VVe have many names of islands,
such as the Cow Island, the Calf Island ; amongst
the Mourno range of mountains we have the
Cock Mountain, Slabh na Coileach; and the Hen
Mountain, Sliabh na Ceirce ; but the trivial
circumstances which may have suggested these
names would now be altogether unworthy of
inquiry. In some districts of Scotland, which
produce pig- nuts, the locality is called the Aram ;
these roots are not disagreeable to the taste ;
and as they are termed Aran nuts, or bread nuts,
by both the Saxon and Keltic Scots, they may
readily have registered their Erse or Gaelic name in
such of our islands as produced them in abundance .
The river Bannockburn, in the parish of Saint
Ninians, N.B., is mentioned by Blind Henry,
75
who calls it the Burne of Brede, i.e., the river of
bread, bannock being the name of a loaf, or cake
of oatmeal, and burn the Saxon-Scotch for river
or rivulet. "Would you not think the word bread
was more applicable to an island than to a river ?
The island might give us bread, it is true, and
deny us fish; whereas, the stream might re-
luctantly yield us fish, and withhold from us the
staff of life. One of the Hebrides is named the
Pig or Sow Island. Ireland was in ancient
times named Muicinis, the island of swine.
— [see Sir James Ware's Antiquities, vol. ii.,
chap, 1, page ll.] You are doubtless aware
that Scottish lairds are frequently known by the
names of their estates ; thus the laird of the Pig
Island was called in his native Gaelic Muc ; but
the young proprietor, when once in London,
finding the Saxon equivalent, — Much, disagree-
able, endeavoured to alter it ; on which the
old Highlanders, striking the hilts of their
claymores, tenacious of their language and of
their native island, would permit of no alteration.
John Bell.
ANSWERS TO QUERIES.
Johannes de Saceo Bosco [Queries, vol. vii.,
p. 265]. — Your correspondent "T. Harlin" will
find brief notices of John a Sacro Bosco (John
Holywood) in Leland, Bayle, Pitts, Dempster,
Stanihurst, Montucla, and Ware. Some say he
was a native of Yorkshire, others that he was a
Scotchman; but the more competent authorities
speak of him as having been born at Holywood, in
the County of Dublin. All agree that he was a
most distinguishedphilosopher and mathematician
and that he lived about 1 180-1244. His treatise
De Sphaera, was the subject of many a learned
commentary after his time. It was printed at
Venice, in the year 1518, folio; at Antwerp, in
1573, 8vo; and at Cologne, in 1610, 8vo. He
also wrote treatises on the following subjects —
viz., De Algorismo; De Ratione Anni, sive de
Compnto Ecclesiastico; and De Astrolabio. He
died at Paris, and was interred there in the
cloisters of the Convent of St. Maturine, known
also as tbe Convent of the DZoly Trinity for the
Redemption of Captives. A sphere is appropri-
ately engraved on his tomb, accompanied by the
following inscriptions, which, with the trans-
lations, have been preserved in the notices of
Pitts and Ware: —
" M. Christi bis C. quarto deno quater anno,
De Sacro Bosco discrevit tempora Ramus,
Gratia cui nomen dederat divina Johannis."
"That Top-branch from Holy Wood tracing his line,
Johannes entitled, by favour divine,
Divided the seras from Christ, as appears,
One thousand two hundred and forty-four years."
The above, both in the original and translation,
seems to me rather obscure. The following,
which is inscribed round the edges of the monu-
ment may, perhaps, be regarded as in better taste :
" De Sacro Bosco qui computista Johannes,
Tempora discrevit, jacet hie a tempore raptus ;
Tempora qui sequeris, memor esto quod morieris ;
Si memor es plora, miserans pro me precor, ora."
"John Holywood, who reckon'd many a year,
By Time arrested, lies interred here ;
And you, who catch the moments as they fly
On wings of Time, remember you must dye.
If you remember what must come to thee,
In pity weep, and weeping pray for me."
Should Mr. Harlin wish to see an account of the
various editions of John Holywood' s several works,
he will find it in Watt's Bibliotheca Britanniea,
or General Index to British and Foreign Literature.
He might also consult Mackenzie's Scotch Writers,
Hutton's Dictionary, Chambers and Thomson's
76
Biogr. Dictionary of Eminent Scotchmen, and
Chalraer's General Biogr. Dictionary. G. H.
Dicuil [Queries, vol. vii., p. 265]. — Of this
writer very little is known. It is conjectured
that his Treatise of the Survey of the Provinces
of the Earth was written about the close of the
seventh century. In it he states that the
Survey on which he writes had been made
by persons commissioned by the Emperor Theo-
dosius. It is fairly enough inferred that he
was a native of Ireland, from a passage of his
Treatise, in which he says: " There are scattered
about our island of Ireland some islands that are
small, and some very small." "We have never
seen any fuller extract ftom his Treatise, which
we regret, as the above contains truth, so far as
it goes. It is reported that he wrote another
treatise, Zte decern QuestionibusArtis Grammaticae.
As he was an Irishman, O'Reilly has, probably,
noticed him in his account of Early Irish Writers.
There is a very brief reference to him in Ware.
His treatise on geography was printed at Paris,
in 1708, under the title of Dicuili Liber de
Mennsura Orbis Terrae, ex duobus Codd. 3ISS.
Bibliothecae Imperialis, nunc primum in lucem
editus d Car. Athan. Walckenaer. G. H.
The MacKenzies [Queries, vol. vii., p. 177].
In support of their claim to a descent from the
Norman family of Fitzgerald, the clan of the
MacKenzies produce a fragment of the records
of Icolmkill, which, among the combatants at
the battle of Largs in 1262, mentions "Pere-
grinus et Hibernus nobilis ex familia Geraldin-
orum, qui proximo anno ab Hibernia pulsus
apud regem benigne acceptus hinc usque in curia
permansit et in praofato praelio strenue pug-
navit." They also quote a Charter from Alex-
ander III. of the lands of Kintail to Colin
Fitzgerald, the supposed ancestor of the Mac-
Kcnzie family. Senex.
Bon-fiee [vol. vi., p. 190, vol. vii., p. 77].
— I am of opinion that this word comes from the
Danish baun, a beacon, and not from the burning
of bones. The word is said to be still preserved
in the name of Banbury and other towns in
England. W. L.
Bon -flee. — The remark of theFrench traveller
in Ireland (quoted vol. vii., p. 77) regarding
the fires of bones made in Connaught by children
on some holiday, is corroborated by the following
passage in an ancient MS. in the Harleian col-
lection [No. 2345, col. 50] : — " In vigilia enim
beati Johannis colligunt pueri in quibusdam
regionibus ossa et quajdam alia immunda, et
insimul cremant, et exinde producitur fumus in
aere." " For on St. John's eve the boys in some
districts collect bones and other refuse which they
burn together, and thence great smoke is pro-
duced in the air." This refers to the custom as
then prevailing in parts of England. I have
been informed that similar fires are still made on
St John's day in some of the remote districts of
France. Scetitatoe.
Doit [Queries vol. vii., p. 352]. — This is the
Dutch duit, a word very probably brought to
Ireland by King William the Third's soldiers.
It is however originally Venetian, being a con-
traction of " da otto soldi," i.e. (a piece) of
eight soldi. Senex.
Allavado, alias Belfast [Queries, vol vii.,
p. 352]. — The following particulars are given by
Beeves \ Ecclesiastical Antiquities, p. 7, note] : —
" White-church, now Shankill, the parish which
contains the town of Belfast. By the charter of
James I. it was annexed to the Deanery of
Connor, under the name of ' Ecclesia Alba de
Vado.' In the Terrier it is called ' Ecclesia de
Sti. Patricii de vado albo ;' and in the Ulster
Visitation Book, ' Ecclesia de Albovaddo alias
Belfast.' Belfastiexisis.
77
PKOCEEDINGS OF THE SCOTTISH AND ENGLISH FORCES IN
THE NORTH OF IRELAND, A. D. 1642.
Among the many very rare pamphlets preserved in what is termed " the King's Collection," in the
British Museum,* there is one (probably unique) bearing the following protracted title ; which,
" contriving a double debt to pay," is at once both title-page and index of contents :
"A True Relation of the Proceedings of the Scots and English Forces in the North of
Ireland; sent in a letter to Mr. Tobias Siedgwicke, living in London; Relating these
particulars, viz : —
1. Their meeting at Drumboe, in the County of Antrim.
2. The manner of their march towards the Nury, with the taking of a Fort neere
Kilwarlin Woods.
3. The taking of the Towne and Castle of the JNury, and the releasing of divers
Prisoners of note.
4. The great spoile they tooke in those parts, with great terrour to the Rebels, and
their nights from those parts.
5. Divers skirmishes with the Rebels in McCarton's Woods.
6. The desires of the Earle of Antrim to be received into the English Army.
With divers other things worthey your observation.
London : Printed for F. Coules and T. Bates. 1642."
The circumstances that caused the Scottish army, under Major- General Monro, to be sent into
Ulster are too well known to require notice here. It is the dark and intricate bye- ways of history,
not the plain, beaten tracks of the main road, that have to be retraced and explored. It is enough
to say that the first division of the Scottish army, numbering about twenty-five hundred men,
landed at Carrickfergus on the 15th of April, 1642. On the 27th of the same month, Monro,
leaving six hundred men to garrison Carrickfergus, joined the English forces in the neighbourhood
of Belfast, with the intention of marching against the enemy. It will be recollected that, on the
eventful 23rd of the preceding October, Con Magennis, heading his own sept and the M<=Cartans,
had surprised and taken the town and castle of Newry, putting to death, as was generally the
"Press Mark, 12, -^-9. 11.
vol. virr. l
78
custom in the Irish wars of the period, many of the inhabitants in cold blood. As Newry was
still in the hands of the rebels, and its possession was of considerable importance in a political as
well as a strategetical point of view, Monro and his associates determined that their first enterprise
should be the recapture of that place.
The pamphlet, the lengthy title-page of which I have just quoted, is in the form of a letter,
from one Roger Pike, who accompanied the allied forces in their march against Newry, and gives
a rather miuute "relation of the proceedings." Another pamphlet, however, in the same collec-
tion,b contains Monro's official despatches to General Leslie. Moreover, Major Turner (afterwards
Sir James), of Sinclair's Scotch Regiment, served in the expedition, and has left several notices of
it in his very interesting Memoirs, published, from the original manuscript, at Edinburgh, in 1829.
Considering Pike's letter — utterly buried where it is — as worthy of a reprint, I now proceed to give
it in full, with occasional extracts referring to the same events from Monro's despatches, and
Turner's Memoirs. William Pinkeeton.
" The Copie of a Letter sent from a Gentleman in Ireland, to his friend, Mr. Tobias
Siedgwicke, living in London, June 8, 1642.
Sib,
According to my promise I shall labour briefly to informe you of what hath
happened in these Northerne parts of Ireland since my coming over ; wherein I shall
indeavour, not willingly to vary from the truth in the least circumstance, that you may
beleeve what I write without doubting, and may report it without blushing.
" On Thursday the 28 of Aprill, 1600 of the Scottish Army, 500 of the Lord Viscount
Conwaye's Regiment, 500 of Colonell Chichester^ 's, 400 of the Lord of the Arete' s Forces,
and 400 of the Lord Clandeboy's; 3 Troopes of Armed Horse, the Lord Conwaye's, Colonell
Chichester's, and the Lord Cromwell's, and part of the Lord Grandisoris, together with
some 4 or 5 Troopes of light Horse ; all these forces met together, and encamped at a
place called Drum-Boe, neere Belfast, in the County of Antrim ; Sir John Clatworthy
promised to come with 400 men, but he could not get so many men to make his Regiment
compleate, all these Troopes made some 300 Horse.0
b Press Mark 601 * an<^ nve *rooPs °f horse at forty a piece."
12 Dragoons were light horsemen, trained to serve either on
« Monro says :— " In all about 3400 foot in two divisions, horsc or foot Monro had als0 with him four small field.
viz. Connway, Chichester, Clannehowies, and Ardis, mak- pieceS) and » a big piece of five-pound bullet," taken off
ing one division ; Sinkler's commanded men, him and I the Castle of Carrickfergus. The artillery were drawn by
being a thousand sis hundred, we made up the other divi- oxen> ihe small j^ borses, Monro teUs US) being useless
won. I marched day about in the van-guard, and gave out ^ « carriage" (draught) horses. They were used however
the orders night about, my Lord Conway and I. We had ^ "baggage" (pack) horses,
also with us three troops of Dragooners, at fifty a piece,
79
" On Friday the 29 of Aprill, this Army marched onwards all together towards the
Nury, and when they came a little beyond Lunegarvey, they discryed a partie of the
Rebels' Horse, which shewed them at the edge of the Woods of Kilwarlin, upon which
our horse made directly towards them over the fields, the foot marched along the high
way ; when our Horse came within twice musket shot of them they made a stand, in the
meane time the foote marching along the highway, perceived a party of the Rebells in a
Fortd which they had made at the entrance of Kilwarlin woods, which it seems they had
made, thinking thereby to blocke up the way ; this Fort plaid upon our Foote with their
Muskets. Colonell Chichester'' s Regiment being then in the front he drew out certain
companies, and made them to give fire by ranks upon the Fort ; they remained thus
skirmishing until our Horse with much difiicultie, in regard of the wayes which were
blockt up with Trees, came into the woods another way, and got betwixt the Fort and
the wood ; the Rebells seeing the Horse come behind them fled, our horse being divided
into severall parties went several! ways pursuing of them; one party of our Horse, some
40, met with some 400 of them, and fought with them and put them to flight, and
killed some 30 of them, the rest of our Horse chased them in the woods as farre as they
were able to follow them for Thickets and Bogs ; some of them would attempt to give fire
at the Horse standing behind trees and Bushes, but as so one as they offered to make
towards them, they durst not stand, but runne away. After the Horse had chased them a
pretty while this way, a company of the Scottish souldiers came into them, Lieutenant
Dullen who is Lieutenant to Colonel Chichester's Troopes spake to those Musketeres to
follow the Rogues which were running in the woods where the troopes could not follow
them ; the most of them would not goe, I will not say, durst not, they pretended they
wanted powder; but afterwards, before our faces, they shot at least 40 shots at randum
in the woods. At this Skirmish there were in all kild and taken prisoners some 80 of the
Rebells ;e wee lost but one man, who was one of Colonel IlilVs Light Horse-men,
and one of the Lord Cromwell's Troopes had his horse kild under him, and some two Light
Horse-men were slightly wounded ; this night the army incamped in the middle of the
woods of Kilwarlin, which is held to be the place of the strongest hold, yet the Rebells
had not so much Gallantry in them as to give us an Alarum."
d The fort of Ennislaughlin, the ruins of which are, or the lirks of their breasts." Probably Livingstone, though
were, a few years past, still visible near Moira. not much of a natural philosopher, examined the dead to
e One of the followers of the Scotch army on this expe- satisfy himself on a much disputed question of the period —
dition was Livingstone, a Presbyterian minister, who, either namely, whether the wild Irish were furnished with tails !
in search of plunder, or to gratify an impure curiosity, No fewer than forty soldiers of Treton's regiment testified,
made a particular inspection of the dead bodies of the Irish on their solemn oaths, that among the 700 massacred by
slain at the passes of Kilwarlin. For in his Life he says : Lord Inchiquin at the taking of Cashel, " divers of them
" They were so fat that one might have hid their fingers in had tails near a quarter of a yard long!"
80
Monro, in his despatch, thus describes the forcing of the passes of Kilwarlin : —
" "Wo marched toward the wood of Kilwarline, where the Enemie lay in one passe with 2,500
men and sixty horse, commanded by my Lord Evack, f Mackartane, Sir Con Macginnische, and Sir
Rorie Mackginnische, they having cast off one bridge on the Passe, and retired from it to another
Passe in the woods. I commanded our horsemen to go about, and to draw up on their flanke in
the wood, having way to pass but one horse after another ; in the meane time our commanded
Muskateers, and foure of oure fielding-pieces were brought over the Passe, and made good one
passe till our whole army was set over, and then our canons forced them to give ground till we
made open the second passe, being strait,g having mosse and bogs on every side ; at length our com-
manded Muskateers charged the front, and the Cavilree on the flankes, till they were forced with
losse to retreate in disorder, athwart the woods and bogs on severall hands, in which time our whole
army came over the Passe, and then our commanded Muskateers skirmished with them for three
miles, in the woods, on both flankes, while the body of the army was making passages free to carry
through the Canon and the Horsemen. At night we encamped all horse and foot in one body, the
whole night in armes in the midst of the wood. In this skirmish Sir Rorie Mackginnische and
Mackartans, two active men, brothers, were killed, with one hundred and fiftie more ; with the
losse of two men on our side, and foure wounded. About Sir Rorie was found divers letters, which
furnished us with intelligence of all their designs in opposing us in that field, and of their intention
elsewhere.'
Turner says : —
" In the woods of Kil warning we rencountered some hundreths of the rebells, who after a short
dispute fled. These who were taken got bot bad quarter, being all shot dead. This was too much
used by both English and Scots all along in that warre ; a thing inhuman and disavouable, for the
crueltie of one enemie cannot excuse the inhumanitie of ane other. And heerin also their revenge
overmastered their discretion, which should have taught them to save the lives of these they tooke,
that the rebells might doe the like to their prisoners."
Pike continues: —
" The next day being Saturday the 30 April, the Army marched on their way to
the Nury, through Drommore, which is so consumed with fire, and ruinated, that there
was not a house left standing except the Church. This night we incamped at a place
[a typographical error here] eight miles of the Nury, called Logh Brichland: in the
middle of this Logh there is an Hand in which were some of the Rebels, with divers
English and Scots which were prisoners with them there, and a great deale of provision ;
there was a house upon this Hand, upon which one of our field peeces played, and we
shot at them with Muskets ; sometimes they would shoot againc, but hurt none of our
1 Iveagh. 8 Narrow.
81
men; there came a Bullet through Colonel Chichester's hare as he stood amongst his
Souldiers, hut hurt him not. All that our army could doe could not make them yeeld,
for our shot could not come to hurt them in regard that they had digged a cave under
grounde where they did remaine ; so as that it was impossible to hurt them with shot,
as to shoote downe the Hand. This night there was a strict watch set round about the
Hand lest the Rogues should steale away by night : the next morning being Sunday
the first of May, the Boate which belonged unto the Logh being ignorantly left a float
by the Rebels by the side of the Hand, it became the onely meanes of their mine, for six
Hilanders undertooke to swim for the boat to fetch it over ; whilst they were swimming,
our Army playd so hard upon the Hand with Musket shot, that not a Rebel durst peep
out of the cave. Of these six Hilanders, two returned not being able to swimine over,
two striving beyond their strenght were drowned, and only two got over, who swimming
with their swords in their hands cut the Boate loose, and brought it over, which was manned
with Musketeres, which took the Hand, releast the prisoners, and cut oif the Rebels."
Monro, alluding to this affair, says :—
"Saturday, the last of April, we marched through the woods towards Louchbricklane, where
being come on the plaine, our horsemen on the wings killed divers of them retiring, and some taken
prisoners were hanged thereafter. And being come late to quartar, we could not ingage that night
with the intaking of the Hand, where there lay a wicked Garrison in a fast place environed within
a loch, being a refuge in safety, and their boats drawn. Sunday,h the first of May, being eight miles
from the Newrie, I commanded the Cavilrie and Dragoneers to march for blocking up the Xewrie, till
our coming ; and they being gone, I persued the Hand from the land with Canon and Musket for a
time, and finding the roagues despirate, I adventured upon promise of reward six Hielandmen with
their armes, pike and sword, to swim under mercy of owr owne Canon, to bring away their Boat,
whereof three swimmers died, two retired, and the sixt alone brought away the Boate : being shot
through with a fielding piece, she was clampd up with salt hides, and being manned again took in
the He, the whole sixty therein put to the sword, and our prisoners which they had, released."1
Pike proceeds: —
" After this was done, the Army marched on to the Nury, the Horse rid fast before,
and when they came within sight of the towne they pursued the Rogues flying out of the
towne, and running as fast as their nimble feet could carry them away ; upon this a troope
h Monro's presbyterian soldiers had but a very slight were thoughtful about the day being Sabbaoth, to which,
idea of the sanctity of the Sabbath, for by that name they and other objections, necessity" (the necessity of mas-
ignorantly and perversely termed Sunday, when deeds of sacre !) " and present danger afforded answers."
massacre and plunder were to be perpetrated. The English • We see here that the Irish had saved some, at least, of
puritans were much the same. One writer in A True Rela- their prisoners, which ought to have been a guarantee for
tion of Ood's Providence in Ireland — says, " Some of us their own lives.
82
of Light Horse were sent out, which were under the command of Captain Winsor, and
cut off about 100 of the Rogues as they fled ; the rest of the Troopes drew neare unto the
towne, and making a stand on a little hill about a quarter of a mile from the towne, one
Master Reading came riding out of the towne to them, who had been a prisoner with
them ever since the beginning of this Rebellion, and hce brought us word that the
Rogues were all fled out of the towne, except some of the ancient towne dwellers, and
that they willingly yeelded the towne, and that the Castle stood out still, in which were
divers prisoners of the English, among the rest Sir Edward Trevers, Sir Charles Poynes
and his sonne came out to meet us, who were taken prisoners at the first surprisall of the
Nury. Colonell Chichester s Troope drew nearer the towne and stood close by the Church,
within Musket shot of the Castle until the foote came up, which was for the space
of two houres; when the generall Major came, they sent away the Troopes to quarter, halfo
a mile out of the towne, and set a strickt centrey at the towne's end that none should
come in but those whom he permitted ; what was gotten the Horse got no share of,
although they best deserved it.k The Lord Maginneses Lady was now in the Nury.
" The next day being Monday, the Generall Major Mount Hoc, and the Lord Conway,
and Colonell Chichester resolved to come to a parley with the Castle, not that they held
it any difficulty to take it, but in regard to those prisoners which they had within the
Castle, least if they had fallen upon it in the severest way, the innocent had been
destroyed with the guilty. This made the Rogues to stand upon their tearmes, and to
refuse many gratious proffers of mercy, and kept them all this day in dispence, refusing
to yeeld ; the next day being Tuesday the third of May, Generall Mount Roe sent word
unto the Captaine of the Castle, that notwithstanding the prisoners he had of ours with
him, if he would not yeeld, since there was no remedy, he would blow up the Castle ; the
Captaine of the Castle returned him answer, that if he blew him up, we would be forced
to borrow some of his powder ; this peremptory answer made all to be prepared for to
set upon the Castle : at last, when the Captaine of the Castle saw that they were like to
goe to it in good earnest, he yeelded upon quarter for himselfe and some more. After
this Castle was surrendered, they found but halfe a Barrell of Powder, 60 Muskets, and
of them not above a dozen fixt ; they had two murthcrers which they put out only to
make a shew, which were founde without chambers, and so foule and rusty that none of
them durst have shot them off; such little proofe is commonly in great bragges when
they come to the triall : what other things of worth were found in the Castle were
altogether concealed from the English, except some who had great friends."
i Inferring that the Scotch had the lion's share of the plunder.
83
Monro thus describes the surrender of the Castle : —
" Having summoned the Town and Castle to come into our mercy or no mercy, the Town gave
over, the Castle held out, alledging he was able to keepe it seven years. In the meane time we
granted a time to the next morning to him to advise ; during which time I fully recognished the
house and perceived I could take it by pittard or by fire. On Munday, the second of May, pre-
pared our fagots, and made ready our batteries before Tuesday at mid -day, resolving to take it
rather by terrour of our Canons then by fire or by pittard, which would make the place unprofitable
for us ; next if it were taken so, Sir Edward Travers, a man of good account, being there a prisoner,
had died also by them or with them ; so, having all things in readinesse, quainted them againe
there was no quarter for them, but he and his Garrison to march forth without Armes, with white
sticks in their hands, and he should have a free convoy, and their lives spared. These of the
Town should have no other quarter than to come forth in our reverence. And our Prisoners to be
safely delivered unto us, which they at once accorded unto ; but getting intelligence Sir Philome
was neerc hand for their reliefe, they resolved to delay till the next morning, which being refused,
we forced up their outer gate, and were ready to pittard the second, were not for fear of the
Prisoners, who cried for mercy ; and that the gate should be made up instantly, as was done, and
the Castle that night guarded by us, and the Prisoners guarded in the Towne. On "Wednesday,
the fourth of May, the Captaine was sent away with a Convoy, and the townsmen detained till
trial should be made of their behaviours. "We entered in examination of the townsmen, if all
were Papists ; and the indifferent being severed from the bad, whereof 60 with two priests were
shot and hanged, the indifferent are banished."
(Turner.)
" The toune came immediatelee into our hands ; but the rebells that were in the Castle keepd
it two days, and then delivered it up upon a very ill made accord, or a very ill keepd one ; for the
nixt day most of them with many merchands and tradesmen of the toune, who had not been in the
Castle, were earned to the bridge and butcherd to death, some by shooting, some by hanging, and
some by drowning, without any legal processe ; and I was verilie informed afterwards, that severall
innocent people sufferd. Monro did not at all excuse himselfe from having accession to that
carnage, nor could he purge himself of it ; thogh my Lord Conway, as Marshall of Ireland, was
the principal actor. Our sojors (who sometimes are cruell, for no other reason bot because man's
wicked nature leads him to be so, as I have showne in my Discourse of Cruelty ') seeing such
prankes plaj'ed by authoritie at the bridge, though they might doe as much any where else and
so runne upon a hundreth and fiftie women or thereby, who had got together in a place below the
bridge, whom they rosolvd to massacre by killing and drounding ; which villanie the sea seemd to
'Turner was a man of letters, as well as a gallant soldier; Continental wars, he was disgusted by the horrible scenes
and though he had seen some very rough service in the he witnessed in Ireland. II L Memoirs are most interesting.
84
favour, it being then flood. Just at that time was I speaking with Monro, bot seeing a fare off
what a game these godless rogues intended to play, I got a horseback and gallopd to them with
my pistoll in my hand ; bot before I got at them they had dispatched about a dozen ; the rest I
saved."
(Pike:)
" On Munday the fifth of May ten out of every Troope were sent to Dundalke to the
English Army ; the next day Sir Henry Tichborne, came along with them to the Nury
with a guard of three Troopes of Horse, and stayed some three hours at the Nury and
returned.
The common souldiers, without direction from the Generall-Major, took some 18 of the
Irish women of the towne, and stript them naked, and threw them into the River, and
drowned them, shooting some in the water ; more had suffered so but that some of the
common souldiers were made examples on and punished.
On Thursday the 6 of May, the Lord Conwaye's Troope, Colonell Chichester'' ft, and
the Lord CromxcelVs, with part of the Lord Grandison's, went out towards Armagh; and
by the way they saw about a thousand of the Rebels which stood in a Bogge, but durst
not stirre out to incounter with our Troopes, nor the Troopes could not come at them for
the Bogge, although they faine would have charged them, therefore they returned backe
to the Nury thinking to fall upon them the next morning, and bring some foot with them
but they heard the next day that they were fled, and that Sir Phelim CNeale was among
them. Some of the prisoners that made an escape from them, reported that Armagh is
burnt, and that the Rogues are fled from thence towards Chalimount.
On Friday, being the sixt of May. those of the Rebells that were in the Castle which
had not Quarter, and divers of the ill-affected Irish in the towne, were shot to death on the
bridge, some three score or more ; there was a great Iron Battering-peece taken in the
Nury which was left on an old Turret in the towne, throwne off the Carnages, which I
forgot to name before.
On Saturday, the seventh of May, they provided to march back again, leaving
behinde in Garrison at the Nury about 300 men well armed, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonell Sinkcleare, promising to send him some 500 more from Carrickfergus,
with all the speede possibly could be made, being some of the rest of Lieuetenant Collonell
Sinkcleare' 8 Regiment, which came over since the Army went abroad ; Generall Major
Mount Roe left private direction (as I heard) with Lieutenant Collonell Sinkcleare to
banish all the Irish out of the towne, as soone as he was gone.
The Army marched home through Magineses' and M^ Carton's Country, and marched
in three divisions, burning all the houses and come before them, and brought away the
85
spoyle of the countrey before them, and cattle in great abundance, there-was much goods
left behind, and provision which they could neither destroy nor carry away, being hid
underground in the backside of every house ; the devision that Collonell Chichester com-
manded, burnt McCarton's and Ever Maginese's owne dwelling houses. Sunday at
night was such stormy wether, that some thirtie of the souldiers and others which followed
campe perished with meere cold ; and no wonder, for it kild some fifteene horses, which were
found dead the next morning : Colonell Chichester's troope marching a pretty space before
the Army, tooke divers prisoners, and killed divers of the Ecbells upon their March."
(Turner :)
"I do remember that there we suffered one of the most stormy and tempestuous nights for hail,
rain, cold, and excessive wind, though it was the beginning of May, that ever I yet saw. All the
tents were in a trice blown over. It was not possible for any match to keep fire, or any soldier to
handle his musket, or yet stand ; yea, severalls of them died that night of mere cold. So that if
the Rebels, whereof there were five hundred not far from us, had offered to beat up our quarters
with such weapons as they had, which were half-pikes, swords, and daggers which they call
skeens, they would undoubtedly have had a cheap market of us. Our sojors, and some of our
officers too (who suppose that nothing that is more than ordinaric can be the product of
nature) attributed this hurrikane to the devilish skill of some Irish witches ; and if that was true,
then am I sure their master gave us a good proofs that he was reallie Prince of the aire."
(Pike :) . "On Tuesday, the 10 of May, the Army met together and incamped in the middle of
Mc Carton's woods ; when they came all together, there were at least 800 baggage horses
(as they call them) loaded with the spoile of the countrey, and I thinke I speake within
compasse if I say 3,000 cowes; but, by the way, as they came this day through the
thickets of Mc Carton's wood, the Lord Comoaye's troope, Colonell Rill's, and Captaine
Ifatthewe's, and some other troopes of Light Horse, the Rogues shot at them from behinde
trees, and killed the Lievetenant to the Lord Comoaye's troope, Lievetenant Fisher's
led-horse, and him that led him, and got in betwixt the troopes and the baggage horses,
and cut off some of the men that went along with these horses, and had cut off more
but that Captain Trevers rid backe againe with some of his troope, and relieved them.
" On Wednesday, the Army inarched through the rest of AfcCarton's woods, with all
the aforesaid loadon, horses, and cowes, marching all together, but spreading the foot broad
in the woods, to burn the cabbins which were built there, and to clear the woods before
them : They found no opposition this day, at night they encamped at Drumboe."
(Monro:)
"I resolved to return with the Army, marching through my Lord Evacke's countrey,
Machartan, and Slowtneils, being only the considerable enemy in the Countrey of Down. And in
VOL. VIII. M
86
our march, I resolved myself with 800 Musketeers to put them from their strengths, in the
Mountaines of Mourne, and to rob them of their cattell, which we did. I marching through the
Mountaines on the right hand, and the Army, Horse, and Foot, and Artillary marching through
the valley on the left hand, where we joined together, on Sunday, the eight, at night, foure
miles from the Passe of Dundrum, bordering betwixt my Lord Evacke's land and Mackartan's.
Munday, the ninth, we divided the Army in three, Colonel Home with 500 commanded
Musketeers, two troops of Dragoneers, and one troop of Horse; to Connoway the Artillery, cattell,
and baggage, the safest way towards Mackartane's own house ; the rest of the Horse, Lieutenant-
Colonell Montgomrie, and 200 commanded Muskateers, were sent about the Mountaines to run
through betwixt Kilwarning woods and Killernie woods to the randevous, the next day, at
Mackartane's house; and hearing Mackartane with his forces and cattell were lying in one strait
in the woods of Killernie, I marched thither myselfe with the body of the foot and colours, and
having quartered on Monday, at night, within three miles of the enemy, came upon them the
next morning unawares, without sound of drum, so they were scattered. And having commanded
further three bodies of Muskateers to several parts, appointing one randevow for all, we brought
together to our quarters at night above foure thousand cattell, and joined all together at night at
Mackartane's house ; and divers were killed of the Rebels, being scattered on all hands ; and one
strong body of them on one passe in the woods fore gathered with the horsemen and Lieutenant-
Collonel Montgomrie, where the foot behooved to guard the house, they being unskilfull in their
leding, having lost foure horses and five men. "Wednesday, the eleventh, hearing the enemy was
resolved to fight with us in the wood, we marched with our Artillary and commanded men into
the Van Guard, our two divisions marching after with commanded men in the flanks ; we were
forced to make severall stops to cleere the passages they had stopped in the woods to keep us up ;
our cattell marched next to the army, being guarded with Pikemen and Muskateers on all quarters ;
our baggage next to them ; onr horsemen and dragooners in the rear of all. The Rebells being
drawne up on the hills, perceiving our order of march, durst not ingage with us ; so, coming free
off, we quartered at night in Drumbo."
(Pike :) " The next day, when the cowes were to be divided, many of them were stollen away
into the Ardes and Clandeboys the last night, and the goods so sneakt away by the
Scots that the English troopes got just nothing, and the English foote very little, which
gave them too just a cause to mutany, in so much as I think it will be hard to get them
out to march with the Scots againe, who will have both the credit and profit of what-
soever is done or had."
(Monro :)
"The next morning, divided our cattell, such as remained unstolen by the horsemen and plunder-
ers, being an infinite number of poor contemptible countrymen, which could not be reduced to order."
87
Those " contemptible countrymen, who could not be reduced to order," were the native Irish
camp-followers, who, making themselves useful as spies, drivers of cattle, leaders of baggage-
horses, &c, used to follow the English as well as the Irish armies, and added to the horrors of
war by plundering and murdering, without distinction of age or sex, the weak, wounded, and
vanquished, whether of the British race or those of their own country, language, and religion. A
good description of these wretches is found in " A true relation of God's Providence in Ireland,"
written by an officer, who served in the Parliamentary army, commanded by Lord Brooke in the
South of Ireland. He says : — " There is a company of people that attend every army and force
that march out, they call Pillagers, who, though not soldiers, yet, with some light armes, they
follow the camp on horse and foot ; and whilst the soldier must keep his order, they run into the
houses, lade their horses with what they can get, drive away the cattell, and wholly discourage the
soldiers. These spare neither woman nor child, as we saw before our eyes, which saddened some
hearts ; of these we had an hundred attending us. Our Lieutenant- General made an order for
these that they should ride under the command of a Captain ; but these Pillagers would know no
command but of their own advantages, and, though pressed with many arguments, scattered at
pleasure, stript the slain, and made havock of all."
Pike thus concludes: —
"In the absence of the Army there were six score Musketeres left to Garrison at
Malone, which was set upon by the Irish, and the most of it burnt ; these valiant Scots,
set to keep the towne, when it was set upon, fled, and did not so much as face the
Eebells ; some 800 of the Scots which lay in the Trench some sixe mile of Carrickfergus,
in the absence of the aforesaid Army, went out to plunder, and being set upon by some
horse and foote of the Eebells not much above their number, I will not say fled from
them, but retreated so fast, as that they were forced to blow up a barrell of powder they
had with them, and blew up some eight of their men with it, and as I heare credibly,
lost above a hundred Armes; they carry the matter very privately here, but this is truth.
The Earle of Antrem is now at Glenarme, a place twelve miles off Carrickfergus, and
would faine be received into this towne ; what Generall Mount Roe and the Lord Conway
will do in it, I know not ; Generall Lasly will be over here within this weeke, as he
hath sent word unto Generall Major Mount Roe. I have no more to write, but desire to
remaine,
Tour Humble servant to Command,
Eogee Pike."
Carrick-fergus, this 30 of May, 1642.
88
HISTORICAL ARGUMENT ON THE ORIGIN OF THE
IRISH GOLD ANTIQUITIES.
To the Editor of the Ulster Journal of Archeology.
Sib, — As I have been asked many questions by persons who have read my communication, in
the last number of your Journal, on the Gold Antiquities found in Ireland, I find it will save
much time and explanation if you will permit me to make some additional remarks on the same
subject.
In the article alluded to, I have not only given all the different statements made by certain
visitors to the Museum, but have indicated such circumstances as will enable each individual to
recognise my report of his or her remarks, and so estimate its correctness. I had no desire to
withhold the names of the parties who mentioned to me the various facts embodied in that paper;
on the contrary, I would gladly have recorded them distinctly along with their several statements,
if I had had authority to do so, or if it had been understood that observations, made in the course
of conversation, might be published in connection with the names of private individuals.
I must also add, in justice to myself, that I have held back no remarks of visitors on this
subject which would have had an opposite tendency; so that, even if the statements I have published
be estimated as of little importance separately, it must be admitted that, taken as a whole,
they indicate a tendency in the current of evidence, derived from the most varied sources, which
must produce on the mind an effect nearly approaching to that of direct proof. In the ordinary
affairs of life, we are often led, by a similar accumulation of circumstantial evidence, to adopt decided
opinions for which, if interrogated, we are unable to assign any reasons of a more positive kind.
At the same time, in the case now before us, I altogether abstain from adopting an opinion
on either side of the question, Whether the gold antiquities found in Ireland are or are not Jewish ?
on the kind of evidence brought together in my former paper ; but I consider myself bound to
investigate the truth of the theory which seems to arise from that evidence. I think it desirable
to search for facts which may confirm, amend, or disprove it ; and thus assist in ascertaining the
true cause of the existence of such enormous quantities of ancient manufactured gold as are found
in this country.
As I have not been able, after some research, to meet with any one fact which rebuts
the hypothesis of a Jewish origin for these antiquities, my object now shall be to show its reason-
ableness ; although for so far founded on evidence of rather a slender kind, to which indeed the
term " gossip" has been rather appropriately applied by a friend of mine, whose amor patrw, I am
grieved to say, has been much mortified by the theory in question.
89
The first great fact relating to our argument which must always be kept in view is, that
Ireland, considered as a mining region, offers no evidence of its ever having supplied native gold
in any large quantity. We are aware, of course, that the mountainous district of Wicklow has,
from time to time, produced small quantities of that metal, but never sufficient to repay the labour
of looking for it, although labour has always been notoriously cheap in Ireland. Other parts of
Ireland have produced very little; and none in modern times. It is, therefore, impossible for even
the most exaggerated amor patrice to believe that this country itself supplied the material for
manufacturing the very large amount of gold articles which are known to have been found in her
soil.a We are consequently forced to infer, whether we like it or not, that this gold, or a vast portion
of it, must have been brought to Ireland from some other country.
Irish legendary history would, to some extent, warrant the inference that the Tiiatha de
Danaan (whoever they were) had the art of discovering gold by some method of their own ; tradition
says, by the taste of river- water. Now, assuming that this story had some foundation in fact, we
can hardly extract more from it than this — that, according to old tradition, these people, on their
coming to Ireland, brought with them a knowledge of mining which was not possessed by the
native inhabitants.b They may have been the first to discover the gold produced among the
Wicklow mountains, &c, but this must have formed a very small part indeed of the ancient supply.
The great question, therefore, presents itself, where did the chief part of the gold come from,
whether in a raw or manufactured state, which is found in Ireland? I have never heard of any
specimen of native gold having been discovered beyond the limits of the district already mentioned ;
and, although I have seen sixteen ingots of gold, varying in value from £1 sterling up to
£300 each, it was the opinion of the gold-dealers, when buying them from the finders, that these
were the produce of manufactured articles melted down for portability, or to prevent the risk of their
being claimed by land-owners as " treasure trove." One lot of these great ingots, consisting of
* I have reason to believe that the estimate recently made the spot has been indicated by a heap of stones, a cromlech,
of the actual amount of " treasure trove" discovered in Ire- a rock, or some other prominent object which may have
land, in the sbape of gold, is very much below the truth, if served to mark the hiding-place. I would assume, in such
we commence with the introduction of potato-culture in cases, that the gold articles there found are later in point
this country. This crop has been the precursor of all others of time than the monuments near them; at all events, it
in ground pre viouslyuntilled: there chiefly the gold antiqui- by no means follows that because they are found near them
ties are found ; and it is certain that continual discoveries they must belong to the same people who erected those
of them have been made in breaking up the virgin soil for monuments.
potato-cultivation ever since the first introduction of the b It must not be inferred that I recognise the legend of
plant, but of which no record has been kept. This has been the Tuatha de Danaan as an historical fact, although there
going on, therefore, for 200 years, and it would be hard may be some truth in it. Like several other traditional tales
to estimate the quantity of gold which has been discovered which occur in our Irish legendary histories, it seems to me
and melted down during that period. to be a remnant of biblical or Jewish tradition ; and may
I have said that gold articles are found cliiejiy in virgin refer to the wandering companies of the Dodanim, who were
or unbroken soil ; but there are exceptional cases where perhaps the gold-seekers in different countries.
90
seven, was sold in Dublin a few years ago, and had quite the appearance of being manufactured
gold, hastily melted down ; and, among the large quantity of gold articles found together in the
County Clare, there were several ingots, one of them retaining distinct traces of the form of the
object melted, proving that the fusion had been effected in an open fire, in the way adopted by
Bcnvenuto Cellini when he melted down the old church-plate in Eome. These ingots, therefore,
afford no evidence of the gold being native, but rather the contrary.0
If we next inquire from what quarter the metal was most likely to have been introduced
into Ireland, the most probable answer which presents itself is Spain ; not only as being the nearest
country where gold existed in abundance, but because Spain, according to both tradition and
historic evidence, had formerly intercourse with Ireland. Now it is worthy of note, as bearing
on our argument, that Josephus, in his famous speech to the Jews on the walls of Jerusalem, during
the siege, reminded them that gold formerly "grew in Spain;" meaning thereby that it was from
that place their traders in his time procured their supplies of the metal, though a part of it may
have found its way through Spain from Africa. Our argument rests in some measure on the
inference that the traders in gold, at a certain period, were of Jewish race, and that by them it was
converted into the forms in which we discover it in Ireland.*1 It is highly probable that Spain
was the head-quarters of this trade; but that, from various causes, large quantities of the metal
were accumulated in Jerusalem, from whence it was finally scattered and diffused by the events of
the siege ; a quantity of it, in Jewish forms, finding its way along with refugees even to distant
Ireland.
It may be mentioned, in passing, that it is by no means unlikely that when the Jews in
Britain, Gaul, Spain, and other lioman provinces, subsequently obtained the rights of citizenship,
most of the exiles in Ireland left this country in order to join their brethren elsewhere. But in
the interval a number of them may have died here ; and their graves would probably have the
same characteristic emblems as have been employed for them in several Jewish communities,
in Barbary — namely, a stone trough and rubbing-stone ;e the signification of which is not very
c The fact that these ingots were of gold containing a slight land that I know of ; hut it does not appear that any dis-
alloy of silver, is against the probahility of their having tinction was anciently made in the interment of foreigners
been church-plate ; but in favour of their being objects of and natives. I am led to believe, by reasons into which I
the pre-Christian period which had been melted down. do not propose to enter here, that the artificers in gold in
d If we may consider the antiquities lately discovered in this country were all Jewish or of Jewish extraction. The
Switzerland (described in the last number of this Journal) Irish Milesians were hereditary soldiers, not craftsmen,
as true Celtic remains, because found near a locality stated Yet it is quite clear that the smiths or artificers in gold,
to be Celtic by Herodotus, we are in a measure forced to iron, and horn, who had their workshops in the crannogs
reject any claim of the Celts to the gold antiquities found at Strokestown, Ballinderry, and Dunshaughlin, must have
in Ireland, or at least suspend our opinion till gold things been considered by the people of the mainland in the same
like ours are found in Switzerland. light with the carpenters, &c, called Agots in France and
e There is indeed no ancient Jewish burial-ground in Ire- Spain. The enormous number of cows' heads found in
91
apparent, but which may have been intended to typify the fallen state and consequent poverty
of their nation ,f
In Murray's Hand-booh of Spain (p. 415), we find some curious information concerning the
ancient productiveness of Spain in the precious metals ; but this testimony proves too much for
our special case, as it rather shows the gold production to have been only an adjunct to that of silver,
by proving that the quantity of the latter metal drawn from the Spanish mine3 was enormously
greater than that of the former : a proportion agreeing with what is recorded of the relative abundance
of the two metals in Jerusalem in the time of David and Solomon,5 but which was not the case in
the time of the Roman general, Titus. During his siege, gold alone, and apparently manufactured
gold, is mentioned as the article of value in Jerusalem, as appears from at least twenty different
passages in Josephus, alluding to treasure accumulated in that city. The Jews previously seem to
have made a regular practice of transmitting this metal from all quarters to their own metropolis.1'
We read in Cicero [Pro Flacco, c. 28]: — "Next comes that odium concerning the Jewish gold
[not silver and gold]-. .... You know, Loelius, what a company of them [the Jews] there is
[in Rome], how they pull together, and how powerful [by their votes and influence] they are at
public meetings. And whereas it was customary for gold to be exported [by them] yearly, in the
name of Jews, out of Italy and all the provinces [of the Roman EmpireJ to Jerusalem, Flaccus by
edict prohibited it from being carried out of [the Roman provinces in] Asia [to that city]."1
these places, points to the old usage of the Jews cursing
or concentrating the ill luck on the head killed, and pro-
bably, as believed by the Egyptians, transferring that ill lack
to the Greek, or alien, who would accept the head and take it
away with him. For several reasons, so far as Ireland is
considered,the discoveries of these remains point to Africans,
or Gypsies perhaps,as the late iron and goldsmiths in Ireland.
The existence of African ironsmiths in Ireland is made
probable, by the identity of the typical forms and the old
material of iron aiticles found here. The Irish tradition of
the conquests of Ireland by Africans, may have grown out
of some movement of the African artificers. We want a
good paper on the O'Gowan or Smith, and the superstitions
connected with the crafts known as Smiths.
f There are several of these in the Academy's Museum,
and it is to be hoped that it may soon contain a specimen
of the same kind from Algiers, where they are common and
are always used to indicate Jewish graves. For this pur-
pose, and this only, are they manufactured. I am in-
debted, for this curious information, to a French gentle-
man who visited the Museum, and who is thoroughly con-
versant with the usages of Barbary and Spain.
g Modern authors generally have attributed to the Cartha-
ginians the whole of the trade in metals carried on in
Spain, Britain, &c. ; nevertheless, following the traditions
of Cornwall that the ancient mines there are Jewish, as ex-
plained to me by all our Cornish visitors, I am disposed to
consider the Carthaginians as having only continued a trade
originally established by Jews, and that Jews, as Roman
citizens, &c, retained it : and that, although Carthage did
actually become a great centre of the trade in metals, this
commerce remained in the hands of Jewish capitalists ; in
fact that Carthage may be considered as having been more
a Jewish than a Phoenician city.
h If we reflect on the most likely cause of the fall and
destruction of this city, we cannot but believe that it was
its enormous wealth which influenced the minds of the
rapacious Romans. It was like the robber plundering the
thief — '' the bull-dog taking the bone out of the fox's den."
\Matthew xxi. 13, &c]
* The words in brackets are introduced to complete the
sense.
92
The practice here mentioned by Cicero (judging by the facts recorded by Josephus) continued
to exist till the time of Titus ; and both Cicero and Josephus consider it most meritorious in
Pompey, that, when he took Jerusalem, he would permit no pillage, though it was teeming with gold.
"When the evil day came, the plunderers thirsted for nothing but gold. Silver was not valued ;
and there is hardly a notice in Josephus of silver as an object of importance either to victors or
vanquished. The refugees from the fated city, therefore, carried away gold, not silver. Some of
them are even described as swallowing it ; and it is stated that thousands of them were actually
ripped up by the conquerors, that they might extract it from their entrails !
Although the number of persons who lost their lives in this cruel manner must have been
considerable, it was small in comparison with that of the fugitives who escaped from the city with
treasure. According to Josephus, the Israelites who were assembled in Jerusalem for the approaching
Passover, from various parts of the world, amounted to about 2,500,000. His statemeuts would
lead us to conclude that a large proportion of these were killed or sold into captivity ; but other
evidence, apparently more trustworthy, limits the number of the slain, &c, to 700,000. Or, if we
assume the actual number destroyed to be a million; and deduct for exaggeration another million
from Josephus's estimate of the assembled population, we shall still have remaining 500,000, or
thereabouts, as the number who may have escaped.k Of these, the only portion that concern our
argument were those who effected their escape by sea. The vessels employed, besides Jewish, may
have belonged to Spain or Tarshish; and many of them, no doubt, were those of Meditei'ranean and
other pirates and slave-dealers, whose head-quarters, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, may very possibly
have been Ireland, owing to its convenient geographical position.1 A considerable proportion of
these free-booters may have been Carians and Cretans, who, we know, had been expelled a few
years before from Crete by the Romans, under Metellus, on account of their piratical practices.
Their expeditions were very probably in reality Jewish, at least so far as the capital employed in
them was concerned;™ for, in the time of the Apostles, the Cretans and the people of Jerusalem were
in close connexion with each other. n There is reason to believe, that the amount of shipping on the
k I venture to form no estimate of the actual number of many of the refugee Jews, and so helped to increase the
the refugees who may have found their way, for a season, heaps of Jewish gold carried to Ireland,
to Ireland, or of the quantity of gold they may have brought m In the same way, the Jewish capitalists, in our own time,
with them. Many must have fled before the city was in- supplied mucli of the money employed in fitting out the
vested; and many took advantage of the repulses of the Barbary corsairs, and in carrying on the trade in Christian
Romans, and of other chances which offered themselves, to slaves which grew out of their expeditions. The corsairs,
make their escape to the coast with such portable property like other professional robbers, were merely the tools of
as they could carry off with tbem. those who received the stolen goods.
1 The Greek navigators were certainly acquainted with D This is evident from notices of the Cretans in both the
Irish ships, or ships frequenting Irish ports. From the New and Old Testament. If they were Cherithetes, and
circumstances of the times, these must have been pirates the body-guard of King 'David and the nominee of Solo-
as well as merchant-ships ; and they may have plundered mon, it is no wonder that they should have been great
93
coast of Syria at this period must have been very considerable, as it has been indeed ever since the
time of the Phoenicians, whose successors in the trade with Spain and Africa the Jews became.
The great wealth and extensive commerce of the Jews must have commanded the services of
large numbers of such vessels, and facilitated the escape of the exiles in the time of their need.
The account given by Josephus [Wars, ii. 15] of the rebuilding of Joppa, after being destroyed
by Cestius, proves how strong the nautical spirit was along the coast of Syria,0 and how totally it
was overlooked by the Roman authorities, who appear to have had no shipping at their disposal
to counteract it ; thus leaving quite open a means of escape beyond the limits of the empire,
throughout which, at this time, Josephus says the Jews " were hated everywhere." This author
notices the destruction of the shipping at Joppa by a storm, and the washing ashore of 4,200 bodies,
because these circumstances fell in with the scope of his narrative ; but if no storm had taken place,
and the ships had got safely off with their cargoes, he would have said nothing about them ; and
although he tells us nothing about other shipping, it is abundantly probable that the people of
Joppa had only been attempting what had been accomplished elsewhere successfully. In other words,
his account of the catastrophe there suggests a strong probability that fugitives at this time were
crowding to the coast of Palestine and escaping by sea, passing, no doubt, down the Mediterranean,
and beyond the limits of Roman power, and finding a refuge in such countries as "Western Africa
and Ireland. It is to be presumed that all of these exiles carried off whatever portable treasu re
they could secure.
After the fall of Jerusalem, Josephus states that the value of gold in exchange fell "one half;"p
and this is quite intelligible, if we read his accounts of the vast quantities of it taken from the
Jews by the Roman general Florus ; who, besides other robberies, on two occasions carried off
fifty-seven talents of gold ; yet he was only one of a legion of plunderers. After the war was over,
we are told by the same Jewish historian that the Emperor, having personally thanked his
soldiers for their services, "crowned them with crowns of goldq and put chains [torques?] of gold
braggarts, as they are described to have been. If we could P The remark in his text appears to apply to Syria
place any dependence on the Irish accounts of the Mi- 6nly; but this is evidently a mistake, if he limits its
lesian migrations, their alleged visit to Crete might be taken application to that country, for if gold became cheap in
in connection with the expulsion of the pirates by the Romans Syriaj it soon became very"cheap ^ed in Rome, where
from that island, and with the events we have under con- / ,. , , n- \ e -t i i i i a. i «.
.. ,. ' , , (as mentioned by Cicero), none of it had been left bv the
sid eration ; and the whole would furnish an argument that the
maritime element of the ancient Irish population was partly
Greek and not Celtic q ^ these were portions of the plunder of the city, and
o Pirates, or ships at war with Rome which were so called, oLJects ^ical of Jewisb defeat The C1'°™3 of Jewish
seem to have abounded in the Mediterranean ; yet the bridegrooms worn by Roman soldiers ! No wonder that
Jews were able to send their gold to Jerusalem from ^e Jews now repudiate their own property, after having
Spain and Rome. Their money commanded the sea passed into the hands of the spoiler,
before the fall of their city.
VOL. viri. 3
94
about their necks, and gave them spears pointed with gold/ and medals of silver* (?). He also
presented every one of them -with gold and silver money,1 neck-ornaments, and other things of value,
which were part of the booty." And even after all this, we read that enormous quantities of gold
were found in the ruins of the city, where it had been hidden or lost by the besieged.
Taking all the circumstances of this period into account, we are led to consider the fall of
Jerusalem — the " treasure city" of the world — as the groat event which led to the accumulation of
Jewish gold in this country, situated as it was just outside the limits of the Roman Empire ; and, conse-
quently, as we have shown, the probability that the deposits of gold found in Ireland maybe dated from
the fall of the city. If we could only discover a few Roman copper medals of the siege, along with our
gold antiquities, some antiquaries would consider our theory as proved. But this could not be expected ;
first, because the exodus must have taken place before these medals were struck ; and, secondly,
because even if they had been, the exiles would certainly have not carried off with them any such
tokens of their degradation." But, though we find in Ireland no Roman medals which might help
to fix a date for our gold antiques, we do find a class of objects which may have some value for
this purpose. These are the thin gold disks bearing crosses upon them, and which are, beyond a
doubt, very early Christian emblems. They are made of the same kind of straw-coloured gold as
the crescents and frontlets, and are burnished or finished on the exterior surface by a process which
is peculiar to all classes of the gold objects ; while, on the interior surface, they have a dull
finish, without lustre, effected by some process also unknown to modern goldsmiths, and such as
we might suppose to be produced b}r some kind of acid or other solvent applied to the surface of
the metal. The patterns of these gold disks (some of which have been figured in this Journal,
(vol. iv., p. 164), seem to be of the same type as those sculptured on our oldest Irish monumental
crosses, being composed of a circle inclosing a cross. These gold ornaments may probably belong to a
period as early as the reign of Nero, if not still earlier. They have the appearance of being badges
or tokens indicating the religious profession of the wearer ;y perhaps adopted in contradistinction to
* We have notices of " golden spears" and "golden yellow the Temple. Such treasure hecame the plunder of the
spears" in the old Irish MSS. The former, if I am cor- Romans ; but fugitives leaving the city would take only
rectly informed, are only a poetic myth, the latter have gold with them, as being more valuable and portable,
recently been found. The discovery of golden spears in "It may be a question worth considering, whether the
Ireland as part of the plunder of Jerusalem would help our copper medals, sometimes found in Ireland, bearing the
case. Titus, no doubt, found the gold spear-heads he head of Jesus or Moses, with an inscription in Hebrew
gave his men. letters, are of a date antecedent to the fall of Jerusalem,
* These were more probably of copper, of which many which is alluded to in the inscriptions as still existing. If
specimens are still extant, bearing the image of the any such medals should be found along with antique gold
" Daughter of Zion," seated on the ground, humiliated, articles, the fact would be strongly corroborative of our
and stripped of her ornaments. theory.
1 This may have been some of the treasure used by the T They are evidently the prototypes of our "Saint Patrick's
" money-changers" or bankers, whose business was to ex- crosses."
change one sort of coin for another. Their treasury was
95
the crescent-shaped ornaments (also made of thin gold), which have since then (or their equivalents)
somehow become the symbols of Mohammedanism. The round tire like the moon, even so early
as the time of Isaiah, had become a Jewish emblem ; why it was assumed by the founder of
Mohammedanism and his followers is not clear.
If these gold disks, with the circle and cross on them, belonged to the earliest ages of Christianity,
they were then, no doubt, to the pilgrim what the crucifix became in more modern times — the
emblem of his profession, — and perhaps a charm or protection against the Evil One. The same
symbol would be carved on the monumental stone, to imply that the deceased had lived and died
bearing this sacred badge, which may itself have been buried with him; as such articles have, in fact,
occasionally been found in couples in certain Christian cemeteries in Ireland. The different patterns
exhibited on our stone crosses, belonging to different periods, may indicate certain changes which had
taken place in the opinions of the people as to the meaning attached to the figure of the Cross,
with or without a circle.
Taken in connection with the gold objects of the lunette and horse-shoe types, these Christian
golden disk-crosses may give us an approximate date for all our gold antiquities, and that date
sufficiently near to the reign of Nero to make the chronology of our argument rational in itself, and
consistent with the history of the world : for history, so far as I am acquainted with it, offers but
one category of circumstances which will supply us with a plausible theory regarding the age of the
gold antiquities found in Ireland, a country lying on the borders of the Roman world, and at the
time offering itself as a temporary refuge for the exiles of Jerusalem.
For so far, I have endeavoured to show the reasonableness of our theory from its conformity
with historic facts which are of unquestioned authority. I proceed to bring forward another
argument of a different kind in its favour, which, I believe, has not yet been made use of for
elucidating the origin or age of our gold antiquities. For the fact itself, I am indebted to one of
our most distinguished Irish scholars. One of the enactments in the ancient Brehon Laws provides,
that every goldsmith in Ireland, when he had finished a piece of work, should put his name or
mark upon it, in order to identify it, so that every workman might be held accountable for the
quality or weight of the article manufactured. Now it is perfectly true that the names of the makers
are found on crosses, reliquaries, bell-shrines, pastoral staves, &c, made of gold and other metals
conjoined. These articles are all connected with the ceremonies or usages of the Christian religion ;
though there is little doubt that one use made of them was to avert evil. In most cases, the maker's
name is accompanied with the formula — "A prayer for" some person or persons — such as the
maker, the designer, or the individual who caused the article to be made. The recording of the
maker's name on all such objects made in Ireland may be a continuation of the custom established
by the old Brehon Law ; but when we come to examine the class of old gold antiquities, we find
the case very different. Out of the hundreds which I have had the opportunity of examining,
96
no matter how massive or how elaborately manufactured, I have never discovered on one of them,
even with powerful magnifiers, a maker's name, or cypher, or anything which could be considered
to be a letter." Tho only exception was the gold-cupped bangle figured in Yallancey's Collectanea,
on which an inscription, said by Yallancey to be in " Estrangulo " characters, was faintly observ-
able ; but this I assisted in proving to be a cheat, and to have been originally scratched on the
gold by a goose-quill pen, so as to leave marks not visible to the naked eye.
The practice of the Irish shrine-makers, coupled with the provision quoted from the Brehon
Laws, and contrasted with the facts above stated, clearly remove our entire class of gold antiquities
from the category of Irish manufactures produced within the period of the native laws. They
must, therefore, either be older than the Brehon Laws, or be foreign manufactures introduced into
this country since their adoption.
Our argument has carried us backwards, step by step, to the most probable era of their intro -
duction. We have traced, in its various modifications, on our stone crosses, a peculiar emblem
which appears on our ancient gold disks ; these latter connect themselves in style, workmanship,
and material, with the lunettes ; and these again with other gold objects of unquestionable foreign
form, which we have shown reasons for assigning to the era of the infancy of Christianity and the
fall of Jerusalem, when a sort of golden volcano discharged its treasures over the western world.
The debris of this convulsion have long since disappeared throughout the territories of the old
Boman Empire, where the plundered treasures of the Jews, the crowns and torques of the soldiers,
have all passed into new forms and fashions during the last two thousand years. In Ireland alone,
which remained undisturbed by the crash of the Boman power and the struggling of new nations
into birth, do we now find in considerable quantity the golden manufactures of that era ; while
occasional specimens are met with in other countries in the hands of Jews or their descendants.
Hitherto all our argument has been speculative. If, however, by dredging in the harbour of
Joppa, or in the Lake of Genesereth (where much treasure of the period was lost, according to
Josephus), or by exploring in the excavations now in progress at Jerusalem, there should be
discovered objects like our Irish gold antiquities, the question would at once be settled. I abide
the result with much interest.
There are several other collateral matters which I might introduce to develop and complete
my argument; but I have already occupied so much of your valuable space that I must hold these
in reserve, to be used in the event of our theory being attacked. This I very much desire, as my
w I have been constantly on the look out for inscriptions or some extent distinguishes them from the silver and white
makers' names or ciphers impressed on metallic antiquities metal antiquities, which, by their patterns may be traced
found in Ireland, but have never detected one except in the to different peoples who made a figure in Spain after the
case of the'KilkennyBrooch." This absence of names,marks fall of Jerusalem.
&c.,is in itself a characteristic of the gold antiquities, and to
97
chief object has been to open a new field for discussion, and to draw the attention of antiquaries to
the obscure question of our Irish gold antiquities, as being one not merely of local but of general
archaeological importance. I cannot, however, close this letter without putting forward, problema-
tically, a claim which the Jews may make on the Milesians themselves in Ireland, if their descen-
dants admit the argument of this essay to be true, and if they, at the same time, claim the gold
antiquities found in Ireland to be Milesian. This is a sort of dilemma which, no doubt, may be got
over by at once admitting that Heber and Heremon were Hebrews of the tribe of Benjamin, which
was always most famous for its military or " Milesian" spirit. At the siege of Jerusalem they fought
against all odds, under the bidding of their scribes and priests, who were of the tribes of Simeon
and Levi. These latter, from their peaceable professions, may have found it easy to make terms with
the lioman general ; but the others, who were hereditary soldiers, i.e. Milesians, and (as their name
"Benjamin" implied) " sons of the right hand," were beyond all grace, and forced by circumstances
either to give up their military profession altogether, and deny their individuality, or remain aliens
to Roman law and mercy, which it really appears many of them did, in Africa, and also in Ireland,
where at first, and afterwards in Scotland and England, they waged an hereditary war of exter-
mination against the Romans.
I would be disposed to trace the Ulster military Order of the Knights of the Red (right)
Hand, not to the tradition given in Keating, which is self-contradictory and absurd, but to the
fact that a bloody or red right hand was the banner orstandard of the tribe of Benjamin ; and -which
the Moors had, under similar Benjaminite influences, adopted on the key-stone of the Alhambra,
&c, as the emblem of war for ever, in their case against Rome or Christian chivalry, which
the Mohammedans considered to be continuation of that Rome which had destroyed the old Holy
City. In a religious, anti -Roman spirit, the invading Moors and Arabs, and the Jews of Spain all
perfectly agreed. This is clear from the usage of the invaders, in handing over all the reduced
cities to garrisons of Jews at the several places ; as if the invaders at first were mere allies, who
had been invited over to Spain to help the Jews to take possession of the country, and eject the
representatives of Rome. But the invaders finding themselves very much stronger than the Jews,
availed themselves of their position, and soon took the government of the country, and the towns also,
into their own hands. Thus was effected the, so-called, Moorish conquest of Spain.
Nothing of this kind, that we know of, took place in our country. There was no Roman power
to oppose, nor any representative of it either ; yet there is enough to prove that a most intimate
intercourse existed between the military classes of Spain and of Ireland; and that, down to a very recent
period, the Spaniards and the Milesian Irish looked on each other as brothers. Christian influences
in both countries have modified and ignored ancient Benjaminite traditions, which belonged to the
tribe of the Right Hand, who were not literary and had no books.1 Though great soldiers, and no
» To the tribe of Benjamin the books of the Old Testa- position to that tribe ; and with the fall of their city (which
ment were of little interest, as they gave neither rank or Jerusalem had become, on the decadence of the tribe of
98
doubt always ready to fight for their scribes and priests, yet if we may judge by the Affghans, who
are to a great extent of the tribe of Benjamin also, and first class soldiers, they all somehow soon
ceased to be orthodox Jews. The Aflghans are said to be now most bigotted Mohammedans, though
they acknowledge their Ismaelite descent ; while the Milesian Irish claim to be the most thorough
Christians, ready to fight in defence of that religion which thoir traditions attribute to St. Patrick ;
an individual, who (as I have been informed by a most competent authority who has paid great
attention to the various Lives of our patron Saint) was himself a convert from Judaism, and as
such may Save entertained a great sympathy for the fraction of the lost tribe of Benjamin in Ulster,
with whom he had there spent a portion of his captivity in early life, and where be may have
satisfied himself that an intense but undeveloped religious feeling existed.
Though the religion of the Milesians in Affghanistan and Ireland may have changed, the here-
ditary religious sentiments and bravery of both still continue, and the Milesian of old is still well
represented by the Milesian of the present day ; but in no case was he a European Celt, in the
sense that Herodotus uses that word. In Ireland he may, like the Normans, the Saxons, and the
English, in their turn, have adopted the previous vernacular language of the inhabitants of the
country — not an unusual thing when the number of immigrants is small, active, and intelligent,
as compared to the local or aboriginal population, who become the servants, slaves, nurses (language-
teachers of the children), and labourers of the new comers.
We have now wound up our case : let us see how far it will stand or fall by further investigation.
Your obedient servant,
Edwaed Cxlbbobn.
Dublin, May, 1860.
Judah) and the non-developement of the Messianic
prophecies, in the sense the tribes of Benjamin, Simeon,
and Levi, had put upon them, it is not to be wondered at
that this tribe, as hereditary soldiers, felt disposed to re-
pudiate the Old Testament; — except as supplying types of
military character. For this the Old Testament or its tradi.
tions may have been valued; and fromthese,the ideal soldiers,
Cuchullin and others in early Milesian romance, may have
been concocted. Every thing connected with that romance,
in Dr. Heating's Ireland, is perfectly Jewish ; seeming as if
the Milesians in Ireland were thoroughly imbued with the
spirit, if not the title, of ancient Judaism. Their pedigrees
and tribes, &c, are all on Jewish models, and unlike any
thing else.
ULSTER JOURNAL OF ARCHjEOLOCY.
PLATE 1,
99
ANCIENT IRISH TRUMPETS.
Amoitg the metallic antiquities discovered in this country, there are many that present forms and
types which, so far as we yet know, are peculiar to Ireland. Whether the geographical position of
our island, at the extreme west of Europe, and its exemption from the influence of Roman dominion,
may have tended to preserve here, longer than elsewhere, the remains of a former civilization ; or
whether we are to attribute the peculiar forms of the ancient objects found in our soil to the influx of
refugee strangers from various quarters into this asylumof the west, or to some of thenumerous invaders
who have successively landed on our shores, are questions difficult to resolve. One thing is certain,
that the existence in Ireland, from a very remote period, of great tracts of turf-bog, has afforded
the means of preserving unimpaired the relics of many different ages. In these depositories, it is
well known, that not merely metallic objects, but those composed of wood, may continue to exist
with little change for an indefinite period of time. Most of our bogs, until within the last century
or two, have remained undisturbed by the hand of man (except here and there on their surface) ;
because, so long as our extensive forests existed, it was easier to obtain fuel from them than to have
recourse to cutting wet turf, which required a subsequent process of drying. Turf-bogs are
known to be produced by the growth and gradual deposit of vegetable matter ; but no certain
evidence of age can be obtained from the rate of growth, as this is a question which is
still quite involved in obscurity. In many cases the growth must be exceedingly slow, but in
others we can conceive circumstances which would favour a more rapid development of the vegetable
matter. Hence, the bogs themselves afford us no means of determining the date of deposit of any
articles found in them. They may be either hundreds or thousands of years old. This great
physical feature of Ireland, therefore, which is nowhere else found existing to the same extent,
renders the chronology of our antiquities in many cases extremely puzzling. Another element of
uncertainty is the diversity of the races of people who , at different remote periods, are known to have
colonized or settled more or less partially in the island. Tradition and written history afford but
little assistance in identifying these. It is, therefore, necessary for us to use great caution when
endeavouring to assign either a date or an origin to any of our antiquities which present types
different from those found elsewhere. One obvious means of assisting our decision would be a com-
parison of these antiquities with the ancient remains of a similar kind preserved in other countries.
The materials for such a comparison are indeed rapidly accumulating, since the study of Archaeology
has begun to assume its proper importance throughout Europe ; but it is only of late years that cor-
rect drawings and descriptions of such objects are becoming accessible to us ; and a considerable time
must yet elapse before we are in a position to know how far our Irish antiquities resemble or differ
100
from those of tho chief ancient nations. The discoveries at Nineveh have lately opened up to our
view one gorgeous illustrated page of ancient history; but we know not how many more will yet
be unrolled. In the meantime, it is our duty, as archaeologists, to record faithfully the forms and
other peculiarities of our Irish antiquities; leaving to future inquirers, with more means of com-
parison at their disposal, to trace out their true age and origin.
Among our bronze antiquities, perhaps none arc more remarkable than the Trumpets, of which
a considerable number have been found in bogs in different parts of Ireland. An opportunity has
just occurred of obtaining correct drawings of two very perfect specimens, which were discovered
in the County of Antrim. They formed part of the collection of antiquities of the late James Bell, Esq.,
of Ballymoney, and have been placed at my disposal through the kindness of Mr. David "Wilson, of
that town." These trumpets were found, with two others precisely similar, in the year 1840, in
Drumabest bog, in the parish of Kilraughts (County Antrim). The other two were for many years
in the possession of James Carruthers, Esq., of Belfast, and were shown at the great Exhibition
of Irish Antiquities, held in the Belfast Museum, in 1852, on the occasion of the meeting of the
British Association. Since then they have been sold in London.
The accompanying lithograph (Plate I., Eig8. 1 and 2) gives a correct representation of the two
trumpets belonging to the Ballymoney museum. The instruments are both made of cast bronze ,
without any joint, and are good specimens of the founder's art.
DIMENSIONS:
ft. in.
Fig. 1 — Length of curve, 2 11
Distance from point to point, 1 11J
Diameter of large end, 0 2|
ft. in.
Fig. 2 — Length of curve, 2 5
Distance from point to point, 1 7J
Size of oval mouth-hole, 0 lg
by nearly 0 1
ft. in.
Fig. 1 — Diameter of small end, 0 1&
Do. of ring, 0 1 J
Weight of the Trumpet, 4 lb. 6 oz.
ft. in.
Fig. 2 — Diameter of large end, 0 2 J
Do. of large ring, 0 2j
Do. of small ring, 0 1£
Weight of the Trumpet, 3 1b. 12 oz.
The striking peculiarity of Fig. 2 is the position of the embouchure, or hole for the lips ;
which, in place of being at the smaller extremity of the instrument, as we are accustomed to see it
in our modern trumpets, is placed on one side. This hole is also much lai'ger than would be neces-
sary if the trumpet had to be sounded in the usual way, by forcing compressed breath through it.
In fact, it is impossible for any one at the present day to produce a clear musical sound from
it, by any amount of exertion. The breath, not being confined at first in a narrow space, expands
»I have learned, with much pleasure, that by the libe- quities has been saved from dispersion, and been purchased
rality of Mr. Wilson, Mr. Cramsie, and some other gentle- to form the commencement of an archaeological museum in
men of Ballymoney, this valuable collection of local anti- that town.
101
so rapidly in the chamber of the instrument that there is not time to compress it with sufficient
force ; and hence, after the greatest effort, the only sound produced is a dull roar, which is not
heard to any great distance. Mr. Clibborn (the Curator of the Royal Irish Academy) informs me,
however, that the late Dr. Robert Ball, of Dublin, entertained a different opinion, and believed that
trumpets of this construction were really musical instruments. By a strong effort of the lungs and
lips, he was able to produce, on a smaller trumpet of this form in the Academy's Museum, a deep
bass note, resembling the bellowing of a bull. And it is a melancholy fact, that the loss of this
gentleman's life was occasioned by a subsequent experiment of the same kind. In the act of
attempting to produce a distinct sound on a large trumpet (like the one in our Plate, fig. 2), he
burst a blood-vessel, and died a few days after.
Trumpets of this particular kind, therefore, could not have been used as trumpets now are. What
then, was their use ? A natural suggestion is, that they were speaking-trumpets ; but the opening
for the lips, although large enough to permit some freedom of motion, is not well adapted for
the perfect articulation of words. I am of opinion, therefore, that these instruments were used for
the purpose of conveying signal-shouts to a distance, either in battle or in large assemblies
of the people.
Trumpets of the same kind, as regards the mouth-opening, but differing in other respects, have-
been found in various parts of Ireland. In Boate and Molyneux's Natural History of Ireland, pub-
lished in 1726, an engraving is given of one of these instruments, found some years previously, in
opening a mound near Carrickfergus, of which the annexed is a copy. (Plate II., Fig. 1.) Three of
them were found together, two of which wei'e taken to England. Dr. Molyneux describes the specimen
thus: "From a to b the length was about a foot and a-half ; the diameter of the open at the widest
end, b, about four inches ; the smaller end, a, was entirely close, and the hole they blew at when they
sounded was on one side, not at the end, as in our modern trumpets. "What sort of noise those that
had skill in sounding this kind of trumpet could make with it, before it had been any ways impaired
by time, I cannot say; but at present, when it is blown it gives but a dull, uncouth, heavy sound,
that cannot be heard at any great distance." (p. 197.)
Smith, in his History of the County Cork, published in 1750, gives engravings of two trumpets,
found in a bog between Cork and Mallow, which are copied here, (Plate II., Figs. 2 & 3,) with his scale
of dimensions. Fig. 2 has the side-opening and rings, but is ornamented at the larger end by a row
of projecting pointed knobs. Smith supposes that this instrument was used as a musical one, and
observes: "If the method of filling the German flute was lost, and a person was to find one, it would be
very difficult to guess what kind of sound it might afford: and the same may be said of our trumpets."
Fig. 3 is a very remarkable instrument, and unlike anything yet described as having been found in
this country. It is a double trumpet, open at both ends, and without a hole in the side. "From
a to a are two brass pipes, better than half-an-inch in diameter. These pipes had been soldered at I,
VOL. VIII. o
102
but at aa they exactly enter the smaller ends of the curved part of the instrument. The curved
parts are both of a size; if joined, when the pipe b was whole, it was impossible, by blowing in
the wider end, to make any musical sound; but by blowing into either small end, with one or both
pipes fixed, it might have afforded no unharmonious noise. The wider, as well as the smaller ends
of these instruments are ornamented with a row of small pyramids. They are of cast brass, very
smooth on the outside, but not quite so thin as a common brass trumpet." " There were thirteen or
fourteen more discovered at the same time, but these were the most perfect and uncommon, espe-
cially fig. 3." (vol. ii. p. 406.)
Mr. John "Windele, of Cork, has favoured me with sketches of several trumpets preserved in
Cork, which were discovered in a bog near Killarney, in 1835 or 1836, along with a number of
similar ones, of which Mr. Windele has a specimen in his collection. Fig. 4, Plate II., represents
one of these trumpets. It is 21 1 inches in length, 3£ inches in diameter at the broad end, and If
inches at the narrow end. There are six conical projections at the large end, and four at the small.
Several such trumpets were included among the Irish antiquities shown at the Cork Industrial
Exhibition, in 1851. One specimen, belonging to the late Mr. John Herrick, of Cork, consisted of two
parts, a curved and a straight joint, the latter having rings for suspension attached; the seams in
this were not united by rivets, but appeared as if they had been brazed. Several specimens of the
trumpets found near Killarney were purchased by the late Lord Londesborough.
In an account given in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 30th Nov., 1848, by
Dr. Robinson, of Armagh, of an assemblage of bronze articles discovered with an ancient bronze
cauldron, at Dowris, in the King's County, and now in the museum of the Earl of Rosse, are
mentioned "three hunting horns, with lateral embouchure;" and "ten others, of a different
kind, some having the seam united by rivets, in others apparently brazed. All of this kind,
which differ considerably in size, seem to have had additional joints, of which three were
found. In none of them is there any convenient embouchure." In a subsequent communi-
cation, published in the same Proceedings (December 10, 1849), from Thomas L. Cooke, Esq.,
of Parsonstown, respecting the same antiquities, he describes the horns as " gold-coloured
horns or trumpets," and observes : "I have had in my possession many of those which were
found at Dowris. Some of them had lateral mouth-pieces. I must remark, however, that I
never saw one of this form put together with rivets, as described by Dr. Robinson. Having
minutely examined all the bronze horns in the Earl of Rosse' s collection, I have no hesitation in
asserting, that not even a single one of them was united with rivets. Some of them present, at a
distant view, to a superficial observer, the appearance of having been rivetted; but on closer
inspection, such appearance turns out to be nothing more than a mere nail-head ornament, running
along the sides, or around the wider aperture of the horn. It is quite clear that the entire horn,
with its nail-head ornaments, was made at a single casting. I send for inspection two specimens
xn
H
§
103
of this description of ornamented horn, belonging to my own collection. To two of the horns in
Lord Eosse's possession additions have been annexed, not by rivetting, but by a more remarkable
process, that which is technically termed ' burning.' This mode of uniting metals is, I believe,
reckoned now rather of modern invention. It is effected by pouring melted metal, at a glowing
temperature, upon the junction of the two pieces intended to be united, and by that means fusing
the entire into one mass."
Figs. 3, 4, and 5, in Plate I., represent the upper portions (reduced in size) of three trumpets
in the Royal Irish Academy's collection, all with the lateral mouth-piece. These present some
differences in the pattern, but all the instruments have precisely the same curved form as our
specimen, Fig. 2. The mouth-hole in Fig. 3 is surrounded by a raised rim.
Several bronze trumpets were dug up in the year 1842, in a meadow in the townland of
Killybreckan, parish of Clonfeacle, (County Armagh,) at a depth of about two feet from the surface.
They are now in the possession of the Countess of Ranfurly. Others, found elsewhere in the same
county, are in the Museum at Stackallen College, County Meath.
We have now to notice another form of ancient trumpet found in Ireland, and more remarkable,
perhaps, than any of the preceding. In the year 1798, four brazen trumpets were discovered in
boggy land on the borders of Loughnashade, near Armagh, in the property of Ptobert Pooler, Esq.,
of Tyross. Stuart, in his History of Armagh, has given a plate of one of them (which is here copied,
Plate II., Fig. 5,) and the following description : " The trumpets, which are very curious remnants of
antiquity, are of a golden colour, and nearly similar in size, form, and structure. One of these, now
[1819] in the possession of Mr. Pooler himself, consists of two joints ; the length of the whole sweep,
which is nearly semicircular, is 6 feet. The diameter of the tube at the small end is 1 inch, and at the
larger end 3f inches. No solder had been used in the construction of these trumpets. Yet they
were perfectly air-tight, for the edges of the plate of which each is formed had been very neatly
and ingeniously rivetted to a thin strip of brass placed directly under the joint, and extending the
whole length of the instrument."11 A much finer trumpet of this kind was found in a bog in the
townland of Ardbrin, in the parish of Anaghlone, County of Down, about the year 1809, by the
Rev. Joseph Martin, and is figured in the Newry Magazine [vol. i. p. 293.] It likewise consisted
of two joints, which, " when taken from the bog, were as bright as gold. The finder, as soon as he
had cleared the tube3 of the moss which they contained, applied the smaller end of the larger joint
to his mouth, and blew a blast, which immediately arrested the attention of the inhabitants of several
adjacent townlands, who hurried to the spot. The form of the two joints, when placed together, is
b I am informed by Mr. John Bell, of Dungannon, (the in Scotland ; a second was presented to Mr. Trevor Corry
writer of the article in the Neicry Magazine above quoted,) in Newry, and afterwards sold in Dublin ; ODe, as already
that one of the four trumpets was purchased by Lieut. mentioned, remained in the possession of Mr. Pooler ; the
General Alexander Campbell, and by him taken to his house fate of the fourth is not known.
- 104
very nearly semicircular. The curve of the larger part is, in sweep, 4 feet 10 inches, the chord
4 feet ; the diameter of the smaller extremity of that tube is |- of an inch, that of the larger extre-
mity 3f inches. The curve of the smaller part measures 3 feet 6 inches. The sweep of both joints,
when placed together, is 8 feet 4 inches. The diameter of the smaller tube is uniformly the same
from beginning to end, viz., £ of an inch : so that it could only have been connected with the
greater joint by means of a third one, formed to grasp them both. In forming this trumpet, the
edges of the plate had been brought together, and a thin strip of brass, placed at the point of junction
from end to end in the interior of the instrument, had been rivetted to it with copper rivets, in a
wonderfully neat style. In some parts, the line in which the edges of the brass are brought toge-
ther cannot be discovered by the most minute inspection. These are the parts which seem to have
been habitually grasped by the musician's hand. In other places delicate marks of a small hammer,
used in closing the rivets, are perceptible. A very great variety of tones may be produced on this
instrument." [p. 293.] At the exhibition of Irish antiquities in Belfast, already alluded to, Lord
Eossmore exhibited a copy in brass of a large trumpet, nearly answering to this description. The
original was stated to have been found in the County Antrim ; but I am informed by Mr. Bell, of
Dungannon, that the model was an imitation of this very trumpet, which he last saw in the posses-
sion of the late Dr. McDowell, of Monaghan ; and that gentleman's son has mentioned to me that
the original was subsequently sold to the late Dean Dawson, of Dublin.
It is difficult to understand in what manner instruments of such an unwieldy size were employed.
Some have supposed that they were used on horseback, in which case they must have had some
support, as such an instrument was much too long to be carried in the usual way. It is more pro-
bable that two persons on foot were required to manage the trumpet — one to support it, and the other
to sound it ; and it is, therefore, likely that it was an instrument used only on occasions of import-
ance or solemnity, such as in processions, &c, and not in battle. That the intention was to produce
a sound of extraordinary loudness is evident. It is known, from experiments, that sound can be
conveyed distinctly to a great distance through a tube. The beat of a watch, placed in the
mouth of a common cylindrical trumpet, is audible at double the distance at which it can be heard
without employing the instrument. It has been ascertained that a man, speaking through a tube
4 feet in length, may be understood at the distance of 2,500 feet; through one of 16 feet, at a dis-
tance of 9 ,400 feet ; and through one of 24 feet, at a distance of 1 2, 500. These experiments were made
with straight tubes : whether the curved form of these large trumpets increases the volume of sound
is not known. It has been stated, on the authority of the late Arthur Brown, Esq., senior Fellow of
Trinity College, Dublin, that an experiment was actually made with one of the great trumpets above
described, at the time it was discovered near Armagh, which proved its extraordinary power. He
was informed that, being sounded by a trumpeter of the 23rd Kegiment of Dragoons, then stationed
there, it produced a tremendous sound, which could be heard for miles. I have been assured,
105
however, by Mr. Bell, of Dungannon, who saw all the specimens of large trumpets here alluded to,
that this is quite an exaggeration : for that the only sound which could be produced from any of
these horns was a very low, dull tone.c It is evident, indeed, that although the vibrations of the
human voice may be conveyed to a great distance by being confined (and perhaps reverberated) in
a long tube, there must be a certain length of tube, and that not very great, beyond which it would
be impossible for human lungs to produce the vibrations in the instrument itself by the mere act of
blowing. In several modern brazen instruments of music, such as the French horn, the breath is
certainly made to pass along a considerable number of convolutions which, if extended in a straight
line, would form a long tube ; but this seems to have the effect of softening the tone, and rendering
it more melodious, not of increasing its loudness. I am, therefore, inclined to believe that neither
these very large Irish trumpets, nor those already described with a side-aperture, were ever employed
asWoww^-trumpets,but as shouting -tvvLnrpQts; the smaller kind, from their more convenient size, being
probably used in battle either for conveying signals, or for the same purpose as we now use drums, —
to increase the din of war and animate the combatants, or to strike terror into the enemy. We have, in
fact, distinct evidence that horns were used by the Celts of ancient Gaul for this very purpose. Polybius,
an historian whose descriptions of ancient manners are considered highly trustworthy, has the follow-
ing graphic passage in his account of the war between the Romans and the Celts : — " The parade
and tumult of the army of the Celts terrified the Romans ; for there was amongst them an infinite
number of horns and trumpets, which, with the shouts of the whole army in concert, made a
clamour so terrible and so loud, that every surrounding echo was awakened, and all the adjacent
country seemed to join in the terrible din."d (Lib. 2.) We nowhere read of the Celts having used
drums, either on the Continent or in the British Islands.
If we may trust a statement, quoted by Kircher, from a very old manuscript in the Vatican
library, ascribed to Aristotle, our great Irish trumpets were far exceeded in size by the famous one of
Alexander the Great. He is there said to have had a prodigious horn, five cubits in diameter :
" With this brazen horn, constructed with wonderful art, Alexander called together his army at the
distance of 100 stadia. On account of its inestimable workmanship and monstrous size, it was
under the management of sixty men. Many kinds of sonorous metal were employed in the
composition of it." [Bologna edition, 1564]. This MS. does not say expressly that Alexander spoke
through the horn ; and it is more likely (if there be any foundation at all for the story) that it was
employed in the manner I have suggested. The legend proves, at all events, that the ancients were
<= The extract which I have given from the Xeicry Maga- Editor of the Magazine without his authority.
zinc, describing the great trumpet found in the County d Livy (lib. v., c. 37) alludes in more general terms to
Down, was writen by Mr. Bell. It is stated that the sound these warlike noises of the Gaulish Celts : — " Jam omnia
produced was such as to attract the attention of the people contra circaque hostium plena erant, et nata vanos tumultus
in several adjacent townlands : but Mr. Bell informs me gens, truci cantu clamoribusque variis. horrendo cuncta
that this statement was incorrect, and was introduced by the compleverant sono."
106
aware that the power of transmitting sound was increased by the length of the instrument : and
the manner in which its dimensions are stated (viz., its diameter, not its length,) would seem to
indicate that this was a curved trumpet, like our large Irish ones.
We have no historical data whatever to assist us in determining at what period any of these
trumpets were in use in Ireland. No notices of such instruments, that I am aware of, are met
with in any of the works of English authors, relating to Ireland, since the Conquest, nor in any of
the native Annals which have yet been made public. In the Itinerarium Cambria of Giraldus
Cambrensis, which is an account of a journey through "Wales made by Baldwin, Archbishop of
Canterbury, in 1188, when he was accompanied by Giraldus, one curious notice occurs. Among the
remarkable objects in Wales, believed to possess supernatural properties, he mentions " the horn of
Saint Patrick, made of brass, not of gold, which lately came to those parts from Ireland, and whose
extraordinary powers were first made known in that country by a terrible event, in consequence of
its being foolishly sounded by a certain, priest named Bernard;" and he adds that this horn had
the property of emitting sweet sounds of itself, like those of a harp gently struck, when its larger
extremity was put to the ear. [pp. 14. 15.]
None of the Irish works published by the Irish Archaeological Society mention trumpets.
In the curious one called the Book of Rights, preserved in two ancient Irish MSS., the Book
of Lecan and the Book of Ballymote, and the materials for which are believed to have been
originally recorded in the third century, a minute account is given of all the articles payable as
tribute to the great Irish potentates. We have here specified the exact number of swords, shields,
lances, coats of mail, helmets, rings, cauldrons, &c, to which each prince was entitled from his
tributary chieftains ; but in no instance do we find mention made of trumpets. It is remarkable,
however, that in almost every page we find " drinking-horns" enumerated as part of each tribute.
The word which is so translated is com ; and the idea struck me that possibly this might, in some
cases, signify a horn for blowing ; but the context of some of the passages where it occurs shows
that, there at least, it can only mean a drinking-horn. Thus (p. 167) " Six tall (drinking) horns
full of ale;" (p. 207,) "Seven (drinking) herns with their mead." One passage (p. 165) mentions
" curved horns," a description which would apply as well to blowing-horns as to drinking-horns.
Usually, however, the word corn is employed without any descriptive epithet : and it might be
worth considering whether, in such cases, the -word may not bear the other meaning: especially
as I find the term comairedha translated " trumpeters" in another publication of the Irish Archae-
ological Society,6 showing tbat certainly there was a kind of trumpet called by the ancient Irish
corn. Now, it is worth noting, that the ancient Celts of the Continent of Europe had actually
e Entitled Families and Customs of Ily Many (O'Kelly'8 tioned as supplying the hereditary trumpeters (cornairedha)
Country); a tract in the Booh of Lecan, compiled in 1418, of the chief,
from earlier MSS. The family of O'Sheehan is here men-
107
a trumpet bearing this very name. Hesychius says: Ka^ov rqv ttaXmyya Tctkarcu ("the Gauls
called the trumpet Carrion"); and Potter (Grecian Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 82,) mentions that one of
the kinds of trumpets used among the Greeks (which was called Kagwg) was invented in Gallia
Celtica. There can be no doubt that these names, as well as the Latin coma, and our horn, are all
derived from an ancient word, com or ham, common to many languages, signifying the horn of an
animal, but more especially a cow's horn. This was readily converted into a trumpet, to which the
same name continued to be applied, and would afterwards be extended to metallic instruments
resembling a horn in shape. Yarro {Be Lingua Latina, 1. 4,) says expressly that "horns [cornua~]
which are now made of brass, are so called because they were formerly made of a cow's horn ;" and
Dionysius Halicarnas. (1. 2) speaks of officials calling the people to an assembly by blowing cows'
horns. The Roman bronze trumpet called cornu was undoubtedly of a curved form, as is evident
from the expression in Ovid (Metamorph. 1, 3. 10): " jSTon tuba directi, non aeris cornua flexi," where
the straight tuba is distinguished from the bent cornu.
One of the old Irish words signifying a trumpet is buabhal, which is certainly cognate with the
Latin bubalus, a wild ox. Our English bugle can be traced to a similar origin ; this word is an
abbreviation for bugle-Aorw, and is unquestionably derived from the same root as the Latin buculus,
a young ox.
Trumpets are occasionally mentioned in Irish romances and poems of the Middle Ages ; but no
historical value can be attached to these notices, as the writers of that period may have borrowed
much of their imagery from foreign sources. The Brehon Laws, and the various unpublished his-
torical poems which still exist in manuscript, may contain allusions which might throw some light
on the subject; but as yet we have no means of access to their contents.
In the total absence of historical data, therefore, we have no resource but conjecture — and
there has certainly been no want of this. Molyneux, Ledwich, and other writers on Irish antiquities,
without hesitation, pronounce all such instruments found in Ireland to be Danish. Stuart, in his
History of Armagh, says that the large trumpets which he describes were found on a spot which
tradition points out as the scene of a great battle with the Danes ; and Smith, in his History of CorJc,
asserts that his trumpets were found "in a Danish entrenchment." But it is singular that, in the
great Museum of Danish antiquities, at Copenhagen, which contains specimens of all the various
metallic articles used by the ancient Scandinavians, there is not to be seen one single trumpet
like our Irish ones: at least, if we may judge by the copious pictorial catalogue of the museum,
which has been lately published, giving representations of every class of objects, and which certainly
would not omit such instruments, if any existed. Drinking-horns seem to be abundant ; and two
speaking-trumpets flurerj are figured in the catalogue/ but quite different in form from any instru-
ment found in this country. If our trumpets be Danish, how docs it happen that not one specimen
i Enlarged edition of 1859, pp. 39, 40.
108
lias ever been recorded as found in the Hebrides or the Isle of Man, which were under the govern-
ment of the Scandinavians for centuries ? And, indeed, why have they not been found in the North
of England, where a permanent Scandinavian population has continued to exist since the time of
the Danish Conquest ? In the Icelandic account of the great battle at Clontarf, between the Danes
and Irish, which is contained in one of the Sagas, there is no allusion whatever to such instruments.
I may add, as conclusive evidence on this point, that Mr. "Worsaae, the Danish archaeologist,
who is intimately acqainted with all the antiquities of his native country, and who took a prominent
part in the formation of the Copenhagen Museum, had never seen trumpets with a side-aperture
till he visited Ireland, in 1846.
Camden asserts that several of the Irish trumpets were found near the foot of Eound Towers,
and conjectures that they were used on the top of those buildings for summoning the people.
The same opinion is adopted by a writer in the Archceologia, who says : " Round towers
having only windows at the top, and being always situated near churches, I verily believe their
principal use to have been to receive a person to call the people to worship with some wind-
instrument, which would be heard to a much greater distance than small uncast bells could. In
Mahometan countries, the voices of the Muezzins, or callers to prayers, who stand for that purpose
on turrets much higher than their mosques, are heard to a very great distance. "When in Holland,
I was much surprised to what a distance I heard the man whose station is at the top of their highest
steeples. He blows a trumpet frequently during the night ; and, if he observes a fire, he keeps the
instrument directed that way, and blows with a continuance, which never fails to be heard to the
most distant part of their largest towns." [vol. ii. p. 81.]
It is well known that a trumpet is heard more distinctly in the quarter opposite to its mouth
than in any other. The sound which, if not confined in the tube, would spread in all directions,
issues with force at the extremity of the instrument, and, of course, reaches an ear placed in a line
with it soonest and most distinctly. Now, this fact suggests a probable reason for the shape of our
large curved trumpets : namely, that they were used by a person placed on an elevated spot, with
the mouth directed downwards towards an assembly of people below. I do not think it at all likely
that a trumpeter ever stood on one of our round towers ; but he may have been stationed on a hill
or rock on some occasion of solemnity.
Sir "William Betham, in his Etruria Celtica (vol. ii. p. 148), states that our Irish semi-circular
trumpets exactly resemble the Etruscan ones which are represented in the sculptures of their pro-
cessions, and are found in excavating in their tombs. I have not seen any engravings of these ; and,
as the statements of this author are not always correct, I lay no stress on the resemblance here
alleged; but it may be noted, in corroboration, that, according to Athenaeus, (1. iv. 181,) the cornu
was an invention of the Etruscans. Specimens found in Etruscan tombs are said to be in the
British Museum.
109
The investigation of our early Irish antiquities continually tends to lead us towards the East as
the probable source of many things which are peculiar to this country. Our bardic histories, how-
ever fabulous they may be in details, concur in bringing to Ireland an Eastern colony at a very
remote period. Who these people were has yet to be discovered ; but a rational conjecture is, that
they were of Phoenician race, possibly from Carthage, or some of the other numerous colonies of
that colonizing people. "We know from the Jewish Scriptures, that the Phoenicians were the great
manufacturers in metals of that time, from whom the Jews themselves were supplied. "We meet
with frequent mention of trumpets in the Old Testament : a single reference may be sufficient to
show that instruments of this kind, made of metal, were in use among the Jews at a very early
period. In Numbers (chap. 10,) we find the following passage: — "And the Lord spake unto
Moses, saying, Make thee two trumpets of silver : of a whole piece shalt thou make them, that thou
mayest use them for the calling of the assembly, and for the journeyings of the camps;" and in
this chapter even directions are given for the various kinds of signals by trumpet-call. The
Phoenicians and Jews were only branches of the same great Semitic race, and resembled each other
not only in language, but in customs. Hence, we may presume that the Phoenicians employed
metallic trumpets themselves for the same purposes, and that they would carry them with them to
their different colonies. We know that they traded to the British Islands.
It is not impossible that the Phoenicians themselves may have borrowed their curved trumpets
from some nation still farther east, for they are used even now by the Hindoos, a people who pre -
serve ancient customs with astonishing tenacity. Bishop Heber, in his Journal, speaks of the
celebration of a great religious festival at which he was present: — " The Hindoo festival of Churruck
Poojah commenced this day. . . . The music consisted chiefly of large double drums orna-
mented with large plumes of feathers like those of a hearse, large crooked trumpets, &c." [vol. i. 98.]
Whatever may be the origin of our trumpets, they certainly belong to a remote antiquity. They
are clearly not Danish, Saxon, or Roman ; and we cannot show from our annals that they were
Irish during the period of written history. They must, therefore, either be relics of an ancient
Celtic civilization, or be the importation of some colonists from a distance. If they belong to the
former, they must have formed part of a system of manners and customs which extended much
further than Ireland. We ought to find relics of the same period resembling them in France or
Spain, where Celtic nations lived at the dawn of history ; but, for so far, nothing of the kind has
been discovered. Hence, until further evidence appears, the advocates of an Eastern origin have
as good a case as any others. The excellent state of preservation in which the specimens are found
is no argument against their great antiquity : the preliminary remarks to the present paper point
out a sufficient reason for this.
One very curious trumpet remains to be noticed, which has just come into my possession
through the kindness of Mr. David Wilson, of Ballymoney. It is represented by Fig 6, in Plate I.,
vol. viii. r
110
and wa? found, about six years ago, in a bog in the townland of Garry, parish of Ballymoney,
(County Antrim). The same locality has produced a number of other antiquities, including stone
hatchets and flint arrow-heads, all found at a depth of about three feet from the surface. This
trumpet is made of sheet brass very neatly soldered at the joints, and of a yellower colour than the
ancient bronze. Its form is quite unique, as I believe nothing resembling it has ever been dis-
covered in Ireland. It was apparently a listening-trumpet, for assisting imperfect hearing: and it
certainly answers the purpose admirably, as words uttered in the large bell-shaped mouth are even
painfully loud to a person who applies the small end to his ear. The conical appendage which
encircles the smaller end is evidently intended to prevent the ear from being hurt by the trumpet,
and to render the instrument more steady when in use. The entire length of the curve is 1 1^ inches;
the large mouth is oval, measuring 4| inches by 3^ ; small end circular, and ^ inch diameter. The
material of this trumpet, and the use of solder, may indicate that it is not of very great antiquity;
but from the circumstances under which it was found, it may date back three or four hundred
years at least. Mr. "Wilson purchased it from the poor man who found it, and satisfied himself
at the time, by inquiry, that it was really discovered in the place stated ; and besides, the sum
paid was so trifling that the finder had no inducement to make any false statement.
I had just finished writing the preceding remarks, when I accidentally walked into the Belfast
Museum, and the very first object that struck my eye was one so completely illustrative of my
subject that I cannot help mentioning it. It was a New Zealand war-trumpet, presented to the
Museum during the last fortnight, and formed simply of a large conch-shell, with a mouth-hole
in one side! Here is the very prototype of our unique Irish trumpets: "Verily there is nothing
new under the sun !"
BoBEiix Mac Adah
Ill
CAHIR CONRI.
By JOHN WINDELE, COHK.
Some few years since, before Archaeological Congresses were known, four Members of the "South
Munster Antiquarian Society," consisting of the Rev. Mathew Horgan, a distinguished Ollamh re
Seanchus, Abraham Abell, "William Willes, and the writer, determined to explore the vicinity of
Dingle, in the county Kerry, and the rich field of primaeval Antiquities lying around that locality.
A visit to Cahir Conri, a large Cyclopean structure, giving name to the western extremity
of Slieve Mis mountain, formed a portion of their programme of proceedings. The legendary
celebrity of this ancient fortress, added to the obscurity and uncertainty involving its present ex-
istence, form, and character, induced them to resolve these questions by a personal investigation.
Smith (Histortj of Kerry, p. 156) describes it as "& circle of massy stones laid one on the other
in the manner of a Danish intrenchment ;" several of them from eight to ten cubical feet, but all
very rude. " It seems indeed," he adds, " wonderful how human strength, unassisted by engines,
could possibly raise stones of such prodigious weight to the summit of so steep and high a mountain."
Theopbilus O'Flanagan (Trans. Gael. Society, p. 50) regarded the monument as a Cairn, — "a
heap of loose stones that appear to have been collected on the mountains."
The late Dr. Thomas "Wood, author oiAn Inquiry concerning the Primitive Inhabitants of Ireland,
describes it as still subsisting on the "summit" -of the mountain. "Whilst Dr. John 0' Donovan,
one of the most cautious and able antiquaries of our time, describes it as a fort, but says it "has
been long since destroyed." — Battle of Magh Rath, p. 212.
For several miles the journey of the travellers lay at the base of Slieve Mis,a a range of
mountains of undulating outline, seamed with the furrows of many gushing streams. On their right
lay gleaming in the sun light the broad waters of Tralee bay, called of old time Lough Foirdream-
huin, one of the "three lakes of Ireland" in A.M., 2520. Their progress was more interrupted
and somewhat slower than what usually falls to the lot of the wayfarer over this ground, as they
tarried occasionally wherever an ancient rath, pillar-stone, cloghaun, or ruined church, attracted
their notice. In this manner they visited the old churches of Armagh and Kilelton, structures of
very different eras — the latter one of the earliest, as it is perhaps the smallest in Ireland. Near
Annagh they inspected the stone circle and the half erased rath of Tonakilla, and farther on a stone
a The name of Mis belongs to two mountains in Ireland, as the scene of the decisive battle which gave the dominion
one in Antrim, the other, this of Kerry, both of equal of the island to the Scoto-Milesians, and the northern as
celebrity, although on different accounts : the southern connected with the early history of St. Patrick.
112
chair, at the south-oast side of which are eight remarkable pillar- stones, of which six are now
prostrate, and two only retain their upright position. The latter are so placed as to present the
appearance of head and foot stones to a gigantic leacht or grave, and stand ten feet two inches
asunder. Thence, following the sinuosity of the road, they quitted the vicinage of the shore, and
wound inward around the western base of the mountain, where it may be said to terminate in a
deep and rather narrow valley, whose extremity is clad in the foliage of groves and plantations,
over which is seen the spire of Kilgobbin church. And now was heard the murmuring voice of a
rushing rivulet, which gradually became more audible, until its waters, where crossed by a pictu-
resque bridge, were seen bounding in a foaming torrent over a bed obstructed by masses of broken
rock, and thence flowing onward in wild haste, pursued their noisy course towards the ocean. That
stream was the Fionglaise, or fair river, which, as tradition says, once ran white with milk poured
into it, the signal of a faithless wife to an expectant lover. It is now less romantically employed
in turning a mill, seen midway in the wooded vale beneath. High up the mountain's side are its
sources ; and the valley which it waters is Glenfais, or Glenaish, so named from the heroine Fais,
wife of one of the Scotic leaders, whom she accompanied " from the sunny land of Spain," in their
adventurous quest of the " Isle of Destiny." She merely lived to witness the first conflict with
the mythic Dananns, in which she seems herself to have been engaged, and to have received her
death-wound. Tradition says she was buried at the spot where afterwards the little church of
Kilelton was built.
In the same engagement fell another Amazonian lady, Scota, the mother of our " great fore-
fathers,"— the Clanna Milidh, and widow of Milesius. The place of her sepulture is marked on the
Ordnance sheet 38, as " Scota's grave" in an upland glen, about a mile south of Tralee, and some
eight miles to the east of Glenfais. There her grave -stone is still pointed out, a great natural flag
about thirty-five feet in length and eleven broad. The tradition is confirmed by several ancient
manuscripts which treat of the landing of the Scoti. The sojourn of Scota at Glenfais must, however,
have been of some duration previous to her death, if the same tradition is to be credited ; for it is
said that her favourite practice, whilst here, consisted in leaping from the hill of Cnoc na miol (hill
of hares) at one side to Cnoc na damh (hill of oxen) at the other, a feat of no small magnitude, even
though the glen between is not of the broadest.
To one who studies the history and early Archaeology of Ireland, this part of Kerry presents
memorials and associations abounding in interest. The Bardic narrative has given us names and
events in connection with the district, to which recent researches really attach credibility and im-
portance. Topographical names and traditions, which have descended for countless generations, are
here still preserved and in ordinary use, sustaining an early record of the Milesian advent on these
shores ; whilst, within a few recent years, remains and vestiges, long forgotten or unnoticed, have
been unexpectedly discovered, calculated, it may be, to illustrate what many have regarded as
113
a baseless myth. The discoveries of Archdeacon Rowan in Glenaish, of graves of the earliest type,
and of monumental pillar- stones, one inscribed in the ancient Ogham character, seem facts full of
promise in elucidating this long " vexed question." The inscription belongs to a class known to be
numerous in the Corkaguiny peninsula in Kerry; and whenever their import shall be satisfactorily
ascertained, it is believed that, if no direct, at least some inferential light may be shed thereby on
this remote period of our history. Hitherto the language expressed in these inscriptions has offered
serious difficulties to those who have sought its meaning ; its extreme antiquity, strange ortho-
graphy, and, doubtless, abbreviated forms, have tested to the utmost the powers of interpretation of
our ablest and most experienced scholars. Indeed from the mere attempt we find the O'Donovans,
Connellans, and Currys, repelled with an instinctive dread and shrinking. Others, with more con-
fidence or temerity, have grappled with the subject, but unfortunately there is found but little
accord between the interpreters. This observation applies especially to the reading given of the
Glenfais inscription, which, as rendered by four excellent scholars, agrees only in a general reference
to, or presumed connection with, the Milesian tale, as handed down to us. What that tale is may
be briefly repeated, without claiming for it entire acceptance.
On the landing of the sons of Miledh or Milesius, at Inbher Sceine (the Bay of Kenmare), some 1 300
years B.C., they marched to Slieve Mis, where Banba, one of the three Danann queens of Ireland,
with her female attendants and druids met them. Questioned by Amhergin, she informed him of
her name, and that it was from her the island was called Inis Banba. Other accounts say that she
requested Amhergin to continue her name to the island, which he promised her should be done.
The book of " Dromsneaclita''' states that Amhergin asked her of what race she was descended.
"I am come," said she, "of the sons of Adam." " Which of the sons of Noah are you descended from?"
inquired Amhergin. " I am older than Noah," answered Banba, "and I have resided on this
mountain during the deluge, and even to this period, since the deluge. This is what is called the
family of Tuinne ; but however, that race became extinct at that period." They then sang incan-
tations to her, and Banba departed from them. (Book of Bally mote, fo. 21.) After this the Scoti
traversed Ireland until they reached Liathtruim or Tara. Here they parlied with the Danann
Kings, the reigning powers, demanding possession of the kingdom from them or battle. The con-
ference ended in the singular agreement that the strangers should retrace their way back to their
ships, at Inbher Sceine, and there embarking, set out " nine waves to sea," after which, if they
could effect a landing against the Tuatha de Dananns, they should have the dominion of Ireland
thenceforth. In vain, when at sea, did the Dananns raise, by their magical powers, a storm for
their destruction ; many, including five sons of Miledh, were lost by the violence of the tempest,
and the fleet was dispersed. But Heber and his division succeeded in landing, and, on the third
day after, the battle of Slieve Mis was fought. Here fell and were buried two sons of Milesius, as
also their mother Scota, the daughter of Pharaoh and widow of Miledh, and Fas the wife of Un, son
114
of Uighe, from whom Glenfaisi is named.b Two distinguished Druids of the invading host were
also slain in the battle ; their names were Uar and Eithiar. These were the most renowned of the
Gaels. Three hundred of the Milesians and one thousand of the Tuatha de Dananns fell here.
After the defeat and flight of the latter, the victors remained on the place of battle burying their
dead, and especially the two Druids :
" Grey flags cover their lonely sepulchres,
In the graves of heroes they laid them."
And after this the two princes, Heber and Heremon, made a division of the whole island
between them.
From the hostile opposition which the Milesians met with here, the mountain, according to an
ancient tract in the Book of Bally mote, fo. 21, received its name, it being the worst (Measa J moun-
tain the Milesians had found in Ireland on their arrival, for it was there they fought their first
battle. Or, says the manuscript, it was from Measa, daughter of Muredh, it derived its name.
The same tract says, it was either at the mountain opposite Dergert (probably Sliabh Eibhlinne,
near Lough Derg), or at Slieve Mis that the Milesians conversed with Banba, when she requested
that Ireland should receive her name.
It also asserts that it was at Slieve Mis that Eire (another of the three Danann queens), had
her name given to Ireland, and that here " she summoned forth (by magic) great armies, to oppose
the Milesians. Their Druids and Poets also sang incantations for them, by which they were so
diminished in size as to appear not to be larger than a sod of mountain turf, from which circum-
stance the name of Sliabh Mis was imposed on the mountain."
One of the chiefs of the Milesian expedition was Nar,
" From whom the moody Eos Nair derived its name,
Situate in the neighbourhood of the Momonian Sleav Mis."
Poem of Flan of Bute, 1056.
"The erection of Cathair Nair of great fortification,
At Slieve Mis was performed by Fulman." — Ibid.
In A.M., 4319, Enda Dearg or Ruadh, so called from his florid complexion, of the line of
Heber, and monarch of Ireland, together with an immense multitude of his subjects, fell victims to
a plague at Slieve Mis.c \_Fonr Masters, 1, 63.]
Circa A.M., 4981. Rudhraigh, King of Ireland, fought a battle at Slieve Mis. [Ibid, 1, 85.]
b Heremon bestowed the province of Connaught upon c The Gruagach of Slieve Mis, the tutor of the three
Eadan and Un. The latter (the husband of Fais) built the sons of Torlav Mac Stairn, is a prominent character in the
Dun of Oarrig Fethaighe, supposed to be Rathoon, near tale of the " Triuir Mac," a rather modern Romance, but
Galway. Un afterwards was killed in the battle of Comh- grounded on ancient traditions,
raire (Westmeath), fought against King Heremon, a.m. 3506.
115
At Camp, one of the townlands of Glenfais, have been found, in the process of reconstructing
an old road, several cists or graves containing human remains, but no other relics. These are of a
similar type to other ancient graves of the pagan period found at Relig-na-riogh, and elsewhere in
Ireland. A few only were opened, but there are indications of several others at either side of the
road, which remain unexamined. Of the pagan antiquity of this mode of sepulture there can be no
question; but remembering the successive battles just mentioned, and the plague of A.M. 4319,
recorded in our annals, no conclusion can be ventured as to the identity or date of the interments,
though a probable deduction may be drawn from the care bestowed upon the burial of the slain in
the first Milesian conflict. To the ethnologist, the remains discovered, and yet to be found, might
present a subject of much interest, and the skulls be made available in solving the mystery which
shrouds those interments. Perhaps there may be disinterred here types of the old Celtiberian races,
or an Egyptian link connecting these remains with the Phoenicians and the Aire Coti.
The two Dallam or monumental pillar- stones, already mentioned, stand at some considerable
distance from each other : one of them, about twelve feet in height, is still erect ; the other is
fallen. The first is uninscribed ; the latter, which measures eleven feet five inches in length by six
feet in breadth, has an inscription consisting of nineteen letters in the ancient virgular or Ogham
character, clearly and legibly incised upon one of its angles. This was first noticed in 1858, by
Archdeacon Rowan, adjoining to whose property it- lies. It was subsequently visited by the Rev.
John Casey, of Killarney, and since then by Mr. "William Williams, of Dungarvan, both gentlemen
well versed in our Ogham literature. Dr. Rowan has published in the Proceedings of the Royal
Irish Academy, vol. vii., p. 100, a report upon his very interesting discovery, accompanied by a draw-
ing. In this he calls attention to a small rude cross incised upon the face of the stone, " marking
obviously an attempt to christianize the monument;" but, as he very properly observes : *' It seems
to me impossible to look upon this mark without feeling convinced that it is not of the same age,
nor cut with the same care as the Ogham characters ; it seems of ruder, later, and hastier work-
manship altogether." Messrs. Casey and Williams have each given translations of the inscription;
both differing, it is true, and not easily reconcileable, but still having reference to the mighty dead
that sleep beneath— personages, whether Druids or Warriors, connected possibly with the Milesian
invasion.
The literal decypherment runs as follows : —
So cu u cu ea ff m a n i s o cu o a r i .
Of this Mr. Casey forms a sentence, which reads, So cu uarff mo Ni so cu o ni. He translates
it: " Herein rests Nighe, the celebrated fire-worshipping Druid and illustrious warrior." Ni or
Nuige is said to have been the father-in-law of the lady Pais. Mr. Williams, on the other hand,
reads :— " Sochudhthi ffmon il loco art," and translates this :— " The sacred stone of hosts, of
mighty men in the place of slaughter ;" whilst Mr, James Coleman, of Ballinascarty (Cork), freely
116
reads it as " San lie so dtuchea na fflamamni a llocho an aria," which he renders : " This sacred
stone is the battle grave of the priests in the place of slaughter." To these must be added another
interpretation by a gentleman now resident in New York, which appeared in the Irish American
newspaper. It seems as little calculated as the others to throw any certain light upon the import
of the inscription ; but still bears a pre-historic character, and with apparent probability refers to
the two priests who had fallen in the first battle. The American interpreter renders the legend :
" Socu ceinb-moni; Socu re:" i.e. "The priest of holy Cnub (or Cneph), the priest of the sun."
It need scarcely be pointed out that each translator assumes values for some of the characters,
differing from those given in the received Ogham scale.
In any case, the inscription possesses a more than ordinary interest; and when taken in connexion
with its historical site, its importance cannot be overrated. Dr. Johnson has said, that popular tradi-
tions are never entirely false nor entirely true; and here a strong presumption is afforded in favour of
the veracity of that portion of our early traditional history which the annalist Tigernach, nine
centuries ago, considered as (at worst) only "uncertain." Not only the credibility of our history,
but the origin and antiquity of Ogham writing must be considerably affected by the explanation
of this inscription.
Passing the Fionglais, by a bridge of three arches, erected in 1824, our exploring party pro-
ceeded by a narrow by-road towards the mountain, here towering gigantically above the valley.
Unfortunately, although the day was otherwise fine, the summits were concealed from view by a
sluggish covering of vapour, which afforded but little hope of speedily clearing away. Nevertheless,
resolved not to be disappointed, they determined to make the ascent. A considerable space
intervened between where the road terminates and the mountain acclivity begins. A bleak moor-
land, intersected by fences, and interrupted by streams and crags, rendered their course unusually
difficult, so that by the time the actual escalade had commenced, the Eev. Mr. Horgan, overcome
by the toil, acknowledged himself unequal to the more arduous journey yet before him. Taking
Ms seat, therefore, on a mass of rock beside a noisy stream, he resolved there to await the return of his
more adventurous companions.
The ascent was indeed full of labour, the more so by reason of the great obscurity through which
it was made, the cloud in which they moved not permitting the party to see a yard before them in
any direction : gradually the acclivity became almost perpendicular, so that as they approached the
site of the Cahir, now overhanging " abrupt and sheer " in gloomy magnitude of proportions, they
were compelled to make a long detour before they could gain the level surface above it. The plateau
thus attained is but a short distance from the spot named Barr tri gamhuin, (the summit of three year-
ling cows), which stands at an elevation of 2,796 feet above the sea, nearly midway between the Bay
of Tralee on the north and that of Castlemain on the south. The local denomination of the Cahir
is " Boen Cahirach :" its situation is a kind of projecting horn or promontory of a few acres in ex-
117
tent, at a little lower altitude. On two of its sides it is defended by the natural rock, inaccessibly
steep, a character which, in the wild heroic ages of insecurity and aggression, particularly recom-
mended it as a meet site for an Acropolis, since it required but little aid from art to render it almost
impregnable. The eastern side opens upon the table-land of the mountain, and here was constructed
a great cyclopean wall, which gives to it its title of Cahir, signifying a fortified or enclosed place.
This term was extended in after ages to walled towns, places originally of refuge under warfare, and
used alike for defence or offence. The rampart extends diagonally north and south, from one ex-
tremity to the other, forming, as Dr. "Wood has described it (Inquiry, &c, p. 50,) "with the verges
of the hill an irregular triangle, within which the inaccessible parts of the mountain are enclosed."
At the southern extremity the wall takes its direction along the edge of the precipice ; but its pro-
portions have been much reduced by the falling away of parts of the masonry down the declivity; so
much so, that in some portions, it3 breadth has been reduced to nearly two feet. Nowhere does the
wall exceed nine feet in height : its greatest present breadth is eleven feet, but its probable original
width was not more than six. No cement was anywhere used in its construction. On the inside
there are some appearances which would lead to the inference that the face of the wall consisted of
a series of steps projecting from it, as on the interior of the fort at Staigue, and on the exterior
face of the inner rampart at Dun iEngus, in Aran. The vestiges, however, of these stairs are few, and
not very strongly defined. Its whole length is 170 paces, or 360 feet. At about 90 feet from its
northern extremity, there is what now appears a breach or opening in the wall, broad at top and
narrow below. This is supposed to have been the position of the ancient door-way : in its lower
part the passage is not more than two feet wide ; but all vestiges of its original form or proportions
have been destroyed. Dr. "Wood says there are two gates, each above eleven feet wide ; but this is
an error. Even had there been two, the breadth assigned would not be borne out by the existing
examples of doors at Dun iEngus, Staigue, and Dunbeg.
The material forming the wall is the conglomerate or pudding-stone of the mountain, and
found generally covering its surface. The proportions of the stones used are rather moderate,
averaging about eighteen inches in length and six in thickness ; in this respect similar to the masonry
at the Duns above mentioned, all of which belong to the first or earliest style of Cyclopean archi-
tecture, [see Fosbrooke,] which consists of irregular blocks, filled up with small stone. Although,
xn the magnitude of the materials used, there is not much to realize our idea of the massive work-
manship of a race of earth-born giants, yet the term Cyclopean will nevertheless properly apply to
structures of this kind, in the genuine sense of the term ; for, according to Pliny, the Cyclops were
the inventors of architectural fortification j and in their first specimens, exhibited at Tyrins and
Mycense, we find the masonry composed of uncemented work. Beyond the rampart, a further
examination disclosed no appearance of earth- work, fosse, or outer circumvallation of any kind.
The builders of the Cahir evidently trusted in full confidence to the natural strength of the position,
vol. vni. Q
118
with its outlying crags, as not requiring any complicated works of art for its defence beyond the
great vallum. A lengthened beleaguering of such a fortress appeared to them to be beyond any
reasonable probability, and therefore not necessary to be provided against. There is, outside the
wall, a remarkable hollow about four feet across, but its use or object is not apparent.
Inside the wall, Dr. "Wood says there are six or eight pits, and he was informed that formerly
there were twelve of them. These pits offer a curious subject for investigation, as they may pro-
bably have formed sites for sunken, residences, similar to those of the ancient Britons, upon which
Mr. Saul read a paper at the Congress of the British Archaeological Association, held at Gloucester,
in 1856. [See Transactions, p. 152.]
One of the inducements to the visiting party to explore this high seated fortress was the report
of a monument contained within it, said to have been scored with the marks of the skeins or knives
of Fionn's guests, when that redoubtable chieftain, in an age subsequent to that of Conri, sojourned
aud held his court there. The " whittling" of the rude warriors upon the stone table was deemed
a probable indication of an Ogham inscription ; but a moment's glance at the stone pointed out by
their guide sufficed to remove this expectation. The table shown them is a projection of the natural
rock, of rather level surface, cropping out of the soil at a slight elevation ; but the so-called knife-
marks are mere natural seams or cracks, without the slightest appearance of art. At a distance of about
a mile to the north, on somewhat the same level, are two other monuments, one called Fionn's Chair,
and the other Fionn's Table. How the name of this ubiquitous chieftain became connected with
this place, tradition does not inform us ; but it would seem that here, as elsewhere, Fionn has
almost eclipsed the fame of the earlier possessor, and his name been substituted for that of the older
traditional personage. It may be that the Fenian chief may have been attracted hither by the
renown of its old occupant. His own principal Momonian residence at Teamhair Luachra, near
the sources of the Feale and Black water, was not distant to the east more than a day's journey ;
whilst one of his favourite hunting-grounds was said to have been the " brown-haired Mangerton,"
on the shores of the fair lake at its base ; all these places lying midway between this Cahir and his
own "rushy Tara." It is not difficult, therefore, to imagine that he occasionally sojourned and
feasted on this breezy eminence.
Cahir Conri is a very interesting specimen of those barbaric fastnesses raised in ages of great
insecurity, when sites were selected, not for their beauty, but rather for the wide range of their
prospect, and were deemed most eligible when nearly inaccessible. Horrid precipices and dizzy
overhanging crags formed the best recommendations for selection to the founders of the Dun and
the Cahir. The brink of the bold sea cliff, or the brow of the bleak mountain, the isolated rock,
or the peninsulated promontory was indifferently chosen, provided it was accompanied by defensive
characteristics. Such were the hill-fortresses of Ailech, in Donegal ; the fort of the Clanna Morna,
on Lurgedan, in the Glens of Antrim ; Dun Ailline, in Kildare ; Cahirdrinny and Knockavilla, in
119
Cork ; and Braich y Dinas, on Snowdon, in "Wales. Such also were the sea-side Duns of Dun
^Engus, in Aran; Dunamoa, in Erris; and Dunbeg, in Kerry; and the ancient Duns of Cearmna and
Sobhairce, (the old head of Kinsale, in Cork, and Dunseverick, in Antrim,) afterwards selected as
the suitable sites of mediaeval castles.
It was the same urgent craving for security, in unsettled times, that compelled men to con-
struct those singular insulated dwellings called Cranogues, on sites of artifical foundation, amidst
the waters of lakes and river expansions. This seems to have been a practice with all the Celtic
races, whether Gaelic or Cimbric, in the Helvetic lakes, in the waters of Norfolk and of Ireland.
The necessity for such means of protection against violence evinces a condition of society little in
accordance with our ideas even of semi -civilization. It indicates the existence of those interminable
feuds which, from the earliest to the latest times, characterized the state of clanship ; the separate
and conflicting independencies yielding little more than a nominal obedience to the supreme
authority. When such fortresses as Ailech, Dun vEngus, and Cahir Conri formed the residences of
Kings, we may readily conclude what the condition of the general population must have been. As
regarded his period, Conri selected the site for his Cahir judiciously: however deficient the position
may be in respect to the general convenience of residence, in a military sense it was unexceptionable.
Its ruggedness, immense elevation above all the neighbouring region, and savage features of strength,
gave it an importance beyond every other consideration, and made it a meet abode for a king who
ruled over men accustomed to aggression; in a time when the wholesale plunder of cattle and every
other description of property formed an element of glory, and the vassal acknowledged no restraint
beyond that of superior force, obeyed no law save —
"The good old rule, the simple plan,
That he shall take who has the power,
And he shall keep who can."
Here, high perched in his almost inaccessible eyrie, secure alike against open attack or sudden sur-
prises, he could proudly look down over a sea-girt realm, whilst in his rear the mountain peaks
formed speculse, whence timely signals would Announce the approach of danger from a distance.
What the character of the buildings within the enclosure were we have now no means of
knowing, beyond conjecture. There are no remains of those uncemented dome-shaped Cloghauns
which occur in the fortresses of Dunbeg, Cahirgall, or the two great Baths at Cahirdorgan, near
Kilmelkedar, in the same peninsula. The structures may probably have been of "cob- work," or of
plastered wicker, or in that " lignarian" style of which the venerable Charles 0' Conor so admiringly
and pompously descants. Be this as it may, a cheerless, damp, and uncomfortable (although incom-
parably well- ventilated) residence was this "bleak-house." For at least three-fourths of the year
its denizens must have been veritable " children of the mist."
In antiquity and importance Cahir Conri ranked, according to the " Irish triads," as one of the
120
three old buildings of Ireland, with Dunsobhairce, (Dunseverick, in Antrim,) and Dun Cearmna,
on the old head of Kinsale, Cork. The antediluvian Fiontuinn MacBochna, in recounting to a
royal audience at Tara all the great characteristic objects, remarkable monuments, rivers, lakes, &c,
in Ireland, mentioned "Cahir Connraoi" as one.
When we compare such remains with other evidences calculated to give a character to the
era, we are struck with the anomaly presented to our notice, of barbaric rudeness on the one hand,
and of a considerable and progressive advancement on the other. The skill and excellence attained
in architecture must not be judged of by the great vallum here piled up ; we must rather look to
our Round Towers, and the dome-shaped buildings at Gallerus, &c; whilst the taste and ability
manifested in the metallurgic art of the period, as exhibited in the great variety of ancient imple -
ments, objects of personal ornament, and relic3 in the precious metals, torques, brooches, ring-
money, &c, all undoubtedly belonging to those primaeval times, which have descended to us, are
at least very remarkable. On these the artist has expended and exhibited an amount of elaborate
device and ornament truly surprising. If we add to these the proficiency and skill in music — a
music undoubtedly kindred to, but vastly improved upon that of India, Java, and China, and which
won, in later ages, from the prejudiced Cambrensis his reluctant admiration, we must admit that,
however rude the habitations, the population had made certain advances towards civilization.
The personage to whom tradition has assigned the construction of the Cahir, was Conri or
Curi, son of Daire, of the line of Heremon, King of Jar Mumhan or "West Munster. He flourished
about the time of the Incarnation, contemporaneously with Eochaidh Abhra-ruadh (of the red eye-
brows), of the race of Heber, who governed East Munster. A line drawn from Limerick to Bealach
Conglais, near Cork, (if the name does not indicate the site of that city itself,) marked the division
of the two provinces ; that of Conri, with its varied line of sea-coast and numerous inlets, forming
an important portion of the federal monarchy of the island. He was the head of the Milesian
Ernains of Munster; so called from their original settlement in Brefny, beside the shores of Lough
Erne, whence they had dispossessed a Belgic tribe, also denominated Ernains, in the same vicinity.
It is curious to observe that when this Belgic tribe was expelled from Brefny, it located itself in
that part of Kerry, from which it was again driven forth by the same Milesian tribe, themselves
now exiled from Ulster by the Clanna Rudhraidh of the race of Jr. This expulsion took place
in or about a.m. 3920, under Deaghaidh, the son of Suin, descended from Olioll Erann, of the line
of Fiacha Fer Mara, son of Aongus Turmach, king of Ireland, 150 years b.c. The reigning
monarch at the time of this exodus was Duach, of the race of Heber, known in history by the
name of Balta, or the " fostered" of Deaghaidh, who had adopted him. This prince bestowed upon
his foster-father possessions in Luachra, the then general name of Kerry, a large portion of which
obtained from him the name of Luachair Deaghaidh. In about a century later, that part of Luachra
lying north of the Maing river, received the designation of Ciarraighe Zuachar, or Ciar-rioghacht
121
(Ciar's kingdom), from Ciar, the son of Fergus Mac Roigh and Meabh, queen of Connaught, who
obtained territories in it. The descendants of Deaghaidh gradually extended their power and
authority over "West Munster, and several of them obtained the sovereignty of the whole province,
to the exclusion of the Heberian line. As the Ua Deaghaidh, or Degadii, they were noticed by
Ptolemy in the second century, in their proper territory in "West Munster, under the name of Udei,
or Yodii, which very nearly expresses the pronunciation of Deaghaidh. Better known by the
name of Clanna Deaghaidh, they occupy a prominent place in the military history of the time, as
one of the three warrior-tribes who represented the rude chivalry of the period. The others were
the Crobh ruadh (red hand)/ of Ulster, and the Gamanraidhe of Irrus Domnann in Mayo. Deagh-
aidh had three sons, lor, Daire, and Conal, From Iar descended a long line of princes, three of
whom filled the throne of Ireland, viz., Eidersgeol, in a.m. 8695; Conaire Mor, his son, who died
in A.o. 60 ; and Conaire the second (Mac Mogha Lamha), in the commencement of the second
century. Eachaidh. otherwise Cairbre Riada (or " of the long arm"), so called from the widely sepa-
rated territories possessed by him in Kerry and the Route of Antrim, was the son of the last named
monarch, Conaire II. He flourished about a.d. 221, and gave name to the territory of Dalriada,
in the north east of Ulster. He is the Reuda of Venerable Bede, and passed over into North
Britain, where he established a colony known in history as the Dalreudini. From him have des-
cended the Scotic kings of Albany, and, in the 57th generation, her Majesty Queen Victoria.
Daire, the second son of Deaghaidh, had by his wife Maoin, or Moran Mannagh (i.e. of tbe
Isle of Man), a son Conri, much celebrated for his valour and prodigious strength :
"Moran of Mana, of honor pure,
Was the child of Ir, son of Uinnside,
The sister of Eochaidh Ecbeol she,
And mother of Curigh, son of Dari."
d The Craobh dearg, the name of the ancient chivalry of terboice, of an early age ; and it is therefore more likely that
E mania, has been variously translated as signifying the the Craobh ruadh rather derived their name from a standard
red hand or red branch. O'Halloran, Dr. O'Donovan, and of this kind, which we find identified with their province,
others, favour the latter interpretation; Dr. O'Conor, the than from an improbable red branch. This emblem was
former. The last-named writer, in the " Bibliotheea MS. of very general and wide-spread adoption. The Romans
Stowensis," p. 37, and in the Rer.Hib. 1. prol., denominates bore it as a military ensign. It occurs on the monuments
the Ultonian warriors the "Heroes of the bloody hand," and of Central America, and amongst the Moors of North ern
quotes Aldrobandus, de Ornithiloyia, Lib. 1, as saying that Africa. An ancient cyclopean stone fort at the foot of the
the Red Hand appears as the most ancient arms of Ireland. Paps mountain, in the county of Kerry, still bears the name
Dr. Lynch, Camb. Evers., p. 250, may be cited in favour of of Cathair crobh dearg. The similarity of the words crobh
this reading in the instance of Cathal Crobh Dearg, king of and craobh doubtless led to the mistake in rendering the
Connaught, in the 12th century, whose name is Latinised name of the old Emanian warriors. Mr. J. W. Hanna, of
Cathaldus, a rubro car±>o. It is well known that the Red Downpatrick, has been collecting evidences on this subject.
Hand is the ancient armorial ensign of Ulster and the which we trust he may soon be able to give to our archaeo-
O'Neills. It is found on a sculptured stone cross, atMonas- logical public.
122
Dari had olso a daughter named Cingit, the wife of Aongus-Ossery, from whose second name the
patrimony acquired by this Aongus for his posterity has ever since been called Ossory.
Conri in hi3 time (about the era of the Incarnation) stood at the head of the chivalry of the
south. He left issue a son named Lugha ; but his successor in the government was Cairbre Finn
Mor, son of the monarch Conaire the Great, the sixth in descent from Deaghaidh. Conri was
treacherously murdered by his great rival Cuchullin ; a deed subsequently revenged upon him by
the above-named Lugha, who (according to O'Halloran) slew him in the battle of Muirtheimhne,
fought at the commencement of the Christian era. Tigernach records this event briefly: — "The
death of Concullain fortissimi herois Scotorum, by Lugaid, son of Conri, (mc na tri con J and by
Ere, son of Cairbre Niafir." The interpretation of the term Cu or Con, common to Conri and
Cuchullin bears a varied sense, either as signifying a king, a chief, a hero, or a dog. It enters
frequently into the formation of Irish names, as Cu Uladh, Cu Conacht, Cu Mumhain, Cu Midhe,
Cu Bladhma, Cu Caisil, the hound or hero of Ulster, Connaught, Munster, Meath, Slieve Bloom,
Cashel, respectively. We have it also in Cu Cichri, hero of the boundary or frontier, Cu Sleibh,
of the mountain, Cu Maigh, of the plain, Cu Reilgeach, of the cemetery, Cu Mara and Cu Fairge,
sea hound, Condulig, the greedy. The word, says one writer, is " derived not from the baser, but
from the nobler qualities of the animal" (the dog), and Dr. O'Donovan tells us that it was a desig-
nation of honor ; but it has not been unreasonably supposed by those who have studied the vestiges
of our ancient pagan religion and mythology, that it was something more, and had relation to
an early worship kindred to that of the Egyptian Canouphis, or Anubis, the dog-deity. In the
system of Irish Fetichism, or animal-worship, so little studied or understood by the mass of our
archaeologists, there is no doubt but that of the dog formed a part ; and it is very probable that
those various CVs and Con's may indicate a local priesthood. In this sense Con-ri may signify a
royal priest. "We find the names of deities entering into those of kings and princes in Egypt and
Assyria; thus Nebo, the name of the Babylonian god, is found in Nebopulassar, Nebuchadnezzar, &c.
The Egyptians represented both Anubis and his priests with dogs' heads. Mac Con, one of our
ancient pagan monarchs, may in this sense be understood as the son of Con, i.e. the dog-deity.
Cu-chullin is connected with the extraordinary mythical piece, the Tain bo Cuailgne, hitherto
regarded, as it would seem erroneously, as a detail of a cattle raid, but which some with more
probability consider as the narrative of a great religious war or feud.
Towards the end of the second century, the power of the Munster Ernains became much
diminished. Eoghan Mor, of the Heberian race, after a long exile in Spain, returned to Ireland,
and renewed the pretensions of his house to the sovereign authority of the province, from which it
had been long excluded. He not only succeeded in establishing his claims, but even compelled the
Ard-righ himself, Con of the hundred battles, to divide with him the government of the whole
island. Olliol Olum, the son of Eoghan, followed out his father's policy with equal vigour and
123
success. Under him the ancient Heberians resumed their ancient ascendancy. The Degadians
were first signally defeated by Eoghan, in a battle fought at Cam Neimhidh, in the great island of
Cove, in the County of Cork; and again by Olliol, in A.D. 186, at Ceann feabrat (now Ballyhoura),
near Buttevant, in the same county. In the latter fight, Nemeth, son of Sroibhcrinn, king of the
Ernains, aiding Mac Con, was slain. The descendants of Deaghaidh, however, retained extensive
possessions in West Munster down to the Anglo-Norman period ; amongst them are enumerated
the O'Falvies, O'Sheas, O'Connells, O'Cullenans, O'Fihillys, as well as the O'Flynns and O'Done-
gans of Muskerry.
From these historical details we may now return to the legendary tale of Conri's tragical fate.
Being of a martial and enterprising disposition, he had sought glory on land and wave, at home
and in foreign countries ; whilst, in addition to his personal courage, he possessed a profound know-
ledge in the art of necromancy, often found of use to him in hours of peril. His deeds formed the
theme of many ancient romances. Amongst these Urard MacCoisi mentions one called Cath-buadha
Conree — the victories of Conri ; and two others, Aitheach Blathnaide inghine mine mic Fiodhaich la
Conchullain, and Orguin Cathair Conraoi. In CathMagh Rath, Congal Claon mentions, amongst other
ancient battles named by him, " The seven battles around Cathair Conrui," also the " Plundering of
Curoi, with the seventeen sons of Deaghaidh." These MSS. are now supposed to be lost. He was
treacherously murdered by Cuchullin — the Cuthullin of MacPherson's Ossian, — nearly three hun-
dred years before the time assigned by that ingenious " translator," who commits the grave anach-
ronism of making Cuthullin coeval with his "Fingal," who, according to our annals, was killed
a.d. 273. The circumstances of this tragedy form the subject of a romantic narrative given by the
Irish Livy, old Geoffrey Keating. Curi had learned that the heroes of the Red Hand or Branch had
undertaken an expedition into Mana (the Isle of Man), and, being informed by fame of the surpassing
beauty of Blanaid,* the daughter of its ruler, resolved to join in the adventure, but deemed it pru-
dent in so doing to assume a disguise. He found Cuchullin/ the commander of the Emanian Knights,
siDundealgan (the modern Dundalk) ; and, aided by favouring breezes, the invading fleet soon reached
the Manx shores. The island chieftain offered a stout resistance, but was at length compelled to
retire within his fortress to protect his daughter and his treasures, resolved there to abide the
chances of a siege, and weary the patience and the ardour of his formidable assailants. Cuchullin
made several attempts to storm the Dun, but without success ; and seeing but little chance of carry-
ing it, he called a council of his followers, by whom it was resolved to raise the siege and abandon the
enterprise. It was then that Conri offered his services, and undertook to reduce the fortress, pro-
vided he was entrusted with the whole command, and got his choice of the plunder. The proposal
e O'Flaherty, in Ogygia, calls this lady Lonncada, and father was uncle to Curi.
says she was the mother of Euryal Glunmar, from whom f Cuchullin was himself a descendant of the Ernain>. —
his posterity obtained the name of Cruithne or Picts. Her [ Ogygia.',
124
Avas readily accepted. Conri, who was as brave as he was experienced, soon effected the capture of
the stronghold, and, amongst the booty found within it, the fair Blanaid was not deemed the least
valuable prize. He of course claimed the lady as his ; but Cuchullin, already in love with her,
false to his engagement, denied his title, but offered at the same time any other portion of the spoils
he desired. Conri, however, insisted on his right, and finally found means of carrying her off by
his art, as he had not otherwise sufficient force to contend openly with the Ulster chieftain. When
Cuchullin discovered his loss, he pursued him with the utmost speed, and overtook him at the pass
of Sulchoid (near the present Junction of the Limerick and Great Southern and Western Railways),
a place remarkable as the scene of many battles in after ages. Here the pursuer and pursued
agreed, in order to save the effusion of the blood of their followers, to fight singly for the lady,
consenting that she should belong to the victor. The fight lasted for an entire day, and terminated
in the overthrow of Cuchullin. Conri, however, spared his life at Blanaid' s request, but tied him
neck and heels, and with his sword cut off his hair, as the greatest mark of ignominy and degradation
that he could inflict on his enemy, as well as to put it out of his power to renew the contest for a
considerable time. This was but poetical justice, as Cuchullin sacrificed his honour by the breach
of his engagement before the capture of Blanaid.
Conri now returned triumphantly into Corcaduibhne, with his fair and blooming prize, amidst
the rejoicings of his clansmen, the Clanna Deagha.
In the meantime, Cuchullin after his defeat betook himself to the solitude of Beinne Boirchef
where for nearly a year he concealed himself, brooding over his disgrace and misfortune. At the
end of that period his hair had grown again ; and one day observing the flight of birds which had
arrived from the northern sea, the hero pursued them, and by a feat called tathhheim, he killed one
of them with his sling in every district he passed through, until the last of them fell at Srubh Broin,
in West Munster. It was in this expedition that he made the wonderful leap at Loophead, near
the mouth of the Shannon, which still bears the name of Learn Cuchullin, or Cuchullin's leap.
Returning towards Ulster, Cuchullin unexpectedly met with the fair Blanaid, on the banks of
the Fionglais. From her he learned how much better she was affected towards himself than to
Conri, whom she hated. She also pointed out a means for her own deliverance, and entreated him
to come at a time appointed, supported by a strong force, and carry her off. Cuchullin forthwith
repaired to the court of his kinsman Connor, King of Ulster, to seek the required assistance ; whilst,
in his absence, Blanaid suggested to her husband the design of building a palace upon the mountain
for their residence, which should exceed all other buildings in the kingdom ; and, in order to make
it more noble, and the better to provide materials, she thought it not improper, since he was at
peace with his neighbours, to employ his armed retainers to gather all the stones of large size that
i Ben, ft peak, a mountain summit, same as the Pen of the Cumraig, as at Pen maen mawr. The Celts of Italy bestowed the
term on the Penine Alps and the Appenines.
125
could be procured for the construction of the building. Her design in this was, that the experienced
warriors of Conri should be dispersed at the time that her rescue should be attempted. In an evil
hour, her too confiding husband adopted her suggestion ; and it was when all the Clanna Deagha
were absent that Cuchullin arrived and concealed himself with his forces in a wood that bordered
the base of the mountain. Blanaid, becoming aware of this, availed herself of a practice which
Conri had of taking a siesta after dinner, and, whilst he slept, abstracted his sword. She then gave
her lover a preconcerted signal, by pouring a pail of milk into the stream, which when Cuchullin
saw running white (whence its name of Fionglame — white rivulet), he forced his way to the Cahir,
and slaying the sleeping Conri, hastened with his recovered mistress into Ulster.h Blanaid, however,
did not long survive this black perfidy. Feirehertne, the bard of Conri, (some of whose composi-
tions have descended to our time,) faithful to the memory of his master, avenged upon her the
treachery of which she had been guilty. He followed her to the north, and found her one day walk-
ing on the edge of a rock called Rinchin Beara. Seizing the opportunity, he rushed upon her, and
clasping her in his arms, flung himself with her down the precipice, and thus both perished together.
They were buried at the foot of the cliff, and the place has been since called Feart Blathnaid
agus Feircertne.
Instances of such devoted fidelity are not singular in Irish story. Many centuries afterwards,
Fingal, a naval commander, in the memorable fight with the Danes off Dundalk, rivalling the
patriotic self-sacrifice of the Roman Curtius —
" Plunged with the foe beneath the surge,
Clasping in death the ruthless Dane ;"
whilst two of his companions followed the noble example. "Diilce et decorum est pro patria mori."
It is not a little curious that the same legend of Conri and Blathnaid is associated with another
locality in the south-western part of Kerry. Near the shore of Lough Laoi or Currane, adjoining
Ballinskelligs Bay, a circular stone fort is shown, which also bears the name of " Cathair Conri,"
and beside it flows a streamlet called in like manner Fion-glaisse. The peasantry say that this is
the genuine scene of the old tale, maugre any averment to the contrary. Nevertheless, the authority
of honest Geoffrey Keating, and the locality of Slieve Mis, to which the manuscripts assign the
situation, must outweigh the pretensions of the southern claimants.
h In the Book of Leinster, it is stated that the Lecht, or Another old account relates that, after Cuchullin had mur-
monument of Conri, is on Slieve Mis ; and Dr. O'Donovan dered Conri, he and his Ultonians set fire to the Cahir, and
(in Caih Magh Rath,) says it is still to be seen on the slew fifty of its inmates, and that the returning Clanna
north-east shoulder of the mountain. A Tuireadh, or elegy Deagha, when they saw the fire, knew that their king was
on Conri's death, composed by his faithful bard Feircheirtne, in danger, and each of them cast down the cairthe which he
is still extant in one of the MSS. in Trinity College, Dublin. carried, and now to be seen standing or prostrate in eveiy
In the British Museum (Egerton, 88) is also a tract on the. part of Erin,
same subject, entitled Adhaigh Conroi, the death of Conri.
VOL. Tin. E
126
In the vicinity to the north of the Cahir at Slieve Mis are two dark tarns, (dubh lochainj
lying deeply in a hollow of the mountain. One of these is regarded by the mountaineers as
unfathomable, although its real depth does not exceed twenty feet. This lakelet derives an addi-
tional interest from a legend in the Leabhar na h-Uidhre, (p, 73,) one of our oldest MSS., now
deposited in Trinity College, Dublin. This relates that the pool was once infested by an enormous
piast, (serpent or dragon,) one of those mythical beings connected with ancient serpent-worship,
supposed to tenant so many of our lakes and rivers. This piast was destructive to the inhabitants
of the fortress and to their cattle. On the occasion when Cuchullin had arrived and was watching
his opportunity, he heard at midnight the approach of the monster towards him. "These be no
friends of mine," said he, " that come here," and he fled before it until he overleapt the rampart of
the Cahir, and found himself in the centre of the place at the door of the king's dwelling. The
manuscript adds that the impression of his feet remained afterwards on the stone which lay at the
door ; but of this there is no present trace. The adventure is probably an episode of allegorical
significance, introduced in connexion with a personage whose whole history is mixed up with
religious myths of the densest obscurity.
The tale of abduction bears upon it the impress of a very remote antiquity. It was always
a favourite, in hall and cottage, of a people delighting in fiction — one of those romantic compositions
which may have had some foundation in fact, but was probably more indebted to the inventive
faculty of the bard. "The story is true," writes OTlanagan, (in Trans. Gael. Soc, p. 51,)
"though the detail is fabulously embellished ; for this highly mental people," he adds, "loathed
and disdained a barren and jejune narrative."
127
GLEANINGS IN FAMILY HISTORY FEOM THE ANTRIM COAST.
THE MACNAGHTENS AND MAC NEILLS.
The progenitors of the MaoNaghtens and MacNeills formed part of that swarm of Scots which
alighted on the Antrim coast in the sixteenth century. They came, as most other immigrants of
that period, under the auspices of the MacDonnells. Multitudes from the Highlands and Isles of
Scotland followed the fortunes of Alexander Carrach* MacDonnell, encouraged hy his genius as a
military leader, and the protection which his influence in Ulster was able to secure. To that
chieftain, indeed, wily and fierce though he was, may, to a large extent, be ascribed the introduction
of the Scottish element into our population, which afterwards, in more peaceful times, contributed
so much to the prosperity of this northern province^
The MacDonnells, with their connexions and adherents, in coming to our coast, were seeking
a country from which their ancestors, the Dalriadic colonists, had gone forth upwards of a
* The epithet Carrach, or scabbed, was frequently applied
to Irish chieftains also. Dr. Reeves, in his " Account of
the Crannoge of Innishrush and its Ancient Occtipants,"
(Proceedings of R. I. Academy, vol. vii. p. 163,) mentions
several instances in which it was employed to designate
chiefs of the O'Neills, who lived between 1387 and 1586.
The several corrupted forms of this epithet, as applied in
the sense of nicknames, have puzzled most readers of our
earlier Annals. Mr. Hans Hamilton, in the Preface to his
admirable Calendar of State Papers, lately published, asks
distractedly, " is hairy, or harry, or charric, or charrie the
right way of spelling the epithet at the end of the long
name Alexander Oge MvAlester Charrie?"
b The late Rev. Dr. Reid, in his excellent History of the
Presbyterian Church in Ireland, chap. 1, note 5, describes
the Scots who came with the MacDonnells in the sixteenth
century as "piratical marauders, and Roman Catholics,
from the western islands," and takes occasion to warn his
readers that they are not to be " confounded with those
who came over at the Plantation of Ulster." But although
the former were soldiers, compelled to follow their chiefs
when summoned, they were something more. They were
industrious folks, who made the most of their own barren
hills, and who, when they came to Antrim, soon proved
their natural adaptation to agricultural pursuits. When
Sir Henry Sidney visited the North, in the year 1575, he
seems to have been rather taken by surprise, on witnessing
their comfortable condition. In writing to the Council in
England, he says : " The Glynns and Route I found pos-
sessed by the Scottes, and nowe governed by Sorley Boy.
The comntrie fulle of corne and cattle, and the Scottes very
haiotie and proud, by reason of the late victories he hath
had against our men, fynding the baseness of their courage."
Now, we venture to affirm, that those earlier comers,
— although " Bonian Catholics, " and, to some extent,
" marauders," — will contrast favourably with the people
who came at the time of the Plantation. Of the latter, the
Rev. Andrew Stewart has left the following record: —
" From Scotland came many, and from England not a few,
yet all of them, generally, tlie scum of both nations, — icho
from debt, or breaking, or fleeing from justice, or seeking
shelter, came hither, hoping to be without fear of man's justice
in a land where there was nothing, or but little, as
yet, of the fear of God." The writer of the above was
Presbyterian minister at Donaghadee from 1645 to 1671 1
and thus able to speak from personal knowledge on ques-
tions of this nature. He is not likely to have exaggerated
the sins of his own people. Dr. Reid cites him frequently,
and has honestly quoted the passage given above.
128
thousand years before. From about the middle of the third to the beginning of the sixth century,
various companies of emigrants departed from the Antrim shores, and eventually succeeded in
forming a kingdom in North Britain, which included Cantire, Knapdale, Argyle, Lorn, Braidalbane,
and the Western Isles or Hebrides. Among these early invaders of Britain were ancestors of the
MacDonnells, and of the other principal Scottish families who came with them to Antrim in the
sixteenth century. It is curious that, during the violent disputes between the Earls of Antrim and
Argyle, in the reign of Charles I., Antrim laid claim to Argyle's estates in Cantire, which, the
former declared, had belonged to his family for thirteen centuries, — or from soon after the settlement
of the first colony in Britain, under Cairbre Riada, in the year 258.
But although the MaoNaghtens and MacNeills came to the Antrim coast during the chieftain-
ship of Alexander Carrach MacDonnell, they cannot be said to have had local habitations or names
here, until the time of his grandson, Randall MacDonnell. The latter, if not the most distinguished,
was certainly one of the most fortunate, of his race. Although a rebel and an outlaw in his youth,
his age was crowned with honours. Bus elder brother, James, died at Dunluce, in March, 1601 ;
and Randall, who had married the daughter of the great insurgent chief, Hugh O'Neill, continued with
him as an active coadjutor, until the final struggle at Kinsale convinced him of the utter ruin of
the native oause. He had taken the family position of his brother James, probably according to the
arrangement in such cases required by the tanist law ; but he had also seized the inheritance which
his brother's eldest son afterwards claimed as the rightful heir. By a timely submission to the
Government, Randall was permitted to hold the estates ; and although the English law regulating
succession to property was immediately afterwards introduced into this country, the nephew was
unable to assert his claim.0 Randall's submission to the Government was, no doubt, the more
c This young man did not submit to be thus set aside present when Sir James McDonell, Knight, was married
without a vigorous attempt to uphold his claim. It would unto Mary McNeill, [rather O'Neill,] of Galchoane, in the
appear that he appealed, in the first instance, to the newly O'Neve, in the lands of Clandonels, beyonde the Bande,
introduced law of England, regulating succession to estates, by the Lord Bishop ; and that Donell Oge McFee and
but was met by his uncle on the plea that James MacDonnell Bryan O'Lavertye, with divers others, were present at the
had not been legally married, and that his children, there- said Marriadge,and knoweth thereof: and this is the cause
fore, were illegitimate. It is said that there exist certain of our knowledge that Alexander McDonell is the lawful
curious manuscript documents relating to this question in sonne and heir of the said Sr. James McDonell, Knight. —
the possession of descendants of James MacDonnell. The Witness our hands, this 26th of February, 1609.
original of the following "Certificatt" is preserved among
the Records of Carrickfergus, and is the only document, so
far as we know, that has yet come to light in connexion with
that grave family dispute. It was printed in McSkimmin's
History : —
" Knowe all men to whom these presents shall come to
be heard, reade, or seene, that we, Gory MeHenry and " G. MCH."
Cahall O'Hara, Esquyers, doe hereby testifye, that we weare The above seems to have been a highly respectable docu'
129
cordial, as Elizabeth had died, and was succeeded by James VI. of Scotland ; for the chiefs of the
Clan Donnell in Ulster had always yielded whatever amount of allegiance they could conveniently
afford to the Scottish rather than to the English monarch. This fact was not unknown to James,
and was not without its effect in quickly establishing cordial relations between his Government and
the Antrim chief. The result was, that the latter, during the very first year of James's reign in
England, (1603,) received a plenary grant of the Route and Glynns, a territory extending from
Larne to Coleraine, and comprising about three hundred and thirty-four thousand acres, statute
measure. These vast estates included the parishes of Coleraine, Ballyaghran, Ballywillen,
Ballyrashane, Dunluce, Kildollagh, Ballintoy, Billy, Derrykeighan, Loughgill, Ballymoney,
Kilraghts, Finvoy, Rasharkin, Dunaghy, Ramoan, Armoy, Culfeightrin, Layd, Ardclinis, Tickma-
crevan, Templeoughter, Solar, Carncastle, Killyglen, Kilwaughter, and Larne, together with the
Granges of Layd, Innispollan, and Drumtullagh, and the Island of Rathlin. The Antrim property,
as originally granted to Randall MacDonnell, thus comprehended seven baronies, viz.: North-East
Liberties of Coleraine, Lower Dunluce, Upper Dunluce, Kilconway, Carey, Lower Glenarm, and
Upper Glenarm.
The lord of these broad lands, therefore, may well be described as a fortunate man, when it is
remembered that not only had he done nothing to earn this magnificent grant from the English
Government, but he had actually spent his youth in open and formidable rebellion. Cairbre Riada,
a prince descended from the same family as the MacDonnells, had been granted, by the monarch of
Ireland, in the third century, the territory extending along the Antrim coast, from the present
village of Glynn to Bushmills, as a reward for his valour and fidelity in extinguishing a Pictish
ment, and it certainly places the fact of the marriage in a Ballogh O'Neill, and Aodh Buidhe, or Hugh Boy n., who
very clear and indisputable light. At an Inquisition held was slain, in 1444. His successor, Brian O'Neill, died of
at Ballymena, in 1639, the name of " Cahall O'Hara, of small pox, in 1488, and was followed by Domhnall Donn,
L. Kane, Gent," is mentioned as one of the grand jury. the founder of the Clandonnells, mentioned in the marriage
The McHenrys ranked also among the gentry of that period. certificate already quoted. He was succeeded by Shane
James, probably the son of "Gory" above-named, was a rebel Dubh O'Neill ; and Shane by Cormac O'Neill. Cormac's
leader in 1641, and was present at the battle of the Laney, successor was Brian Carrach O'Neill, who died about 1586,
near Ballymoney, on Friday, the 11th of February, 1642. leaving two sons and at least one daughter. This account
The family of Mary O'Neill (probably grand-daughter to of Brian Carrach's descent is abridged from a most interest-
Bryan Carrach O'Neill,) was of noble rank; and it is not likely ing paper by Dr. Reeves, printed in the Proc: of the R. I.
that she would consent to live with Sir James McDonnell on Academy, vol. vii. p. 215.
any other than reputable and legitimate terms. She was Alexander MacDonnell was probably soon convinced that
descended from Aedh Buidhe, or Hugh Boy I., who was the he had nothing to hope from going to law with his uncle :
founder of the house of Clannaboy, and whom the O'Neills and, therefore, he appealed, in the second instance, to arms,
of Shane's Castle and the Bann-side claimed as their com- This still more hopeless attempt was made in 1614. Of the
mon ancestor. He was slain in 1283, and succeeded by his details we know nothing, farther than that the insurrection
eon Brian, who also was slain, in 1295. After him came, in caused some uneasiness to the Government, and ended
succession, Henry O'Neill, Muircertach O'Neill, Brian without bringing redress to the party aggrieved.
130
rebellion throughout Ulster ; but Randall MacDonnell received the much larger and more valuable
possessions above mentioned, simply because he laid down his rebellious arms in good time, and with
a good grace, when all hope of being able to wield them successfully had perished. The Govern-
ment, however, had no reason to regret or repent it3 generosity in this instance ; as Randall, from
the moment of submission became, and continued to be, a loyal subject and a steady co-operator
with the constituted authorities in the promotion of all measures supposed to be for the improve-
ment of the country. Having obtained full and legal possession of his estates, he rejoiced to see
the barbarous old customs of Tanistry and Gavelkind swept away, and the Brehon Law, in all its
branches, utterly abolished. His object was now to enjoy his property in peace, and to improve it
for transmission to his children: so it may be imagined with what delight he witnessed the institu-
tion of circuits in Ulster, and the advent, twice in the year, of itinerant judges, for the due and
regular administration of justice. Honours were showered in quick succession on this fortunate
descendant of Heremon ; and perhaps, in the long line of ancestral chiefs, few, if any, were per-
mitted such undisturbed enjoyment of life as he. In May, 1618, he was created "Viscount Dunluce,
a title drawn from the well-known castle on the coast, from which his father, Somhairle Buidhe,
or Sorley Boy, had expelled the MacQuillans. In June, 1619, he was admitted as a member of his
Majesty's Privy Council in Ireland, and at the same time appointed to the command of a regiment.
In December, 1620, he was created Earl of Antrim. The grant of lands received from James I.
was confirmed by Charles I. To promote peace and improvement on his estates, the first Earl of
Antrim gave extensive fee-farm grants to the heads of certain Scottish families of respectability,
whose ancestors had occupied such lands during the latter part of the sixteenth century. He also
introduced a number of other families from Scotland, in addition to those already settled. To pro-
vide comfortable positions for the latter, the Irish population was either removed to barren districts
—of which there were many on the estates — or transported to other parts of the kingdom.11
d Among the people thus removed was the remnant of the action is recorded in a manuscript possessed hy the Antrim
MacQuillans, once the reigning family in the Route. As a family, and cited by the Rev. William Hamilton in his
sort of equivalent for what they had lost, James I. granted Letters concerning the Northern Coast of the County of Antrim.
them lands in the barony of Innishowen, which had formed The concluding passage, as quoted by Mr. Hamilton, is as
part of the estates of the great rebel chief, Cahir O'Doherty. follows : — " The estate he [MacQuillan] got in exchange
Sir Arthur Chichester was the chief agent in arranging this for the barony of Enishowen was called Clanreaghurkie,*
matter with the unfortunate Rory Oge MacQuillan. The which was far inadequate to support the old hospitality of
latter was unable to face the difficulty of transporting all the MacQuillans. Rory Oge MacQuillan sold this land to
his wretched people over the Bann and Lough Foyle, and one of Chichester's relations ; and having got his new
Chichetter craftily persuaded him to cede his title to the granted estate into one bag, was very generous and hospi-
barony of Innishowen, by an offer of certain lands very table as long as the bag lasted. And thus was the worthy
inferior in value, but lying nearer the Route. This trans- MacQuillan soon extinguished."
* " At present," (1790) adds Mr. Hamilton, " it is called from his neighbours by the ludicrous title of King MacQuillan."
Clanaghurtie. The descendant of MacQuillan is still to be found " Tulit alter honores."
there among the lowest rank of the people, and only distinguished
131
Among the Scottish families thus specially encouraged were the MacNaghtem, whose repre-
sentative then was Shane Dhu, or Black John MaoNaghten, the Earl's chief agent and faithful
assistant in all matters connected with the regulation and improvement of the Antrim property.
Indeed, their families were closely allied by intermarriages in Scotland. The MaeNaghtens claim
a long line of ancestors, not a few of whom were illustrious in their generations; and there is scarcely
a period of the written or legendary history of Ireland and Scotland in which this name, in some
form, does not appear.
In the Books of Lecan and Ballymote are two accounts of the first appearing of the Cruithniam,
or Fids, in Ireland. These legendary histories — one of which is written in prose, and the other
in verse — were added to the Historia Britonum of Nennius, probably about the year 1050, and have
been translated by the Bev. Dr. Todd in connexion with that work. To the above very curious
tracts we are indebted for the earliest existing notice of the progenitor of the MacNaghtens.
According to both accounts, the Picts originally came from Thrace. The company or association
of colonists consisted of three hundred and nine persons, under the superintendence of six brothers,
one of whom was named Nechtain. Another of the brothers, called Trostan,' was the Druid or
priest of the expedition. They came in three ships ; and, unlike other colonists, who generally
landed in Britain and from thence reached Ireland sooner or later, the Picts steered direct for
"Eri, the delightful." Here they became a powerful tribe, so much so, indeed, that Heremon,
the first king of the Scoti in Ireland, bribed them to depart, lest they should eventually become so
strong as to dispute his sovereignty, and "make battle for Teamhair [Tara] as a possession."
Whoever was the original chronicler of these events, which were passing about a thousand
years before the Christian era, he evidently regretted the departure of that Pictish colony from
Ireland. After describing, in terms somewhat obscure to modern apprehension, what he considered
their superior civilization, the ancient writer exclaims, as if in the spirit of regret : —
" They passed away from us
With the splendour of swiftness,
To dwell by valour
In the beautiful land of He."
Whilst in Ireland they had taught, " in a fair and well-walled house," certain branches of know-
ledge, which our translators term " necromancy and idolatry, druidism, plundering in ships, bright
poems," and which probably constituted a course of education in astronomy, navigation, general
literature, and religion. "Among their sons were no thieves" — a very excellent and rare quality
among human beings. "Hills and rocks they prepared for the plough," which was a solid
argument for their remaining in Ireland. But they were compelled, according to the terms of
e This name still survives, as applied to a mountain in the neighbourhood of Cushendall, on which there are the
remains of an ancient Cairn.
132
(heir arrangement with the Irish monarch, to take their departure, carrying with them their know-
ledge and industry to Isla, the principal island of the five which anciently constituted the Ebudae
or Hebrides. Isla was the ancient Epidium; and in mediaeval times was, for a long period, the
principal place of residence for the Lords of the Isles. Of the four other islands then constituting
the Hebrides, two were called Ebuda, one Malos (Mull), and one Ehicina (Rathlin). These
islands now constitute what are known as the Inner Hebrides, lying close to the Scottish
coast, and separated from the outer group by the channel called the Minch. The four princi-
pal ones were Isla, Skye, Mull, and Jura, besides others of much smaller dimensions. The fact
that Rathlin was regarded as one of the five islands known as the Ebudae, is evidence of its early
importance. Its position must, indeed, have rendered it a very much frequented place during those
remote times, when colonists were moving so incessantly between the shores of Eri and Alba.
From the Hebrides the Picts afterwards spread themselves over the greater part of Scotland,
and became a powerful people. They were the chief opponents of the Dalriadie colonists,
and succeeded occasionally in expelling the latter from North Britain. In the long list of Pictish
kings we find the name of Nechtain occurring more than once ; and the family, no doubt, occupied
a high position during the whole period of the existence of the Pictish nation.
Before leaving Ireland, the Picts requested Heremon to grant them wives from among his
subjects, as a means of perpetuating the alliance then formed; and promised, at the same time, that
on the posterity of the women thus granted, all the future Pictish acquisitions would devolve. This
arrangement seems to have been the groundwork of the Pictish polity ever afterwards. There is a
curious passage from Solinus/ quoted by the writer of Appendix xvii. to the Irish version of the
Historia Britonum of Nennius, which evidently implies the existence of this peculiarity. The
passage is as follows : —
"As you go from the Foreland of Calidonia (the Mull of Galloway) towards Thyle, in two
days' sail you reach the islands of Hebudae, five in number, of which the inhabitants subsist on
fish and milk. They all (the islands) have but one king, for they are divided by narrow waters
from each other. The king has nothing of his own : all things belong to all. Fixed laws compel
him to equity; and, lest avarice should pervert him from truth, he learns justice from poverty, as
having no private possessions. But he is maintained at the public expense. No wife is given to
him for his own ; but he takes for his use, by turns, whatsoever woman he is inclined to, by which
means he is debarred from the wish and hope of having sons." This account is substantially con-
firmed by the venerable Bede, who, in his monastery at "Weymouth, near Durham, on the borders
of the Pictish territories, had ample means of knowing the political constitution of their empire.
He dwells particularly on the preference given to the female line, from the earliest record of the
f Solinus is supposed to have lived in the first half of the and statements of Pliny on geographical questions. Pliny
third century, and to have adopted pretty freely the opinions names Rathlin Ricnia.
133
Picts as a nation, — a preference founded, no doubt, on the original arrangement represented by the
legendary account as having been entered into prior to their departure from Ireland, with their
three hundred wives.8
From the nature of the Pictish polity in this respect, it is evident that no family, however
influential, could aspire to a permanent, or even frequent, occupation of the throne. The fact,
however, that the Nechtain race furnished three sovereigns, at long intervals, to the nation, is evi-
dence that they were one of the governing families in Pictland. The first was Nechtain-mor-breac,
who reigned thirty-four years. To him succeeded eight kings, derived from different families ;
and the ninth was Nechtain II., who reigned twenty years. This sovereign, about the year 608,
founded the church of Abernethy. After him came nine sovereigns, from nine various families ;
and the tenth was another Nechtain, who reigned teu years. "When the Picts became powerful as
a nation in North Britain, they returned once more to the coasts of Ulster, and in Antrim they
were able to establish themselves from the sea to the shores of Lough Neagh. Their rebellion
against Cormac O'Cuinn, monarch of Ireland, in the third century, led to the expulsion of their
colonies from Ulster, but did not prevent their occasional hostile incursions ; and from that period
to the end of the eighth century the annals of Ireland record many fierce encounters between them
and the northern Irish. During the period now mentioned, the Nechtains figure in the Annals of
Ulster as chiefs, having the prefix Mac to their names, denoting offspring or descendants. "We
read of the slaying of a MacNaghten, in the year 634; of the battle of Druim- Nechtain, in 685 ;
of the death of Fergus MacNechtain, in 689 ; of the death of Alpin MacNechtain, in 692 ; and of
several conflicts between the Cruithnians, or Picts, and the people of Ulster, in which members of
this family were engaged. One of the earliest recorded names of Newry is Iobhar Chinn Choi-
che mhic Neachtain.h
When the Dalriadic kingdom in North Britain finally absorbed the Pictish possessions, in the
reign of Kenneth MacAlpin, the MacNechtains, or MacNaghtens, re-appeared as one of the oldest
and most influential of the Scottish clans. Their territory lay in Argyleshire, and, as thanes of
Lochtay, they ruled supreme on the shores of Lochfine and Lochaw. Alexander III. of Scotland
issued a patent, granting to Gillechrist MacNaghten and his heirs the Castle and Island of
Fraoch Eilen, (Heath Island,) on condition that he would rebuild the eastle, and keep it in
proper condition for the reception of the king, should the latter at any time be disposed to
claim its keeper's protection or hospitality. This patent is said to be still in existence ; and there
g The following is the passage in the legend, referring to That from the nobility of the mother,
this arrangement : — Should always be the right to the sovereignty."
" There were oaths imposed on them, — Hist. Britonum, page 141.
By the stars, by the earth, n See the Battle of Masjh Rath, as translated by Dr.
O'Donoyan, page 277.
vol. vni. s
134
is an anecdote in connexion with it to the effect that, in the year 1 745, one of the MacKaghtens took
forcible possession of the castle, (which then belonged to the Campbells,) and fitted it for the recep-
tion of the Pretender, hoping that he might give him a call ! Duncan MacNaghten is mentioned in the
annals of his time as in league with MacDougal, tbe Lord of Lorn, against Robert Bruce, at the
battle of Dalree, for which he lost a portion of his estates. Sir Alexander, a descendant of Duncan,
fell at the battle of Flodden. He was grandfather to Shane Dhu, or Black John MacNaghten,
who, as above stated, was kinsman to the first Earl of Antrim, and became his principal agent in
the management of the estates.
John died in 1630, leaving one son, Daniel, who married a niece of the primate, George Dowdall.
The children of this marriage were, a son, John, who inherited the family estate and resided at
Benvarden, near Ballymoney, and two sisters, married respectively into the families of "Willoughby
and MacManus. John married Helen Stafford, sister to the Right Hon. Edward Francis Stafford,
of Portglenone. He was succeeded by his son John, who married a Miss MacManus, and was
for many years a popular and respected magistrate in his own neighbourhood. The latter died,
when his son and successor, John MacNaghten, was only a child six years old. The career of this son
was melancholy, and his fate appalling. He was born about the year 1722, and educated first at
Raphoe, and afterwards in Trinity College, Dublin. Even while attending school he became addicted
to gambling, and continued a slave to that vice until it finally led to his ruin. He was compelled,
when very young, to sell a part of his estate and mortgage the remainder, in order to meet his
gambling debts. His first wife was a daughter of Dean Daniel, and sister to Lady Massereene.
Her husband's reckless conduct was the cause of her death, — an event, however, which he sincerely
deplored. His affairs soon after became desperate; but he still had influential friends who pitied
him and helped him. Lord Massereene obtained for him the appointment of collector of taxes for
the County of Coleraine, worth upwards of £200 a-year ; and Mr. Workman, who had married his
sister, became his security in a bond of £2,000. In less than two years he lost this situation,
having embezzled £800 of the public money. In an evil hour, Andrew Knox, Esq., of Prehen,
near Derry, invited the now friendless MacNaghten to spend a few weeks at his house, until some
other situation might offer. He instantly formed the design of marrying Miss Knox, a girl of only
fifteen years of age, but an heiress in her own right. MacNaghten induced her to read over with
him the marriage ceremony in the presence of a third person, and then claimed her as his wife.
Her father of course, resisted, and finally set aside the claim in the Court of Delegates. "When
Miss Knox was afterwards being removed to Dublin, accompanied by her father and mother,
MacXaghten, with a servant and two tenants, surrounded the carriage on the road, about three miles
from Strabane, for the purpose, as he alleged, of rescuing his wife. Mr. Knox was attended by two
or three men servants, well armed, and a scuffle instantly ensued on the carriage being stopped.
Several shots were fired by both parties. MacNaghten, having been wounded in the back, came
135
forward and fired deliberately into the carriage, with the intention of shooting Mr. Knox. The
contents of the gun, however, entered Miss Knox's side, and she died after a few hours of
agony, during which she uttered no complaints against any one, and only prayed fervently to be
released from suffering. This melancholy affair occurred on the 10th of November, 1760. The
names of MacNaghten's three associates were, George McDougall, James McCarrell, and Thomas
Dunlap. Two hours after the murder, MacNaghten was taken after a fierce struggle, in which he
first endeavoured to shoot his captors and then himself. McDougall and McCarrell escaped, but
Dunlap was caught in a house at Ballyboggy, near Benvarden. He and his master were imprisoned
in Lifford jail until the 11th of the following December, when they were both tried, found guilty
of the murder, and sentenced to death. "When sentence was pronounced, MacNaghten implored the
judges to have mercy on Dunlap, whom he spoke of as " a poor, simple fellow, his tenant, and not
guilty of any crime." MacNaghten's defence of himself at the trial drew tears from many eyes ;
and his general deportment afterwards was such as to make him an object of interest to the people
of the town and neighbourhood of Lifford. No carpenter could be found to erect the gallows,
and an uncle of Miss Knox, with the assistance of some friends, was obliged to provide one, rather
than see the criminals hanged from a tree; the smith who knocked off the hand-cuffs from
MacNaghten, as a preliminary to the execution required by law, did so under compulsion ; and the
hangman had to be brought all the way from Cavan. MacNaghten conducted himself with the greatest
coolness and dignity, declaring repeatedly that the anticipation of death was much more dreadful
than the reality. To make his exit as easy and speedy as possible, he adjusted the rope securely
on his own neck, and ascended to the very top of the ladder before throwing himself off, that the
struggle might thus be terminated in a moment. The rope broke ! The immense crowd uttered a
triumphant shout, and urged him to escape, making way for him in all directions. But no. He
calmly remounted the ladder, remarking, as tradition affirms, that no one would ever have to point
at him or speak of him as half-hanged MacNaghten. The rope was knotted and adjusted as before,
and after having done MacNaghten to death, it was removed to perform the same offiee for his
wretched tenant and associate in crime. Their bodies were buried in one grave, behind the church
of Strabane.
On the death of John MacNaghten, who left no children, the Benvarden property was sold,
and passed out of the family. He had a younger brother, who visited him twice during his
imprisonment, and who became the founder of the Ballyboggy branch of the family. The
MacNaghtens of Bushmills descend from an uncle of the unfortunate John MacNaghten, who was
born in the year 1678, and was the first person of the name who owned the Beardiville property.
From his uncle, the graceless nephew had large expectations ; but his conduct so thoroughly dis-
gusted the old gentleman that he determined his property should not pass to a person unworthy of
his name. To make this matter certain, the uncle married a young wife when he himself had
136
attained the patriarchal age of eighty-two. This lady was the daughter of John Johnston, Esq.,
of Belfast. Mr. MacNaghten settled his estate upon her during her life, provided she had no family:
and this arrangement is said to have rendered the nephew desperate, and to have hastened the catas-
trophe in which he so ignobly perished.
The patriarchal owner of Beardiville had two sons born to him, lived until he had entered
on his one hundred and third year, and assisted at the family celebration observed on his younger
son's coming of age. He remembered the siege of Deny quite distinctly, and could enumerate the
names of the tenants on his father's estate who were present in the Maiden City during that
memorable time. He was succeeded by his son, Edward Alexander MacNaghten, born in the
month of August, 1762. This gentleman was one of the representatives of the County of Antrim
in the Irish Parliament for many years. He obtained another distinction, which, although unsub-
stantial, was perhaps gratifying. His kinsmen of the sept of MacNaghten in Argyleshire elected
him to the chieftainship of the clan, and this honour has descended to his successors. A patent
was issued, and duly registered in the Herald's Office, conferring this dignity, in the year 1832.
This very unusual proceeding was not brought about by any solicitation from Mr. MacNaghten, but
Bimply from a conviction on the part of the clansmen that his rank and position would enable him
to uphold the honours of the name more worthily than any Scottish gentleman then connected with
the family. It was done on the old tanist principle, and is perhaps worth mentioning as one of the
latest illustrations of that law with which we are acquainted. It is not improbable, however, that
similar cases may still occur among the remnant of the clans in the North Highlands of Scotland.
The laird of MacNaghten had lost the greater part of his estates by joining Montrose; and extravagance
and negligence afterwards completed the ruin of the Scottish branch. The last laird was evicted from
the remnant of the estates by relentless creditors, and for small debts, the sum total of which did
amount to more than half the value of his little patrimony. His eldest son became a captain in the
Scottish foot guards, and closed his life " on a blood-red field of Spain." His younger son obtained
an appointment as a custom-house officer, and died in obscurity, at some port on the eastern coast
of Scotland. So, the shores of Lochfine and Lochaw know them no more ; and their ancient castle
of J>unaraw has disappeared from the rock which it occupied through so many stormy centuries, on
the western side of the former of these lakes.1
Whilst the Scottish branch of the family thus decayed, the plant that had taken root in Irish
soil became every year more vigorous and flourishing. Edmund Alexander MacNaghten, of Bear-
diville, died in 1832, after reaching the seventieth year of his age. He was succeeded by his
brother, the late Francis Workman MacNaghten, born in 1763. At an early period of his life,
the latter selected the East as the field of effort ; and when he retired, he bore away from this field
an ample harvest both of honours and riches. In 1809 he received the honour of knighthood, on
1 See Buchanan's Ancient Scottish Surnames, pages 67 & 68.
137
being appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court of Judicature, at Madras. In 1815 he -was trans-
ferred from Madras to the more responsible and remunerative position in Bengal. In 1825 he
returned to his native place, and enjoyed the remainder of his long life as country gentlemen with
ample means generally like to do — in plantings and primings — immured in rural blessings and
recreations, with occasionally the variety of presiding on the magisterial bench of the nearest village.
In 1836 he was created a baronet, and bore his honours becomingly until his death, which occurred
in 1843, when he was eighty-eight years of age.
In 1787, he had married Letitia, the daughter of Sir "William Dunkin, another successful
Indian lawyer, who had risen also to be a judge in the Supreme Court of Judicature, at Calcutta,
and retired at last to spend the evening of his days at Clogher, near Bushmills. This marriage
was blessed with a numerous family, as the following list will show: — 1. Sir Edmund Charles, the
present baronet. In 1827 he married Mary, the only child of Edward Gwatkin, Esq. He is a
barrister- at-law, and at the time of his father's death, was a Master in Chancery, at Calcutta.
2. "William Hay, of the Bengal service, who was created a baronet in 1839, and assassinated
two years afterwards, at Caubul. 3. Erancis, in the Bengal service, and married to Miss Connolly.
4. Elliot, of the Supreme Court of Judicature, Calcutta, and married to Miss Law. 5. John Dunkin,
a cavalry officer, in the service of the late East India Company. 6. Stewart, of the Middle Temple.
7. Anne, married to the Rev. Richard Olpherts, and since dead. 8. Eliza Serena, married to
Major Sewell. 9. Letitia, married to David Hill, Esq., of the late East India Company's civil
service. 10. Matilda, married to John Trotter, Esq. 11. Jane Russell, married to Thomas Gowan
Yibart, Esq., of the Bengal service. 12. Maria, married to Thos. Roberts Thellusson, Esq.
13. Caroline, married to Alfred Chapman, Esq. 14. Alicia, married to George Probyn, Esq.
15. Ellen. 16. Hannah.
The second son, Sir William Hay MacNaghten, was British envoy to the Shah Soojah, at the
time of his death, which happened on the 23rd of December, 1841, in the 48* year of his age.
He was assassinated by Mohammed Akbar Khan, the son of the celebrated Dost Mohammed. On pre-
tence of entering into amicable arrangements with the British authorities, the Indian chief invited Sir
William to a conference. The latter consented, and went to the place of meeting, accompanied by
four officers and a small escort. Soon after the opening of the meeting, Mohammed Akbar drew a
pistol and shot him dead. Captain Trevor, one of the four officers, was cut down in attempting to
rescue his chief; the other three were taken prisoners. MacNaghten' s head was cut off, and
paraded throughout the town, the mouth filled with a portion of his mutilated body, and the nose
surmounted with the green spectacles he had worn when living. "Thus perished," says Kaye,
(the historian of the War in Afghanistan,) " as brave a gentleman as ever, in the midst of fiery
trial, struggled manfully to rescue from disgrace the reputation of a great country. Whatever may
be the judgment of posterity on other phases of his character and other incidents of his career, the
138
historian will ever dwell with pride upon the unfailing courage and constancy of the man who,
with every thing to discourage and depress him, and surrounded by all enervating influences, was ever
eager to counsel the nobler and manlier course, ever ready to bear the burdens of responsibility,
and face the assaults of danger."
The original burial-ground of the MacNaghtens, on their coming to Ireland, was Bun-na-Mairge,
near Ballycastle. In the south wall of what was once the grand chapel of the monastery, and at
a little distance to the right of the entrance to the Antrim vault, the following inscription, on a
large red free-stone slab, is still legible : —
" HEIRE • LYETH ■ THE ■ BODIE • OF • JHN • MNAGHTAN •
FIRST • SECTARIE [Secretary] ■ TO • RANDAL • FIRST ■ ERLE ■ OF ■ ANTRIM, • WHO • DEPARTED/ THIS ■ MORTALITIE
IN ' THE ' YEAR * OF * OUR * LORD * GOD " 1630 . "
The above is the epitaph over the grave of Shane Dhu (Black John) MacNaghten, already
mentioned. Bun-na-Mairge has been long abandoned by the family as a place of sepulture.
THE MAC NEILLS.
The MacNeills of the Antrim coast descend from the Hy-Niall race, many of whom undoubt-
edly emigrated to North Britain in the Dalriadic movement already referred to. Indeed, it may
be safely asserted, that to a prince of their race that movement was mainly indebted for its ultimate
success. The Cruithnians or Picts were sometimes more than a match for the Antrim colonists in
Scotland ; and on one occasion the latter were expelled almost to man, and forced to return to the
Irish Dalriada, under the guidance of their prince, Eochy, or Eochad Muinreamhair. During the
century which followed this expulsion, many attempts were made by the Irish to re-establish
themselves on the opposite shores. All these efforts, however, were without success, until
the Hy-Niall (O'Neills,) became the ruling power in Ireland, and sent forth a sufficient
force under the command of Loam, the son of Erek, the son of Eochad Muinreamhair, which not
only reconquered the lost territory in North Britain, but added other possessions. It is curious how
these historical events are corroborated by a passage in the Vita Seplima Sancti Patricii, published
by Colgan in his Trias Thaumaturga. The author of that Life of the saint states that, while Patrick
went about preaching Christianity from place to place, he came to the Glynns, in which the family
of the above-mentioned Muinreamhair ruled, at the very time he was writing, probably about twenty
years after the saint's death.
The Hy-Niall race of princes, notwithstanding some serious faults, were always popular.
They all, more or less, felt the responsibility inseparable from the position of rulers, and accepted
the elevation to regal authority as a trust to be held for the security and happiness of their subjects.
History has not failed to record this admirable qualification, which, even at the present day, is so
139
seldom found among the great ones of the earth. When the descendants of these princes re-
appear as chiefs of the MacNeills of Scotland, they still, after centuries of change and vicissitude,
retain much of the same generous nature. The MacNeills of Barra (from whom the extinct Antrim
branch descended,) are represented as maintaining the most harmonious relations among themselves
as a clan. The chief and his people were always mutually attached to each other; the former
holding himself bound to compensate the clansmen for any losses suffered by them from misfortune
or war. As landlord, he also provided for the support of such as were unable, whether from sick-
ness, accident, or old age, to make provision for themselves. The result of this ancient, unwritten,
but perfectly valid arrangement may be easily supposed. The MadNeills, as a clan, were proverbial
for loyalty to their chiefs. Philosophical tourists to the Island of Barra, whilst deprecating the
stern and suspicious bearing of the natives towards strangers, are loud in praises of their union
among themselves, and their uncompromising fidelity to their chiefs. The principal fortress of the
clan was situated on the little isle of Kismul, near Barra, in which a watchman and constable were
stationed day and night. These functionaries were so faithful to their trust, that neither book-
compilers nor prying philosophers could succeed, even by the most earnest entreaties, in gaining
access to the building during the absence of the chief. The watchman for the time being was
required to call out at intervals, if for no other purpose, at least as an evidence of his vigilance.
His announcements, moreover, were expected to be made in rhymes, which were handed down, cut
and dry, from generation to generation. It is quite certain, however, that the MacNeills had bardic
tendencies from nature, as their clan was celebrated for supplying some of the most favourable
specimens of the class known as harpers in former times. The hereditary harpers to the MacLeans
of Dowart, in Mull, were MacNeills. One particular family of the latter furnished bards, in suc-
cession, to the clan Ranald (MacDonnells) for the space of nearly six hundred years. The last was
Lachlan MacNeill, who, in establishing his right to certain lands, declared on oath, before Roderick
MacLeod, Esq., J.P., and a number of clergymen, that he was the 18th in descent whose ancestors
had officiated as bards to the MacDonnells of the Isles ; and that they enjoyed, as salary for their
office, from generation to generation, the farm of Staoiligary, and four pennies of Brimisdale. Their
duties were, to preserve and continue the genealogy and history of the MacDonnells. This gentle-
man was styled bard, genealogist, and seanachaidh. Dr. MacPherson, in a letter to Dr. Blair,
describes Lachlan MacNeill as "a man of some letters, and who had, like his ancestors, received
his education in Ireland, and knew Latin tolerably well.k
The MacNeills, on coming to the Antrim coast, had no settled place of residence ; but, like
others of their countrymen similarly circumstanced, kept moving about in the Glynns, as suited
their convenience in those troublesome times. On the suppression of Tyrone's rebellion, more
kSee Logan's Scottish Gael, vol. i., pp. 185, 383; vol. ii., pp- 217, 268. Where in Ireland were those Gaelic bards
prepared for their work ?
140
peaceful years ensued. One of the earliest grants made on the Antrim property was that which
conveyed the lands constituting the Ballycastle Estate to Hugh MacNeill. Tradition affirms that
MacNeill had previously resided hy the side of the old road leading from Cushindall to Ballycastle,
and that the grant in the fertile region around the latter town was given to him in consideration of
assistance or service rendered to the MacDonnells on some emergency, the precise nature of which
is not known. The grant is dated on the 9th of November, 1612, and it describes Hugh MacNeill
as of Dunynie castle, constable and gentleman. This castle, the ruins of which still exist, was the
principal residence in the district at that period ; and, judging from its solid masonry, as well as its
position on a cliff more than three hundred feet above the sea, it must have been a formidable fortress.
It stood about half-a-mile west of the present town of Ballycastle, and the place is now known as
Dun-na-Neenie. The names of the several lands, as recited in this grant, are as follow, viz.:
"The townland of Ballrentinney ; the quarterland of the Brumemore and Liseallen; the quarterland
called Drumnacree, and quarter of Ballyvarnyne ; the quarterland called Dromand; the quarterland of
Ballyenige; the forty acres of Clancashan; the five acres of Craigmore; and the five acres land of
Port Bretts; together with the constableship and keeping of the market towns or villages of Dunynie
and Ballycashan, with the customs thereof."
Brummemore is now Bromore, and Liseallen is known as Cnoc-na- Cellach. Dromand has
changed slightly to Drummans. The forty acres of Clan- Cashan included the village of Ballycashan,
which afterwards became the town of Ballycastle. Port Bretts was the landing-place in Marheton
(or more correctly Mairge-town) Bay, and must have been a place of some importance even so recently
as the date of this grant, which stipulates that Sir Randall MacDonnell and Lady Alice O'Neill,
his wife, were to have the customs of " wynne, oil, and aqua-vitae," arising from the trade in these
commodities. The village of Dunynie has wholly disappeared from the hill. It was originally
created, no doubt, by the combined influence of the castle and of the fair which was held near it
in former days. Port-Bretts is a corruption for J?ort-Britus, or Yort-Britas, a name which is now
obsolete in all its forms, but which we have seen written Portbrittis, and occasionally Portbritas, in
old rent-rolls and other papers of the Antrim estates in the seventeenth century. It may, perhaps,
have been originally derived from Britus, whom the Irish legends represent as of the family or race
of Nemedh, one of the earliest colonizers of Ireland. For some reason which we have not seen
explained, the Irish legend adds the epithet Maol to Britus ; and it is curious that the earliest
recorded name of this northern part of the channel between Ireland and Scotland is Sruth-na-Maoile,
" the course or current of the Moyle." If that famous colonist has thus left his name in connexion
with the channel, he must have lived at a very early period, as Sruth-na-Maoile has had time since
his day to become the scene of an ancient mythological romance. On its waters, the three daughters
of Lir, changed into swans, were doomed to sojourn until the dawn of Christianity in Ireland,
when the first sound of the " church-going bell" was to be the signal for their release !' The poet
1 See T?ie Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. i., page 230.
141
Moore has enshrined this old faith — or fable if you will — in his beautiful song of Fionnuala; having
first met with it, he says, " among some manuscript translations from the Irish, which were begun
under the direction of that enlightened friend of Ireland, the late Countess of Moira." Fionnuala
was the name of one of the doomed daughters of Lir ; and the poet represents her as thus, naturally
enough, expressing her anxiety to be relieved from Sruth-na-Maoile : —
" Sadly, oh Moyle, to thy winter- wave weeping,
Fate bids me languish long ages away ;
Yet still in her darkness doth Erin lie sleeping,
And still doth the pure light its dawning delay."
If Port-Britus, however, does not actually bear the name of an early Nemedian colonist, the place
must have been so called from the fact of its being known as a port available for purposes
of trade and emigration between this country and Britain. The name may have thus come
originally into use so early as the first century, when many of the inhabitants of Britain sought
a refuge on these shores, to live peaceably beyond the reach of the Roman legions which then
advanced victoriously from the south. Richard of Cirencester is said to have preserved certain
curious notices of the British emigration into Ireland, at the period now mentioned, but we have
not had an opportunity of consulting that early chronicler. With respect to the motives which
induced the Britons thus to seek a home in Ireland, the prevailing opinion is, that they pre-
ferred the comparative quiet and security of this country to the numerous changes, in the shape of
improvements, which the Romans were introducing into Britain. The emigrants — or rather, in this
case, immigrants — were content to bid adieu to their old homes, rather than encounter the insolence
of their conquerors ; and sought the Irish shore, " that they might not lose sight of that liberty in
their old age, which in their younger years they had received pure and uncorrupted from nature."1"
The Dunynie grant stipulated that Hugh MacNeill was to pay "nyne pounds" rent
yearly, in two equal payments, at the first day of November, and the first day of May;
and also a fair proportion of the rent payable to the king out of the Boute and Glynns.
He was to forfeit five shillings per day for every day the rent remained unpaid after it
became due ; and at the end of fifteen days, his " chattels were to be pryced by four sworn
men, and sold for the amount due." In case of non-payment of rent for a whole year, the
grant became null, and the landlord would be at liberty to resume the possession of his lands.
Should the tenant "alien" any part of the lands, without permission from the landlord, or should he
or his heirs "misbehave themselves, either in obedience, troth, or loyaltie," they would thus forfeit
their title to the estate. MacNeill and his heirs were bound, by the terms of the grant, to do
suit and service to the Courts Leet and Courts Baron established on the landlord's estates; and
should they take any cause for trial into the sheriff's court, they would subject themselves to
"> Camden's Britannia, page 342, of the Edition of 1723.
VOL. VIII. I
142
a penalty, for so doing. They -were farther required to have their grain made into meal at the mill
of the landlord, paying toll and mulcture to the same ; and to appear at every general Hosting,
with as many men and arms as were proportioned to the extent of their lands.
The only remaining point in this document worthy of notice is a clause which reserves to Sir
Randall MacDonnell and Lady Alice O'Neill the right of residence, should they wish it, at either
or both of the villages of Dunynie and Ballycashan. They availed themselves of this privilege
eighteen years afterwards, (at least in reference to the latter place,) where they erected a castle,
(1628-1630,) being attracted to the locality, no doubt, by the surpassing beauty of its natural
scenery. On this spot stood the castle of James MacDonnell, which was stormed and taken by
Shane O'Neill, in April, 1565. Shane's celebrated letter, giving an account to the Lord Justice
of his great victory over the Scots, is dated from Boile-Caislein, on the 2d of May, in that year.
In this letter, O'Neill describes his sudden march upon the Scots — his conflict with Sorley Boy
as he approached this town and castle, which he states belonged to James MacDonnell ; — the siege
of Boile-Caiselin ; — the arrival of forces from Scotland, and the occurrence of a great battle, in which
James and Sorley Boy were taken prisoners, and their brother Angus slain, with 700 or 800 Soots."
The place has since exchanged its old name for the more modern one of Bally castle. The position
was, indeed, tastefully selected. The whole beautiful vale extending to the beach was one open
space, and formed a part of the castle park. Besides the grand coast scenery north and east, the
castle commanded a full view of that charming Glen between Armoy and Ballycastle, along which
Was the ancient path of communication from the former place to the coast. In this castle, the family
of the first Earl of Antrim occasionally resided; and at his death, in 1636, his Countess, with her
two daughters, removed from Dunluce, and lived at Ballycastle until the end of 1641. There are
still a few lingering traditions of Alice O'Neill in the place, none of which are particularly complimen-
tary to her memory. An old gentleman, the last male representative of the once powerful family of
MacAlaster, of Kinban Castle, used to tell an anecdote of the Lady Alice, which, he said, had
been handed down in his family. On one occasion, the body of a dead infant was found in the
immediate vicinity of the castle. There was something like an investigation as to the cause of the
death, required by the new laws and arrangements introduced at the time of the Plantation of Ulster.
The countess, who cherished her family hatred of everything English, was of opinion that there
n See Calendar of State Papers, just published, and so ferred to. It is much more likely, for instance, that O'Neill
ably edited by Hans C. Hamilton, Esq., page 260. Shane would advance on Ballycastle by the glen on the north-
O'Neill's letter does not name the field of battle; but the western side of Knocklayde, stretching from Armoy, than
Annals of Ireland state that it was Qleann-taissi, or Gleann' through Glenshesk, whose approaches were not, certainly,
taoise, which has been generally supposed to be Glenshesk. very tempting to a large force. The stream in the glen
Although this glen was the scene of many such conflicts, leading from Armoy is now called the Tow, and the ancient
there are one or two circumstances which tend at least to Gleann- taissi or taoise would be anglicised Glen- Tmc, not
weaken the conclusion that it witnessed the battle now re- Glenshesk.
143
was a great deal too much fuss made about so small a matter as the death of an infant. She is
reported to have exclaimed in Irish, "The devil! Why all this parade about a dead infant!
Often have I seen such things at my father's castle !" °
"We find that the grant was signed, "Randal Mac Donnelly and "John Steward, X his
marke, as a Ffeoffee." The latter signed as a witness. He was the first settler of the name of
Stewart in the parish of Ballintoy; and, although in the rank of a gentleman, he was evidently unable
to sign his name. This inability, however, was not remarkable in an age when even the gentry,
particularly of the Scottish Isles, had no time to devote to literary refinement. The poorest
peasant on the Ballintoy estate, at the present day, would be an overmatch in the art of writing
for the distinguished original " Ffeoffee" who has left his scratch by way of mark on this old deed.
On the ninth of December, 1612, just a month subsequently to the date of the grant, it is
recorded on the document that John HacNaghten, "a true and lawful attorney," gave possession
to Hugh MacNeill of the townland of Brummemore (Bromore), in the name of all the other lands
specified. One of the witnesses to this proceeding was " Henry Quinne," The name of the other
is rather a puzzle; it looks like " MacGwillen T." — probably a MacQuillan. There are still a few
very poor families of this name in the parish of Ramoan, but they are now called MacQuilMns.
The MaeNeills of Dun-na-neenie Castle continued to hold their lands in peace during the life
of the first Earl of Antrim. In the time of the second Earl, they were required to furnish supplies
of men to the "Hostings" against the Irish rebels of 1641, a duty to which their political senti-
ments cordially prompted them.
In the time of the third Earl, who was a very determined Roman Catholic, some difficulty arose
as to the MacNeills' title to their property. Certain law proceedings, the precise nature
of which I cannot ascertain, were instituted by Hugh MacNeill, a son of the gentleman named in
o During the time of the great rebellion conducted by the Route, he concludes in these words : " / have often sayd
Hugh O'Neill, father to the Countess of Antrim, dead and written y 't is famine that must consume them; our swords
children were no uncommon sights ; and living children and other indeavours worke not that speedie effect which is
were sometimes found eating their dead mothers! Sir expected; for their overthrowes are safeties to the speedie
Arthur Chichester's policy was, that " hunger would be a runners, upon which we kyll no multetudes."
better, because speedier, means of destruction to employ g^ stolid monster, but famous statesman and soldier,
against the Irish than the sword:' But, as far as possible, died full of honours, and lies buried at Caraickfergus.
he wielded both with the most revolting and fiendish The following lines are part (and only a very small part) of
complacency. He speaks of a journey he made at this time, his WOrdy epitaph :
from Carrickfergus to the neighbourhood of Dungannon, "Within this bedd of death a Viceroy lyes,
along the banks of Lough Neagh, in the following terms :— Whose fame shall ever live ; Virtue ne'er dyes :
"/ burned all along the Lough, within four miles of Dun- For he did virtue and religion norishe,
gannon, and killed 100 people, sparing none, of what quality, And made this land, late rude, with peace to flourish."
age, or sex soever, besides many burned to death; we kill man, The reader may see the whole production, prose and
tooman, and child ; horse, beast, and whatsoever we find." verse, in McSkimmin'sHistory of Carrickfergus. (2nd edition,
After detailing the circumstances of a similar journey into pp. 149, 151.)
144
the original grant. The defendants in the suit were the Earl of Antrim (Alexander MacDonnell),
Daniel MacDonnell, Esq., and jEneas or Angus Black. These proceedings required the production
of the old Deed of 1612; and accordingly it was produced at Bushmills, on the 28th of April,
1686, and sworn to as genuine by Robert Kennedy, Alexander Macaulay, Bryan (Bryce ?) Dunlop,
Neal MacJNTeill, and Owen O'Mullan, Esquires. The witnesses to this act were Charles Steward,
Robert Griffith, and John MacNaghten. The plaintiff in this suit had, no doubt, maintained his
right and title intact, as the estate descended in due course to his son Daniel. The family of the
latter consisted of two children, a son and daughter. The son did not inherit. One account states
that he died before coming of age, and another that he was of unsound mind. The estate then
passed to his sister, Rose MacNeill, who married the Rev. "William Boyd, rector of the parish of
Ramoan. The Ballycastle estate thus passed to the family of Boyd, in which it has remained to
the present time.
There are other families of NacNeills on the coast, but if connected at all with the old line of
Dunynie, it must be in a very remote degree. The late John MacNeale, of Ballycastle, descended
from Neale MacNeill, who, in 1686, was one of the vouchers, at Bushmills, for the genuineness of
the old grant of 1612, as already stated. His family, probably, was the nearest collateral branch
to the main stock. The original Hugh MacNeill, is represented, through his great grand-daughter
Rose, by Hugh Boyd, the present owner of the estate, and Alexander Boyd, his brother, now
residing at Ballycastle.
The family burying-ground of the MacNeills was Ramoan. In the north wall of this very
ancient cemetery, there was a tablet to mark their graves, but the inscriptions are now illegible.
The rector, William Boyd, who married Rose MacNeill, is also buried there. Their son, Hugh
Boyd, built a church at his own expense in Ballycastle, having a vault underneath, which he him-
self was the first to occupy, and in which his successors are interred.
Belfast. Geo. Hill.
145
IEISH ETHNOLOGY
Wi beg to direct the attention of our readers to the following communication, from one of the
Editors of an important work now in progress, on the Ethnology of the British Islands. The
subject is entirely in accordance with the objects of this Journal, and Ave feel every desire to
co-operate in an investigation which must tend to throw considerable light on the origin of our
population. It is well known that Ireland is now inhabited by the descendants of a great many
races of people ; and it is a fact, that several of these are still quite distinguishable from each other,
either by personal appearance, names, or other characteristics. A traveller is at once struck with
the difference of race apparent between the people, for instance, of Cork and Antrim, of Tipperary
and Donegal, and can hardly believe that the stalwart County Down farmer, of Herculean propor-
tions, is a countryman of the diminutive mountaineer of Mayo or Leitrim. History accounts for
some of these differences, by having recorded the settlement of foreign colonies in various parts of
the country, such as of Scotch Highlanders, on the coast of Antrim ; Anglo- Saxons, in Wexford ;
and Norwegians or Danes on several parts of our shores ; not to speak of the more recent colonies
of Lowland Scotch, and French Huguenots ; bat these settlements have all taken place in a period
within the reach of authentic history, and there is little difficulty in distinguishing the descendants
of those several races at the present day. The population which preceded them is also known,
from our ancient Annals, to have been composed of various tribes of distinct origin, and even their
places of residence have been recorded ; but no information has been yet collected to enable us to
determine how far these tribes are represented by any portion of our present population. It is our
belief that much can yet be done to throw light on this curious subject. Until a late period,
various circumstances contributed to keep asunder the different races. One of the most powerful
of these was the influence of the old system of clanship, and its consequent feuds and jealousies,
perpetuated from generation to generation : and it is quite possible yet to point out on the map the
districts where certain tribes lived exclusively, and where, in most cases, some of their lineal
descendants still survive. The surnames (or what were formerly the tribe -names,) are here gene-
rally a sure indication of race : and nowhere, perhaps, in Europe are these so available for ethno-
logical purposes as in Ireland. But changes are rapidly taking place, and no time is to be lost in
recording the vestiges which remain. The breaking up of old local associations, caused by the
extensive sales of estates to new proprietors, the destruction produced by the famine of 1845-1847,
the vast and increasing emigration to America, and finally, the displacement of the population now
daily caused by the facility of railway communication and the increase of our large towns, will
soon obliterate all certain traces of former diversity of race. It is, therefore, highly desirable that
146
information should be collected without delay to assist the inquiries of the ethnologist. The nature
of this information is indicated by the Queries proposed in the following letter ; and it will be at
once seen that it can be readily obtained, in most cases, by any intelligent observers residing in
different parts of the country. Communications on the subject may either be addressed to this
Journal for publication, or forwarded to the gentleman whose address is here given. [Edit.
To the Editor of the Ulster Journal of Archceology.
" Dear Sib, — In reply to your polite and obliging inquiries, I have the pleasure to inform you
that the object of the Crania Britannica is to rescue from destruction the chiefest and most charac-
teristic personal remains which exist of ancient races of the people of the primaeval period — the
people of the cromlechs, cairns, tumuli, and barrows, whether ancient Hibernians or Britons,
Caledonians, Picts, or Scots, Angles or Saxons, Danes or Northmen — of the British, Roman, or
Anglo-Saxon eras ; — to give to these as faithful and permanent a record as is attainable by modern
art, and to illustrate them as fully as possible by anthropological science. Four Decades of the
work have already seen the light, containing, in their forty full-sized lithographic figures of ancient
skulls, a pretty ample exemplification of the whole subject; together with copious descriptions,
accounts of ancient modes of burial, and of the various antiquities found in barrows and other tombs,
(illustrated with numerous figures) — the whole being preceded by a text, the greater part of which
is devoted to a dissertation on the ancient inhabitants of the British Islands, as they were known
to the Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans; their mode of life, moral characteristics and manners,
dwellings, fortifications, architecture, clothing, personal decorations, armour and military equipment,
metallurgy and other arts, basket-work, pottery, navigation, trade, coinage, religious institutions
and temples, mythology, &c.
" The design of the book is entirely national; and the most liberal aid has been afforded in the
way of specimens of crania and other antiquities, from all parts of the kingdom, especially Scotland.
Ireland, however, stands alone in it, being represented by one single skull, viz. that from the
Knock-Maraidhe cromlech, in the Phoenix Park, Dublin, solely from the impossibility of meeting with
another example from the tumuli so profusely scattered over the island, in a suitable condition to
be engraved. Such have been earnestly sought for, and are ardently desired, but can only be sup-
plied by the active exertions and generous assistance of Irish archaeologists themselves. At the
present time, they will not yet be too late.
" In furtherance of the Crania Britannica, the circular which follows has been printed for
private distribution, and for which a place is desired in the Ulster Journal, as a means of making it
better known among those able to promote the objects in view.
" The importance of the investigation undertaken in the Crania Britannica, of the craniological
and ethnological facts derived from the study of the physical and the physiological peculiarities of the
147
ancient and modern races— duly restrained within the limits of natural science — can be but faintly
estimated by those who have watched the fanciful and erratic speculations founded on philological
grounds merely. If indisputable solutions of problems which have puzzled all former investigators
cannot be educed, at least reliable data will be collected."
"A few Ethnological Queries,
To serve as a Guide in collecting Information respecting the Inhabitants of the British Islands.
" Under the impression that the present inhabitants of the British Islands, especially in some
of the more remote and exclusively rural districts, still retain the peculiar features of their lineage and
descent, and may, before any further amalgamation is effected by the increased means of communi-
cation and intercourse now in use, be recognized, if not actually referred to their original stocks —
the following Queries have been prepared to guide those persons who may have the kindness to
render any assistance in determining this interesting problem.
" In carrying out the design of the Crania Britannica,* a work specially devoted to investiga-
tions regarding the ancient inhabitants of the British Isles, it has become apparent that any reliable
accounts of the older populations now dwelling in districts which have for ages been little disturbed
by the intrusion of fresh elements, would be of great importance and value. In order, therefore,
to induce those observers who are placed in situations favourable for ascertaining the physical
and other peculiar characters of the people surrounding them, to communicate the results of
what they have perceived, these Queries are presented — with a view to facilitate the process and
to suggest subjects of inquiry — under the persuasion that there are many who would be willing to
aid so curious a scientific investigation, by supplying a few facts. However few and apparently
unimportant such facts may be, they will be thankfully received, and when used, duly acknowledged.
By accumulation and comparison, the value of such facts will be materially increased. The Queries
are designed to suggest further research, and have no pretensions to exhaust a subject, -which some
more attentive students may see in its more enlarged bearings, and also be able to illustrate
more fully.
" It would be well to extend the observations to at least twenty adult males of average character,
— if selected, to be selected on account of the ancient settlement of their families in the district —
and to state the number upon which special observations have been made. "Where opportunity
favours, a larger field of inquiry, as a parish, barony, or any natural division of country, might
be advantageously taken.
• Crania Britannica. Delineations and Descriptions of &c, and John Thurnam, M.D., F.S.A., &c. In Six
the Skulls of the Aboriginal and Early Inhabitants of the Decades of Ten Plates, Imperial Quarto, at One Guinea
British Islands ; together with Notices of their other each Decade. Four of these have already been issued.
Remains. By Joseph Barnard Davis, MJR.C.S.E., F.S.A.,
148
QTJEBIES.
"1. What is the stature, or average stature? Whether ascertained hy measure? What is
the minimum stature for admission into the militia of the county ?
"2. What is the average bulk or weight ? Are the people bulky or slender, as compared with
Irishmen of other districts ? Do they appear to present any peculiarities of figure, such as unusual
length or shortness of limbs ?
"3. What is the character of the face? Is it long, oval, broad, round, thin, short, florid, pale,
light, or dark ? Are the cheek-bones or the brows prominent ? Is the forehead rounded or square ?
Is the nose long, straight, aquiline, short, or prominent ? Is the chin broad or narrow, prominent
or receding ?
" 4. What is the colour of the hair? Is it black, dark, brown, fair, or red ? Can any propor-
tion of these colours be given ? Is it often curly ? Is the body comparatively hairy or smooth ?
"5. What is the colour of the eyes? Are they black, dark, intermediate, light, grey; or what
is the proportion of these ?
"6. What is the size and form of the skull? Is it large, small, or of moderate size, long or
short, broad or narrow ? The size is easily ascertained by passing a tape, graduated in inches and
10ths? round the head at its greatest circumference, viz., round the forehead, temples, and hindhead.
"7. Is it possible to obtain skulls, whether ancient or modern, of inhabitants of the district?
" 8. Are there any photographs, prints, or drawings obtainable, which afford the portraiture
of the people in a tolerably faithful manner ?
"9. Are there any peculiar family-names ? What are the most common names ?
"10. To what race of people are the inhabitants of the distriot usually referred ? Has any
foreign colony ever settled in it ? H as there been much immigration into it of late years ? Do the
inhabitants often marry with strangers, or have they kept their blood pure ?
" Communications are requested to be addressed to,
Dear Sir, your obedient Servant,
J. Baexakd Davis."
Sfielton, Staffordshire,
June 7, 1860.
149
ANTIQUARIAN NOTES AND QUERIES.
Ancient Horse Shoes. — The notice in your
last Number [vol. viii,, p. 73] of a -wooden horse-
shoe, has reminded me of a passage in one of
Niebuhr's -works, which shows cleaiiy that the
Romans could not have shod their horses with
iron. — " Whoever has seen the ancient Roman
high-roads, despises the wretched structures of
modern time. They consist of polished polygons
of basalt, so well fitted together that in many
parts the point of a penknife cannot be passed
between them : they are cut with great care, and
must have been polished in a peculiar mariner.
The foundation was formed of large stones,
over which was laid a stratum of mortar, then a
layer of broken hard bricks, over which again
a cement was poured, which completely hardened
into stone. Upon this foundation the blocks of
basalt were laid, with their lower surface cut
perfectly smooth. If we were to build our roads
now in the same manner, we should be obliged
to sacrifice their external beauty, and cover them
with sand ; because, horses shod with iron would
not be able to run on the surface, which is as
smooth as a mirror. The horses of the ancients
were not shod ; and the mules had either a kind
of wooden shoes, or soles of matting." Several
instances have been adduced, by writers in this
Journal, of iron horseshoes being found in Ireland,
which seemed to be ancient ; and a notice of horse-
shoeing is quoted [vol. vii., p. 169,] from the
Irish Annals, dated 1384. But unless it can be
shown that the Irish had regular hard roads
VOL. VIII.
traversing the country, which would render such
a defence of the foot necessary, I can hardly see
the use of an iron shoe in a country proverbial
for the moisture of its soil. Incredulus.
The public have of late become strangely
enamoured of a misapplication of the word
excelsior, borrowed from Mr. Longfellow's ex-
tremely popular little poem. That gentleman
uses it in the sense of the Latin adverb excelsius ;
and the public have echoed him. I understand
it is adopted as the motto of the State of New
York, whose symbol, I believe, is the eagle.
Now, it strikes me that excelsior is really meant
for a divine person ; and that the old settlers
may have had in their minds such texts as that
in Ecclesiastes, v. 8; where, in the old Latin
version, we read, u Excelso alius excelsior est."
Likewise in Hebrews, viii. 26, " excelsior calis
/actus" There are also texts in which the English
word " higher" occurs, as applied to the Most
High ; and which may, in some Latin versions,
present "excelsior." e. g. Psalm lxi. 27; Psalm
lxxxix. 27. Perhaps some of your correspond-
ents may be able to supply the history and true
meaning of this motto. S. T. P.
Having hazarded, in this Journal, p. 70, 6ome
remarks on the importance of seemingly trifling
agreements in manners, customs, or arts, as indica-
tions of some connexion between nations in times
long past, I instanced certain resemblances
between Peruvian or Mexican objects, and Greek
or Asiatic antiquities. I have lately happened to
v
150
meet (in the North British Review, No. lxi.)
a case of likeness between an Egyptian symbol
and an article found among the North American
Indians on the Columbia River. In a review
of "Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians
of North America, by Paul Kane. London,
1859," the reviewer says : — "The well-informed
reader will find more things in Mr. Kane's
volume suggestive of the East — of Egypt and
Nineveh — than the pipe-head, which, because of
its portrait of the Egyptian sphinx, arrested his
artistic eye." Such hints as this, collected, and
compared with what we know, or may yet
learn, of Asiatic and Egyptian arts and usages,
may yet throw great light on the remote history
of America. Cosmas.
Hogmanay Night. — Neither the Gaelic ety-
mology given by Mr. Dbennan [vol. vii., p.
216], nor the Norwegian one given by Senex
[vol. viii., p. 73], for this name, is satisfactory.
If the former were correct, we should certainly
find the word used all over Ireland where the
Gaelic is spoken ; but it is quite unknown.
The Norwegian Ilog-nott does not account for
the two syllables manay. Now, the beginning
of the new year was a great season of solemnity
among the Druids. It is well known that, on
the last night of the year, they went into the
woods, with a golden hook, to cut the misletoe
of the oak, which they afterwards distributed
among the people to be worn, just as twigs are
now given on Palm Sunday. The ceremony,
like many other pagan ones, no doubt, continued
to be practised long after the old religion was
superseded by Christianity, and long after its
origin was forgotten. Hence we find, to the
present day, the custom everywhere prevalent
in England of hanging up a branch of misletoe
in the houses on Christmas day, under which
the young men hiss ihvir siveethearts, just as the
Scotch youths do on Hogmanay night without
the misletoe. The druids left behind them the
same custom in Gaul; for Keysler mentions in
his Antiquitates Septentrionales that, in Aqui-
taine, it is usual for boys to go about on the last
day of the year begging money as a new year's
gift, and crying An gui Van neuf, " To the mis-
letoe ho ! the new year," gui being the old
French name of this plant. In the middle of the
1 6th century, we have accounts of companies of
mummers going about in fantastic dresses, in
different parts of France (like our Christmas
rhymers), on the 1st of January during the
Fete des Fous, and crying Au gui menez. Here
we have a very near approach to the Scotch
Hogmanay; and the long intercourse between
Scotland and France may account for the intro-
duction of a name which is not found either in
England or Ireland.
Ollamh Fodhla.
I wish to thank Mr. Pinkebton for supplying
[in vol. vii., p. 206,] an example, which I
wanted to find, of the occurrence in an old
English writer of the word Morian or Mooryan,
to denote a Moor, Negro, or Ethiopian. The
majority of clergymen incorrectly read (in Psalm
68, v. 31,) "the Morians' land," instead of
" the Morian' s land," (accented on the first
syllable;) and few people think of inquiring
how the Ethiopians of the Bible version came
to be identified with the "Morians" of the
common Prayer Book. S. T. P.
151
Herodotus [lib. i., chap. 200] says, of three
tribes of the Babylonians, that they ate nothing
but fishes, which they dried in the sun, then
pounded them in mortars, and sifted the powder
of them through linen cloths. To eat this, they
kneaded it into cakes, or baked it into loaves.
Now, I remember seeing in Lewis and Clarke's
exploring Travels in North America, that they
found Indians on the Columbia Eiver who treated
the salmon in the very same manner, and used it
as food. This practice is so peculiar that the
agreement in it by two races so widely separated
appears to be more than accidental. Cosmas.
The following appeared in the French news-
papers in April last. Perhaps some of your
correspondents can procure more detailed infor-
mation from the spot: —
"In the fortification works at Lille, an old
Celtic grave has been lately excavated. No
trace of bones was found; but an immense boulder,
which, by its shape and inscriptions, was plainly
recognized as a Druidic altar. Ifesus and Teutates
seem to have been the heathen deities to whom
this altar was consecrated. Some of the inscrip-
tions, it is said, leave no doubt that the Druids
prophesied from the quivering flesh of the sacri-
ficed prisoners of war. A golden sickle was
found near the boulder, such as we read were
used by the priests to cut the mistletoe from the
oak tree under which the altar stood." R. Y.
ANSWERS TO QUERIES.
Battle of Auba [Queries, vol. vii., p. 78]. —
Layd or Cushindall (Co. Antrim) was the resi-
dence of the MacAulays of the Glynns, who
joined the standard of MacDonnell at the cele-
brated battle of Aura in 1569 ; after which the
combined armies spent some days in festivity on
the mountain of Trostan, on which they raised
a memorial cairn, still called Caslan Sorley Boy.
This sanguinary battle took place on the 4th of
July, in the year mentioned, between the forces
of MacQuillan and those of Sorley Boy Mac
Donnell. It is described as having continued
through the whole valley of Glenshesk, every
yard of which was fiercely contested, and nearly
the entire surface strewed with slain. Victory
at last declared in favour of the MacDonnells,
who thereby obtained possession of the castles
and estates of the Mac Quillans. J. "W". M.
The Letters B and V. [Queries, vol. v. p. 350]
— The inquiry of H. P., with regard to the pro-
nunciation of the Irish b, is not quite correct.
The Irish language has still the letter b, (pro-
nounced as in English, French, Italian, &c.,)
but when influenced by certain causes, (explained
in Irish grammars,) it becomes v. It is not
possible to ascertain whether this has always
been so. The probability is that, in every case
where the letter occurs in an Irish word, except
as an initial, it was anciently pronounced b, and
has since, in many instances, assumed the softer
sound of v. Thus, the Latin diabolus (devil,)
has become, in Irish diavol, though the b is pre-
served in the spelling. With the initial b, tho
case is different ; for, as all Irish scholars know,
a change of meaning takes place in every word
commencing with this letter the moment that it
152
is changed to v. Thus, a bd is " her cow," and
a v6 is "his cow." Hence, at all periods, the
initial b must necessarily have had its hard sound
when preceded hy the feminine pronoun. But
it is difficult to determine how the Romans and
Greeks pronounced this letter. If we may judge
by the modern Italian, (a lineal descendant of
the Latin language,) there must have been an
occasional tendency to pronounce it v. Thus,
the Latin habere is represented by the Italian
avere; the Latin liber e by the Italian bevere, &c.
The confusion of the b and v among the Spaniards
(whose language is also of Latin origin,) was
long ago recorded in this epigram —
" Haud temere antiquas mutat Vasconia voces,
Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere."
As regards the Greek, although we cannot con-
sider the modern pronunciation of the language
as a correct representative of the ancient, (since
the present Greeks are a very mixed race,) still
we can observe an early tendency to use b and v
as nearly equivalent. When ancient Greek
authors had occasion to use Roman names begin-
ning with v, they always wrote them b ; thus,
Yarro and Virgilius are Bapgwv and Bigyrtjog.
Ollamh Fodhla.
Rap-Halfpenny. [Queries, vol. viii., p. 65]
— This is taken from the name of a German
coin called a Rap, and worth about a farthing.
In some of the Swiss Cantons it is of still smaller
value, being only equal to the -^th of our penny.
Jeeome.
Auburn. [Queries, vol. vii., p. 353] — The
auburn-tree is the alburnum, or white-hazel ;
in French, aubours, and in Italian, avornio.
I cannot agree with the derivation proposed by
Celtibee (vol. vii., p. 144,) for the colour auburn;
a more probable etymology is the Italian al bruno.
Reginald.
QUEBIES.
Was bull-baiting ever a public amusement
in Ireland ? X. X.
What is the origin of Collin Ward, the name
of one of the high hills near Belfast ?
R.O.
At what period of our history were the pre-
sent Irish names given to the townlands all over
the country ? Abthtje.
Keating, in his History of Ireland, having
related at large themanner of Conrigh MacDaire's
death, states that Blanaid, his betrayer, went
from Kerry into "Ulster, with Cuchullin, and
there, in retribution for her perfidy, was hurled
from the cliffs of Rinnchinn Beara by Feircheirtnc,
the bard of the murdered chieftain, who pursued
her thither for that purpose. Is there any place
in Ulster which can be identified as having
anciently borne this name ? If so, where is it
situated, and what is now its designation ? In
the County of Galway there is a place called
Kinnvarra, where a Firbolg chief is said to have
settled in the days of Conrigh ; and, as there is
a remarkable headland there, the prefix Rinn
(promontory) might aptly have been applied to it.
But what brought Connor, King of Ulster, and
his court to the west of Connaught ? B.
153
UNPUBLISHED POEMS RELATING TO ULSTER IN 1642-43.
By WILLIAM POIERTOK
Amokgst what are termed the "Additional Manuscripts," in the British Museum, there is a small
quarto volume of Latin and English MS. poetry, -which had formerly belonged to the late Sir
William Betham. It is entitled Fancies occasionally written on several Occurrances, and revised
here, vidzt., from July the 22«^, 1645, to July 28^, 1646. A short prose dedication, from the writer
to his "trusty, honored, and no less obligingly indeared friend, E. P.," is dated Feb. 17th, 1647,
and subscribed with the letters 'P. ff.' At the end there is the following memorandum: —
"Gawen Paige ye 20th May, 1683, ex dono Gulielmi Kellet." In this volume there are four
unpublished poems relating to Ulster, written at the eventful period of the early part of the Great
Rebellion, by a person then serving against the Irish, in the regiment raised by the English Parlia-
ment, and commanded by Sir John Clotworthy.
I had not much difficulty in discovering who ' P. F.,' the writer of these poems, was. A Latin
poem, on the battle of Marston Moor, in the same volume, is one of the first published works of a
certain Payne Eisher, the author of an immense number of poems, pamphlets, &c, and a person of
considerable literary notoriety in his day, though now almost utterly forgotten, and even the names
of the greater portion of his works buried in not ill-merited oblivion. Payne Fisher, or Paganus
Piscator, as, in the puerile pedantry of the period, he delighted to style himself, was son of a
gentleman of the same name, who was Captain of the Body-guard to Charles I. He was born in
Gloucestershire, at the seat of Sir Robert Neale, his maternal grandfather; and in 1634, when
eighteen years of age, entered Hart Hall, Oxford, as a commoner. He subsequently removed to
Magdalen College, Cambridge, where he exhibited considerable poetical talent, and took one degree
in art; but, as old "\Vooda quaintly relates, "having a rambling head, he threw off his gown, went
to Brabant, and trailed a pike in the garrison of Bolduc." Returning to England, he served as an
ensign in the army raised by Charles I. to act against the Scotch. After that army was disbanded,
he was appointed to an ensigncy in the regiment raised by order of Parliament, in December, 1641,
to act against the Irish rebels, and commanded by Sir John Clotworthy. It is probable that, at this
period, Fisher was more attached to the King's cause than his Colonel, for he only remained about
two years in England, during which time he rose to be captain-lieutenant. In 1644, furnished
with letters of introduction from the staunch Royalist, Colonel Chichester, he crossed over to Eng-
land, and at once obtained a majority in the regiment commanded by Sir Patrick Curwen, in the
a Athena Oxoniensis.
VOL. VIII. W
154
King's service. He was at the battle of Marston Moor, where he was taken prisoner, and sent to
Newgate. He found his confinement in that prison much worse than the hardships he suffered in
Ireland, as appears by the following extract from a poem, in the volume already described, entitled
A Description on Newgate, upon my first Committment thither as a Prhoner of Warre: —
(To my honored friend, Sir J. Clo. Knt.J
" "When shall we meet again, Sir, and restoare
Those pristine Pastimes we found heretofore ?
When shall we againe unkennel up those men,
Or rather Hydras, from their hell-deepe den ?
Those Boggs, those Woods, through which I marcht and stood
Above my middle, both in Myre and Mudd,
Were nothing to my present griefs ; to these
They were but Fictions and Hyperboles.
Fatal Glencontain, too, tho' cursed by some,
To this place sure was an Elizium."
Fisher, however, did not remain long in Newgate. He wheeled round to the Parliament party,
using his prolific pen in their service, and subsequently styled himself the Poet Laureate of the
Protector. At the Restoration he once more became a Eoyalist, but with little benefit to his
fortunes. " He lived by his wits," says Wood, " which appear to have procured him but a scanty
diet, arising chiefly from flattering dedications, and other implements of literary supplication."
He was a long time confined in the Fleet prison, and died suddenly, in great poverty, in a coffee-
house in the Old Bailey, in 1693.
The " honored friend and Coll. Sr. J. CI.," to whom the first poem is dedicated, was certainly Sir
John Clotworthy, not unknown in English history as a leading member of the Long Parliament, and
an active agent in bringing the head of Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, to the block. I need scarcely
observe to those even slightly acquainted with the history of Ulster that he was the son of Sir Hugh
Clotworthy, the first of the family that settled in Ireland, his mother being a daughter of Roger
Langford, Esq., of Moneymore. In "A List expressing the several Names and Entertainments of
those to whome Annuities, Pencons, and Perpetuities are granted and payable out of the Revenue
of Ireland, As it is contained in the Establishment for the said Revenue, beginning at Easter, 1618,"
we may find the following entry: —
" Sir Hugh Clotworthy and his sonne, upon the ceaseing of entertainement in ye Establishment,
for an Annuitie during their lives at vi*. viii. Ster. per die., upon sufficient caution to be given to
the Deputie, for keepeing the Boates at Loughneagh servisable without further other allowance."
A postil, attached to the above, for the information of King James, relates that —
155
" These Boates were usefull and serviseable in the time of Tirone's "Warrs. This Pencon was
granted to him and his sonne dureing their lives, and the longer lives of them, the 2 Julie, in the
16 yeare of your Reigne, and this Pencon was brought into the Revenue by the last Establishment,
being before paid out of the List."
After the death of Sir Hugh, his son, Sir John Clotworthy, succeeded to the " Captaincy of
the Boates;" and at the breaking out of the Rebellion, Parliament, recognizing the valuable services
that could be performed by this inland fleet, resolved, on the 27th of January, 1642 —
" That this House hold it fit, that Sir John Clotworthy (as his father before had,) shall have
the command of the bark and the boats to be provided for the defence and safety of the lough in
Ireland called Lough Neagh, alias Lough Sydney, and that he shall have the like wages as his
father had : And he is to build the hulls of the bark and the boates, and to maintain them at his
own charge : Bat he is to have so much monie presently allowed him as shall be necessary for their
rigging, according to the note agreed upon by the committee for the Irish affairs.
" Sir John Clotworthy is to have for this service as Captain 15 shillings per diem, his Lieute-
nant 4 shillings per day, the master 4 shillings per day, master's mate 2 shillings per day, master
gunner 18 pence per day, two gunners 12 pence a piece per day, and 40 common men 8 pence a
piece per diem."
The services performed by these boats were of the utmost importance to the English cause in
Ulster. Cox tells us that —
" Sir J. Clotworthy's regiment built a fort at Toom, and thereby got a convenience to pass the
Bann at pleasure, and to make incursions into the county of Londonderry : to revenge this, the
Irish garrison at Charlemont built some boats, which they sailed down the Blackwater into Lough
Neagh, and preyed all the borders thereof. Hereupon those at Antrim built a boat of twenty ton,
and furnished it with six brass guns, and they also got six or seven lesser boats, and in them stowed
three hundred men, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Owen O'Connolly, [the discoverer of the
rebellion, who was a stout and active man,] and Captain Langford. These sailed over the Lough,
and landed at the mouth of the Blackwater, where they cast up two small forts, and returned.
But the Irish found means to pass these in dark nights, and not only continued their former manner
of plundering, but also raised a small fort at Clanbrazill, to protect their fleet upon any emergency.
Upon notice of this, Connolly and Langford manned out their navy again, and met the Irish near
the shore of Clanbrazill, whereupon a naval engagement ensued. But the rebels being fresh- water
soldiers, were soon forced on shore, and the victors, pursuing their fortune, followed them to the
shore and forced them to surrender it. And in this expedition sixty rebels were slain, and as many
taken prisoners, which, together with the boats, were brought in triumph to Antrim."
Sir John Clotworthy not only proved himself to be a thorough soldier and statesman during
the eventful period of the great civil war, but also showed that, like other wise men, he was by no
156
means indifferent to his own interests. Though a staunch Presbyterian, he obtained, in 1656,
from the Protector, Cromwell — at a nominal rent, and on condition of giving up his pension of
six-and-eightpence per day — a lease for ninety-nine years, " of Lough Neagh, with the fishing and
soil thereof, and the islands therein called Ram's Island and Coney Island, containing three acres
of ground, also the lough and river of Bann, as far as the Salmon Leap, containing six salmon
fishings, and two mixed fishings of salmon and eels, and another of trouts." At the Restoration,
Sir John petitioned Charles II., stating that, "being obstructed, by a late unlawful power, in
receiving his pension, he was forced to take the lease of Lough Neagh in lieu thereof." So Charles
ratified Cromwell's grant of Lough Neagh and the Bann, restored the pension, and made Sir John a
Privy Councillor, Baron of Lough Neagh, and first Yiscount Massereene.
THE CRYES OF ULSTER.
To my much honored Friend and Coll.: Sr. J. CI.
Up sad Melpomene ; up ; and condole
The Ruines of a Realme : attire thy soule
In sorrowes Dresse ; and let thy Fountaines rise
And ouerflow the Ploud-gates of thine eyes.
Fill up thy sanguine Cisternes to the Brimme :
Spread forth thy expanded armes, and learne to swim
In thine owne Teares, that thus thou maist make knowne
The Griefes of others, fully as thine own.
Oh ! here's a Theame indeed ! If mortalls could
Not now lament, the Rocks and Mountains would :
The melting Heavens, whose Influences steepe
The tender stones, would teach us how to weepe.
The Blood-imbrued-Earth doth Blush to see
Such horrid Massakers ; and shall not wee ?
Sure should wee not ; wee had lesse shame yn Those
Hard Hearts that were first Authors of these "Woes.
Disastrous state ! how beautifull, how faire
Thy Buildings, and how foule thy "Vices were !
How were thy glorious Blossomes turn'd to Dust,
And blasted with the lightning of thy lust !
Brim'd with Excesse how did thy cuppes o'reflowe
More fast than all thy trickling Teares doe now !
157
How have thy crimes ecclips'd thee, and crying loud
For Yengance masqued thy Forhead in a cloud !
Thy Greatnesse but encreas'd thy Griefe : and that
Which was thy Glory, usherd on thy Fate.
Thy Store and Plenty, have but centuplied
Thy greater Plauges, and made thy wound more wide ;
And what should most revive thee and restoare
Thine Health, did most exulcerat the Soare.
Thy stately woods, whose beauty did excite
In the spectator, wonder, and delight :
Proved but thy Funerall Faggots, to consume
Thee in cinders ; and to exaggerat thy Doome
And all thy Blazing Territories have
But Torches beene, to light thee to thy Grave.
And shall Shee perish ; and wee sorrow thus,
And is there none to help Hir, or pitty us ?
0 happy England ! who wilt scarce confesse
Lulld with security thine Happinesse !
Thy Troubles were but triviall, and thy Feares
But merely Fantasies compar'd with Hirs.
'Tis Shee, 'tis Shee hath suffer' d : and drunck up
Those Dregges whereof Thou 'hast onely kiss'd ye cup.
Those puny Plauges, wch partially have met
In Thee, have beene soe ample, soe compleat
And numerous in Hir ; that nothing more
Could once be heapt or added to Hir Score.
But ah ! complaints are Shaddowes and too breife
And short to 'expresse the Substance of my Griefe !
Thou that wert once great Brittanes only glory
And now become a Gazing-stock, a story :
Exiled from Humane Joyes, and Heaven's smiles,
Or'ewhelmed, and sepulchred in thine owne spoiles.
Famine ! thou Sister of the Sword ; and Sonne
Of Death ; how many worlds hast thou undone !
How dost thou tyrannize ' and keep thy Leets
And constant Stations in all Hir streets !
158
Oh how the pale -face' t Sucklings roare for food
And from their milke-lesse Mother's Breast draw blood.
They crye'd for bread that had scarce breath to crye
And wanting Meanes to live, found Meanes to die.
The gasping Father lies ; and to his Heire
Bequeathes his pined coarse : The Nurses teare
And quarter out their Infants ; whiles they Feast
Vpon the one halfe, and preserue the rest.
0 cruell Famine ; wch compells the Mother
To kill one hungry Child to feed another !
Thus is thy Glory vanisht in a Trice
And all thy Braueryes buried in abysse.
Tet bee not thou dismay' d with too much sorrow :
These Nights of griefe may finde a joy full Morrow :
Cleare then thy clouded Countenance ; and calme
Thy discomposed Soule : Heaven, Heauen has Balme
As well as Thunder Bolts ; and bee thou sure
Thou canst not Bleed soe fast as hee can cure.
'Tis Hee, 'tis Hee, can heale thee; and bruise those
That haue triumphed in these Ouerthrowes.
There is a time for them : when Heauen' s Decree
Shall call Them to accompt as well as Thee ;
And a Day there is : if Souldiers may diuine,
To worke their Ruines, who have thus wrought Thine.
The next poem is "On our Dangerous Yoyage twixt Mazarine & Mountjoy," and dedicated
to Major J. L., who, no doubt, was a Langford, and cousin or uncle to Sir John Clotworthy. The
occasion referred to is, in all probability, the same as is described in a very rare pamphlet in the
Grenville Library, dated August 17th, 1642, entitled, A Relation from Belfast, sent to a Friend,
mentioning some late Successe against the Rebels, by Colonel Clotworthy, about Mountjoy, in the
County of Tyrone. The most interesting part of this pamphlet I shall here transcribe previous to
giving the poem: —
" Worthy Sir,
" Since my last to you of the 11th of July from Mountjoy, Colonell Clotworthy had
some business in Antrem, where after his stay for two dayes, he was returning back to Mountjoy
159
by water, where he met on the Lough with a great Storme, yet was resolved to venture onwards
notwithstanding, and therefore cast Anchor neere an Island in the Lough called Ram's Island,
intending there to land, and stay till the storme was over ; but when he was going to land there, a
violent storme forced him back againe to Antrem, where he that night received certain intelligence,
that had he landed according to his intention in that Island, he had been cut off, for many of the
Rebels had gotten thither for shelter, and might easily have prejudiced him, he not expecting to
meet any there, and the company with him not being many; but thus did God's immediate hand
interpose and divert what otherwise was very near. This storme also lost five of Colonell Clot-
worthy's boates, he had built for the Lough ; but he by setting men on worke, presently e to repaire
them, hath made up all his former number, which is 12 large boates that will carry 60 men a peece,
and the Admirall the Sidney which also he hath built, and with these Botes and Barkes he is able
to carry on any part of the Lough side neare a 1000 men, which doth so distract and torment the
Rebels, that they have no quiet thereabouts. Hereby also we have all our victuals easily trans-
ported, and our Ammunition (carrying now by land only to Antrim), and thence by water in these
Boates we convey it to any part joyning to the Lough, which is of exceeding advantage to us.
As soone as the Lough was calme, Colonell Clotworthy went to Mountjoy, to that part of his
Regiment he left there, and presently upon his comming, having notice the enemy was within
7 or 8 miles, he took 400 of his men; leaving some in Garrison at the Ports, and mounted 40 more
with Firelockes, on horses he had formerly taken from the enemy ; and, with this 440 men he
marched all night and came timely with the Legar of the Rebels, where he found most of them in
their beds, and thereby had opportunitie of cutting many of them off before they could get to their
Armes, and runne away, which presently they did, though there were 1000 of them ; and, as we
are certainely informed, Sir Philem Oneale was there also and ranne among the rest, but in Colonell
Clotworthie's first charge they shot Colonel Ocane (who is counted their most skilful commander,
who came from beyond Sea to them) him they shot in the leg, kild his Lieutenant-Colonell, who
was one of the chief of the O'Quines, and divers of his Captaines, and about 60 of their common
Souldiers ; had their horse been any good, more execution might have been done upon them, but
they were only such as Colonel Clot, took from the enemy, and not one Shoe b upon them all, yet
served to bring home a pray of 600 cowes, which that night they brought to the Leagar at Mountjoy."
ON OUR DANGEROUS VOYAGE TWIXT MAZARINE AND MOUNTJOY.
To my honord Friend Mair J. L.
We had now weighed vp or Anchors and hoist sayles,
"Whiles Heaven's serener breath in whispring gales
Siged forth our Farwell, and loath to dismisse
Such Friends did court vs with a parting kisse.
b This does not say much in favour of the great antiquity of Irish horse-shoes I
160
But oh ! this Truce turn'd Tragicall, and that
"Which wee presum'd a Fortune, proued or Fate.
For now the Windes gan mutine ; and grow wild
O'th' sudden wch before seemed reconciled.
The wrinkled Ocean gan to loure and shewe
Hir supercilious anger in hir browe.
The Billowes playd at Bandy : and tosst or Barke
Aboue the clouds ; which mounted like a Larke.
The Surges dasht the Heauens as thoe they ment
To wash the face o'th' cloudy Firmament,
And make't more cleare : and truely it made ys stare
To see the "Water mingle wth ye Aire.
Old Fry y* carried a Tempest in his looks, now grew
Madd, and more blustring than those Windes yt blewe.
You'd think the Boatmen wilde to heare em hoope ;
This bawles out larboord; t'other flanckes ye Poope :
That hales the Bowling, which was scarce made fast
Before a counter-gust ore'whelm'd both Mast
And Maine-yard both ; not leaueing vs scarce sheet
Enoughe to wipe those teares wee shed to see'it.
Both Card and Compasse faild. The Pilot now
Could doe noe more then hee that holds ye ploughe.
The Master was in his dumpes : the seamen stood
Like senseless Stones, or Statues made of "Wood.
Our Rudder too (the Bridle of or Shipp)
Quite broake in twaine lay tumbling in the Deepe ;
Soe that the Vessell did at Bandom run,
Threatning hir owne and or destruction.
Thus Fate and Feare besieged vs round about ;
That Hope could not get in nor danger out.
"Wee cryed for succors, and lookt euery way,
But still the more wee lookt, the lesse we sawe.
Oft wee implored the Windes ; but they such noise
And murmuring made they would not heare or voice.
Oft wee inuoakd the Nimphes ; but they, poor Elues,
In this sad Pickle, could scearce healp themselues.
161
Often wee takt about ; but founde howe crosse
The Current, and how vaine or labor was.
"Wee fathomd oft, but saw noe ground was neere ;
Noe ground wee saw, alas, but of dispayre.
And now within vs did a storroe arise,
More feirce ; whiles from ye fl oudgates of or eyes
The fluent teares fell downe, like showers of Raine
Striueing to mix their water wth the Maine.
Our Teares did swell the Tide ! or Sighes each Sayle :
Our Cryes might cleaue the Clouds; yet could not quail
The roaring Sea ; which careless of or moane
Drowned all cryes and clamors in hir owne.
At length night's sable Curtaines being undrawne,
The Infant-day appeared in hir first dawne ;
The clouds with It, began to looke more cleare,
The Sea more calme. "Wee now arose to cheere
Or fainting spirits, and to each other speake
A generall Joy. Some crept from of the deck,
Some from the Plancks ; and all like wormes at last
Crawld from their crooked Holes, ye storme being past.
The Weather-beate Souldiers wch yt night did supp
"Were all growne Mawe-sick, ....
And truely the wind did trouble most, and there
Was scarce one 'mong us all but had his share.
Some yoid of sense grew giddy : these forgott,
Themselues, and took ye Bark for Charon's Boat.
Another was so smear'd with Pitch, you might,
Had you not knowne him, sweare he had been a Sprite.
Some sprawling on the Decks were trodden on,
And soe disfigurd that they scarce were knowne.
Some broak their shancks ; some noses ; and but few
But either had his head broak or his browe.
In fine, all finely handled were ; and such
As seemed to haue the least-harme had too much.
VOL. Till.
162
Thus Sr you see ; how all night-long wee weare
TurmoiTd, and tosst hetweene hope and dispayre ;
Till pittying Neptune with his Trident did
Calme and controule those blust'ring winds ; wch chid,
Retir'd back to their cauernes, and noe more
Did dare molest us, till wee came a shoare.
The next poem, " On our miserable wet March hetweene Money more and Montjoy," is dedicated
to Major F. E., in every probability Francis Ellis, grandson of Robert Ellis, sheriff of Carrickfergus
in 1608. He and his brothers, Foulk and Edmond, were officers in Sir J. Clotworthy's regiment;
and he married a daughter of Sir Hercules Langford, a Captain in the same distinguished corps.
ON OUR MISERABLE WETT MARCH BETWEENE MONEYMORE AND MONTJOY.
WITH A COMMANDED PARTY OF THE SCOTCH REGIMENT.
To my honored Friend, Mair. F. F.
'Twas almost noone, when wee (Sr) loath to loose
Time, haueing dined, rose from our Randeuouze.
Scarce had wee packt or Trinckets vp, and ranged
0 or men for march, but th' whole Heauen was chang'd :
The sunne retyring thence, went sick to bed,
And bound about with clouds, his Rheum- swolne head :
"What his Disease was, wither Cold or Heat,
Wee could not tell ; but judged it to a Sweat ;
Nor was it more at first ; wch from his ey'ne
Trickling like Teares, turn'd onely to a Rhine.
But e're wee had gone farre wee found too fast
Howe his Phisick work't wch did soe make him cast,
And disgorge such a deluge vp, that you'd
Where hee but spet before, now sweare bee spue'd.
with a witnesse came, and with
A siseryc blew full in our Teeth.
« Siserara, a word still in use for a severe blow of any plaint of severe usage, and affords another instance of the
kind. Moore actually attempts to derive it from the story many slang phrases our ancestors delighted in forming out
of Sisera, in the Old Testament. But it is, no doubt, a of legal terms,
corruption of Certiorari, a chancery writ, reciting a com-
163
Those that were sloueings neere whose faces had
Long time escapet a scowring, were now paid.
Those Scotts that had ye Scratches too, and which
Had all their Liues been peper'd with ye Itche
Now gott a sudden cure : and by this change
Of weather found a Medcine for the Mange.
Yet most of these like Pedlars had their Packs,
And Snaile-like marcht w*h their Houses on their backs.
Most were prouided well for a dead lift ;
And all vnlesse it were my selfe, could made some shift.
I without all shift, or shelter was alas !
And too court such a Showre quite out of Case !
My wainscot doublet now grew wett ; being stuffe
As thin as Paper, and not "Weather-Proofe.
The water from my broad- broacht hatd ran downe
As thoe I had a Conduit in the Crowne :
My breeches gott ye Dropsie ; and drunck in
Such a Mornings-draught as drencht mee to ye skin :
My liquord Boots, much like black Jacks, were fraught;
And carried more water then an Irish Cott :
My Shirt was wringing wett ; wch had I then ye luck
To shift ; I had saued the labour of a Buck.8
My Cuffes, that erst stood stiffe, now humbly kisst
My hand, and gently twined about my wrist.
My Gloues were glued to my Golls ; f and stuck as fast
As thoe they had beene coniure'dg on with paste.
My Haire too clung in clotts : soe that mine head
Lookt like some swabber, or a Maupp for a Bed.
Pouder'd and pickled thus ; and in this mood
Being dresst I lookt as if I had beene stew'd.
The Souldiers flockt to meet me : some I met
Askt me a drie question, how I came soe wett.
d Broad-buckled. So blind you cannot see to wash your bands,
e A wash. Beaumont & Fletcher's Coxcomb.
f An old slang term for hands — S Conjured by injunction, obtestation, or asservation, not
" Try, Mr. Constable, what golls you have, by magical art. Another instance of the slang use of *
Is Justice legal phrase.
164
Others too not remembring me forgatt
Themselues ; and likned mee to a drowned Eatt.
At first sight sure they did suppose I had beene
Some strange outlandish Creature, to bee seene :
Nor could those Hedge -Hoggs, gape, or wonder more
Then if I had beene some Sea-horse cast a shoare.
Thus much in water' d stuffe : it being noe whit
Lesse weak then th' Element, wherein 'twas writt :
Tis Sack makes Poets soare, and must inspire
A crest-fallen Fancie, with more actiue Fire :
Then Crowne my Cupp : and thus Sr euery line
That now tastes water, shall soone tast of Wine.
The last of Fisher's poems relating to Ireland is entitled Newesfrom Lough Bagge (Beg), and
dedicated to Sergeant-major Foulk Ellis. I may observe that the rank of sergeant-major of a
regiment then was exactly equivalent to that of major at the present day, while the sergeant-major
of an army was the same as our modern adjutant -general. It is believed that Foulk Ellis was
killed in action, at Desertmartin, in the County of Deny, but a short year after receiving the follow-
ing really witty epistle. Probably enough, Fisher sent it as a military report to Ellis, his superior
officer. The occasion when it was written was when Captain Langford, in command of Sir J.
Clotworthy's boats, had dislodged the Irish from Church Island, in Lough Beg, and placed an
English force in their stead, with the object of securing the passage of the Bann, whenever it
might be required. Fisher seems to have been the officer left in command of the detachment in
Church Island.
NEWES FEOM LOUGH-B AGGE, alias THE CHURCH ISLAND^
VPON Ye FIRST DISCOVERY AND FORTIFYING OF IT.
To my honored Friend, Seiriant Maicr ffalk. Ell.
Sr
I haue read yo* lines : whose chiefe
Heads thus I answer by a Briefe.
Last week from Toome wee did put of
And hoisting sayles, range'd round the Lough
JEneas-like, here up, and downe
Seeking some Plantation.
165
At last about Bellahy, a mile
Or more, wee spye'd a little He :
More by cbance sure 'twas, then by
Oar cunning in Cosmography.
This little He well view'd and scand
To vs appeard some new-found-land
And glad wee were since twas our happ
To flnde what was not in the Mappe.
Arriueing heere wee could not lesse
Then think wee weare in a "Wildernesse :
Soe dismall 'twas, wee durst engage
Our Hues t'had beene some Hermitage,
And much it did perplexe or witts
To thinke wee should turne Anchorits.
In this sad Desart all alone
Stands an old Church quite ouergrowne
With age, and Iuie ; of little vse,
Vnlesse it were for some Becluse.
To this sad Church my men I led
And lodge'd the liueing mong ye Dead.
Those that dwelt heere, in this place thus
Demolisht, sure kept open house.
The Eoofe soe rent was, and had beene
Soe hospitious to all Comers Inn
That Crowes and Screech-Owles euerywhere
Dwelt and had Free Quarter heere.
But since wee came wee had none of this
Wee haue alter' d quite th' whole JEdifice,
And what soeuer was enorme
Before wee haue now made vniforme.
Those Birds and Crowes we haue disposesst
And giuen them their Qui etus est.h
The rainy Eoofe wee haue dawb'd vp quite
'Tis now more lasting thoe lesse light.
h Et quietus est [and he is quit,] was the form of discharge appended to the roll of Exchequer, when the full sum due
was paid into the treasury.
166
The whole Church wee haue ouerspread
"With shingle-hoards in stead of lead ;
Nor was it truely fitt, or fayre
"We should stand couer'd, and it stand Bare.
Thus like good Tenants wee haue cure'd most
Of these Decays at or owne cost
And thoe wee no Churchwardens are
Wee haue put the Kirke in good Repayre.
Without we keepe a Guard ; within
The Chancell's made or Magazine,
Soe that our Church thus arm'd may vaunt
Shee's truly now made Militant.
With workes wee haue inuiron'd round
And turn'd or Churchyard to a Pound :
Forts gaurd vs on all sides ; soe that
Thoe wee donte supererogat
Or stand precisely on Popish quirks
Yet heere wee are saued by our works.
Our little Nauie in the Bay
At Anchor rides range'd in Array
Halfe-Moones and Brestworks doe insconce
Our minor skiffes ; made for the nonce
And thoe our Fleet haue noe stone- wharfe
Yet 'tis secure' d by a counter scarfe.
As for the Rebells they keepe off
And seldome come within ye loughe ;
Yet now and then wee at distance see
A Kearne stalking Cap-a-Pe.
About Bellahy lurke a crew
Of Canniballs that lie perdue :
These seldome range but closely keepe
Themselues like woolues yt watch for sheepe.
Wee see them lively euery morning
And haueing seene them giue them warning :
Now, and then, wee send them such
Toakens as they dare not touch,
167
"Wrapt in Fire, and Smoak enough
To purge them worse than sneezing-stuffe.
Last night wee tooke upon the loughe
A Callio in a chicken -troughe,
Which in hir Tree did sliely steale
Just like a witch in a wall-nutt-shell.
I've seene as large a coffin sould
For a Child of sixe years old
As was Hir Cott, w°h to our Sayle
Shew'd like a "Whiteing to a "Whale.
Noe other Newes hath happ'ned since
My commeing heere of Consequence ;
In haste thus much to let you knowe
Our safetyes onely and how wee doe.
Sr were I not so buisy aboard
The Barke ; I had sent you exacter word :
If therfore what I've writt, in Matter
Or Forme bee weak, 'was writt by "Water :
ITow let it serue ; when I send o're
John Hodges Boat, He tell you more
Yors sincerely devoted to
honor and serue you
P. ff.
From ye Church Hand
Feb 4th.*
To the foregoing poems, I may here add a London broadside ballad of the same period, entitled
The English-Irish Soldier. The accompanying lithograph is a reduced fac simile of the curious
wood engraving that occupies the whole length of the centre of the broadside, the verses being
disposed in columns on each side. Early in 1642, Parliament appointed a committee to sit in
Guildhall, for the purpose of raising 5000 foot and 500 horse to serve against the Kebels in Ireland.
These were the English-Irish soldiers the ballad refers to ; and as the atrocities perpetrated by the
Irish made the "English-Irish" service popular, the ballad may have been written and published
as an encouragement towards, rather than a satire against, it. However that may be, the com-
•1643.
168
mittee succeeded in enlisting for service in Ireland a great many cavalier soldiers, that would soon
have been in arms against the Parliament, if they had not thus been got out of the way. These
cavalier soldiers had been part of the army raised against the Scotch, and had been living as they
best could, since their disbandment. Among that large — and as curious as it is large — collection
termed the King's Pamphlets, in the British Museum, there is what purports to be a speech of one
of those cavaliers to his comrades. It is, of course, a jeu d 'esprit, but no doubt an excellent like-
ness of the character represented. This cavalier had been in the army raised against Scotland, had
been in great distress since, but now having received his bounty to serve the Parliament in Ireland,
is carousing with his comrades. That he does not seem to take so flattering an idea of Irish affairs
as his comrade of the ballad, the following extract from his speech will show. I may just add, that
the speech was "taken down," by Agamemnon Shaglog von Damme, a cavalier chaplain : —
" Of this Irish expedition, I will say nothing of the benefit thereof, more than appertaines to
ourselves, which consists of these conveniences : — naked arms appearing out of shamy doublets, like
pedlars with half breeches, footless stockings, and over them drawn a pair of leather buskins, which
in former days had been boots of decent wear. For diet, think not scorn of mouldy bisket, and a
fat colt boiled in his own skin, if you can catch it. For want of diet, that precious vapour of
Virginia in a leager pipe is a singular prevention to stop the yawning of the hungry stomack : and
grudge not now and then to be magnificently starved to death for want of these commodities too ;
and the sports and recreations that belong to this imployment, of standing centinel four long houres
in a frosty night, or lying per dieu in a trench of cold water, which is a soveraigne preventative to
that comfortable malady called the Belly Ache. And yet now, Gentlemen, you know we are the
men must actually and personally hazard ourselves in these affaires, whereas that cowardly slave
the Roundhead, if he were called to the imployment, would rather be hanged here, for disobedience
to his colours, than stir a foot towards it ; and yet at home dares preach against us, yea, and pray
too till his eyes be almost started out of his head in praying for our confusion that must defend
him to live at ease, snarling like a dog in a manger, and will neither do good himself nor permit
others to do it, he vexes me to the heart, but I will dround sorrow in this beare-bowl of Sack.
Gentlemen we are now armed cap-a-pie, with good grape armour. I could now outstare a Basilisk,
poyson a Crocodile with one puff of my smoke-reeked nostrils ; I durst do anything that ever any
man, or men combined, to any other creatures ever attempted. 0 for an army, all such as we are,
ready pitched to assault all the Bebels in Ireland, joined before us. St. Patrick himself, were his
legend true, should find that mortal creatures, inspired with immortal Sack, were able to vanquish
an Army of such as himself."
i/isre/f joi/ffH^L or A#c#/£0iocY.
THE EN&LISH- IRISH SOLDIER.
Fat- simile of awodaiZ/hmi afirmrts/t/s i>a//ad of /6/<>
169
THE ENGLISH-IEISH SOLDIER.
With his new Discipline, new Armes, Old Stomacke, and new taken Pillage:
wlvo had rather EaU than Fight.
If any Souldate
think I do appeare
In this strange Armes
and posture, as a jeere,
Let him advance up to me
he shall see,
He stop his mouth,
And we wilboth agree.
Our skirmish ended,
our enemies fled or slain,
Pillage we cry then
for the Souldiers' gaine ;
And this compleat Artillery
I have got
The best of Souldiers,
I think, hateth not.
My Martiall Armes
dealt I among my foes,
"With this I charged stand
'gainst hunger's blowes ;
This is Munition
if a Soldier lacke,
He fights like Iohn-a-dreamsj
or Lent's thin Jacket
i A nickname for a stupid, dreamy, actionless character. " Thou cam'st but half a thing into this world,
Hamlet says — And was made up of patchings, parings, shreds ;
" Yet I, Thou, that when last thou wert put out at service,
A dull and muddy mettled rascal, peak Travelled to HamsteadHeath on an Ash Wednesday,
Like John-a-dreams, unpregnant of my cause, Where thou didst stand six weeks the Jack of Lent,
And can say nothing." For boys to hurl three throws a penny at thee,
k A stuffed puppet dressed in rags, which was thrown at To make thee a purse."
during Lent. Ben Jonson, Tale of a Tub.
VOL. vm. Y
170
All safe and cleare,
my true Armes rest awhile,
And welcome Pillage,
You have Foes to foile ;
This Pot, my Helmet,
must not be forsaken,
For loe I seiz'd it
full of Hens and Bacon.
Kebels for Kebels drest it,
but our hot rost,
Made them to flye,
and now they kisse the post :'
And better that to kisse,
than stay for Pullits,
And have their bellies
cram'd with leaden bullets.
This fowle my Feather is,
who wins most fame,
To weare a pretty Duck,
he need not shame :
This Spit my well charg'd
Musket, with a Goose,
Now cryes come eate me,
let your stomacks loose.
This Dripping pan's my
target, and this Hartichoke
My Basket-hilted blade,
can make 'em smoake,
And make them slash & cut,
who most Home puts,
He most my fury
sheath into his guts.
This Forke my Best is,
and my Bandaleers
Canary Bottles,
that can quell base feares,
' To be shut out from dinner, and left to satisfy the appetite by kissing the door-post.
171
And make us quaffe downe
danger, if this not doe,
What is it then ? can raise
a spirit into fearfull men.
This Match are linkes
to light down to my belly-
Wherein are darksom chinks
as I may tell yee ;
Or Sassages, or Puddings,
choose you which,
An excellent Needle,
Hunger's wounds to stitch.
These my Supporters,
quarter' d with black pots,
Can Steele the nose,
& purg the brain of plots ;
These Tosts my shoestrings,
steept in this strong fog,
Is able of themselves
To foxem a Dog.
These Armes being vanisht,
once againe appeare
A true and faithful Souldier
As you were ;
But if this wants,
and that we have no biting
In our best Armours
We make sorry fighting.
Printed at London, for R. Wood, and A. Coe . 1642.
■ A cant phrase, meaning to make drunk. Or mead, instead of sack and sherry :
" Such as have but little coin Or have their throats with brandy drenched,
Laid up in store to purchase wine, Which makes men foxed, ere thirst be quenched."
Must drink fair water, cider, perry, Poor Robin, 1738.
172
A FEW NOTES UPON COAL.
The more extensive use of this material in Ireland, of late years, and the large masses of it
which underlie the surface of the island, would constitute a sufficient reason for some reference to the
subject. It acquires additional interest, however, not merely from its connexion with commerce
and manufactures, but from its bearing upon history and the domestic manners of the people. Even
on philological grounds, were there no other, the word "coal" might claim to be treated with respect
in our pages.
It has been said that the Romans worked coal mines in Britain ; but it is probable that the
ancient implements found in neglected shafts were those of much more recent people. Dr. "Whitaker
urges, in like manner, that the material was in use as fuel among the Saxons ; but a people so rude
would not have explored the bowels of the earth for that which they might have had so readily, in
another form, on its surface. "Wood was the natural material for firing ; and it obtruded itself upon
them in their numerous uncleared forests.
It is frequently said that, in England, coal has been used as fuel for at least 400 years ; but the
probability is, that this is true only with modifications. That is to say, its use and qualities may
have been well known, but the material itself was not popular, or was employed sparingly, and excep-
tionally. In like manner, French brandy is known at present to the natives of England, and
Hollands to those of Ireland ; but neither is commonly used by the people, though it may come to
be so at some future time. The Drummond light and electric light are both well known as a means
of illumination ; but we do not employ either of them to light our streets or our houses.
Many of the mistakes which have arisen on this subject are attributable to the ambiguity of
the term employed. Thus a "coal" may mean, first, an ember or coal-of-fire; second, a piece of char-
coal; or, third, the mineral coal in any of its forms. The firstof these is frequently meantin the Scriptures
when such expressions as the following are used : " a live coal in his hand," (Isa. vi. 6); "a censer
full of burning coals" (Levit. xvi. 12); "heap coals of fire on his head," (Prov. xxv. 22, Rom. xii.
20); " a fire of coals, and fish laid thereon," (John xxi. 9). The second is certainly meant in the
expression of Jeremiah (Lamen. iv. 8), "their visage is blacker than a coal," and is probably
intended in the allusions to the smith, by Isaiah (xliv. 12, liv. 16). Somea have supposed, partly
from the different Hebrew word employed, and partly from the circumstances of the case, that in a
few instances the third, or mineral coal, is intended. For example, when Job describes Leviathan,
he says (xli. 19, 21), " Out of his mouth go burning lamps, and sparks of fire leap out; .... his
breath kindleth coals, and a flame goeth out of his mouth;" and in the Psalmist's magnificent
• Denham ia Kitto's Biblical Cyclopaedia..
173
description of the Deity (xviii. 12), it is said: "At the brightness that was before him, his thick
clouds passed, hailstones and coals of fire." It is supposed that the poetic similitudes become more
real, by supposing the fiery breath or bright glory to inflame a pile of mineral coal ; but surely the
image may be as thoroughly realised with charcoal, the only substance of the name which could be
popularly known at the time as subject to ignition. "We may fairly assume, therefore, that the
ancients, and also our mediaeval ancestors, knew nothing practically of mineral coal; though
individuals may have known of it, as Friar Bacon knew of gunpowder, or the Marquis of Worces-
ter of steam.
Sir John Hill is pretty certain that Theophrastus, in hi3 treatise " On Stones," refers to fossil
coal, as he represents the workers in brass as employing it, and says, " it lights and burns like
wood-coal." But it is clear that substances resembling, such as bitumen, might or might not be
confounded with the mineral coal. Our own days have witnessed a most extraordinary action
at law respecting the Torbane mineral; some of the most eminent scientific men of the day swearing
that it was coal, and others of equal eminence declaring on oath that it was not !
If we turn back to the close of the thirteenth century, we have a minute account of the expenses
of John of Brabant, who came to marry the daughter of Edward I., and also of Thomas and Henry
of Lancaster, nephews to the king. The roll bears date 1292-3, and the weekly sum of charges
invariably embraces such an entry as the following: "Pro busca per dictum tempus, [vij. dies]
iij9 ijd." It is clear from this, that wood only was burned; and, by comparing the charge for it
with the general outlay, we can see what proportion it bore in the expenses of the household.
Thus, in two consecutive weeks, the entire expenses amount to lxviiij3- vid* ob. [69s. 6|d.], while
the cost of fire- wood is about one-tenth of this, or vijs- ob. In like manner, when we read : " Pro
litera in cameris iij8- ixd-, we know that the rooms were strewn with rushes, hay, and green boughs,
and that the carpets of Kidderminster, Brussels, Persia, Holland, and Scotland were then
unknown.
Three centuries later, that is to say, 350 years from the present time, fossil coal was still
unknown at an English hearth. About the close of the reign of Henry VII., or the beginning of
that of Henry "VTIL, Polydore Vergil wrote his English history. He was a native of Italy, though
long resident in England, of extensive and varied acquirements, and an ecclesiastic. Far from being
behind the information of his age, he was in advance of it ; yet, in the early part of his history, in
treating of Scotland, he speaks as follows : " Those Scotts which inhabit the southe, beinge farre
the beste parte, are well manured, and somewhate of more gentle condicion, using the English
tongue, and imteade of woodde, whereof there they have smalle store, they make fire of a certeyne
kinde of blackstone which they diyge out of the grounded Now, from this passage, the following
inferences seem perfectly legitimate : 1 . that wood was then still very abundant in England ; 2.
that it was rare in the lowlands of Scotland ; 3. that the English commonly used wood for fuel ;
174
4. that the Scotch in the south generally (or at least frequently) hurned fossil coal ; 5. that the
modern name of it was not then in use ; 6. that even so intelligent a man as Vergil did not know
any name by which to call it.
If we follow on about half-a-century farther down the stream of time, we find Edward VI. on
the throne in 1551-2. The Princess Elizabeth, afterwards queen, was then a young woman with
a separate establishment ; and the expenses of her household, duly audited and signed by herself,
have come down to us. Under the two heads of "The Squillerie" and "The "Woodyard," we
have the expenses of fuel. Thus Richard Bryce, or Brice, who appears to have been a confiden-
tial servant, usually provided the coals ; but sometimes also Oliver Lowthe and Thomas Chamber.
In like manner, John Lingarde and William Gibbes provided the wood.
The Squillerie.— Richard Brice for xxij. lodes of coales, vj11, xijd'
To him for xxv. lodes of coales, vijli- xij9*
Oliver Lowthe for coales, xlv8-
Thomas Chamber for the like, lxij••
The Woodya/rd. — John Lingard for tallewoode and faggotes, ixli- xvij8- iv*1-
'Willm• Gibbes, for tallewoode and faggotes ivli# xviij8-
John Lingard for faggotes and tallewoode vijli# xvij8*
To him for fagotes, xlvj8' viijd*
To him for tallewoode and fagotes cv8- viijd-
If thewhole sums, of which these are only specimens, be added separately, we find that £57 : 5 : lid.
was paid for coals, and £69 : 16 : 4d. for "tallewoode and fagotes" during the same time. If the two
were not equal in quantity, they were at least nearly equal in price ; and the " coales," in all those
instances in which we can estimate the price, cost 5s. 8d per load. It is clear, on negative grounds,
that the " coales" alluded to were not what we understand by the term ; for the latter were sold by
weight and measure, not by the load ; they would have cost much more ; and, requiring to be brought
from a distant part, that fact would be indicated in the name. What, then, was the material
which Master Brice furnished ? "We may infer that from words which lingered in our language till
lately, and which still survive in provincial districts. Thus, " a heap of Fire- wood for sale, so
much as would make a load of Coals when burnt," was called " coal-fire, "b though the primitive
and far more proper designation would be " a load of coals " The " tallewoodde" of Masters
Lingarde and Gibbes is also explained by Bailey : — " a long kind of Shiver, riven out of the Tree,
which shortened is made into Billets." Thus the whole process is before us. The fire- wood was
cleft, as a lath cleaver splits timber into flakes at the present day ; and these were divided in such
b Bailey's Universal Etymological English Dictionary, 21st edition, 1775. Wright's Dictionary of Obsolete and Pro-
vincial English, 2 vols., 8vo, 1857.
175
lengths as best suited household purposes. But the important fact is that, in the middleof the sixteenth
century, or three hundred years ago, charcoal and wood only were burned in the chambers of
an English princess, about six years before she ascended the throne.
Fashion, however, sometimes begins at the top of the ladder, and sometimes at the bottom of
it ; and it does not follow that coals were unknown in the country because they were unheard of
in the palace. They might have been a mark of servility ; while the use of wood charcoal, then
becoming rare, indicated persons of quality. The following quotation resolves that point. In
1553, or very nearly at the same date, "William Cholmeley, " Londyner," wrote "the Request and
Suite of a True-hearted Englishman" to show the great advantage which would follow from dyeing
woollen goods in England, and that it could be done equally well, instead of sending them abroad
for that purpose. He says — "To the syxt objection (which is, that dying wasteth much wode)
I answer thus : it wasteth much wode in very dede, but yet it wyll not destroye so much wode
these hundreth yeres as the unsatiable desyre of pasture for sheep and cattell hath caused to be
stocked up by the rotis within these xxxti yeres last paste, contrarye to the lawes of this realme.
"Well, that answer satisneth not ; wherefore I say that we have plenty of sea-cole in many partes
of this realme, so that we may in moost partis of this realme have them to serve our turne in
dyinge as well as the Fleminingis have, and as good cheape ; for they burne aud occupy e none other
fuell then coles that are dygged out of the grounde, lyhe our smythes doe. Our dying therefore should
not be wasteful to our wodis, but rather a preserveyng, by staying the Newcastell colys at home ;
for then shoulde our dyars, that do now waste much wode in dyinge deceytfull coloures, burne no
wode at all, and yet should they dye as true and perfect colours, and to them more benefytt."
It is clear from this that wood was then beginning to be scarce, and perhaps costly ; that
coals were used for manufacturing purposes ; that they were exported from Newcastle, and pur-
chased by the Flemings ; that for heating iron, they had long been known in England ; but that
they were not yet in use, or even thought of, for domestic purposes.
Nearly half-a-century later, viz., about 1599, Shakspeare wrote some of his more matured
plays, including the two parts of King Henry IY. In the second act of the latter part, Dame
Quickly, in reproving Falstaff, speaks as follows : — " Thou didst swear to me upon a parcel-gilt
goblet, sitting in my Dolphin chamber, at the round table, by a sea-cole fire ; upon Wednesday in
"Whitsun week, ... to marry me and make me my lady, thy wife." Here the categories of time,
place, position, circumstance, &c, are given with great minuteness ; but the important points are, that
in fifty years more, wood had become still more scarce ; that coals had passed the stage of manu-
facturing use, and had been introduced into private houses ; but that they were not used exclusively
in an inn chamber or on a day in spring, for the kind of fire is specified. The sort less known has
a distinctive prefix, " sea-coal," indicating that it came by sea to London ; just, as in modern times,
we say " char-coal" the more general term indicating fossil or mineral coal. In some of the
176
earlier plays of Shakspeare the word is used in a different sense ; as when Aaron says of the infant ,
that it is "coal-black" {Titus Andronicus, A. iv., S. 2); or when, in the first line of Romeo and
Juliet, Sampson says— " 0' my word, we'll not carry coals."
This is a provincial expression still in use, meaning "we'll not submit to degradation;" like
" we'll not be hewers of wood or drawers of water."
A quarter of a century further on, viz., in March, 1627-8, there was discovered a Jesuits'
college at Clerkenwell ; and as the house did not appear to be furnished in any respect differently
from an ordinary gentleman's residence, it is interesting to see the provision of fuel which was laid up :
"Item, half a thousand of billets, and two chaldron of sea-coales, taken by Mr. Long, for his
own use, and by him prised [valued] at xxx viij8*"
The London chaldron consisted of 36 heaped bushels, and the Newcastle of 72. We have
some guide to the comparative value of these articles in another item, appraised at the same sum :
"Item, a pewter cesterne, one flagon pott, three pewter candlesticks, one small dish and a sawcer,
foure stone juggs, one little brasse bell, seaven knifes, eleven forks, seaven pewter salts, six earthen
salts, and 21 greene glasses, xxxviij8-"
It was about this time that the proverb originated, " to carry coals to Newcastle ;" but other
proverbial expressions, having reference to coals and fire, had originated long previously. Jamieson
mentions several in the Supplement to his great Dictionary, but in general, they are not known in
Ireland. The expression, however, " to blow at a dead coal," will be recognized as indicating
fruitless labour. Thus a person wishing to light a candle at a turf ember, and trying to excite it to a
blaze, finds that it has become extinct. Brockets says that the expression to " call one over the coals,"
is derived from the ancient ordeals or appeals to God by fire ; and this is not at all improbable. In
the Promptorium Parvulornm, compiled about the middle of the 15th century, the living coal and
dead coal are distinguished : —
Cole of fyre, brynnynge : Pruna.
Cole, qwenchyd : Carlo.
The Latin words are not very correctly assigned, for pruna indicated a red coal,d but not blazing ;
and carlo one either fiery red e or not so.
About 1680, Charles II. granted a patent to his natural son, the Duke of Kichmond, entitling
him to Is. per Newcastle chaldron, on all coals shipped at Newcastle for consumption in England.
In the earlier years, this could not have amounted to a large sum, but it was a revenue which grew
rapidly, both from increase of population and enlarged use. In 1835, the coals consumed in London
averaged nearly a ton per head, as compared with the population ; but a century and a-half before,
e North County Glossary, 8vo.
d Nunquam ad flammam ungi oportet, interdum ad prunam. Cels.
e Cum carbo vehementer perlucet. Pliny.
177
when London was not equal to one of the largest provincial capitals, the consumption of 'sea-coal'
probably did not average half a ton per head. At present, the home consumption of England and
"Wales is probably about thirty millions of tons, or a ton and a-half per head, as compared with
the gross population.
In Ireland, coals have been later in coming into use, for various reasons. Many of our most
nourishing counties of to-day were nearly depopulated at a time when England had possessed a settled
government for centuries; so that the wheels of social progress have moved forward with more tardy
revolutions. But even since the Plantation of Ulster, the forests had to be felled, after which the people
possessed an article of fuel which is the rule in this country, but exceptional in England. The
physical formation of the Island, — with mountain tufts around its sea margin, and a hollow centre, —
has led, with other collateral causes, to the formation of turf-bogs ; and on a small scale, every hollow
possessed a portion of it. Large areas of this black earth have passed through the intermediate con-
dition of moor-land, and become at length fertile fields ; a remarkable example of which may be seen
in the parts of the parishes of Blaris, Hillsborough, and Moira, which lie towards the banks of the
Lagan. The whole district is still called " The Bogs," occupying the site of the half- fabulous
Loch Byle, and " ye pace," or the Pass of Kilwarlin.
In the close of last century, some of the turf bogs began to be exhausted, and the attempts to
procure fuel led to the riots on the Maze Course, in 1773 and 1775, between the men of Kilwarlin
and Broom -hedge, resulting finally in the murder of a man called Gray. During the rebellion of
1798, when the insurgents were allocating prospectively the property of the neighbouring gentry,
one small farmer, whom I knew in boyhood, objected to take for his share an estate in the parish of
Dromore, because there was " no Bog in it." But even in the first quarter of the present century,
coals were little known in the North of Ireland, except in the better class of town houses, and also
among smiths and other artisans. A parliamentary paper gives the shipments of coals to Ireland
in 1829 as 840,246 tons; and adds that the rate of increase had been for some years steady, at
100,000 tons per annum. If it had been so for only six years previously, the coals used in Ireland
in 1823 amounted to not more than a quarter of a million of tons, when the population exceeded
seven millions ; that is to say, a ton to about every thirty people. This fact, however, is partly
explained by the small prevalence of manufactures.
Many of the old people objected to the smell of coals, and could not believe that turf fires had
any smell, though they admitted it in the case of wood fires, or bramble, especially whins or furze.
Not only has the prejudice disappeared, but the preference is rapidly turning the other way. It is
now found that the most smoky town in the British dominions, Birmingham, is the freest from epi-
demics; that cholera has never obtained a footing there; and that the carbon appears to act as a
merciful and permanent disinfectant.
In the progress of a large town, a few years constitute a historic epoch. Many of your
vol. vm. z
178
Belfast readers will recollect the Falstaff form of that prince of good fellows, Billy Massey,
and also the numerous touters and hangers-on called porters, who carried the bags of coals from the
small vessels to the carts on shore. With a black empty sack over the shoulder, and an equally
grim visage, each seemed, when looking out for customers, like a visitant from the infernal
regions. These men levied a tax of 2s. per ton on the merchant, that is to say, on the consumer :
and so strong was their combination, that they enforced the payment of it, whether they brought the
customer to him or not, or even if they had rendered no assistance. This impost was known as
"the old man." But peace to their ashes, they have passed from the scene; and while Ireland
reserves in her bosom the mineral treasures for future ages, and bides her time, it is pleasant to
glance at the small beginnings of a great and growing branch of industry, as exemplified in each
of the 'three kingdoms —
The English is not the only language in which the same word has been used, or is still employed,
to designate both charcoal and pit-coal. In modem French, we find charlon-de-bois, and charbon-
de-terre ; but in the ancient Langue d'Oc, and in the dialect which prevailed throughout the South
of France, including Gascony, the same word, carlou, served for both. The following extract is
given from the interesting and rare Dictionaire Languedocien Frangois, 2 vols. 8V°, Nismes, 1785: —
Carbou, Du charbon, de la braise. Nous confondons Carbou, charcoal, live coal. We confound these two lat-
ces deux derniers termes, parce qu' ils ont un nom com- ter terms, because they have one name in common in the
mun en languedocien. Les charbonniers font le charbon dialect of Languedoc. The charcoal-burners make the
dans les bois, et nous le vendent au poids. Charbon in the woods, and sell it to us by weight.
La braise est du charbon eteint ou allume de nos chemi- The live coal (la braise) is the extinguished or burning
nees, ou des boulangers, et toujours des debris du bois qu'on coal of our domestic fires, or of the bakeries, and it is only
y bride. the waste portion of the wood that is burnt there.
Cabboc, Du charbon de terre, du charbon mineral, de la Carbou; earth coal, mineral coal, pit-coal. In general,
houille. On ne la trouve communument que dans les this is found only in the ground, and among gravelly
terrains et parmi les rochers graveleux; plus il est profond rocks: the more deep and moist it is, the better for forges,
et humide, meilleur il est pour les forges. H est ordinaire- It is usually in veins or beds more or less thick, which
ment par veines ou filons, plus ou moins epais, paralleles, are parallel, and separated from each other by a partition
et separes l'un de l'autre par un lame de rocher. of rock.
A. HtncE.
179
SYDNEY'S MEMOIE OF HIS GOYEENMENT IN IRELAND.
{Concluded from Vol. v., page 315.)
"And being in the cittie of Dublin, I grew wearie of idlenes; for albeit the warres were
somewhat hot in Conaght, yet was the diligence and activitie such of Sir Nicholas Malby, a as neither
the English Pale or army felt it, other than such as were of his own particular regiment, for he so
well governed the good subjects as they were conteuted to yield unto him service, victual, and
wages, and those my impositions I think holden yet : and the rebells and their favourers be so
persecuted as he fed most upon them, and made gayn of them.b
I leaving the cittie of Dublin, jorneyed in peacable manner through the counties of Kildare,
Carlogh, Kilkenny, and Washford, in all places houlding sessions by commission of oyer and terminer,
as orderly and civilly as it had been in England, and had great and civill appearance of gentlemen
and freehoulders, who yelded very just trial of malefactors.
I came home by the sea syde, through the countrey called Base Leinster, in a general word,
but partycularly the Cavenaghes, then ruled by Captain Thomas Masterson;c and well were tbey
ruled, for the people were obedient, quiet, and ritch. Then through the O'AIoraghe's country,
governed by Richard Synod/ a gentleman of the county "Washford. I went through the tbree
countrys of the Kynchiloghes, where Thomas Masterson was captain, and so into the O'Byrne's
country, and through the 0' Toole's country, then governed by the good captain and counsellor,
Francis Agard, and so home to Dublin.
In trouth, Sir, all these Irish people, albeit their country were not shired, yet lyved they as
loyally as any people in the shire ground, and they entertayned me as well (when I travayled
among them) as I could wish to be entertayned any where. They were ritch, and everything
plentiful in their country, no waste land but (as they terme it there) it bare corne or born. And
* Sir Nicholas Malby was specially recommended by Wal- war a trade,
singham to Sydney. He was a successful and distinguished c Sir Thomas Masterson, an English officer who had served
military commander, and became, latterly, governor of long in Ireland, with honour and distinction. He was
Connaught. Captain Barnaby Gooch writes from Athlone, made Constable of Ferns Castle, County Wexford, one of
11th March, 1582-3, during the rebellion in the south-west, the largest fortresses in Ireland ; and was afterwards
that all in the west "was kept in order by fear of Malby, seneschal of the county. His eldest son, Sir Richard,
whose common dalliance was veni, vidi, vici! " The stern succeeded him in these offices,
old governor had died in the previous week. d Richard Synod, or Synnott, was head of the Strongbonian
b This remark reveals a powerful motive for the "perse- family of this name, owned large estates in the County Wex-
cution of rebels," — whose wealth could sustain, and whose ford, and bore a high character as governor of the north,
lands would reward. Cowper speaks of those who made eastern portion of the county, then inhabited by the Irish.
180
whereas they were wont to buy their bread in Dublin, or barter for the same by giving fire- wood,
they were then able to sell corn not only in Dublin, but by boats to send it to Carrigfergus, and
other parts of the north of Ireland where corn was deer.
Being thus in great quiet in the English Pale, and all the same in such wealth and quiet
manurance of their soyle as the ouldest man alyve never saw it in the lyke, some of the barons and
other principal gentlemen thereof grudged greatly at the bearing of the soldiers, and made divers
grievous complaints in the name of the commons ; but indeed the cause was for that the country,
being reduced into such quiet as they mistrusted no warres to come, loathed then those who had
brought them to the same, which was the army, and looked to exact all that of the poor commons
which they yelded to the fyndyng of the soldiers.
"When they found that their complaints prevayled not, they fell to exclamation, and manifestlie
to impugne the Queen's prerogative, saying that the Queen had no such by lawe as to impose any
charge upon the subject, without consent of Parliament.
I had in this few helpers, for truly there was few in the English Pale thoroughly sound for
the Queen's prerogative and profitt, saving Sir Lucas Dillon and his whole lynaige, farre the best
of that country breed ; he and they most manfully and constantly stood with the Queen in defence
thereof. The chefe opposers of them against the Queen were the Baron of Delvyn, the cowerdest and
most malicious man, both for religion and English government, (I think) that Ireland then bare.
There joyned with him the Lord of Howth, the Lord of Trymbleston, and the Lord of Killeyne?
and divers other knights, principal gentlemen and lawiers, among whom Nicholas Nugent, the
second baron of the excheaquier, and since executed for treason, was one.
Fynally, all the principall landlords of the English Pale confederated, and in their conventicles
connived against me, and her highness's prerogative. There did no nobleman manyfest himself to
be on the Queen's part, but the Lord of Shane, and the Lord of Upper Ossory.
Lastlie, they concluded and accordingly sent their agents to the Queen's most excellent majesty,
exclayming upon me for my cruell, unlawful!, and intolerable exactions, with all other defamatory
speaches that they could have any colour to speake against me.
Then was I dryven to search ould Records, and so did I many ; the which recordes many
yeres before, I myself being Treasurer there, had layed up, and dressed a house for the conservation
of them and others; little thinking then that the Queen's prerogative, of such antiquitie as it was
proved to be by the same, should ever have been brought in question ; but by those ancient records
it appeared that that imposition there called Cesse,e from the tymc of King Edward III. at tymes,
and at the appointment of the governor and council, had been used, until that time.
' Cess. — The questions of the legality and abuses of this military in the service of the crown. The accounts of its
levy were handled by Sydney with his usual energy. abuses, and the entire question of its use, bear so intimately
This exaction was an assessment or cess, (apparently derived on the social condition of Ireland at the period, that the
from the Gaelic word cios, i.e. rent,) for the support of the ensuing details have their interest: —
181
In this serch the chancellor, then William Gerrard, singularly well did assist me, and in the
avouching and pleading the same ; and yet afterwards (according to the skittishness of his busie
head) he joined with the country, though underhand and secretlie, to overthrow my honorable
and profitable designes both for the Queen and governor for the tyme, and for the crowne and
country for ever, as it manifestly appeared after.
The Earl of Desmond at this time addressed an appeal
to Lord Burghley, against the abuses of the existing method
of maintaining the military throughout the country, and
which he thus plainly details : — " Certainly," wrote the
kind-hearted Irish nobleman, " a great many are burdened
with cesse that, if your lordship had sene them, you would
rather give them your charitable alms than burden them
with any kind of chardge ; — whose dolefull exclamations
are so pittiful, as if your honour herd of the same, your
lordship would in heart lament it. For example, the poor
man that is nott able, by his daylie travell and labour, at
night to finde himself, moche less his poor wife and famylie,
must, instead of the meat he hath not, delyver to every
horseman that is cessed upon him xx pence sterling per
diem ; and notwithstanding, the same horseman goeth to
take meat of the next neighbour, as poor as the first. So
that every horseman that is cessed is sure to take up,
besides horse-meat and man's meat, (as I said before,) Z0d.
per diem. And a thing which is worse, the poore oppressed
man on his back, if otherwise he hath no carriadge, must
carrie 5, 8, and 12 myles for the soldiers' horses so many
sheaves of the poor man's otes as the horseboies will appoint
him. And if he go not therewith a good pace, though the
poor soule be overburdened, he is all the waye beaten outt
of all measure. This chardge is manifest to be imposed
without any necessitie of service at all. And if there were
any necessitie, I assure your honour, the nombre of those
that here are cessed are little able in any extremitie to helpe.
Nevertheless, as they are an intolerable burden to the poore,
so the same doth redound to their particular gayne ; and in
any degree, no kind of comoditie growe to her Majestie,
nor her highness' treasure nothing spared." Lord Burghley
makes the following marginal note on this last sentence : —
" If the Queen's treasure were not spared by the cess, then
it seemeth the soldiers had pay besides cess." The fact
was, the royal treasury in Dublin was usually empty, so that
whenever the soldiery were sent on service, they were neces-
sarily quartered on the inhabitants of the seat of war.
In March, 1576-7, Lord Chancellor Gerald wrote to
the Secretary of State, YValsingham, to whom Sydney's
memoir is addressed, respecting the agitation and " great
arguments" against the legality of Cess ; stating that the
Queen's counsel could not, with indifference, maintain the
prerogative of cessing without the sanction of parliament,
which was the anchor-hold of the arguments advanced by
the Irish lawyers. The Lord Chancellor also mentioned
another argument, which is now less remarkable as bear-
ing on an obsolete historical question, as in showing the
state of subjection to which the Gaelic chieftains had re-
duced the English of the Pale, who, " in most places, paid
black-rent to the Irishry before the soldiers came over ;"
referring, probably, to the times of Henry VIII. These
black-rents, as Gerard writes, were afterwards ordered to be
paid to the governor for the maintenance of soldiers, for
making trenches, building castles, and fencing the Pale.
The legality of the exaction of cess was warmly disputed by
the Anglo-Irish party mentioned by Sydney, who were good
lawyers, and who eventually procured its abolition. On
the 20th June, Sydney wrote to Walsingham, recommending
that "the intolerable cess," amounting to £9 a plough-land,
be discharged for twopence per acre . On the 10th February,
1576,the English Privy Council wrote to Lord Deputy Sydney
on the cess question thus : — "And touching the last point,
for sending thither [to Ireland] of Lawyers, a matter most
requisite, and whereof we have had and have verie great
care ; but such opinion is conceived of the barbarism there
and so small are the gaines and enterteignment there, in
respect of that it is here, for men of that vocation, as at all
tymes when any have been chosen to be sent thither for
that purpose, as you now require them, they do ever make
some meanes to Her Majesty whereby they be staied."
In a paper of January, 1577, cess is described as " a prero-
gative of the Prince to impose on the country a proportion
of victual," to be delivered at " the Queen's price," which
was often considerably lower than the market price. Thus,
cows were demanded at the rate of 8s. or 9s. each ; wheat
182
I then, to make declaration that I delited not in the exaction, offred them in sondry publike
assemblies (that where they had exclaymed that tho burthen and charge of the Queen's army and
my houshold came to £x. or £xii. sterling upon a plough -land), that I would discharge them for
£3 6s. 8d. sterling the plough-land yearly, to be paid at a day certayne.
Yet this contented not the great ones, but still they repyned at any charge, tearming it to
growe upon no just prerogative of the Queen, and to them was an intolerable and endles servitude.
But when this matter came into the comons' heads it cannot be tould with what joye and plausi-
bilitie, manifested with letters subscribed with scores and hundreds of names, yea, whole townships,
cantreds, and baronies, of thanks to me for it. Tbey accepted the same, and readily made payment
thereof to the hands of Robert Woodford, an honest and sufficient gentleman yet lyving, then clerk
controller of my houshold, and appointed collector thereof; who imediately paid it over to Sir
Edward Fytton, then treasurer, as by both their accompts yet extant doth and may appear. "When
I had brought this to passe I thought I achieved a great enterprise, and accomplished an ould conceit
of myne own. The sum came to £2,400 sterling, and all paid to the treasurer saving £100, which
was staid for decision of a controversie about fredom chalenged for certain lands, as farr as I
remember, by the Earl of Kildare and Sir Nicholas Bagenal. The improvement of that rent me-
thought was honourable and profitable for the Queen, easie for the subject, and good for the governor,
at 2s. 8d. or 3s. the peck; and sheep at Is. each. The
soldiery are represented as insolent and oppressive ; they
laid hands on what they liked, from the daughters of the
farmer on whom they were quarterod, to his "pair of new
hose and russet mantle ;" and they ate his fowls and drank
his whiskey.
Justice Myagh writes, 15th October, 1582, to the Lords
Justices, from Kinsale — " It would grieve your lordships'
hearts to see the misery of the loyal subjects of the country ;
for, what the rebels leave behind, the cessor comes and
takes away." He adds — " The best of the rebels and the
wolves lodge together in one inn, on one kind of diet and
bedding."
Some fraudulent officers used to dismiss Englishmen
from their companies, because these resolute soldiers would
insist on receiving regular pay ; and admitted, in their place,
Irishmen into the ranks, clothing them in the English
fashion, and giving them English names: for these men,
being accustomed to subsist on coigny and livery when
serving chieftains, retained this habit when enlisted, — so
that, by these means, their pay was dishonestly retained by
their captains. About this time (1582), Lord Poer, of
Curraghmore, wrote, complaining that a certain captain of
horse, quartered on his lordship's estate, required fire
candles, and bedding for his men, while his lordship's
tenants, who were subject to these extortions, did not " dare
remain in their houses, but got them to knocks [hills] and
groves, for fear of their lives." Sydney himself tells us that,
on one occasion, he hanged the captain and all the officers,
with some twenty of their men, of a Scottish auxiliary band
serving under him ; and that, besides, as many more of the
troop were hunted down and killed by the regulars, as
punishment for the extortions they had been guilty of in
the County Kilkenny. Likely enough, these army extraor-
dinaries were irregulars in every sense, and carried out the
Highland cateran principle of self-reliance for food: but
excesses must have risen to a high pitch, when so severe
an example was requisite. Sydney, in his advice to his suc-
cessor, Lord Grey, says — " Let one of the principal officers
of your household have a care for the collection of your cess
for the same. And now, ut uno verbo dicam, never agree to
compound without [stipulating for] cesse ; for if you take
money, it will be made a great matter here, [in England,]
and yet not serve your turn there." This curious passage
shows that the Lord Lieutenant's household was still main-
tained by tributes of raw produce.
183
in respect of having the soldiers in readiness; for the Queen and crowne should have had £2,400
starling more than ever it had, the people should not have paid above two-penee starling out of an
English acre, and all this should have layen within six shires of the English Pale.
By this means should the soldiers have been kept together, to the great ease of the country,
disburdenment of their boys, boores, and doggs, and a number of other insolent actions, which is
impossible to bridle them from, unlesse they lye so together as they may be kept under disiplyne ;
synce therby should moch have been furthered, for it is better for the governor to serve with
500 so garrisoned and together lodged, than with 1,000 over the country dispersed.
But still, and almost weekly, I received to my heartie grief, that I was a costlie servant, and
alienated from her Highness her good subjects' heartes. "Would God the charges of my times were
compared with others as well before me as synce me, and openly shewed, and then I trust I should
be more indifferently judged of. And what consolidation of these good subjects' hearts hath been
synce my coming away, the quartering and heading of a good many of them hath made some shew ;
and more might have been (yea, and justlie) if the immense mercie of her majesty had not been.
But to whomsoever this device was hard or softe, to use it was most heavie, for I to wyn thi3 im-
provement to the Queen e and crowne for ever, gave over all cesse for anything pertaining to my
houshold, but paid readie money for everything, to my undoing.
Now, Sir, to return to the commonwealth-men, (for so they called themselves,) I mean the
messengers of the repyning malcontents of the English Pale, who then were at the Court, and there
had better audience than either they or their cause deserved, and still vexed me with letters carry-
ing matters of hard digestion, and sending copies of the same to their coparteners, who sometymes
published them with triumph over me, upon their ale-benches or ellswhere they would, before I
had received the originall letter. I thought good partlie to justifie my doings, but chiefly to mayn-
tayne Her Majesty's prerogative, and purchase her profitt, to sende over the lord chancellor with
matter of ancient recorde to replie against the oppositions made by the malcontents against her
majesty's prerogative. I furnished him with the aforewritten records, with as good enstruction as
I could give him, and with honourable allowance by the day as long as he should be employed about
that matter, and money out of myne own purse, and sondry bills to be made acts of Parliament.
Among which one was for the enacting of this new rent or imposition, which I was sure I would
have made pass by Parliament. He went, and so well did in defence of her highnes' right, as two
of the three lewd legates, namely, BurnelP and Netterville, were committed to the Tower, and the
{ Burnett, who took the leading part in patriotic opposi- peers of parliament. A scion of the house, Robert, held
tion to the much-abused custom of cess, was head of one of lands in Ireland, England, and Normandy, in the reign of
the oldest families of the Pale, seated at Balgrimn, in the Henry II., whose son granted to Ralph Purcell, his ' hos-
metropolitan county. As Dugdale sets forth, the Burnells of tiarius,' and Burnell's nephew by marriage, his uncle's lands.
Acton -Burnell, Shropshire, were a knightly Norman house, (Carew MS. 610,/ 4.) John BurneU, of Ballygriffin, Esq.,
in the two centuries succeeding the Conquest, and became was attainted for taking part in Silken Thomas's rebellion.
184
third, the ouldest and craftiest of the three, named Barnaby Scurlogh,8 ordered to submit himself in
form, as I would appoint him in Dublin ; which he did, and I received in more meke sort than he had
desyned of me. For the rest of the chancellor's negotiations I will write nothing, but this, that nothing
he did for any other matter according to my enstructions, and nothing he brought me back again
(no not so much as that bill for her Highnes' honorable profit), but speeches delivered that it was a
thing impossible, a thing intollerable, a matter dangerous, and might breed universall rebellion in
the realm. "Well he did for himself, for he brought over a license, which he held at £3,000 to be
sould, and was to the utter overthrowe of an act made by me in my former goverament, I am sure
the most beneficialest for the commonwealth that ever (any one act) was made. He also brought an
order to enlarge, and without my privytie in my absence did enlarge, the forenamed repynants,
whom I held prisoners in the Castle of Dublin ; and to them he would give better countenance than
to those who most constantly had stood in defense of the Queen's right, I mean Sir Lucas Dillon,
and (he that is now) Sir Robert Dillon, and the rest of that syrname ; in trouth to the true and
sound subjects and advocates, as it well appeared. For as sone as I was goan, he made Nicholas
Nugent (displaced by me from the second baronship of the exehequier, and committed to the Castle
of Dublin, where he found him prisoner for his arrogant obstinacie against the Queen) chief-
justice of the common pleas ; and others he placed in good offices whom he knew were neither fast
in the Queen's right, nor friendlie to me. I wisse (sir) I deserved better of William Gerrard
then so.
These things I confess had well nere broken my heart ; and left the sword I would, and gone
over without leave, though I had adventured the getting of the Queen's displeasure, and losse of
myne own lief, had not an obscure and base varlett called Rorie oge 0' Moore h stirred.
This Rorye was the sonne of another Rorye, sometime, but never in my tyme, chief of the
O'Moores, and captain of the country called Leish (now the Quene's Countie), who married the
daughter of the Earl of Ormond. This younge Rorye, after the execution of his kynesmen before
remembred, Cacr Mackedo and Lyssa Mackedo, in my absence grew to more strength than was
convenient to have been suffered, and called himself O'More, and so to patronize his worshipful
S Barnaby Scurlock, descended from a Strongbonian His mother was daughter of Pierce, eighth Earl of Ormond,
family, originally of Scurlog, in Carmarthenshire, resided so that he was first cousin to the tenth peer, to whose insti-
at Fraynes Castle, County Meath, and held an office under gation Sydney ascribes his rebellious actions. Sir G. Carew
the crown in that county. In Carew MS., 608, he is stated writes — " This Rorie Oge was a notorious rebell; he burnt
to be " best experienced in the laws, of modest behaviour, the towns of Naas, Leighlin, and Catherlogh, and took Sir
and honest." It is plain that, in the legal controversy Henry Harrington and Captain Cosbie prisoners, anno 1577 •
led by him, Burnell, and other Anglo-Irish lawyers, and at last was slain in rebellion." O'Sullivan gives some
against the Government, they had justice on their side ; details of his actions. Derrick wrote a special poem about
for the exaction of cess had become a much-abused him, which is reprinted in Somers's tracts, with a curious
privilege. wood-cut, representing the "arch-rebel" wandering as an
h liory Oge O'More, chieftain of the O'Mores of Leix. outlaw, wrapped in a mantle, in the forest of Ophaly.
185
person over and upon the whole country of Lesh. I will not say, though I could probably gesse
what counsell he had and assistance to and in that his rebellion ; but sure I am that one Danyell,
the Earl of Ormond's secretary, confessed to me, and that sponte, the Earl of Ormond had willed
and counselled him never to submit himself as long as I or any for me should make warre upon
him j1 signifying and prognosticating many things, as my disgrace with the Queene, the mislike and
likelihood of revoult against me of the English Pale, with many more things too many to be
written.
Against this companion I advaunced, being of horsemen and footemen a right good force ; I
went into his fastest places, but never would he fight with me, but allways fled, and was secured
in the county of Kilkenny, and under and with the Butlers. When I sawe that he would not
abide me, nor I could not overtake him, and having other matters of great weight for the realme
to do, I retired myself and the army, leaving behynde me in Mary-Borough, the principal town
and forte of that country, my lieutenant Sir Harrie Harrington, my most deere sister's son, and
likewise lieutenant of the King's County, in ould time called Ofaley.
He so well prosecuted the rebells that in short tyme he dismounted them all, and drave them
to be unarmed and breechless, and barefooted footmen, and in very poore and miserable case. But
such was my nephue's desteny, and by persuasion of some about him, and his owne credulitie,
that when he had brought the rebell Eorie to so lowe an ebbe, as he besought him to admit him to
a conference ; after which the traitor said he would submit himself, and the same sware : he came
to a parley with him undiscretely, for there was he taken and carried away captive most vilely, to
my heart's grief, for I loved him and do love him as a sonne of my owne ; and the rebel kept him
most miserable.
I wrought and sought his enlargement by the best means I could, but nothing prevayled
without such conditions as I would not have enlarged Philip my sonne.
Then made I as actuall and as cunning warre as I could upon the vile villanous rebell, and
still my men prevayled, but still he kept my nephue miserably, carrying him from place to place
in deserts vile and most travelsom places ; yet through the faithful service of a faithful countryman
of myne, a Kentishman, I mean Eobert Harpoole, an inveterat soldier of that country, I had har-
bored this malicious traytour, who had my unfortunat nephue with him. I besett his cabanish
dwelling with good soldiers and excellent good executioners ; the rebell had within it twenty -six of
his best and most assured men, his wief, and his marciall'sk wief, and Cormagh O'Conor, an auncient
• Such counsel had often proceeded from the great earls deavouring to fix the stigma of fostering rebellion on
of Kildare and Ormond of former days to insurgent chief- Omiond, of whose success and power he was jealous,
tains, in order that the Viceroy of the time might fall into k This mention of O'More's marshal incidentally corro-
disgrace, and that they might then be invested with the borates other accounts showing that every great chieftain
sword of government. But Sydney is too prone in en- had an officer of this name.
vol. vnr. 2 a
186
and rank rebell, of long mentyned in Scotland, and at last (but too soonc) reclaymed from thence by
the Queen our mystres, and with stipend as a pencion sent to Ireland ; who, returning to the vomit
of his innate rebellious stomach, went to Rorie Oge, and tooke part with him in his rebellion ; and
in that place and time was by a man of myne, called John Parker, killed. There were also killed
his wief, and all his men ; only there escaped himself and his marshall, called Shane mac Eorye
Reogh, in trouth miraculously, for they crept between the legges of the soldiers into the fastnes of
the plashes of trees.1
Rorie Oge confessed, and so did the wief of his marshall, whom the soldiers saved, that the
skyrts of his shirt"1 was with an English sword cut from his bare bodie ; but this assault and conflict
being done in the dark night, the villanous rebell fell upon my most dear nephue, being tyed in
chaynes and him most shamefully hacked and hewed with my nephue' s own sword, to the effusion
of such a quantity of blood as were incredible to be tould. He brake his arm with that blunt
sword, and cut off the little finger of one of his hands, and in sondry parts of his head so wounded
him as I myself in his dressing did see his braynes moving ; yet my good soldiers brought him awaye,
and a great way, upon their halberts and pikes, to a good place in that country, where he was
relieved, and afterwards (I thanke Cod) recovered.
During this service, and before his unhappie apprehension, I went to the Newry, and thither
come to me Torlough Lenogh, (the ladie his wife not being able to come, through a hurt she had,)
but well had she counselled him as it appeared, for most frankly and familiarly used he me, coming
to me against the will of all his counsellers and followers, protesting he so moch trusted and loved
me, as he would not so moch as once aske hostage or protection. He brought above £400 sterling
to the town, and spent it all in three dayes;11 he celebrated Bacchus' feast0 most notablie, and as he
thought, moch to his glorie ; but as many hoars as I could gett him sober, I would have him into
1 It was an Irish method of fortifying a forest, to " plash ° Bacchus's Feast was often solemnized by the chief-
the trees," that is, to interlace the branches of felled trees, tains of the day; and Drogheda, as a sea-port where the
so as to form impenetrable breast-works. wines of the Continent were imported, was a favourite
m This mention of the Irish shirt merits comment, since place of meeting for Ulster bacchanalians.
I think that even antiquaries do not quite comprehend what In one of the printed inquisitions, there is mention of a
it was. I am of opinion that, in earlier times, it formed the house of entertainment in Drogheda, known by the enticing
sole summer garment of men who could afford to have one ; name of " the Castle of Comfort." It is said to have been
that it was formed of many ells of strong unbleached linen ; so called, because King John having resided in the original
and that, being thickly plaited about the hips and thighs, it house, on his failing to return to it, some men took posses-
resembled the form of the present Highland kilt. sion of, and held it as their castle, rent free. Subsequently,
n Very characteristic and national. Moryson, the great it became a hostelry . It was built of wood, in the fashion of
traveller, declares thatthe Irish gentlemen of this time would the curiously carved oak houses that formerly stood in that
sometimes ride into a town — not a frequent occurrence — sell town, as mentioned by Taaffe, who says : — "I have seen
their horses, drink out the price in Spanish wine, and then wooden houses in Pilnitz, Keichenau, and other towns of
go home a-foot. Bohemia and Germany, but none of such curious and
elegant, as well as durable workmanship."
187
the castle, where he would as reverendly (as his little good manners did enstruct him) speak of the
Queene, craving still and that most humblie, that he might be nobilitated by the Queene, and to
hould his lands and seigniories of her majesty by rent and service; and there ratified all former
peece made between me and him, and the Earl of Essex and him. Thus he being well satisfied,
and I very joyous of so good a conclusion, departed in most loving tearmes, he to his camp, where
among all his people he used a long speech of the majestie of the Queene, and my great bountie ;
indeed some plate and other trifles I gave him.
I retorned to Dublin, and by the way received letters of my nephue Harrington's unfortunat
taking, and miserable captivitie, which abated great part of my joy. Of his taking, keeping, and
delyvering you have already heard.
Whiles I thus laye at Dublyn I understood that the Earl of Desmond, p still repyning at the
government of Sir "William Drury, and upon a short message sent him by Sir William, fell into a
frantyke resolution, and whereas he purposed to have kept his Christmas in Youghall, he sudenlye
brake off that determination, and went into Kerry, and straightway assembled forces ; and had I not
taken the ball at the first bound, he had undoubtedlie used violence against Sir William Drury and
his people, who were not many. I straightways addressed me to Kilkenny, and thither I sent for
Sir William Drury, the Earl, and the Countess his wief ; they came all to me, the earl was hot,
wilful, and stubborn ; the countess at that tyme a good counsellor. Sir William Drury confessed
some fault, but fynally (though with much ado) I made them frendes, and a sound pacification of
all quarrells between them, and sound it continued as long as I continued governor there. But
not longe after, (as you knowe,) upon like occasion as before is noted, he and his two brothers,
Sir John and Sir James, fell into actual rebellion, in which the good knight Sir William Drury,
then Lord Justice, died ; and he, as a malicious and unnaturall rebell still persisteth and liveth.
The Christmas (1578) ended, wherein I entertayned the earl and the countess as well as I
P Gerald, sixteenth Earl of Desmond. — Eesuming some to hunt for the whole day, but that he would see him in the
account of this rebellious nobleman's proceedings during evening, dishonourably made his escape; and, accompanied
the government of Sydney — whose memoir throws new by a few attendants, and moving only during the dark,
light on them, yet requires some additional illustration reached, by three nights walking, his own territories, where,
of the secret history of the Earl's eventful life and fall — say the annalists, he was soon joyfully surrounded by
our notices may proceed from the date of his release hundreds of his own troops. The date of his escape is 16th
from the Tower in 1573. On his arrival in Dublin he was November, and not St. Patrick's day, as the annalists have
placed under the custody of the chief magistrate, Fagan, of it. \_S. P. 0.] Their statement, that he immediately
Feltrim, whose generous hospitality, during his tenure of assembled a large force, is borne out by despatches, which
office, is recorded by Stanihurst. But the mayor magna- add, that he and his adherents wrote letters to the King of
nimously informed the government that, as his guest, the Spain, requesting him to aid them in their rebellion. He
Earl was most welcome to his house, but that he would then retook Castlemartyr and Kilmallock from the English,
never become his jailor; Under such liberal guardianship, and within a short month re-established his sway over his
and permitted to walk abroad on parole to return at noon vast territory, and restored the native clergy and monastic
and night, Desmond, telling his host that he was going out orders to the churches and convents of the country.
188
could, and presented them both with silks and Jewells, not a little to my costs ; I fell then into
houlding of sessions by commission of oyer and terminer, but in person I would never be on the
bench, for that the Ormonists should not say that I was there by speech or countenance to engreve
anv matter against them. And though I were as moch thwarted by some of them as might be,
yet had I a great nomber of that county endicted, according to the laws arrayned, judged to dye
and executed, for abetting, favouring, and ayding Rory Oge : this matter remaynes of recorde.
Dyvers of the principall gentlemen would in the night, and as it were disguised, come to me,
protesting they durst not in the day time be seen to do so, for fear of the Earl of Ormond. They
did give me good information of matters of weight, and I them the best enstruction I could. The
earle in England still exclaymed that I laye there to no other end but to make myself ritch by the
spoile of his country, saying that I paid for nothing that I tooke, which was utterly untrew ; for
not only my houshold officers but all others that followed me, payed readie monie for every thing
they took in an}- town where I came. And when the earl of Ormond was so said to by Mr.
"Waterhouse, some tyme my secretary, he answered that his officers had written so to him : " Yea,
my Lord," quoth he, " there is difference between writing unsworne, and speaking upon othe, for
here is in writing the examination and confession of divers your principal officers, who all not only
clere my lord my master, and his officers and men of all extorcious dealing with any your people or
followers, but also affyrme that they never wanted justice with favour in all their and your
causes." This (good sir) can Mr. Waterhouse declare at large unto you, if it please you to give
him the hearing.
After the unfortunate taking of my said nephue Harrington from the rebell, I placed a con-
tynuall presidie or garrison to persecute the rebell, as with Sir Nicholas Malby, the good Captain
Collier, before written of, Captain Furres, the valiant Captain Mackworth, and others, as I thought
good, but lastlie and most effectually under the Baron of "Upper Ossory, my particular sworn
brother, and the faithfullest man for the Queen's service for martiall action that ever I found of
that country.*1
He so diligently followed and prosecuted the rebell as within a few moneths with great skill
and conning he harboured him, and with as much or more courage assay led him; he not having the
third man the rebell had, as some will say, not the sixth, made the best fight with him that ever I
heard of between Irishmen. The slaughter was great on both sides, but the vile rebell llorie was
1 Lord Upper Ossory was an open enemy of Ormond's, native nobility of Ireland proved more serviceable against
and hence, in some measure, the partiality so frequently ex- rebellion than the regular English commanders. Shane
pressed by Sydney. Faction, which always governed Ireland, O'Neill was subdued by the Scots; Desmond was van-
appears here to have sharpened this nobleman's sword quished by Ormond ; the Kavanaghs by the Butlers; and
against the supposed friends of his foe. His success against the O'Moores by their neighbours and kinsmen, the Mac-
Rory oge O'Moore is one of the many instances in which the gillapatricks.
189
killed by a household servant of the Baron's ; his marshall aforenamed escaped, and the rebell's
bodie, though dead, so well attended and carried away, as it was the cause of the death of a good
many of men on both"sides ; yet carried away he was. But not long after, his head was sent me,
and sett up upon the Castle of Dublin ; for which I had proclaymed 1,000 marks to be given to
him that would bring it to me, and £1,000 to him that would bring him me alyve.
The valerous and loyall baron of Upper Ossory, when I offered him the 1,000 marks (by pro-
clamation promised), answered that he had received by nurture under the good and religious King
Edward VI th. more good, and by pension greater gayne, confirmed by the Queen's most excellent
majesty, than his service deserved; and in fyne would take but £100 to give among his men which
were the fighters; and that I paid him out of myne own purse, and he distributed it to them, most
of whom I knew. I could not obtayne at any time a letter from her majesty of thanks for this
service, nor in long tyme from the lords of the council. This action thus ended, I lothed to tarrie any
longer in Ireland, and yet before I went I invaded MacMahon's country, prayed, burned, and totally
destroyed the same, in revenge of a shamefull murther committed by bim in killing a valiant and noble
man called the Lord of Louth, and as towardlie a yonge gentleman as ever I knew of the Irishrie,
son and heir to Sir Hugh MacGennis, knight, lord and captain of the country called Evaugh.
I so plagued that vile bloodie churle as, within short time after my departing out of Ireland, be
came to the Newry to Sir William Drury with a withe about his neck, and in that form submitting
himself he obtained his pardon, which he knew full well he should never have gotten at my hands,
and his withe should ever have served him but only to hang him, for had I taried but a few moneths
longer, I would have made him answer secundum jus talionis,
I lothed, I say agayne, to tarry any longer in that land, for that I saw the Queene make so
little account of my service in killing that pernicious rebell, and was contented to be persuaded
that there was no more difficultie to kill such a rogue as he was, then to kill mad George the
sweeper of the Queen's courte. But such a rogue he was that he burned all the good towns in tbe
counties of Carlow and Kildare, as the town of Carlow and the Naas, &c. He had killed, before
I could get himself killed, four hundred fighting men ; their names I had in severall lists sent me
by the severall captains aforenamed, and yet all this counted no warre, but a chastisement of
vacabounds.
It greeved me not a little that Her Majesty rejected those bills which I sent to be allowed to
be made lawes, whereof many had been devised by me, and by my instruction penned, specially that
bill which was to give the Queene the rent before written ; which bill I verilie think with all the
rest were quashed by the advice of that ambitious Chancellor Gerrard. I found so little conside-
ration in the most of the gentlemen of the English Pale, and such unthankfulness in some great
ones, both which sorts I had greatly benefitted, as I was wearie any longer to live among them.
It yrked me not a little to see the ambitious and disdaynfull dealings of the Chancellor, who glorying
190
of the great credit that he had won of her Majesty (which indeed was more than his worth) that
he would not lett to say, but not in my hearing, that he had brought over such warrant for himself
and restraint for me, as I could do nothing without him ; he still hastning me away, gloriously
braving behind my back that if I were gone, and the new justice ruling by his direction, Ireland
should be governed with a white rodd.
But the noble knight and warrior Sir "William Drury, not many months after my departure,
found that he had need to rule with white rodds as long as speares and morris-pikes, and with
swordes whited as white as blood would whiten them ; in which service he died, and I would to
God the country was yet as well as I lefte it almost fyve years agoe.
Thus leving the same in universall quiet, I passed by seas and came into England, carrying
with me the ould and arch-rebell the Earl of Clanrickard, and a sonne of his called William, who
synce for treason and rebellion was as a traytor and rebell executed.
"When I came to the Court to know how I was entertayned, I confess well, but not so well as
I thought, and in conscience felt that I had deserved. The arch rebell whom I brought, the fore-
named, you know how and by whom he was countenanced. Lastlie, though well approved, and
by the most honourable board of the privy council, he was enlarged, dismissed, and sent home, to
my small credit.
Notwithstanding all these my paynfull services, I was accompted servus inutilis, for that I had
exceeded a supposed commission ; a conferrence indeed there was that £20,000 should defray all the
charges of Ireland, as well ordynarie as extraordynary, and of this I ofte hard to my great discom-
fort ; the which I answered not either with boste or desert of my service, or shewed any great con-
fidence but that it might be, as that it in prima facie appeared, that I had exceeded the sum of £20,000
yerely, nor in trouth I cared not moch, for in sound conscience I felt it, that I had spent nothing
but honourably and profitably for the Queene, and for the security of the country. And although
somewhat I had exceeded in spending Her Majesty's treasure, I had too far exceeded in spoyling
my own patrymoney ; but synce being curious to know what the charges were in the tyme of that
my government, (by Sir Edward Fytton's accompts, all that time being treasurer,) it appeareth that,
reasonable and due allowances granted me, I am within the bounds of that £20,000 a yere.
This accompt was there engrossed and sent to my lord treasurer, the copie whereof was sent to
me by Thomas Jenyson, auditor in Ireland, and his letter written to me with his own hand, pur-
porting the effect of the last written matter ; I have his letter and the copie of the accompt. But
yet I most hartely and lovingly besech you that you will write to him, willing him to signifie unto
you truely and at large, of the charges of that my tyme of government ; charging him that you have
heard that he had written to me in sorte as I have declared, which if you shall receave from him in
manner as may be to my advantage, I hope you will frendly and brotherly use it to that purpose.
And thus an end of my Irish discourse : and now to my great and high oflice in "Wales, which
191
I yet and long have happely and quietly held, having served in it fall thre and twentie yeres. A
happie place of government it is, for a better people to governe, or better subjects to their Sovereign,
Europe holdeth not. But yet hath not my lief bene so domestically spent in Wales, and the swete
marches' of the same, but that I have been employed in other foreign actions.
For besides the three before-mentioned Deputations in Ireland, I was twise sent into France ;
ones into Scotland ; twise to the sea-side to receave the duke John Casimere, and Adolph, duke of
Hoist : these two last journeys, though they were but Kentish, yet were they costlye, — it may be it
was more of a Kentish courage than of depe discresion, well I remember allowance I had none, nor
yet thankes. I was sent and did remayne a good while at Portsmouth, in superintending the
victualling of Newhaven. Oftentymes I was sent for, and commanded to attend about the Court
for Irish causes, to my great charges.
Truly (Sir) by all these I neither won nor saved; but now, by your pacience, ones agayne to my
great and high office ; for great it is in that in some sorte I governe the third part of this realm
under her most excellent majesty: high it is, for by that I have presedencie of great personages,
and farre my betters ; happie it is, for the people whom I govern, as before is written ; and most
happie for the comoditie that I have by the authoritie of that place to do good everie daye, if I have
grace to one or other; wherein I confesse I feel no small felicitie, but for any profitt I gather by it,
God and the people (seeing my manner of life) knoweth it is not possible how I should gather any.
For alas, sir, how can I, not having one groat of pension belonging to the office ; I have not
so much ground as will feede a mutton ; I sell no justice ; I trust you do not here of any order
taken by me ever reversed, nor my name or doings in any court (as courts there be whereto by
appeal I might be called) ever brought in question. And if my mynd were so base and corruptible
as I would take money of the people whom I command, for my labour (commanded by the Queen)
taken among them, yet could they give me none or very little, for the causes that come before me
are causes of people mean, base, and many very beggars. Onely £20 a-week to keep an honour-
able house, and one hundreth marks a yere to bear forreyn charges I have ; what house I keep I
dare stand to the report of any indifferent man, and kept it is as well in myne absence as when I
am present, and the councillors fare as well as I cann be content to do, but trew bookes of account
shal be, when you will, showed unto you, that I spend above £30 a weeke; here some may object
that I upon the same kepe my wife and her followers. True it is, she is now with me, and hath
been this half yere, and before not in many yeres ; and if both she and I had our foode and house
room free, as we have not, in conscience we have deserved it. For my part I am not idle, but
every day I work in my function, and she for her ould service and marks (yet remaining in her
face) taken in the same meriteth her meate. When I went to JNewhaven I left her a full fair
rThe counties of England bordering on Wales, called Hence the office of "Lord Marchez," or military corn-
Marches, because the lands were said to march or join there. mander of such border districts.
192
ladie, in myne eye at least the fayerest, and when I retorned I found her as fowle a ladie as the
small pox could make her ; which she did take by contynuall attendance of her majesty's most
precious person, (sick of the same disease,) the skarres of which (to her resolute discomforte) ever
syns hath done and doth remayne in her face, so as she lyvcth solitarilie sicut nicticorax in
domicilii) suo, more to my charge than if we had boarded together, as we did before that evill
accident happened.
It is now almost one hundreth yeres synce this house was erected, and I am well assured that
neither the Queen's most honourable household, nor any downward to the poorest ploughman's
house can be kept as they were forty years agoe, yet have I no more allowed me than was allowed
forty years agoe. I confesse I am the meanest and poorest man that ever occupied this my place,
and yet I will and may compare I have continued in better and longer housekeeping than any of
my predecessors ; I have builded more and repayred more of her Majesty's castells and howses,
without issuing of any money out of her highnes' coffers, then all the Presidents that have been
this hundreth years; and this will the view of the castles of Ludlow, the castles of Wigmore and
Montgomery, and the house of Tickenhill by Beawdeley justefie.
And thus I end any further treating of my other great office of Wales, confessing both the one
and the other to have been too high and too honourable for so mean a knight as I am ; yet how I
managed these offices I will take no exception to the reporte of publique fame. "With all humble-
ness and thankfulness I confesse to have receaved the same of Her Majesty's mere goodness, and
more too ; for she hath made me one of her Privy Council ; and, that which was to my greatest
comfort, she hath allowed me to be one of that most noble Order of the Garter whereof I have
been a Companion, and I am sure the poorest Companion that ever was, now full nineteen years.
In these four dignities I have receaved some indignities, which I would I could as well forgett
as I can refrayn to write of; and thus an end for my publique estate : and now a little (deere sir)
for my private. Lett me with your patience a little trouble you, not for any cause that I fynd,
or you shall see that I have to bragg, but rather to shew my barenesse, the sooner I do it, for that
I hope ere it be long, of friends and ould acquayntaunces we shall be made more than frends, and
most loving brothers, in all tender love and loving alliaunce.
When I was but ten years of age, and a while had been henchman to King Henrie the eight,
I was by that most famous king put to his sweete soune Prynce Edward, my most deere master,
prynce, and sovereign, the first boye that ever he had ; my nere kinswoman being his only nurse ;
my father being his chamberleyn, my mother his governess ; my aunt by my mother's syde in such
place as among meaner personages is called a drye nurse, for from the tyme he left sucking, she
contynually lay in bed with him, so long as he remained in woman's government.
As that swete prynce grew in yeres and discresion, so grew I in favour and liking of him, in such
sort as by that tyme I was twenty-two yeres ould, he made me one of the four principal gentlemen
193
of his bedd chamber. "While I was present with him he would allwayes be cheerfull and pleasant
with me, and in my absence give me such wordes of praise as farre exceeded my desert. Sondry
tymes he bountifully rewarded me, fynally he allwayes made too much of me : ones he sent me into
France, and ones into Scotland. (N.B. — My going to Scotland for the libertie of John, Earl of
Warwick, and his brethren.) Lastly, not only to my own still felt grief, but also to the universall
woe of England, he dyed in my armes.
Within a while after whose death, and after I had spent some moncths in Spain, neither liking
nor liked as I had been, I fancied to live in Ireland, and to serve as Treasurer ; and had the leading
both of horsemen and footmen, and served as ordynarly with them as any other private captaine did
there, under my brother-in-law the Earl of Sussex, where I served during the reign of Queen Mary,
and one yere after. In which tyme I had four sondry tymes, as by letters patent yet appeareth,
the Government of that country, by the name of Lord Justice ; thrice by commission out of England,
and ones by choice of that country ; such was the great favour of that Queen to me, and good liking
of the people of me.
In the first jomey that the Earl of Sussex made, which was a long and great and an honour-
able one, against James Mac Conell, a mightie captain of Scotts, whom the Earl of Sussex, after a
'good feight made with him, defeyted and chased him with slaughter of a great number of his best
men; I there fought and killed him with my own hand, who thought to have overmatched me.
Some more blood I drue, though I cannot bragg that I lost any.
The second jorney the Earl of Sussex made into those quarters of Ulster, he sent me and others
into the Hand of Raghlyns, where before, in the time of Sir James Croft's deputation, Sir Raulf
Bagenal, Captain Cuffe, and others sent by him landed ; little to their advantage, for there were
they hurt and taken, and the most of their men that landed either killed or taken. But we landed
more polletiquely and saulfly, and encamped in the Isle untill we had spoyled the same of all rnan-
kynd, corne, and cattell in it.
Sondry tymes during my foresaid governments I had sondry skyrmishes with the rebells,
always with the victorie ; namely one, and that a great one, which was at the verey tyme that
Galleys was lost. I at the same tyme, being Christmas holiedayes, upon the suddeyn invaded
Fyrkall,8 otherwise called O'Molloy's country, the receptacle of all the rebells ; burned and wasted
the same ; and in my retorne homewards was fought withall by the rebells, the O'Conors, O'Mores,
and O'Molloy, and the people of Mackgochigan, albeit he in person was with me in that skirmish .
I receaved in a frize jerkin (although armed under it) four or fyve Irish arrowes ; some blood I
drew with my owne hands ; but my men beat the rebells well, and truely went through their paces,1
» Fercall was' the country of the O'Molloys, a clan whose of Kilcormick," in the Irish Arch. Misc., vol. L, p. 99.
history is briefly epitomised in the publication of "Obits l Passes or openings cut through the woods.
VOL. VIII. 2 B
194
straights, and woods lustily, and killed as many of them as saved not their lives hy running away,
among whom the chief captain called Callogh O'Molloy was one, and his head brought me by an
English gentleman and a good soldier called Robert Cowley."
I taried and encamped in that country till I had cut down and enlarged divers long and
strait paces, whereby the country eversyns hath been more obedient and corrigible ; somewhat
more I did, and so I did as the country well spoke of it, and well judged of it, and I received from
the Queen comfortable and thankful letters signed with her own hand, which I have yet to shew ;
and when I was sent to her, (as I was ones or twise,) most graciously she would accept me and my
service, and honourablie speake of the same, yea and rewarded me.
The rest of my lief is with an overlong precedent discourse in part manyfested to you, which
I humbly and hartelie desire you to accept in good part. Some things written may haply be mis-
placed or mistymed, for help had I none either of any other man, or note of myne, but onely such
help as my ould mother-memorie afoorded me out of her stoore. But this to your little comfort I
cannot omitt, that whereas my father had but one sonne, and he of no great proof, being of twenty-
four years of age at his death, and I having three sonnes, one of excellent good proof, the second
of great good proof, and the third not to be despayred of, but very well to be liked, if I dy
to-morrow next I should leave tbem worse than my father left me by £20,000, and I am now
nfty-four yeres of age, toothlesse and trembling, being five thousand pounds in debt, yea and
£30,000 worse than I was at the death of my most deere king and master, King Edward
the Vlth.
I have not of the crowne of England, of my owne getting, so moch ground as I can cover with
my foote; all my fees amount not to 100 marks a yere; I never had syns the Queen's reigne any
extraordinary aid by license, forfect, or otherwise ; and yet for all that was done, and somewhat
more than here is written, I cannot obtayne to have in fee farm £100 a yere, already in my own
possession, paying the rent. Dura est conditio servorum.
And now deere Sir and brother, an end of this tragicall discourse, tedious for you to read, but
more tedious it would have been if it had come written with my owne hand as first it was ; tragicall
I may well tearme it, for that it begann with the joyfull love and great lyking with likelihood cf
matrimonial! match betweene our most dere and swete children, whom God blesse, and endeth with
declaration of my unfortunate and hard estate.
Our Lord blesse you with long lief and healthful happiness, I pray you Sir, comend me most
u Robert Coidey's surname is one of universal interest, an old Anglo-Irish Kilkenny family. Many state-papers
being that of the paternal line of the illustrious Duke of exist manifesting the extraordinary ability of this Robert
Wellington. It is a question whether the Duke's ancestors Cowley, a memoir of whom, comprising a searching investi-
came, as peerage-books assert, from England ; or were of gation into the origin of the Cowleys, is a desideratum.
195
hartelyto my good Ladie cowsen and sister your wief,and blesse and busse our swete daughter. And
if you will voutchsauf, bestowe a blessing upon the young knight Sir Philip.
From Ludlow Castell, with more payne tban haste, the first of March, 1582-3.
Tour most assured fast frende and loving brother.
[Not signed.]
Memorandum to be incerted in some place. A greate expedition done by my appointment
from Mullengarr in "West Meath upon Tirlogh Lenogh in Tyrone, which made him ever after the
more humble. It was done by Sir Nicholas Malby.
Note. — In the warres with Rorie oge I lay for the most part at Monaster Evan, confronting
with the rebele, in which tyme I hanged a captain of Scotts wbich served under captain Malby,
and all his officers, and I think very nere twenty of his men ; and by Captain Furrs and hi?
company many or more of them killed, and all for extorcions done by him and his people upon the
earl of Ormond in the county of Kilkenny ; and yet he still complayned he nor his could have no
justice of me.
During my abode there I began the bridge of Carlo, over the great ryver of Barrow, which
shortly after was fynished to very good purpose.
I builded a Tower for the gard of the bridge over the great ryver called the Great or Black
"Water in Tyrone ; the bridge being builded by the earl of Essex. I builded and newlie erected six
or seven severall gaioles.
Be his et de premists consule,
Dillon, Malby, Waterhouse, Mullineux.
LFor the notes and introductory remarks accompanying ' Sydney's Memoir,' in this volume and the preceding one,
we are indebted to oar correspondent, Herbert F. Hore, Esq. — Fxiit.']
196
GLEANINGS IN FAMILY HISTORY FROM TEE ANTRIM COAST,
THE MACAULAYS AND MACARTNEYS.
It would be difficult to trace the name of MacAulay to its original form, or determine the country
to which those who first bore it originally belonged. The general impression is, that the proge-
nitors of the MacAulays were Northmen, who visited the British Isles at various times in the
capacity of marauders, or perhaps occasionally as colonists. The oldest forms of the name on record
are Amlaf, Amlaib, Aulaib, and Olaf, which occur frequently as designations among the northern
Vikingar, and which are now anglicised Aulay and Amlay, in the surnames MacAulay and Macamley.
The name does not appear in the Annals of Ireland until the year 851 ; and Dr. O'Donovan thinks
that it " was never in use among the Irish until about the close of the eighth century, when they
adopted it from the Danes, with whom they then began to form intermarriages." He states, how-
ever, that the name Amhalgaidh was known among the Irish from the earliest period of their history,
that it also is now anglicised Aulay, and is possibly of cognate origin with the Dano-Irish words
already mentioned, although not precisely identical with them.a
The Annals of Ulster, at the year 851, record an invasion of Ulster by Amlaib, the King of
Lochlin (Norway), and the exaction by him of a tribute from the inhabitants. In 856, we read of
a great army in Meath, commanded by Amlaib and Ivar, and composed of Norwegians and Irish.
The latter were commanded by a native Irish chieftain, named Cearbail, or Kervel. In 865, Amlaib
and his chieftains, followed by all the Northmen in Ireland and Scotland, plundered the Picts. In
867 he burned the city of Armagh, massacred many of the inhabitants, and carried away vast quan-
tities of valuable booty. In 869, Amlaib and Ivar (who seems to have been a royal personage also)
blockaded Dublin for the space of four months, and afterwards destroyed the greater part of the city.
In the following year, they returned to Dublin with 200 ships, landed with booty from Scotland,
and carrying a multitude of English, Welsh, and Pictish prisoners. A prince named Amlaff was
« Battle of Magh Rath, pp. 242 and 290. — The following " In Tirechan's Annotations on the Life of St. Patrick,
notice is preserved in the Boole of Lecan: "Cam Amhal- preserved in the Book of Armagh, a MS. supposed to he of
gaidh, i.e. of Amhalgaidh, son of Fiachra Elgaidh, son of the seventh century, we find it stated that ' when Patrick
Dathi, son of Fiachra. It is hy him that this earn was went up to the plain which is called Foirrgea of the sons of
formed, for the purpose of holding a meeting of the Hy- Awley, to divide it among the sons of Awley, he built there
Amhalgaidh around it every year, and to view his ships and a quadrangular church of moist earth, because wood was
fleet going and coming, and as a place of interment for not near at hand.'" — Ibid, page 126.
bimself." — See Petrie's Essay on tlie Round Towers, p. 108.
197
slain at the battle of Temora, in the year 979 ; and in 980, Amlaff, described as the last Danish
king of Dublin, retired from his, no doubt very troublesome, position, to find rest and peace in the
holy island of Ion a. The descendants of these Amlaffs had Mac prefixed to their names, and we
often afterwards meet with the surnames of MacAmlaibs, or Mac Amlaffs, anglicised generally
MacAulays, and sometimes Macamlays. In the same way, the name was introduced into Scotland,
and seems to have been more generally adopted there than in this country. In the year 976,
OlaveMacOlave, or Aulay MacAulay, the king of Albany, was slain by Kenneth, son of Malcolm,
an event which is recorded by Tighernach and the Annals of Ulster. The Amlaffs or A days, and
afterwards the MacAmlaffs, were numerous in the north of England, and came, no doubt, from the
same northern stock. b
But the Isle of Man and a few of the smaller islands off the Scottish coasts, (dependencies for
a time of Norway,) seem to have had peculiar attractions for this race. The name there took the
form of Olaf, or Olave, which seems to have been drawn directly from the North. In the year
1102, Olave, or Aulay, was elected King of the Isles (including Man), and reigned forty years.
He was a pacific prince — or perhaps he should rather be described as a politic ruler, since he con-
trived to live during his long reign in such close alliance with Irish and Scottish kings, as not only
to afford them no pretext for attacking his dominions, but induced them, on the contrary, to protect
him against the assaults of others. His queen, Afreca, was daughter of Fergus, prince of Galloway.
One of his daughters was married to Somhairle, or Sorley, thane of Argyle, and ancestor of the
MacDonnells. Olave was treacherously slain, in the year 1142, by his own nephew, at the harbour
of Ramso, now Ramsay, in the Isle of Man, while engaged at a conference. In 1143 he was suc-
ceeded by his son Godred, who reigned thirty years, during a long period of which he had to con-
tend for his throne against the attempt of Somhairle, his brother-in-law. He left his crown to his
youngest son, Olave or Aulay, a boy of only ten years of age ; but the inhabitants of Man preferred
to have Ronald, or Randall, the half-brother of the latter, to rule over them. Randall gave to his
brother Olave, the Lewis, which, although much larger than any of the other isles, is com-
paratively barren. "When the latter had resided in that sequestered place for a time, he dis-
covered that the island was not sufficient to afford to him and his followers the bare necessaries
of life. He went, therefore, to his brother, and thus confidentially addressed him : — " Brother,
my Lord and Sovereign, thou art aware that the Kingdom of the Isles is my birthright,"
(as being the only legitimate son of his father,) "but as the Almighty hath appointed thee to
rule over them, I envy thee not this dignity. Let me only entreat thee to bestow upon me some
province in which I can live creditably, as the Lewis, which thou hast assigned to me, is unsuffi-
cient for my support."
Randall did not meet him, however, in the same brotherly spirit. His selfish fears were instantly
b Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. i., pp. 337, 338.
198
awakened, and he had Olave bound and sent to Scotland, where he remained in prison for seven years.
At the end of that period William, King of Scotland, issued an order for the release of all prisoners
throughout his kingdom, and the Manx prince was thus restored to liberty. He returned directly
to the court of his unkind half-brother, in Man, and soon afterwards went on a pilgrimage to the
shrine of St. James of Compostella. On his return he married the daughter of a nobleman in
Kintire, a sister of Randall's queen, and was granted the Lewis once more as a place of residence.
Not long after his marriage he was divorced from his wife, by the authority of the Church, because
of her being the cousin of a woman who had formerly lived with him as wife or concubine.
Randall's queen, enraged at the separation of her sister, soon fomented a quarrel between her hus-
band and Olave. She privately instigated her son Godred, then residing at the island of Skye, to
visit the Lewis for the purpose of slaying Olave. The latter, however, had notice of the
assassin's approach, and escaped, with a few attendants, to the castle of Ferchar, thane or Earl of
Ross, whose daughter, Christina, he had married soon after his divorce. His hasty exit from the
Lewis left the island without protection, and when Godred landed he pillaged the place, and
massacred many of the inhabitants.
Olave or Aulay, in conjunction with one Paul Balkason, (who is described as a brave warrior,
and sheriff of Skye,) determined to return Godred's bloody visit, and not finding the latter at his
usual residence in Skye, they followed him to Iona, two miles distant, where they cut to pieces all
his people, and perpetrated certain barbarous cruelties on his own person. This affair happened in
the year 1223. Aulay' s blood seems now to have been thoroughly up, for in the succeeding summer
he and his friend Paul made the tour of the islands, exacting hostages from all the insular chiefs as
they proceeded, and concluded the voyage by casting anchor, with a fleet of thirty -two ships, off the
Isle of Man. This proceeding brought Randall to reason, and he agreed to a partition of the
Kingdom of the Isles with Aulay; an arrangement which was not satisfactory, however, and as in most
other similar cases, the sword was made the arbiter between the contending parties. Randall was
assisted by Alan, the prince of Galloway, and others of his queen's connexions; but Aulay was the
more popular with the Islesmen, and had help from their simple hearts and strong arms. The result
was, that the sceptre of the whole island-kingdom was wrested from Randall's grasp, after he had
held it for the long period of thirty-eight years. He attempted to regain what he had thus lost,
but was slain at the battle of Ting-wal, in Man, on St. Valentine's Day, of the year 1228. Aulay
died in St. Patrick's Isle, on the 12th of June, 1237, and was interred in the abbey of Rushin, in
Man, having reigned eleven years as sole monarch of the Isles, viz., two years during Randall's life,
and nine after his decease. In 1265 his son Magnus died, and in the following year the sovereignty
of Man and the Isles was transferred to Alexander, the Scottish king.0 The Olavesom, or MacAulays,
for some centuries afterwards continued to hold a leading and influential position in the Isles and
c See Chronicon Mannia et Insularum, at the dates above mentioned.
199
on the Scottish coast. The Lewis (written in modern Gaelic Leodhas, and in early times
Leoghas,) is still a home for many of the MacAulaidh, or descendants of Olave. They
are settled at Uig, in the south-west quarter, whilst the Morrisons and MacLeods occupy the
other portion of the island. These several families, although generally forming a confederation,
have had many violent conflicts among themselves, and their old battle-fields can still be pointed
to by their descendants of the present day. The MacAulays of the Lewis were represented at the
commencement of the seventeenth century by Donald Cam MacAulay, a man remarkable for per-
sonal strength and daring. During a fierce struggle that raged between the Lewis-men and the
MacKenzies, Donald Cam, or crooked Donald, as the nick-name implies, climbed up the perpen-
dicular wall of Carloway Castle, at the dead of night, by means of a dirk in each hand, which he stuck
in between the courses of stones as he ascended, and succeeded in overpowering the sleeping garrison.
One of his descendants, a Presbyterian minister of Skye, was remarkable for bodily strength.
Another, Aulay MacAulay, was a pastor in the island of Harris, and trained five of his sons as clergy-
men, and one, Zachary, was made a lawyer. Kenneth, one of the clergymen, was settled at
Ardnamurchan, and wrote a History of St. Kilda. He had the honour of a visit from Dr. Jobnson,
whilst the latter was on his well-known tour to the Hebrides. The great critic was pleased to
pronounce favourably on Kenneth MacAulay's book. The latter left two sons — Aulay, who settled
in England, and John, who was grandfather of the late Lord Macaulay.d
Another branch of the ancient Amlaffs or Olaves settled, at a very early period, in Lennox, and
for many centuries their representatives were the thanes or Earls of Lennox. From this house sprang
the MacAulays oiArd-na- Capull, in Dumbartonshire ; and from the latter are derived the MacAulays
of the Glynnes of Antrim. Buchanan, of Auchmar, states that in his time [1793], "the principal
residence of the laird of Arncaple is the castle of Ardincaple, in the shire of Dumbarton, situated
upon the north side of the Frith of Clyde, opposite the town of Greenock."e In the same paragraph,
d See an interesting letter from Capt. O. W. L. Thomas, dened the remainder to maintain his wasteful expenditure.
in the Athenceum, for March 31, 1860. Among other children, Aulay had a daughter, Jane, mar-
e A writer in Notes and Queries, (June 16, I860,) adopts ried to Sir James Smollett, of Bonhill, father of Archibald,
the common form of the word Ardincaple, and states that of Dalquhurn, and grandfather of the author of Roderick
it means, in Gaelic, the 'promontory of the mare,' an inter- Random. Archibald, the successor of Aulay, was one of
pretation, he adds, " exactly corresponding with a conspi- the Commissioners of Justiciary appointed for trying the
cuous feature of their lands on the shores of the Gareloch, adherents of the Covenant, in Dumbartonshire. His son
Dumbartonshire." We make the following extracts from Aulay sold the Laggarie and Blairvadden portions of the
this very interesting letter, written by a gentleman signing estate to Dr. George MacAulay, of London, reputed to be
Joseph Irving, Dumbarton : — " In accordance with a scheme a cadet of the family. A nephew of the same name sold the
of succession settled in 1614, Sir Aulay was succeeded in last remnant of the once wide paternal inheritance. From
the property by his son Alexander, with whose grandson, the dismantled condition of the old castle of Ardincaple
Aulay, began the decline of the family (at Ard-na-Capull). longer residence in it was impossible, and this Aulay, the
He alienated a considerable portion of the estate, and bur- last of the old stock at Ardincaple, sought a shelter for his
200
he states that "the next of that name to the family of Arncaple is the representative of Major
Robert MacAulay, a gentleman of good estate in Glenarm, in the County of Antrim, in Ireland, in
which county a great many of the surname reside." f On a tombstone in the old church-yard of
Layd, near Cushindall, it is stated that the first of the Glenville family was Alexander MacAulay,
of Ferdiyicaph, who came to Ulster in the Scotch army of Charles I. Ferdincaple is probably
another name for Ard-na-capull ; but a greater error is the supposition that the above-named
Alexander was the first of the MacAulays who settled in the Glens. There is no doubt that they
came to the Antrim coast with the MacDonnells, early in the sixteenth century, as the name occurs
frequently in connexion with the district of Cushindall long before the coming of the Scottish force
in the reign of Charles I. There are still the remains of an old pile of some description on the
south-eastern slope of Trostan mountain, originally built by the MacDonnells and MacAulays. It
is known in the locality as Caislin Surleboy, but of what character the erection really was — whether
castle or cairn — appears to be a matter of doubt. McSkimmin regards the ruins as those of a cairn,
and the tradition that both MacDonnells and MacAulays were concerned in its construction would
lead to this conclusion ; but the traditionary name (Caislin Surleboy) implies that the place afforded
a temporary residence, at least, for that chieftain.
In the year 1613, there was an Inquisition at Carrickfergus, and the first name on the grand
jury list was that of Brian Boy MacAulay, of the Glinns. The Alexander MacAulay who figures
on the tombstone in Layd, as direct from ' Ferdincaple,' was the son of Brian Boy, and may pro-
bably have held a commission in the army of Munro, in Ulster. He married Alice, the daughter
of Archibald Stewart, of Ballintoy, by whom he left a family. His eldest son, also called Alexander,
inherited the family property at Glenville, and married Mildred, daughter of the Rev. Adam Reid,
by whom the lands known as Brumnayessan, near Bushmills, came into the possession of the
MacAulays. This property afterwards passed from the family by marriage of his daughter Rose to
Archibald Dunlop,8 to whom it was handed over as her marriage -portion, and with whose represen ■•
houseless head at Lagarrie, where he died, about 17G7. I at Ballymena, on the 8th of April, 1635, to investigate the
have not been able to trace the main line of the family after title. This business was conducted by Robert Adair, Wm.
this ; it may be quite correct — as stated by your correspon- Houston, Robert Bath, and John Kearns, — the two former of
dent, 'J. A.M.' — that the representation of this ancient whom are described as Esquires, and the two latter as
house devolved upon John MacAulay, town clerk of Dum- Gentlemen. The following is a list of the names of the
barton about the close of last century. At least, one of the jury on that occasion, which includes the names and resi-
daughters and a number of the grand-children survive." dences of the leading gentry of the County of Antrim at the
{ Brief Enquiry into the Genealogy and present state of period referred to, and as such, it is not without interest : —
ancient Scottish Surnames, page 79. Arthur Oge O'Neale, of Iveagh, Gent.
gThe Dunlops originally came from the Scottish island Cahill Oge O'Hara, of L. Kane, Gent,
of Arran, and settled on the Antrim coast early in the Alex. Abernethy, of Antrim, Gent,
seventeenth century. Bryan, or Bryce Dunlop obtained a Alex. Houston, of Denniscan, Gent,
grant of lands from Sir Randall MacDonnell, situated Geo. Jackson, of Antrim, Gent,
between Ballycastle and Ballintoy, but it would appear that Charles Trueman, of Tullyragnah, Gent,
some difficulty arose respecting the manner in which the Robert Young, of Cloughmills, Gent,
lands were conveyed to him, and an Inquisition was held David Moore, of Ballyhome, Gent.
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tatives it remains at the present day. Besides his daughter Rose, Alexander Mac Aulay left one son,
also named Alexander. The latter became distinguished as a lawyer : not, however, so much by
any remarkable display of talent, as by severe application. He was appointed a King's Counsel at
a time when that distinction was considered of much greater importance than at the present day.
As a reward for his somewhat rigorous defence of ecclesiastical rights and privileges, he was
elevated to the position of a Judge in the Consistorial Court. Mr. MacAulay had written several
political tracts, but one in particular had attracted a large share of public notice. This pamphlet,
entitled Property Inviolable, was published in the year 1737; and in its pages the author assails the
Irish House of Commons in no measured terms, for taking to itself the right of deciding upon the
claims of the clergy to the Tithe of Agistment. In 1763, he published An Enquiry into the
Legality of Pensions on the Irish Establishment, and forcibly denounced the whole system. The
concluding sentence will give our readers an idea of the author's sentiments on this question, as well
as of his style in treating it : — " If such pensions be found on the Irish Establishment, let them be
struck off, and let the perfidious advisers be branded with indelible characters of public infamy,
adequate, if possible, to the dishonour of their crimes." During the greater part of his life, Mr.
MacAulay had been an active and troublesome opponent to the English Government in Ireland, but
his opinions and impressions in this respect were cbanged very much during the administration of
the Earl of Hertford. In the year 1 766, he published a tract in vindication of Septennial Parliaments,
in opposition, as he states, to an author who, " under the mask of patriotism," had written to recom-
mend the adoption of Triennial Parliaments. He had not the satisfaction of witnessing the estab-
Alex. Macnaghten, of Oldstone, Gent. Clogker and Ballymoy. The latter was a branch of the
William MacPhederis, of Carnglass, Gent. Dunynie Castle MacNeills. The female christian-name
Richd. O'Hara, of Diumeagan, Gent. Rose prevailed in this family throughout all its branches.
Daniel Macaulay, of Drumeagan, Gent. John Dunlop's son by Rose MacNeale was named Archibald,
Laughlin MacNeale, of Dunseverick, Gent. and was married to Rose, daughter of Alexander Macaulay,
Neal Roy O'Hagan, of Dunseverick, Gent. as above stated. The son John married Anne, daughter of
Danl. Maclvor Roy O'Neale, of Aghanlogher, Gent. Alexander Boyd, of Clare Park, near Ballyeastle. The
The above gentlemen, being duly sworn, stated that the present representative of the family is Dr. Dunlop, of
lands in question had been alienated by the Earl of Antrim Drumnagessan. He holds the property originally granted
to Bryce Dunlop, and that " the alienation was made, the to his ancestor by Sir Randall MacDonnell, consisting of
permission of our late Lord the King (James I.) not being the townland of Gortconny ( Gort-conaidh, ' field of the
had or obtained, and that all and each said premises were Fire-wood,') and the Mill at Ballyeastle.
held, and are now only held, in fee by military service." The Dunlops were thus connected with the leading
The first settler of the Dunlop family married Christian families of the district. Their original place of sepulture
Stewart, the daughter of John Stewart, from Bute, who was Ramoan, where an old family tomb-stone, although now
came about the same time, 1612, and was located at Ballintoy. in a very shattered state, still preserves the name of Bryce
Their son, Bryce Dunlop, married Jane Boyd, daughter of Dunlop.
another Scottish house in the vicinity. Their son, John The writer is indebted for the above particulars to the
Dunlop, married Rose, daughter of John MacNeale, of kindness of Robert Givin, Esq. Coleraine.
VOL. VIII. 2 c
202
lishment of Octennial Parliaments, which soon afterwards took place, during the administration of
Lord Townsend. Mr. MacAulay died on the 13th of July, 1766, after a laborious life, devoted
very much to the duties of his profession. He was member of Parliament for Thomastown at the
time of his decease. He married, early in life, Margaret, the eldest daughter of Hugh Boyd, Esq.
of Ballycastle. She died in 1782. Mrs MacAulay was a lady of very superior attainments, and
had the reputation of being a most exemplary wife and mother. The children of this marriage
were two sons and two daughters. The eldest son, Alexander, was educated for the Bar, but settled
on the family estate of Glenville, and married Julia, the daughter of Sir Archibald Acheson, after-
wards created Viscount Gcsford. Mr. MacAulay was High Sheriff for the County of Antrim, in
the year 1766. He died in 1817, aged 83 years. The elder of the two daughters married Mr.
Adair, of Ballymena, and the younger John Godley, Esq., of the County Armagh. The latter is
described as a highly gifted and accomplished woman.
The younger son, Hugh Macaulay, became somewhat distinguished as a literary writer, and
was believed by many people, both before and after his death, to have been the author of the cele-
brated Letters signed Junius. He was born on the 6th of April, 1746, at Ballycastle, County
of Antrim, his mother's native place. Whilst attending a school in Ship-street, Dublin,
he had as class-fellows, Lord Clare and Henry Grattan. Soon after the death of his father,
in 1 766, he removed to London, and became intimately acquainted with Edmund Burke, Sir Joshua
Reynolds, David Garrick, and other members of the distinguished association known as The Literary
Club. This youth — for Macaulay was only twenty years of age on going to London — supported a
highly respectable rank solely by the efforts of his pen. He had been left a small property by his
grandfather, Hugh Boyd of Ballycastle, but when it came into his possession, it was so encumbered
with annuitants as to afford him very little assistance. His grandfather's will required that he should
take the name of Boyd, which he accordingly did, without the ceremony of obtaining the license
usually taken out on such occasions from the College of Arms. In 1776, Hugh Macaulay Boyd
returned for a time to the county of Antrim, and seems to have had a deep interest in the result of
tho famous election which took place in that year. Assuming the nom deplume of "A Freeholder," he
addressed twelve letters to the Independent Electors of Antrim in favour of James Willson, Esq.,
whom Boyd terms a " constitutional candidate," and whose election was enthusiastically won,
mainly by means of these letters, in the very teeth of all the aristocratic influences of the county.
These remarkable Letters were written, most probably, in the house now known as the Mansion, at
Ballycastle, which was built by his grandfather, Hugh Boyd, in 1738, and is at present occupied
by Alexander Boyd, the great-great-grandson of the latter. The first letter was dated the 5 th of
February, and the last on the 9th of April, 1776. They were written with an elegance and power
worthy the author of Junius, whoever he may have been. Perhaps the opening sentences in the
first of the series may be considered as a fair sample of the whole : " We are no longer sunk in the
203
dead repose of despotisms and long Parliaments ; those stagnations of corruption and filth shall no
longer poison the land. Alba nautis stella rejulsit, the returning day-star of the Constitution again
illumines the political hemisphere, and displays to us the moment which restores to us our political
rights : the power which we delegated, and the trust we conferred, reverts to us. The Constitution
regenerates, and the new birth inspires new vigour. As the giant received renovation of strength
from touching his mother Earth, so the rights of the people acquire new spring and force when
brought back to their original parent source, the people's voice The vital blood
ebbs back to the heart of the Constitution. Let us imitate the wisdom of Nature, and we shall
attain its successful effects. Let us give the vital streams again to flow through their constitutional
channels, for so shall the breath of the whole body be restored, and its strength re-established.
Every part of it shall revive and flourish. The ghastly countenance of poverty and servitude shall
brighten into the smile of happiness and the triumph of liberty." The "Freeholder " had it all his
own way, although the name of the writer was unknown during the electioneering struggle, and was
only discovered afterwards from a small portion of the manuscript copy which the printer at the Belfast
News-Letter office had neglected to destroy. There was no doubt, however, as to the authorship; and
it is rather remarkable that the teachings of the Freeholder are so little known or appreciated in the
County of Antrim at the present day. The letters were republished, in a pamphlet form, from the
columns of the News- Letter, soon after the election; but whether they ever appeared in any other
shape afterwards in Belfast, I cannot say. The pamphlet containing them had no name on the title-
page, not even that of the bookseller or printer. "When Mr. George Chalmers anxiously hunted for a
copy of it, he wrote to Stephen LLaven, at Belfast, who had been Solicitor- General at the Bahamas,
and received a reply from that gentleman, written on the 19th of October, 1799, containing the
following passage : — " I will make a point of searching the booksellers' shops for the pamphlet you
write for ; the Letters are within the recollection of several of my acquaintance, who tell me they
were written by a MacAulay-Boyd, who went to India with Lord Macartney."
But although forgotten now, the Freeholder's addresses seem to have done their wrork very
effectively at the time. On reading over Mr. James Willson's several communications to the
" Independent Electors of the County of Antrim," addressed to them from " Gillgorm," we suspect
that Boyd wrote some of them also. The other candidates on that occasion were John O'Neill,
(afterwards created Lord O'Neill), Seymour Conway, of the Hertford family, Hugh Skeffington,
(afterwards Lord Massereene), and Marriot Dalway, of Bella-Hill. Messrs.Willson and Dalway, the
popular candidates, were triumphantly elected ; whilst the three candidates supplied from the three
noble houses already mentioned were doomed to utter defeat. At a very numerous and highly
respectable meeting assembled at Belfast, to celebrate the success of the independent interest, the
following are a few — and only a few — of the toasts that were proposed and unanimously adopted : —
" Prosperity to Inland ; and may her other counties imitate our example, and partake our success."
204
"May the Electors of Ireland never choose those to represent them who are hired to betray them."
"May the spirit of the Constitution live, and may we never he haunted by the ghost of it."
"May the King lose his bad servants, and the people get good ones." " The British Flag, and may it
never fly in the face of its maker." " The 1st of July, 1690." " The 18th June, 1776, and may it
be to the County of Antrim what the 15th was to the British Umpire — its complete Enfranchisement."
"Permanence and security to the independent spirit and the constitutional rights of the people."
"A speedy and happy reconciliation between Great Britain and America."
*We fancy the Freeholder had something to do even in the matter of preparing these and nume-
rous other similar " sentiments" for the mouths of our good citizens at that stirring period.
Equal, and if possible, greater enthusiasm prevailed throughout other parts of the county.
The following extracts, from a letter dated Ballymena, June 22, may he quoted as an illustration : —
"On Thursday, the 20th instant, Mr. "Willson dined here, on his return from being elected
Knight of the Shire for this county. His entrance into this town was truly pleasing and magni-
ficent, being escorted by at least 20,000 persons, whose acclamations and countenances bore the
most expressive testimony of heartfelt transport, which exceeded anything I ever saw or heard of
in this kingdom. The order and regularity which was observed in the arrangement of so great a
number gave additional grandeur to their appearance. Ten thousand men, with blue cockades, and
hearts elated by the restoration of Liberty to the county, went foremost in array ; next to these, 400
free-masons, attired in their jewels, armed with carabines for the purpose of saluting, and preceded
by a large band of music, and colours made for the occasion, descriptive of their different Lodges,
and embroidered with various emblematical figures ; to these succeeded 500 young women, habited
in white, ornamented with blue ribbons, and carrying green boughs in their hands : the leader of
those patriot virgins bore a large garland richly decorated, and the animated daughters of liberty
closed their fair train with a female band of music, who, with infinite spirit and address, played
Britons strike home, and several other tunes, suited to the joy of a happy multitude. Immediately
after followed Mr. Willson, attended by the delegates of the several baronies, who so gloriously con-
ducted the independent interest, and who will be revered by the latest posterity for their firm and
virtuous exertions in the cause of liberty. A thousand horsemen terminated the procession, which,
(exclusive of the multitudes that crowded through the fields,) occupied at least a mile and a-half of
the road. During the dinner which followed, many patriotic songs were performed by the fair
choir, in whose vivid looks the blushing glow of rural health and the genial fire of liberty seemed
contending to emulate each other. The evening was concluded with bonfires, universal illuminations,
and festivity."11
From Antrim Hugh MacAulay went to Dublin, and was called to the Bar during the Easter
••See an admirable volume entitled Historical Collections Union with Great Britain, pp. 133, 136. This volume was
relative to the Totcn of Belfast, from the Earliest Periodto the printed and sold by George Be rtoick, No. 1 North-street, 1817
205
Term of 1776, by his new name, Hugh MacAulay Boyd. The attractions of London, however,
were such as he could not withstand, and he soon found himself in that great world, or wilderness,
once more. Athough he possessed almost every qualification necessary to constitute a great lawyer,
it is to be regretted that he devoted his time and energies to the comparatively humble employ-
ment of writing occasional pamphlets, to meet the pressing wants of the hour. By this means he
contrived to support his family in a respectable position ; but unfortunately his own habits had
become too expensive, and in the year 1780, he sought for and obtained the situation of second
secretary to Lord Macartney, who was about to proceed on his well-known mission to India. He
sailed in the same packet with his lordship, and arrived at Madras in the month of June, 1781.
In addition to the regular duties of his office, he started a newspaper entitled the Madras Courier,
of which he was both proprietor and editor, and which he conducted for a time with distinguished
ability and success. In 1793, he commenced a series of periodical essays, under the name of the
Indian Observer, which he published in a weekly paper called the Uircurrah. These essays were
written in his usual elegant and vigorous style. The first number of the series appeared on the 9th
of September, 1793, and the fifty-third and last, on the 16th of September, 1794. On the 19th of
the following month, Mr. Boyd died, in the forty-eighth year of his age.
The "Works of Hugh MacAulay Boyd, with an Account of his Life and "Writings, by Laurence
Dundas Campbell, were published in 2 vols. 8vo., 1798-1800. Mr. Campbell firmly believed, and
ingeniously argued, that Boyd was Junius.
In 1816, George Chalmers, Esq., P.li.S., S.A., published a pamphlet entitled "The Author
of Junius Ascertained from Direct Proofs, and a Concatenation of Circumstances amounting to
Moral Demonstration." In 1819, Chalmers brought out a new edition of the above, "With a Post-
script, evincing that Boyd wrote Junius, and not Francis."
"Without wishing to attach any undue importance to the arguments put forward by the writers
now mentioned, we think the statement of them will be interesting to Antrim readers, at least, and
under this impression, we beg to present the following summary, derived principally from the
pamphlet of Mr. Chalmers. "We do not, of course, intend to cite all the arguments in detail, to
prove that Hugh MacAulay Boyd was Junius, but such only as appear to bear more immediately on
the great controversy, which time, instead of allaying, seems rather to render more intense
every year : —
I. Our readers are aware that the Letters of Junius originally appeared in a London news-
paper called the Public Advertiser. The printer of this paper, Wbodfall, had a confidential apprentice
named William "Woods, who was permitted to open the letters and papers sent for publication to
the office. This person regularly opened the letters signed Junius, as they arrived, and became, of
course, quite familiar with the hand-writing. On being afterwards shown a facsimile of Boyd's
writing, which Lord Macartney pronounced to be very exact, "Woods instantly, and without hesita-
206
tion, declared his conviction that it was written by the same hand which wrote the letters of Junius.
His conviction was founded on the perfect similarity — the identical sameness, in fact — of punctuation
and formation of the letters, which appeared to him to characterize the two specimens submitted to
his inspection. The foreman in Woodfall' s office and a journeyman also, named Burton, fully con-
curred in the belief and statement of "William "Woods.
II. A curious argument was founded on the fact of Boyd's absence, for a time, from London,
during the period of the publication of the letters of Junius. Hugh Boyd, of Ballycastle, died in
1 765, leaving a small estate to his grandson, Hugh MacAulay, failing a Hugh Boyd then settled in
Philadelphia. In December, 1768, the latter died, without issue, leaving the path to possession
clear for Hugh MacAulay, then residing in London. The news reached the latter in April, 1769,
and at the end of that month he started for Ballycastle, to look after this property. Now comes
a curious coincidence, at least. The first letter of Junius appeared on the 21st of January, 1769;
Sir "William Draper replied on the 26th ; and during February and March Junius was chiefly occupied
with this antagonist. The ninth, tenth, and eleventh letters of Junius were dated respectively on
tho 10th, 21st, and 24th of April. There was then a pause in the work. At the end of five weeks
Junius reappeared in his celebrated letter to the Duke of Grafton, dated on the 30th of May. But
let it be observed that, in the interval, Sir William Draper had published a letter dated from Clifton,
which appeared on the 1st of May, and which, it has been argued, could not have been read by
Junius, as the latter never replied to it, although it charged him with uttering falsehoods, and
' skulking in the dark, under the mean subterfuge of a mask.' The absence of Boyd from Lon-
don, attending to his private affairs in the County of Antrim during this interval of five weeks,
between the 24th of April and the 30 th of May, is a circumstance to which the advocates of his
identity with Junius attach prominent importance.
III. The next argument is supplied by John Almon, the well-known bookseller in Piccadilly.
From a letter or statement written by him on the 10th of December, 1798, at Buxmoor, near
Hemel-Hampstead, the following passage is quoted : — " In October, 1769, a meeting of the proprietors
of the London Evening Post was held at the Queen's Arms, St. Paul's Churchyard. Mr. "Woodfall,
the printer of the Public Advertiser, was present. There was a conversation concerning newspapers,
and other such topies, in the course of which something was said that caught Mr. 'Woodfall' s attention,
and he immediately remarked that he ' had a letter from Junius in his pocket, which he had just
received, wherein there was a passage that related to the subject before them, and he would read it.'
This letter consisted of three or four sheets of foolscap, and whilst Mr. Woodfall was reading one
sheet, the other sheets lay on the table, and I saw them in common with the company then present,
but did not take them into my hands. The moment I saw the hand- writing I had a strong suspicion
that it was Mr. Boyd's, whose handwriting I knew, having received several letters from him con-
cerning books. I took no notice of the matter at the moment ; but the next time that Mr. Boyd
207
called on me, (for he was in the hahit of frequently calling at my house in Piccadilly,) I said to
him that I had seen a part of one of Junius' letters in manuscript, which I believed was his hand-
writing. He changed colour instantly, and, after a short pause, said, ' the similarity of hand-
writing is not a conclusive fact.' These were the first grounds of my suspicion."
In the same letter which contains these statements, Mr. Aim on also mentions that during the
time the prosecutions were going on against the printer and publisher of Junius' letter to the King,
Mr. Boyd never once called on him (Almon), although previously he had been in the habit, regularly,
of calling two or three times in the week. After the prosecution terminated, Mr. Boyd resumed his
usual custom of visiting the book-shop in Piccadilly as before. Almon also states that during the
publication of these letters the writer must have resided in London, which no gentleman of high
rank would have done for the space of three years continuously (1769-1772), for the mere gratifi-
cation of his political propensities. But Almon farther affirms that, of the many distinguished
persons to whom the letters were ascribed, none were annoyed by the imputation, simply because
it was baseless as regarded them ; whereas, when it was merely hinted that Mr. Boyd was Junius,
both he and his wife became seriously alarmed. Almon concludes by stating that Boyd concealed
his authorship of the Whig, and that very competent judges had frequently declared, to his know-
ledge, there were passages to be found in it, equal in eloqnence and power, to any portions of the
letters of Junius.
IV. Mrs. Boyd1 positively stated that her husband commenced to write for the Public Advertiser
at the close of the year 1768, and continued his contributions during all the period in which the
letters of Junius were being published in that paper. She affirmed that he never took in the paper
during those three years, but always made a point of seeing it somewhere else ; that he was in the
habit of placing his contributions not in Mr. Woodfall's letter-box, but in some penny post-office at
a distance ; that in their walks together he often asked her to post them, instead of doing so himself,
and that she very soon began to suspect that her husband and Junius were identical. In one letter,
No. 67, addressed to the Duke of Grafton, she was astounded to meet certain anecdotes respecting
Lord Irnham, Miss Davis, and Mr. Nisbit, one of her guardians, which she had communicated in
confidence to Mr. Boyd, and which she knew had been very carefully concealed by the parties
concerned.
V. On the 1 5th of April, 1 786, there appeared the following paragraph in the General Advertiser :
— " "W~ben Lord Macartney went to Madras, it is well known that Junius went with his lordship.
He made himself useful to his lordship by taking some speeches at the India House; no man had
ever a better memory, or a better knack at taking speeches than Junius. He is a native of Ireland,
» " Hugh MacAulay Esq., of the Parish of St. Paul, Covent day of December, 1767, by me, George Baxter." The bride-
Garden, Batchelor, and Frances Morphy, of this parish, groom had not attained his twenty-second year, and the bride
Spinster, were married in this church by License, this 29th was younger, beautiful, and not without a respectable dowry.
208
and received his education at the college of Dublin." Although Mr. Boyd is not mentioned here by
name his wife deemed it necessary to send a friendly message to the office of the paper, requesting
that no similar paragraph referring to her husband might be permitted to appear, as she feared such
notices would injure his interests in India. Not satisfied with this, she enclosed the paragraph to
Mr. Boyd, urging him to contradict it without delay, if not true, as he must be sensible that, should
such a report gain credit, it would materially injure his prospects. But this request, although
frequently repeated by her, was never complied with. Mr. Boyd replied to all the other portions
of her letters in order, but never alluded to the report, either to deny or acknowledge its truth.
As the paragraph stated, Boyd was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, and was remarkable
for his retentive memory. During his college days, he occasionally astonished his associates by
repeating speeches at full length, which he had heard spoken in the Irish House of Commons.
VI. John Murray, of Mui-raythwait, Esq., a leading magistrate and deputy-lieutenant of
Dumfriesshire, wrote as follows, on the 23rd of May, 1800: — " Colonel Diron, with whom I had
lately a good deal of conversation on the subject of the writer of Junius, informed me that he was
well acquainted with Mr. Boyd, at Madras, that he greatly admired his talents, as indeed everybody
else did, and had not the least doubt of his having written the letters signed Junius."
VII. M. Bonnecarrere was sent by the French Government on a confidential mission to India,
and whilst there, became acquainted with Mr. Boyd. They met frequently at the house of Sir
John MacPherson, and on one of these occasions, Boyd confidentially admitted, to his Erench friend,
that he was really the author of the letters signed Junius, but requested Bonnecarrere not to mention
the circumstance to any one for the present. Long afterwards, in the year 1802, Sir John
MacPherson and M. Bonnecarrere met again, in London, and the following reference to this question
has been preserved by Sir John: — "In one of Bonnecarrere' s visits to me, he saw the picture of
the late Mr. Hugh Boyd in my library. He inquired earnestly about him, as they had met at many
friendly parties at my house, in the year 1785, in Bengal. I told him that our worthy friend
Mr. Boyd was no more, and that he died in India. ' Then,' said Mons. Bonnecarrere, ' I am at
liberty to open to you a confidential declaration, which he made to me on an express condition, that
I should not mention it to you in his lifetime, viz.: that he teas the author of Junius' Letters.1
M. Bonnecarrere added, ' this communication took place one night that we remained alone at your
table, in the Government House, and he seemed most anxious that I should not mention the
fact to you.' "
Such, then, are some of the principal arguments which have been employed to identify
Junius with Hugh MacAulay Boyd, and although they do not amount to positive proof, they
at least supply "evidence to go to the jury in support of the affirmative." We leave the
matter simply as we found it, without venturing to express an opinion one way or other,
but protesting against the dogmatic style in which Boyd's qualifications as a writer have
209
been ignored, or disparaged, by some who had their own particular theories about Junius to
support. Such persons have probably never read Boyd's Whig, or his Freeholder, else they might
have wavered somewhat in the conclusion that he was incapable of writing the letters signed Junius.
It is believed that those among his intimate friends and associates who could form an opinion on
this subject did not hesitate to express their conviction that his literary powers and political infor-
mation peculiarly fitted him for such a work. Lord Macartney, although he did not believe that
Boyd was Junius, believed that he was quite capable of writing those now celebrated letters, and his
lordship's opinion on a question of ^this nature is important. — But enough. Our object was simply
to state the arguments, without pretending either to indorse or deny them.
Boyd left one son, Hugh Stuart Boyd, who also devoted himself to literary pursuits. He was
the author of the following works, viz.: — 1. Select Passages from the Works of St. Chrysostom,
St. Gregory Nazianzen, and St. Basil, translated from the Greek, 8vo, 1806. This publication was
noticed in the Edinburgh Review, vol. xxiv., pp. 58, 72. 2. A Selection from the Poems and Writings
of Gregory Nazianzen, translated, 8vo, 1814. 3. On Cosmogony, published in the Philos. Magazine,
1817. 4. Reflections on the Atoning Sacrifice of Jesus Christ, 8vo, 1817. 5. TJie Fathers not Papists,
with Discourses and other Extracts from their Writings, 8vo, 1834. Mr. Boyd died unmarried.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning was much indebted to his kindness for her education. From bim the
poetess derived principally her knowledge of the Greek language. She has devoted three sonnets
to the subjects of "His Blindness" "His Death, 1848," and "Legacies." The last is as follows : —
" Three gifts the dying left me, —Aeschylus,
And Gregory Nazianzen, and a clock,
Chiming the gradual hours out like a flock „
Of stars whose motion is melodious.
The books were those I used to read from, thus
Assisting my dear teacher's soul t' unlock
The darkness of his eyes. Now, mine they mock,
Blinded in turn by tears ! now, murmurous
Sad echoes of my young voice, years agone
Entoning from these leaves the Grecian phrase,
Return and choke my utterance. Books lie down
In silence on the shelf there, within gaze ;
And thou, clock, striking the hour's pulses on,
Chime in the day which ends these parting days /"
In a note, Mrs. Browning says — " There comes a moment in life when even gratitude and
affection turn to pain, as they do now with me. This excellent and learned man, enthusiastic for
the good and the beautiful, and one of the most simple and upright of human beings, passed out of
VOL. VIII. 2 D
210
his long darkness (he was blind) through death in the summer of 1848, Dr. Adam Clarke's
daughter and biographer, Mrs. Smith, (happier in this than the absent) fulfilling a doubly filial
duty as she sat by the death-bed of her father's friend and her own."
The old churchyard of Layd, near Cushindall, is still, and has been through many generations,
the family burial-place of the MacAulays of Glenville, and of many others of the same name and
race throughout the Glynns of Antrim.
(To be continued.)
EARLY IRISH CALIGRAPHY.
It is a remarkable fact, that the most important contribution ever made to the literature of the Irish
language was the work of a man who never set foot on Irish soil. A foreigner, a German, every
way alien to the genius and manners of the people of this country as they now are, found in Helvetia,
and other parts of the Continent, monuments of the Irish as they were a thousand years ago, and
with a magic hand, reconstructed their ancient language, — reviving lost usages, exposing corruptions
ofmodern growth, and handing over to the chief surviving representative of this great Celtic family
a rationale of their tongue as astonishing as it was unexpected. No Irishman, no matter how high
his attainments or brilliant his talents, could ever have achieved this splendid result with mere native
materials ; for, strange to say, Ireland is barren in early monuments of her own language. If we
except the Booh of Armagh, we have no manuscript containing vernacular matter of a date anterior
to a.d. 1100. The Liber Jli/mnorum, the Leabhar na h-Uidhre, the Book of Leinster, the Speckled
Book of MacEgan, the Books of Bally mote and Lecan, (all existing in the libraries of Trinity College,
Dublin, and the Royal Irish Academy,) are the chief and earliest repositories of our native literature.
No doubt, they contain compositions which lay claim to great antiquity: — the Amhra of Columcille,
the Hymn of Fiech, the Vision of Adamnan, and the Feilire of iEngus, profess to range from the
sixth to the ninth centuries; and the best authorities pronounce them to be of considerable antiquity,
even in their present form. But the philologist can detect in them cither the modernizing hands
of successive copyists, or the incurable corruption of ignorant transcribers. At home, succession
proved almost fatal to the ancient language : abroad, it was otherwise ; the matter once committed
to writing was not reproduced, for the great performances of the Irish on the Continent were
impulsive and intermittent ; hence, there were no new versions of old compositions, and the chances
were very great against the preservation of an Irish book. But when it did survive, it was read as
long as the contemporary or succeeding generation could employ it ; and then, when it became a
dead letter, its beauty as a curiosity, or veneration for it as a relique, effected its safe transmission to
future ages. With records of this class John Caspar Zeuss dealt ; they were not numerous, but they
b
o "3
i — i ra
.5
^ s
1
O u
w
I *
r H C3
Ph ^
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211
were of unquestionable antiquity, and exactly to the point ; so that, for philological purposes, their
parallelisms of Latin and Irish afforded a rich harvest of information.
Besides these productions of Irish scholars, there are others of Irish scribes scattered over the
Continent, which, though devoid of vernacular matter, are yet of the highest interest as objects of
literature and art. Of these, the larger portion is to be found in Switzerland, and especially in the
library of the abbey of St. Gall. From its contents our great Franciscan collectors, Fleming and Colgan,
drew largely in the seventeenth century; while the real development of its stores was reserved for
another distinguished foreigner, the Eev. Doctor Ferdinand Keller, of Zurich, who, having brought his
learning, judgment, and artistic skill to bear on the subject, placed before the literarj'- world, in the
Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich, (or, ' Communications of the Antiquarian
Society of Zurich,') for the year 1851, an essay upon the Irish manuscripts preserved in Switzerland,
accompanied by several plates of facsimiles, illustrative of early Irish writing and ornamentation.
The title of the commxmic&tionis Bilder und Schr if tziige in den irischen Manuscripten der schweitzerischen
Bibliothelcen, ('Illuminations and Fac-Similes from Irish Manuscripts in the Swiss Libraries.') Of this
tract, the following is a translation. In the ten years which have elapsed since its compilation, genuine
archaeology has made great advances inlreland; and there are a few statements which the learned author,
were he re- writing the essay with improved subsidiarymatter at hand, would be disposed to alter; but, as
a whole,itis an exceedingly valuable contribution to one chapter of Irish history; and it is matter of regret
that it has been allowed to remain so long inaccessible to the majority of archaeological students.
Dr. Keller's facsimile of the ancient design for the monastery of St. Gall, of the year 820, which
he published in Zurich, in 1844, was reproduced on a smaller scale, with the substance of his
memoir, by the Rev. Robert Willis, in the Archaeological Journal of 1840 (vol. v., pp. 85, 117);
and to this transfer Dr. Keller makes favourable allusion in a recent contribution to the same
periodical.
A further contribution to Irish literature was Dr. Keller's recovery, in 1845, of Dorbbene's
autograph of Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, which he found in the bottom of a book-chest in the
town library of Schaffhausen. It was his valuable service herein which led to the publication, by the
Irish Archaeological Society, of that important piece of early biography.
A comparison of the Irish manuscripts abroad with those at home, will show the same style
prevailing in all, — a style so well marked that it can never be mistaken. During the last century,
and even by some writers of the present day, this style has been designated Angh-Saxoyi, and the
accomplished Dr. Waagen has helped to perpetuate the misnomer. It is greatly to be regretted that
his critical eye was not brought to bear upon our Books of Kells, Durrow, and Armagh, and that,
instead, his judgment in this department was chiefly formed upon the model of St. Cuthbert's Gospels
in the British Museum. That beautiful manuscript, a legacy of the Anglo-Saxon Church, and
enriched with Anglo-Saxon matter, was very likely to mislead a stranger who was unacquainted with
212
its history, or to gratify a native who was inclined to magnify his country. But Dr. Keller had
hetter discrimination. With a well practised eye, and the knowledge that St. Cuthbert's church of
Lindisfarne was of Irish origin, he could account for the appearance of Irish art in the affiliated
Bchool ; and instead of designating an original family by the name of an adopted child, he preferred,
in truth and reason, to go back to the progenitor, and stamp, with the true name of Scone, all the works
which were either executed by himself or the children of his adoption ; ignoring, as a non-existence,
the so-called Anglo-Saxon school, and asserting the claim of Ireland to an early and glorious dis-
tinction, which was confessed by the father of English history, and never more significantly than
in his narrative of a Saxon noble, who " Hiberniam gratia legendi adiit, et bene instructus
patriam rediit." "W. Reeves.
ILLUMINATIONS AND FAC-SIMILES
FROM IRISH MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARIES OF SWITZERLAND,
Collected and Edited, with Notes, by Dr. Ferdinand Keller, of Zurich,
There is a subject which has hitherto received little attention, although, in a historical and artistic
point of view, well deserving our notice, namely, a small collection of Irish manuscripts lying
scattered through the Swiss libraries, some of them perfect, others only in fragments.
As the library of the monastery of St. Gall possesses most of these books, and has received them
directly from the hands of Irish monks, perhaps even from those of the writers themselves, we think
it proper, before entering into a detailed examination of the manuscripts, to institute a brief inquiry
as to the date of their execution, and of their presentation to this monastery.
In the Catalogue of the library of the monks of St. Gall, compiled in the first half of the
ninth century, the following books are recorded as being written in the Irish character. [Libri
Scottice scripti.1] : —
Metrum Juvenci, in vol. i.
Epistola) Pauli, in vol. i.
Actus Apostolorum, in vol. i.
Epistolsc Canonical vii., in vol. i.
Tractatus Bedae in proverbia Salomonis, in
vol. i.
Ezechiel propheta, in vol. i.
Evangelium secundum Johannem, in vol. i.
Enchiridion Augustini, in vol. i.
Item Juvenci metrum, in vol, i.
Apocalypsis, in vol. i.
Item Apocalypsis, in vol. i.
Metrum Sedulii, in vol. i.
De Gradibus ecclesiasticis, in vol. i.
(1.) See Weidmann's History of the Library of St. Gall. — from the name " Scotia" or "Scotia inferior," by which
St Gall, 1841, The term " Scotus" for an Irishman comes Ireland was designated in the Middle Ages.
213
Arithmetica Boetii, in vol. i.
Missalis, in vol. i.
Yita sci. Hilarii, in codicillo i.
Passio S. martyrum Marcellini et Petri.
Metrum Virgilii, in vol. i.
Eius glosa, in alter o.
Quaternio I. de inventione corporis sci. Stephani.
Quaternio I. de relatione translations sci.Galli
in novam ecclesiam.
Beda3 de arte metrica, in quaternionibus.
Instructio ecclesiastici ordinis, in codicillo i.
Liber i. Genesis, quaternionibus.
Actus Apostolornm et Apocalypsis, in vol. i.
veteri.
Quaternio I. in natali Innocentium legendus.
Orationes et sententige varise, in vol. i.
Orationes, in quaternionibus.
Expositio in Cantica Canticorum, in quater-
nionibus.
Item Eegum, quaternio i.
Item Evangelia II. secundum Jobannem,
Scottice scripta.
Prosperi epigrammata, in voluminibus duobus,
unum fuit Scotticum pusillum.
A question bere arises, tbe answer to whicb is of no small interest as regards tbe bistory of
scientific and artistic industry in the monastery of St. Gall, viz.: whether these books were written
by Irishmen residing on the spot, and at what period ? or whether we must consider all these MSS.
(as was certainly the case with some of them) to have been gifts which monks, passing through the
country, left behind them in the cell founded by their countryman ? If St. Gall was the place
where they were produced, the fact that these books were written, not in one, but in several different
centuries, (the 7th to the 9th,) would seem to prove that a spiritual connection was maintained
between the mother-convent in Ireland and its colony here, as can be shown to have existed between
several of the so-called Scottish monasteries;2 and that the early taste for literary and artistic per-
formances, such as caligraphy, miniature-painting, carving, and music, received encouragement and
assistance from those northern institutions which, in the 7th and 8th centuries, far excelled other
European monasteries in learning and civilization, and exercised, both directly and indirectly, a
healthy influence upon them.
Unfortunately, the oldest portion of the Register, drawn up by the monk Ratpert, gives us no
information whatever regarding either the arrival of the monks who constituted the monastery in
the first century of its existence, or their scientific capabilities. The writer only details the external
affairs of the abbey, and dwells upon a description of the wrongs whicb its spiritual republic
had to endure at the hands of the bishop of Constance, and of their long struggles before obtaining
the right of freely choosing their own abbot. The first notice of literary and artistic industry which
we meet with in the annals is in connexion with individuals whose names are of German origin.
"We find it remarked, for instance, that the abbot Waldo (elected in 782,) was a very distinguished
caligrapher. We have direct evidence of literary zeal in the eighth century, in the works still extant
written by learned monks, such as Winithar and Kero ; also in the fact that Wolfram and Abo wrote
(2.) Moore's History of Ireland, ii. 135.
214
some manuscripts, and that more than twenty monks wrote different documents during this century.3
In the ninth century, the notices relative to the state of learning among the monks of St. Gall become
more precise and full. It was in the fourth decennium of that century, during the rule of the vigorous
and wise abbot Gozbert, that the building of the new abbey took place, and that the institution
attained extraordinary prosperity after acquiring its privileges. In the new edifice provision was
made for a writing-room and a library ; and St. Gall, which had previously been ill provided with
books, obtained, in the course of twenty years, through the fostering care of this abbot, a library
which procured for the monastery a high reputation.
Many evidences exist to prove that frequent visits were paid to the abbey of St. Gall by
Irishmen.4 The first hint we receive of the presence of Irish monks there, as writers, is from the
title of one of the books mentioned above, written in Irish [Scotic] characters, but which, unfortu-
nately, no longer exists, namely : Quaternio 1 . de relatione translationis Set. Galli in novam ecclesiam.
Now, the removal of the remains of St. Gallus (here referred to) into the new and more splendid
tomb took place in the year 835. The name of the author of this composition is unknown; and it
is merely conjectured that it may be the work of Moengal, who did not enter the monastery till
after that year. It is most natural to suppose that the writer was himself an eye-witness of
the ceremony.
Although we seek in vain, among the oldest writings of the monastery, for any precise infor-
mation as to the presence and the performances of Irish monks, we find one of these foreigners
mentioned about the middle of the ninth century, with an explicit account of his abilities and merits.
The first pages of the Register, as continued by Ekkehard, which are devoted to a description of
the educational establishment of St. Gall, and of the performances and lives of those teachers who
gained for themselves undying celebrity by disseminating learning abroad and civilizing their contem-
poraries, make mention of an Irish monk as one of the most remarkable contributors to the renown
of the monastery at that epoch of its history. During the administration of abbot Grimald, about
the middle of the ninth century, the Irish bishop5 Marcus and his nephew, Moengal, (who after-
wards obtained the name of Marcellus, or little Marcus,) when returning from Rome, to which
they had made a pilgrimage, paid a visit to the monastery of St. Gall, which did not lie much out
of their way, and was connected with them by its nationality. The monks, eager for learning,
perceiving that Moengal was a man of rare erudition and superior cultivation, besought the travellers
to take up their permanent abode at St. Gall. The request was complied with, and the uncle and
(3.) See Von Arx, History of St. Gall; and Weidmann, existed at this time a custom in Ireland of raising pions
History of the Library of St. Gall. and exemplary monks to episcopal rank, without giving
(4.) " Scotigense pro se quo nidificant velut ipse (Gallus) them any fixed sees — " episcopi vagantes,"— of whom
Tanquam germani vivunt ibi compatrioti." Ekkehard, numbers were found on the continent in the Middle Ages."
Lib. Benedict, lib. iv., p. 244. Moore, ii., 137. — "In Hibernia episcopi et presbiteri
(5.) See Pertz, Monumenta Germanica, ii., 78. — " There unum sunt." Ekkehard, Lib. Benedict.
215
nephew, dismissing their retinues, spent the remainder of their days in the monastery. Of Marcu9
nothing farther is known than the date of his death, and that he bequeathed to the institution his
money, clothes, and books. Moengal became the director of what was called the Inner School, and
teacher of the boys who wore the cloister dress, and who were, for the most part, devoted from
their childhood to the monastic life. He was equally versed, as Ekkehard tells us, in theology and
polite literature ; and he instructed his pupils Notker, Ratpert, and Tuotilo, in the seven liberal
arts, as well as in music, of which he was particularly fond. Of his writings, none are now extant,
with the exception of some documents which he drew up in the years 854, 856, 857, and 860. In
the Obituary of St. Gall, we find his death noticed in the following terms : — " Departure of Moengal,
called also Marcellus, the most learned and excellent man."
Although we are not particularly told what kind of music Moengal taught, (church psalmody
had previously been introduced into St. Gall by a Roman ecclesiastic,6) yet from the praises bestowed
on the talents of Tuotilo, one of his pupils, we may infer, with tolerable certainty, what the nature
of his musical instruction was. Tuotilo was, it is said, unsui-passed in all kinds of stringed instru-
ments and pipes [fistulae], and gave lessons in playing on them to the sons of the nobility, in a
room set apart for him by the abbot. Performance on stringed instruments, and especially on the
harp, was, in fact, the very kind of music which, from the earliest times, was practised in Ireland,
where, in Moengal' s day, every freeman seems to have possessed a certain degree of skill in the art,
as is proved by many statements in the Irish chronicles.7
The next notice we meet with of Irishmen, distinctly mentioned as such among the learned
men of St. Gall, is in the second half of the tenth century. These are Failan and Clemens, both of
whom held office as instructors before the professors Notker (Labeo), Eudpert, Anno, and Erimbert,
who had all died of the plague on the same day, in the year 1022. Concerning their lives and
character, their general capabilities, and the special departments in which they distinguished them-
selves, nothing whatever is known. Failan died in 991.
Besides those now mentioned, there must have been other individuals of Irish origin who
gained lasting honour by promoting intellectual culture in St. Gall. This appears from some verses
written by an Irishman named Dubwin, in which the monks of St. Gall are reproached with looking
down with contempt on the men to whose ancestors the monastery owed its foundation, its renown,
and its wealth. He mentions Dubslan, Faelan, and Dubduin as men who had deserved well of St.
Gall. This Faelan is the professor already spoken of. Regarding Dubslan, we have no information.
To Dubduin is ascribed the laying out of the gardens of the monastery.8
(6.) See Pertz, Monumenta, ii., 102. sent round and his turn came to sing and play, in order
(7.) Thus Beda relates of the Anglo-Saxon Caedmon, not to have to take any part in secular music.
that this poet, who latterly composed and sung only spi- (8.) The lines, as printed in Von Arx's History of St.
ritual songs, used to leave the table when the harp was Gall, are as follows : —
216
No further mention of Irish monks occurs either in the annals of St. Gall or in any of the
manuscripts of the abbey which now remain. But in the Obituary, we meet with names which
undoubtedly belong to Ireland, such as Brendan, Adam, David, Melchomber, Fortegian, Eusebius,
Chinchon, Hepidan, &c. All the knowledge we possess concerning the share which Ireland had in
the intellectual advancement of the monastery is confined to the foregoing scanty notices.
In the year 883, the establishment of St. Gall entered into very intimate connexion with
another monastery inhabited exclusively by Irish. There had stood on the Yictorsberg [Victor's
Mountain,] near Eeldkirch, from the time when St. Victor suffered martyrdom on that spot, a
monastery, which during the same century was occupied by Scots, and which was, no doubt,
intended to serve as a hospice for Irishmen on their pilgrimage to Home. Possession of this monas-
tery had been granted by Charles le Gros to the monks of St. Gall, in the year above mentioned ;
and two years afterwards, the same Emperor made an arrangement that a hospice for twelve persons
journeying to Rome should be maintained out of the revenues of the property bestowed by him on
this institution. The union of the Scotic monastery with St. Gall took place at the request of the
Irishman, Eusebius, who lived thirty years as a recluse on the Victorsberg.9
The monastery of Reiehenau likewise numbered Irishmen amongst its members, as did also
that of Rheinau, which is indebted to Eindan, an Irishman, for its peculiar monastic rules. And,
generally speaking, there is hardly one of the older Benedictine establishments, at least in central
Europe, whose annals and necrologies do not make allusion to occasional visits of Irishmen.
While the Irish monasteries, especially in the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, were esteemed
as the most excellent educational institutions for the clergy, and seats of the sciences and arts, and
hence attracted from other countries persons desirous of learning, there arose, on the other hand, among
Irish monks an almost fanatical zeal for visiting the continental monasteries and holy places, parti-
cularly Rome ; for travelling as missionaries through those countries where the remains of paganism
still lingered ; or for spending their lives as anchorites in lonely regions. Not without reason does
"Walafrid Strabo observe,10 that to the Scoti " travelling was become a second nature."
Hi sunt insignes sancti quos insula nostra
Nobiles indigenas nutrivit Hibernia claros,
Quorum grata fides, virtus, honor, inclita vita
Has aulas, summasque domos sacravit amoenas.
Semina qui vitse Anglorum sparsere per agros,
Ex quis maturos convertis [ — titis] in horrea fructus.
Nos igitur fratres, una de stirpe creati,
His sumus ; imbeeilles miseros quos mente superba
Despicitis, proceres mundique tumentia membra!
Cum Christi pot ins debetis [ — eretis] membra videri,
Prudens hie pausat quin [utique] Gallus atque sepultus,
Ardens ignis Scotorum conscendit ad altos.
Dubslane meruit nomen, dignumque vocari.
Annue rex coeli me hie pro nomine Faelan
Dubduin hos ortos [hortos] fecit quicunque requiris,
Bessibus [versibus] labrisque canens, qui dixit amice.
(9.) See Neugart, N. Dxxxm. and dlhi. Pertz, Monum.
ii., 73.
(10.) " Quibus consuetudo peregrinandi jam poene in
naturam conversa est." Walafrid in Vita St. Galli, lib. ii.,
c.47.
217
The foundation of the abbey of St. Gall (anno 614,) occurred in the most flourishing period
of the Irish monasteries, the time when the Irish mission was awaking into life. The journies of
the island-monks were at first directed only to France, which, amid the continual struggles of its
rulers, was then sunk in barbarism and ignorance. Their object was, through the preaching of the
Gospel, to counteract the prevailing immorality, to efface the remains of heathenism which still
existed here and there,11 and to found educational institutions for clergy, who should be trained,
according to the rigid discipline of the Irish Colleges, in a total abnegation of the world, and solely
for the service of the Christian ministry.
The number of the Irish monks residing on the continent seems to have been greatest during
the 11th and 12th centuries. The motives of the emigration at that period were partly the literary
renown which various continental monasteries had acquired, and partly the unhappy condition of
Ireland itself, where, in consequence of internal wars and the incursions of the Danes, the safety of
the native monasteries was frequently endangered ; moreover, the wish to establish hospitals and
resting- stations for the Crusaders on their march through France and Germany. For this last-named
object, communities of Scotic monks were formed in almost every large city in Southern Germany,
and either new monasteries built for them, or old ones put in order.
We may insert here a few particulars regarding the external appearance of the Irish monks,
which occur in the MSS. of the abbey of St. Gall, and which remind us of some of the peculiarities
observable in the common people of Ireland at the present day. The Irish monks seldom travelled
otherwise than in companies. They were provided, as the people now are, with long walking-sticks,12
and also with leather wallets and flasks [ascopa, pera, capsella de corioj.13 They wore long flowing
hair, and they coloured [tattooed] M some parts of the body, especially the eye-lids. It is also stated
that they used waxed writing-tables [pugillares].15 They were expert in catching fish, like their
successors ; and, as appears from the biography of St. Gallus, betook themselves to this for their
sustenance when necessity demanded.
Although the Irish monks considered that they possessed the right of entry in the monastery
of St. Gall, it would seem, from the inference which may be drawn from the verses of Dubwin,
mentioned above, that this right was never admitted.
After what has been said, if we now inquire, what advantages did Ireland gain in subsequent
times from having founded that monastery? the answer will amount to this, that, although
a regular connexion between that country and St. Gall cannot clearly be proved, yet never-
(11.) Gregory of Tours, viii., xiv. habere." Epistola Ermenrki : " De pera Scottica jaciila
(12.) The shorter staff which the bishops carried was timent."
called " cambatta." See Life of St. Gall. (14.) Hattemer, i. 227 and 237: " Stigmata, signa, pictura
(13.) Hattemer's Denhniiler, i., 237: " Ascopam, i.e., in corpore, quales Scoti pingunt in palpebris."
flasconem similis utri de coriis facta, sicut solent Scottones (15.) " Pugillares Scotorum." Von Arx, p. 29.
VOL. VIII. 2 E
218
theless individuals from Ireland, led by chance, or being on a pilgrimage to the shrine of St.
Gallus, came to this establishment situated among the Alemannic Alps ; and by the force of their
religious tenets and monastic observances, (which in earlier times were peculiar to the Irish,)
assisted in establishing the renown of St. Gallus's cell, — a renown which this house of God enjoyed
to so great an extent in the first century of its existence ; that likewise other learned Irishmen, by
means of the books which they brought hither or transcribed on the spot, and still more by their
instructions in Greek, Rhetoric, and other subjects, contributed not a little to the formation of the
scientific character which distinguished this monastery among similar communities.
As for the artistic performances of the Irish, these are not mentioned specially by historians,
either because they were thrown into the shade by the literary merits of this people, or because the
Irish monasteries did not direct their efforts to acquiring distinction in that department. Music,
however, was cultivated by them as an art intimately connected with public worship,16 and they
seem to have promoted the practice of it as much as possible in their colonies. Harpers are repre-
sented on the most ancient sculptured stone crosses of Ireland, and pipers are introduced as decora-
tions of initial letters in MSS. of the 8th and 9th centuries. On the whole, the older historical
works of the Irish furnish us with numerous proofs of the attention bestowed on music in that
country at an earlier period. In caligraphy, a most important and bighly esteemed art in the
middle ages, they laboured, as we shall see, very early and with extraordinary success ; and their
productions in this department are even yet, in many respects, unsurpassed.17 "Westwood expresses
the opinion, that the style of penmanship which the Irish missionaries introduced on the Continent
was generally adopted there, and continued to prevail until the revival of art, in the 13th and 14th
centuries. So far, at least, as concerns the monastery of St. Gall, this assertion seems well founded.
If we inspect minutely the specimens of caligraphy of the Carlovingian period which are extant in
that place, we can detect, in the forms of many of the letters, particularly of the uncials, an imita-
tion of the Irish types, which lay before the writers in all their exquisite beauty. But a still
greater influence was exercised by Irish manuscripts, perhaps also by the teachings of the Irish
monks themselves, on the technicalities of this art, such as the manner of holding the pen, the prepa-
ration of the ink, and, indeed, the whole process of writing. At least, the principles which they
followed seem to have prevailed during the ninth and tenth centuries. The stimulus to the
caligraphic art thus received from foreigners so well skilled in it, will also explain the facts that
a zeal for book-writing showed itself so early at St. Gall, and that even in the ninth, but more
(16.) William of Malmesbury, in his Life of St. Duns tan , [or St. Davids] in 1070, his own son writes as follows :—
who was educated by Dishmen, says : " Arithmeticam cum «»«„_ , t * , ..
J ' J Exemplo patrum, commotus amore legendi,
geometria et astronomia ac musica diligenter excoluit. Ivit ad mbernos, Sophia, mirabile, claros ;
Harum scientiarum Hibernienses pro magno pollicentur." Sed cum jam cimba voluisset adire revectus,
(17.) Regarding Subgenus, who was bishop of Menevia Famosam gentem scripturis atque magistris, &c."
219
especially in the tenth and eleventh centuries, such men appeared there as Sintram,'8 Folcart, as
well as others throughout the entire German empire, whose exquisite performances were generally
admired and sought after as models.
Many of the letters which they employed, however, especially those of the cursive hand- writing,
and likewise their abbreviations and contractions, differed so essentially from those used in France,
that, so far at least as regards the form of penmanship, their style of writing did not continue to be
held in the estimation it deserved. Books written in the Irish character, becoming gradually incon-
venient for ordinary reading, must have been removed, at all events, from the altars as unsuitable.
Hence, the Irish Mass-books were re-written at a very early period ; and their works on classical
and dogmatical subjects came to be little used, and were marked in the catalogues as unser-
viceable [legi non potest, &c.].19
The strangeness of the Irish character, therefore, induced the Scoti who joined the monastery
to adhere, as far as possible, to the usual forms of letters employed on the Continent, as is proved
by the books written by Moengal, under the name of Marcellus.
That the Irish, at a very early period, even so soon as the fifth century, had made attempts in
designing and colouring, is shown (among other notices in Irish works,) by a passage in the Trias
[Thaumaturga], p. 523 : " Ecclesia Kildariensis stec. v. pictis tabulis et imaginibus depictis ornata."
A further proof is afforded by the miniature paintings which occur so frequently in Irish MSS.,
especially the Gospels. But, being removed beyond the reach of the remains of ancient art, and
outside the sphere of influence exercised by Byzantium on the aesthetic progress of the West, the
Irish, as we shall see hereafter, continued stationary in their own peculiar and rude style, and never
advanced even to mediocrity in artistic conception and representation. On the other hand, they
must be regarded as the inventors of a style of decoration at once highly fantastic and extremely
tasteful, the specimens of which, as far as artistic value is concerned, far excel mere paintings.
This seldom appears in the manuscripts of profane writers, but is seen in full development in their
Gospels, where the object of the artist was to inclose, in one luxuriant frame, the figures and the
initial letters, and, as it were, glorify them.
As was to be expected, the figure -painting of the Irish found no encouragement in St. Gall j
for, among the large number of miniature figures contained in the ancient manuscripts of the
monastery, we do not meet with a single one which bears the character of Irish conception, or
indicates its influence in any way.20 Mere embellishment was more attended to and esteemed. Not
only do we observe, here and there in the manuscript-ornaments of St. Gall, a tendency towards
(18.) " Omnis orbis Cisalpinus Sintrami digitos miratur. (20.) That the influence of Anglo-Saxon (Irish) painting
Scriptura, eui nulla, ut opinamur, par erit ultra." Ekke- was considerable also in France during the 9th century is
hard in Casibus S. Galli. Pertz. ii., 89. evident from Waagen's remarks on the miniatures executed
(19.) Concerning Irish writing see Traiti de Diploma- in that country in the time of the first Carlovingian
tique, iii., 377- monaichs, and now preserved in the library at Paris.
220
the Irish stylo, but we can detect an imitation of it in other monasteries to which Irish manuscripts
had found their way ; and, indeed, almost everywhere upon the continent, various Irish designs
in ornamentation were adopted and admired.
"We are unable to determine with accuracy what progress in architecture had been made by
the Irish monks ; because, during the foreign invasions, and the long period of intestine struggles
at home, their oldest buildings had mostly gone to ruin. But those which still exist, as, for
example, the numerous round towers, erected, according to Petrie, in the Merovingian and Carlo-
vingian periods, with their groups of churches [Seven Churches], the extensive ruins of the oldest
abbeys, the subterrannean vaults dating from an unknown period, the royal tombs, such as those in
the island of Iona, which, "bathed by the waves of the Atlantic, still continue to awaken the
wonder and serious contemplation of the traveller," are sufficient evidences that in this country
architecture had attained, at least in a technical point of view, to a high degree of cultivation ; and
that building in stone 8I (perhaps introduced there from the East) had been employed at a very
early period for public purposes to an extent which it had by no means reached in those times
throughout the northern part of the continent. Hence it is not improbable that Irish monks may
have been actually employed in erecting the new buildings for the monastery of St. Gall, in the
first half of the tenth century; a conjecture, however, which is not supported by any positive docu-
mentary evidence in the annals of the abbey.
Frequent mention is made in the oldest manuscripts of Ireland of the plastic art, of sculpture,
and of casting,22 as being practised by the ecclesiastics. Many passages prove that they were very
skilful in the manufacture of church-furniture, and that they produced " campanas, cymbala,
baculos, cruces, scrinia, capsas, pixides, calices, discos, altariola, chrismalia, librorum coopertoria,"
which were adorned with gold, silver, and gems; likewise "regna, coronas, &c," of peculiar
richness and value, for the decoration of churches, altars, and holy shrines. Prior to the irruption
of the Northmen, almost every Irish church of any note was provided with a costly reliquary, and
a ' cumhdach,' i.e. a case made of embossed bronze or silver, enclosing a beautifully written copy
of the Gospels.
According to his view, the French pictures nsed in embel- genuine Irish miniatures in one of the Gospels now in the
lishing manuscripts at that period may be divided into two Library at Paris, written before the year 730, are described
kinds, as regards colouring and style of treatment. In the in this work at p. 141.
one, the ancient principles are found still predominating. (21.) Petrie (Transactions of the Boyal Irish Academy)
In the other, we can perceive a decided influence of barbaric shows that, so early as the 5th and 6th century, lime mortar
Anglo-Saxon [Irish] art. In the colouring, a dazzling was used in buildings, having probably been introduced
variety — transparent colouring, such as light yellow, violet, by Christian missionaries.
verdigris — hard sketching with the pen, and illumination (22.) The artistic ability of a certain Conla, who lived in
merely with local colour — ornaments composed of fantastic the 5th and 6th century, and was a distinguished ' aurifex '
animals — heads of birds, dogs, biting dragons, and interlaced and ' eerarius,' had become proverbial. [ Transactions of the
bands. See Waagen's Kunstwerhe in Paris, p. 244; some Boyal Irish Academy, vol. 20, p. 200.]
221
With regard to the ornaments which embellish these different objects, a close inspection shows
us that, with trifling exceptions,23 they exhibit quite the spirit of the miniature style of decoration,
and repeat the serpentine intertwinings, the spirals, the broken stripe-ornaments, and especially the
strange extended monsters like dogs ; more rarely human figures, and scenes from the Holy Scriptures.
Among the most remarkable sculptured monuments may be mentioned the numerous stone
crosses which still exist, and whose decorations, cut in relief, are very characteristic of ancient Irish art.24
That Irishmen appeared at St. Gall as teachers of these arts may be conjectured, but cannot
be proved.
IRISH MANUSCRIPTS.
After these introductory remarks, we will now proceed to a closer examination of the Irish
writings, and of their caligraphic and pictorial embellishments, prefacing this with a few observa-
tions on the materials which were used for the purpose in Ireland.
And first, as regards the material employed by the Irish for their books. Their parchment, as
compared with that made use of in France from the seventh till the tenth century, is, for the most
part, much thicker. It is often finely polished, but more frequently is horny and dirty. On the
whole, they do not appear to have attained much perfection in the preparation of the skins with
which they were supplied by their goats, sheep, and calves. That they were not very lavish in the
use of their parchment is shown by the number of perforated leaves that occur in their books.
In the more ancient Irish manuscripts, a kind of thick ink has been used, which is extremely
remarkable for its blackness and durability. It often resists the action of chemical tests of iron,
and seems not to have been made of the ingredients commonly used for the purpose. The red
colour, which is so often met with, is mixed with a thick varnish, (or gummy substance,) which
has preserved it not only from sinking in, bat also from fading. Several colours, such a3 the yellow,
for instance, are laid on transparent, and very thin and fluid ; others have a thick body, consisting
of a triturated earth, or some skilfully prepared material, and a strong binding medium. There is
a passage in one of Beda's works, in which he speaks highly in praise of the beautiful colours pre-
pared in Ireland, and especially of the brilliancy and permanence of the red.25
(23.) For instance, the reliquary called the Domnacli lizards, serpents, and looped bauds, quite in the style and
Airgid, figured in the Transact, of the R. I. Acad, xviii. 1. spirit of Irish miniature decoration. That the Irish taste in
(24.) Crosses, for the most part made of granite, exist in art spread itself also over Britain at an earlier period, and
Ireland, according to Westwood, to the number of some was long adhered to by Anglo-Saxon artists, is quite
hundreds ; in Iona, where there were still remaining 360 of undeniable .
them in the second half of the 18th century; likewise in (25.) " Sunt et cochleae [i.e., on the Irish coasts] satis
Wales and Cornwall. They were ornamented with figures superque abundautes, quibus tinctura coccinci coloris
in relievo, representing bishops and other personages, as conficitur, cujus ruber pulcherrimus nullo unquam solis
also with sentences from the Holy Scriptures ; the whole ardore, nulla valet pluviarum injuria pallescere, sed quo
being encompassed with a frame formed by interlacing vetustior est, solet esse venustior."
222
The extraordinary neatness of the hand -writing, and its firm character, have led several English
antiquaries to express opinions as to the writing-instruments which were used hy the Irish monks.
The notion that they employed extremely sharp metallic pens, is quite untenable; it is much more
natural to suppose, on the contrary, that their writing implements were neither reeds nor skilfully
formed tools, but the quills of swans, geese, crows, and other birds. Proof of this is furnished by
several pictures in Irish books: as, for instance, in the representation of St. John in the Book of Kells,
one of the oldest and most beautiful of the Irish MSS., where the Evangelist is delineated holding
in his hand a pen, on which the feather can be clearly perceived.
The ink-stand, which may be seen in many of the pictures, is remarkable for its great simpli-
city : being a slender conical cup, fastened either to the arm of the chair, or upon a small stick on
the ground.
PENMANSHIP.
As has been already intimated, the character in which the earliest Irish MSS. are written (such
as the Hymn of St. Patrick, the oldest specimen of the Irish language, and attributed to the fifth
century,) is pretty nearly the same as that employed in Latin MSS. of the Romance countries, belong-
ing to the fifth and sixth centuries. "Westwood shows that the letters so long supposed to be pecu-
liar to the Irish and Anglo-Saxons (round-hand as well as running-hand,) occur in almost exactly
the same forms in the oldest Lombardic and Gallic manuscripts. The Irish hand-writing appears
in two different forms, varying as regards their use, namely: the minuscule, or round-hand, and
the more angular running-hand. The former exhibits several varieties. One of these, the form of
round-hand which is seen in the Gospels of Lindisfarne, St. Chad, and those of St. Columba, in
Dublin, as also in the Missal of St. Columbanus, at Milan, approaches the round uncial writing ;
while another small and delicate style of letter, such as appears in the Leabhar Dimma, the Book of
Armagh, and the Gospels of MacDurnan, has more analogy to the running-hand.
The character of the uncial writing, from the roundness and graceful curve of the lines, acquires
a softness very pleasing to the eye, as contrasted with the Prankish style, which presents more
angularity, gradually passing into the stiffness and abruptness of what is called the Gothic style.
Moreover, the symmetry of this kind of hand- writing is remarkable, as exhibited in the distance of
the several letters from each other, and in their well proportioned height. The shading and tinting
of the different letters is also managed with much skill and taste. The running-hand, for which a
tolerably elastic pen was used, seems, notwithstanding its regularity, to have been written with
freedom and ease. The large hooked rectangular broken letters [literse quadratas angulosae] which
are introduced for variety, occur only in the initial words of chapters, and seem in some respects
peculiar to the Irish.
The Irish Runic or Ogham character, which is often met with on stone monuments, as in
inscriptions upon tombs, and was sometimes also used in writing and counting, though chiefly as a
cipher, consists of perpendicular and slanting strokes arranged on a horizontal line.
223
On the whole, it must be admitted that Irish caligraphy, in that stage of its development
which produced the examples contained in the accompanying Plates, had attained a high degree of
cultivation, which certainly did not result from the genius of single individuals, but from the emula-
tion of numerous schools of writing, and the improvements of several generations. There is not a
single letter in the entire alphabet which does not give evidence, both in its general form and its
minuter parts, of the sound judgment and taste of the penman.
In the oldest manuscripts of the "West which have come down to us, we already find the initial
letter, or the first line of the work, and of each new chapter, written in a larger hand, and occa-
sionally with some ornaments. In the sixth and seventh centuries, the distinction of the initial
words becomes still greater, and they sometimes appeared in variegated colours. This art of cali-
graphic decoration was carried to its greatest extreme by the Irish scribes. In their manuscripts
the initials often reach an enormous size ; and the interlacings of bands, serpents, and lizards, which
are quite peculiar to them, are exhibited with a fineness, sharpness, and elegance of execution, and
a complication, which borders on the incredible.
In contrast to the style of the Continent, no Irish manuscripts are written on coloured parchment,
nor with silver ink. Instead of this, the interior portions of the letters are variously coloured, as on
the Continent, and the strokes are surrounded with red points or dots. Another peculiarity is that,
as already remarked, the first words stand out in huge rectangular broken letters, which are
frequently drawn into one another, and placed unconnectedly, so as to be hardly intelligible.20
The letters at the end of the line, when space is wanting, are often joined together in the
oddest manner.
ORTHOGRAPHY.
"With respect to Orthography, the Irish books written in the Latin language present various pecu-
liarities, as well as oversights and errors. The letters o and u are often confounded, as in diahdu*}
for diabolus ; f put for ph, as in far ism, prof eta ; bt instead of pt, as babtizo, scribtura ; v for b, and
the reverse, as gravatum for grabatum ; i instead of y, as Aegiptus, and so on. Examples of faults
in orthography are: Cessar, tent at io, thensaures, torcetur, (for torquetur,) locititr, (for loquitur,)
consulari, (for consolari,) delussus, (for dehisus,) &c. Prepositions and particles are almost always
joined to the words to which they belong. Three dots (v) mark a period ; two dots and a comma (. . , )
a semicolon ; and one dot at half the height of the letters is a comma.
The following notices show how early the caligraphic art flourished in Ireland. Dagams,
abbot of Inniskeltra, who died in the year 587, (ten years before the death of Columba,) is mentioned
as " scriptor librorum peritissimus." Ultan, who died in 655, was also renowned as a caligrapher,
(26.) See Plate 2 of Fac-Similes.
224
as we learn from a metrical epistle of Ethelwolf's to Egbert, who was staying in Ireland for the
purpose of collecting manuscripts —
" Ex quibus est Ultan prseclarus nomine dictus,
Comptis qui potuit notis ornare libellos."
Leland says still more distinctly of Ultan, that he wa3 " scriptor et pictor librorum peritissimus."
Assicus, the first bishop of Elphin, was likewise distinguished as a clever illuminator of manu-
scripts: " Assicus sanctus episcopus, et Bite, filius Assici, fecerunt sacros codices quadrangulares."
"We learn from Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, written about the end of the seventh
century, that Anglo-Saxon monks also practised the art of illumination in the monastery of Iona :
"Religiosus frater, Genereus nomine, Saxo pictor, opus pictorium exercebat in Iona conver-
satus insula."
ORNAMENTATION.
In the old Irish manuscripts, the arabesque leaf-bordering represents an arch supported by two
pillars, (which we meet with also in the oldest MSS. of the West,) forming, as it were, a frame in
which the figures of Scripture personages and others, or else the initial word of the text, are inclosed;
a style of ornament which was retained in church paintings till the end of the sixteenth century,
and even later. Sometimes these borders extend over only a part of the page, sometimes over the
whole. In the former case, the border-ornament generally represents a gigantic animal, whose
head is placed at the top, and its feet at the bottom, of the page ; in the latter, the design is divided
into several compartments, which are filled up with a multiplicity of fantastic forms. In some
manuscripts the whole page is a mosaic of different little designs, displaying great artistic skill and
immense industry.
The principles of Irish ornamentation consist : —
1. In a single band or a number of bands, interlaced diagonally and symmetrically, so as to
form by their crossings a great variety of different patterns. In the language of ordinary life, such
an ornament is called with us "Zweifelstricke," (literally 'doubtful bands').
2. In one or two extremely fine spiral lines, which wind round each other, and meet in t^e
centre, while their ends run off again, and form new spirals.
3. In various representations of animals resembling birds, lizards, serpents, and dogs, which
are often stretched out lengthwise in a disagreeable manner, and interlaced with each other, while
their tails and tongues are drawn out into bands.
4. In a row of broken diagonal strokes, which form different systems of lattice-work, resembling
some kinds of Chinese ornaments.
5. In panelling, generally composed of triangular compartments or other geometrical figures,
which represents a kind of draught-board, or a mosaic of variegated stones.
225
All these ornaments are usually distributed in well-defined compartments. In the initial
letters, especially the larger ones, the genius of Irish ornamental design is found in full develop-
ment, and brought to a degree of beauty and precision of execution of which it is almost impossible
to form an idea without having seen it. Here are displayed, in the greatest profusion and variety,
the spirals, the complicated serpentine windings, and the panelling; in short, the designer has
expended his whole skill and knowledge in producing these gigantic initials, whose height is often
from 10 to 15 French inches! The most difficult task in these patterns is, without doubt, the
spiral lines. These are real master-pieces, which furnish a splendid proof of the extraordinary
firmness of hand possessed by the artist.
Every one of the larger initial letters is a rich and systematically planned composition, the
closer examination of which becomes a kind of study in itself, if we would wish to follow the ideas
of the designer, and account for the impression he aimed at producing on the observer.
In all these ornaments there breathes a peculiar spirit, which is foreign to the people of the
"West : there is in them a something mysterious which imparts to the eye a certain feeling of uneasi-
ness and suspense. This is especially the case with those frightful-looking, monstrous figures of
animals, whose limbs twist and twine themselves into a labyrinth of ornaments, where one can
hardly resist the natural impulse to search for the other parts of their bodies, often nearly concealed,
or passing into different strange creatures. The variety of these forms of ornament, -with their
luxuriant development, often extravagant, but sometimes uncommonly delicate and lovely, could
not possibly have been the creation of a fancy, which derived its nourishment and its stimulus from
natural objects so devoid of colour and form as present themselves in the North of Ireland, and in
the rocky islands of the West of Scotland. They must have originated in the East, or at least have
their protot}-pcs there. That the Irish system of ornamentation does actually find an analogy in
Eastern countries is proved by the illustrations published by C. Knight, in a small work on Egypt.
We there find the serpentine bands of the Irish ornaments appearing already in the oldest Egyptian
and Ethiopian manuscripts, and with a similarity of colour and combination truly astonishing.
Very remarkable also, as appears to us, is the resemblance of the Irish minute decorations to
the ornaments on the shields of the broad girdle-clasps (fibulas) found by the French and Swiss
antiquaries in graves, — Avhcther Christian or heathen, Celtic, Roman, or German, we will not heie
stop to discuss. On the iron articles of this description we observe the very same patterns executed
in inlaid silver-plate or filigree, viz., intertwining of bands, trellis- work, and panelling ; on the
bronze ones there occur the heads and convolutions of serpents, — in short, the very same objects
which characterize Irish decorative art.
The accuracy and extraordinary delicacy of drawing which appear in all these ornaments have
given rise to the supposition that the artist-scribes might have employed stamps. But on a closer
inspection, small defects and mistakes are discovered, which prove incontestably that these embel-
VOL. VIII. 2 F
226
lishments were executed by the hand alone. Probably all patterns were first carefully traced out
and arranged, and afterwards executed with an extremely sharp pen, which was at the same time
very elastic, as is evident from the graceful swelling and thinning of the strokes. One circum-
stance still remains unexplained — that in many of the drawings the lines appear impressed in
the parchment, so that they are visibly raised on the opposite side of the leaf. But perhaps
a metallic pencil was used in sketching out the figures, in the same way as it was for ruling
the sheets.
FIGURES.
So far as we know, it was Hickes27 who first drew attention in England to Irish painting, by
publishing a copy of a figure of St. Luke, which he had discovered in an ancient manuscript ; not
anticipating, indeed, that this kind of miniature-painting had originated among the Irish, and was
peculiar to that people. Mone, however, clearly recognized the work of an Irish artist in the
figure of the evangelist Matthew, which ho remarked in a St. Gall manuscript, and of which
he has given a close facsimile. \_Anzeiger, Jahrgang iii., p. 421.] "The manuscript from which
the figure is taken belongs," he says, "to the eighth century, and represents a holy man
engaged in writing, to whom an angel is bringing a writing tablet. On the back of the chair
is fixed an ink-stand, into which he dips a metal or reed pen, while he holds another pen in his
left hand. A bundle of pens is seen hanging by the side of the chair. Even at the first glance,
the drawing appears striking and odd, especially the execution of the angel's wings. The figure
has been drawn by an Irish monk, and I have published it in order to give a specimen of this kind
of sketching, and to compare its character with that of the old Prankish. In the MS. illuminations
with which I am acquainted, the Irish style of drawing possesses the following characteristics: —
1. Sharp and distinct outlines; 2. The curved lines are firm and sure, and the artists have avoided
all unpleasing interruptions of them; 3. With this firm drawing of the curved lines is connected
the circumstance that the heads of human figures are represented as almost circular. This has arisen
probably from the shape of the head and face in the Celtic race, so that we may venture to regard
these circular faces as national portraits of the Celtic people ; 4. The faces have the eyes widely
opened, making nearly the whole eye-ball visible. These large eyes impart to the heads a frightful
and ghostlike appearance; 5. The details of the small embellishments, birds, &c., are executed with
even painful care, rendering the effect stiff and formal."
That profound connoisseur in ancient manuscript miniature -work, Dr. G. F. "Waagen, during
a residence in England, subjected Irish painting to a careful scrutiny and investigation, though he
has considered it as the production of Anglo-Saxon art. Having before his eyes the so-called
" Cuthbert-book," (an old Irish manuscript furnished with numerous miniatures, which is preserved
in the British Museum,) he expresses himself as follows, regarding the peculiarities of the figures
which it contains : —
(27.) Ling. Vet. Thesaurus, Pnef., p. 8.
227
" The paintings in this Anglo-Saxon MS. have a most barbarous appearance, but, of their kind,
are executed with the greatest technical skill. Of the Byzantine models, there only remain the
conceptions, the kind of costumes, and the forms of the chair. Instead of the broad, but antique,
style of treatment in water-colours with the brush, by which shadows, lights, and half-tints are
produced, here all the outlines are very neatly done with the pen, and the actual local colours
merely touched in, so that all appearance of shadow is wanting, except in the eye-sockets and alono
the nose. The faces are perfectly lifeless, and treated merely as patterns in caligraphy. The fold3
of the drapery are represented in colours entirely different from that of the drapery itself : thus iu
the green mantle of St. Matthew, they are vermillion ; and it is only in the general design of the
dress that there is any meaning, for in minor details, the lines are inserted quite arbitrarily and
mechanically. "Where caligraphic dexterity is insufficient, as in the borders embellished with a kind
of looped band- work, and in the initial letters, fineness and steadiness of drawing have been carried
to an incredible perfection ; and the devices of intertwined ornaments, having often dragons' heads
interspersed, are not only ingenious but extremely elegant. Moreover, the clear transparent colours
of the band- work, — light yellow, rose-colour, violet, blue, and green — produce a most pleasing effect
on the black ground : indeed, these decorations, for neatness, precision, and fineness of execution,
surpass every specimen I have seen of such ancient remains of art among the continental nations.
Among these colours, which are often very thickly laid on, only the red and blue are, properly
speaking, opaque. But all the colours are as fresh as if the painting had been done yesterday. Gold
is only used in very small particles. Such a high cultivation of the purely technical part, at so
early a period, with the total absence of all knowledge of the figurative part which forms the true
and the higher element of art, is certainly peculiar and remarkable. This MS. furnishes a proof
with what care painting was practised (after their own fashion) by these English monks who distin-
guished themselves, by their learning and their zeal, in the spread of Christianity in the seventh
and eighth centuries."
What is here said applies not merely to the figured illustrations in the manuscript alluded to,
but to those of Irish manuscripts generally. As regards the representation of the human figure, it
strikes the observer at the first glance that the designer of these drawings aimed chiefly at symmetry,
which is manifest not only in the flow of the drapery, but in the disposition of the hair, the feet,
hands, and other parts of the bod}'. In most cases, the left side of the figure corresponds exactly
with the right ; and in consequence of this, the picture has very much the appearance of carved
work unskilfully executed, such as is frequently to be seen on wainscoting and furniture of the
middle ages. In order to attain this architectural uniformity, the figures, therefore, are nearly all
given in front view. They are human forms, but stiff and lifeless ; and as the painter did not aim
at truth and correctness, still less at elegance of delineation, the proportions of all the parts of the
body are quite neglected. Sometimes the head is immoderately large in proportion to the body ;
228
sometimes the feet and hands much too small, and the legs too short. The latter, as well as the
arms, are indeed mostly covered by the drapery, hut their existence is not indicated by any disturb-
ance of the folds ; and wherever they do appear visible, they are badly drawn and deformed. I he
hands, with their long fingers extended parallel to each other, are devoid of all articulation, and
are merely treated as portions of an ornamental design : they arc often so incorrectly drawn that
tho inside seems turned outwards. The toes of the two feet have frequently their extremities turned
in tho same direction, and, by the manner in which they are drawn, show that the painter was
totally ignorant of the art of fore-shortening. The face, usually round, is quite devoid of expression.
The eyes arc almost always too large, and the nostrils are drawn as if seen from below. The mouth
and ears have no character, and arc merely like ornaments. The hair of the head is long, and flows
down over the shoulders, usually divided into snake-like ringlets, and the beard is often treated in
a similar style.
As regards the dress, no special or peculiar costume, such as tho Anglo-Saxon, is recognisable
in these pictures. All the figures Avear an under -dress (tunic), and a mantle of some very thick
stuff, which hangs down over the person in large wrinkled folds, while in the under garment, the
patterns are either not given at all, or only on the border. In some pictures one might be led
to believe that the dress consists of an under-garment and a frock, approximating to the costume of
a priest. As coverings for the feet, we find shoes, and occasionally sandals. The stripes which
run alongside of the heavy black lines that indicate the folds are very singular, as also the man-
ner in which they are ornamented with rows of dots and floriations. One exception to the dress
here described is met with in that of Christ on tho cross. In all the pictures he appears wrapped
after the manner of a mummy, in long stripes of cloth, out of whish project the naked arms and
legs. Christ and the apostles, and sometimes also the angels, are furnished with a nhribus. The
heads are almost always bare : in some pictures, however, may be observed a strange-looking, turban-
like cap, tapering upwards to a point. The arm-chairs (sometimes plain, sometimes decorated with
lions'-heads) on which the figures are seated in a very stiff posture, are quite similar to those which
are to be seen in other miniature paintings of the period.
Of perspective and fore-shortening, as we have already said, there is no trace to be found in
these pictures. This is shown by the drawing of tho chairs just mentioned; and is still more
strikingly evinced by the wings of the angel, who is represented in side view.
The drawing in these pictures is always executed in sharp outline, and with black ink ; no
shading or rounding off by strokes of the pencil or brush are any where apparent ; and the whole
picture is flat, not the smallest attempt at distinguishing light and shade being perceptible. The
colouring in these pictures is still less to be admired than the drawing. The figure appears divided,
as it were, into a great many fields, by sharply defined limits ; and the painter has taken occasion to
229
display his stock of colours, quite regardless of their proper application to the different parts. His
sole object has been to give to the picture a brilliant and porcelain-like effect, and to delight the eye
with a variegated play of bright, dazzling colours, by the exhibition, as it were, of numerous little
mirrors. Thus, in the same figure, not merely the several portions of the dress, but even the dif-
ferent parts of the body, are painted with different tints ; for example, the hair and legs blue, and
the arms reddish-brown. This harlequin appearance is rendered still more striking by introducing
whole rows of regularly arranged dots — white, red, or blue — upon the flat surface, such as the
nimbus, portions of the dress, and elsewhere.
Eot less remarkable than the representation of the human form are the pictures of animals
mentioned in the Bible. These differ totally, in their conception, from the representations which
are met with in Carlovingian manuscripts of the same period ; and, like the Irish ornaments, are
executed with the greatest care, and with astonishing fineness of outline.
Low as the grade of art is which these (we might almost call them childish) productions pre-
sent to our eyes, wherein not a trace of the conceptions and technical science of the ancients can be
discovered, still they possess a high interest, inasmuch as they suggest the inquiry where and in
what period we are to seek for the origin of this singular style of painting ? If Ave contemplate the
limited range of this Irish pictorial art, in its delineation either of actual existences or of fantastic
creatures, such as we find it in the numerous manuscripts recently discovered, it cannot be denied
that a certain peculiar style is manifest, which maintained itself for soveral centuries without change,
and which came to be a fixed criterion from which no artist ventured to deviate ; and, moreover,
(and this is especially worthy of notice) that its earliest productions are unquestionably the most
perfect, whereas the latest specimens indicate the decline of the art. Hence we are obliged to
assume that there had been a previous period of development of this style, which we find in
Irish manuscripts to have reached its acme of perfection, and which presents no appearance of
transition. If, as 0' Donovan has shown, the execution of the Book of Kells, the Irish manuscript
which is most distinguished for its writing and illumination, is to be referred to the sixth century,
then certainly, in our opinion, the time which elapsed between the introduction of Christianity into
Ireland and the appearance of Irish art is much too short. to permit our assuming that this art had
formed itself into such an established type during the interval. Moreover, its spirit seems altoge-
ther foreign to northern Europe. "We are therefore compelled, in seeking for its original birth-place,
to turn our eyes in another direction, namely, towards the East, and to keep in view the old con-
nexion between Ireland and Egypt. If it be a fact that the text of all those religious works, in
which artistic embellishment is brought to perfection, points to Alexandria as its source, we must
necessarily seek there for its prototypes. Undoubtedly, the similarity in the delineation of figures,
and especially of Scriptural animals, to the Egyptian fresco-paintings is very striking. The swathed,
mummy-like figures of Christ ; the treatment of the eyes, hands, and feet, the manner of delineating
230
the wings, but above all, the representations of eagles, lions, and oxen, breathe so completely an
Egyptian spirit, that we have every right to regard Egypt as the cradle of Irish art. This affinity
exhibits itself no less clearly in the style of colouring. In Egypt we meet again with the unshaded
surfaces filled up with dots, the divisions like mosaic -works, and the showy variety of colours; the
entire absence of middle-tints and rounding off of forms : in short, the constant endeavour to produce
a surprising effect, without regard to correctness.
Just as early Christian art in Italy could elaborate nothing out of its own resources, but, from
the commencement, formed itself after the spirit and model of classic art, so it was natural that the
Alexandrian Christians could not divest themselves of the influence of Egyptian art. Indeed, it is
probable that artists who worked after the Egyptian taste were employed in embellishing Christian
manuscripts. Productions of theirs, which found their way to Irish monasteries either through
missionaries or through the intercourse between western and Egyptian monks, were, no doubt,
imitated there. These gave the first impulse to that art which prevailed in Ireland for a couple of
centuries without either rising or falling, and which, in its turn, (as Westwood and "VVaagen have
shown,) exerted a marked influence on artistic development on the Continent.
It is matter of history that, even after the destruction of the libraries in the reign of the
Emperor Theodosius, Alexandria continued to be a seat of learning and education ; and that this
city possessed schools which were resorted to by physicians and philosophers from the "West. There
was also there a fraternity of persons who were styled Caligr -a pliers, because they transcribed books
(no doubt both sacred and profane) in beautiful characters.
According as science and art declined continually more and more at Alexandria, the Greeks
relinquished gradually the practice of caligraphy to the natives or Copts, as indeed they did gene-
rally that of all kinds of industry and handicraft.
Direct evidence of the sojourn of Egyptian monks in Ireland is afforded by the ancient book
called Leabhar Breac, written in the Irish language, and of which a Latin translation has been pub-
lished. It is preserved in the library of the Royal Irish Academy, and enumerates a great many
ecclesiastics who had immigrated from foreign countries to Ireland, and who were buried there.
Among these we find " Septem monachos iEgyptios qui jacent in Disert-Ulidh." The connection
of Ireland with Egypt is further proved by the fact that the original arrangement of the Irish
monasteries was framed precisely after the model of the Egyptian ones ; and that in the early
ages of Christianity, even the eastern custom of dwelling in caves was imitated by numerous
ascetics in Ireland.
(To be continued.)
231
ANTIQUAEIAN NOTES AND QUERIES,
The following instructions have been issued
from the Home Office, to the local authorities
throughout England and "Wales : —
" Whitehall, Aug. 27, 1860.
" SlE,
I am authorized by Secretary Sir George
Lewis, to inform you that the Lords Commis-
sioners of the Treasury have been pleased to
authorize the payment, to finders of ancient
coins, gold and silver ornaments, and other
relics of antiquity in England and "Wales, of the
actual value of the articles, on the same being
delivered up for behoof of the Crown ; and I am
to request that you will instruct the police officers
of your county to give notice of the instructions
of her Majesty's Government, and to inform all
persons who shall hereafter make discoveries of
any such articles, that on their delivering them
to the sheriff, they will receive from the Treasury
rewards equal in amount to the full intrinsic
value of the articles. In all cases where it shall
come to the knowledge of the police that such
articles have been found, and that the persons
having found them refuse or neglect to deliver
them up, Sir George Lewis desires that measures
may be taken for their recovery, and that infor-
mation may be forwarded to him.
"I am, Sir, &c,
G. Olive."
Lady-like Oktuogkaphy r>T ran Olden Time.
— Whilst going round the monuments in West-
minster Abbey, I cast my eye on that erected to
the memory of the great statesman, Sydney,
Earl of Godolphin, by his daughter-in-law, the
wife of the succeeding Earl : and was amazed at
the quantity of bad spelling in the inscription.
The following is a literal transcript, with all the
peculiarities of orthography, punctuation, capital
letters, &c: —
SIDNEYE, Earl of GODOLPHIN Lord
High Treasurer of Great BRITTAN
and Chief Minister Dureing
the first Xine Glorious years
of the Reign of Queen ANN.
he Dyed in the year 1712
the 15 day of Sept. Aged 67.
and teas Hurried near this
Place to whose Mcmmory this
is offerd tcith the ittmost
Gratitude affection and Honour
by his much obliged Daughter
in Law
HENRIETTA GODOLPHIN".
As this inscription is manifestly of her ladj-skip's
own composition, it gives us some idea of the sort
of education that was thought good enough for a
Countess, 150 years ago. Ekigexa.
MacGilliceddy's Reeks. — Some suppose that
these hills in Kerry convey some allusion to
smoke [reek], and jicrhaps to a volcano. But
there is merely a homely similitude and a pro-
vincial pronunciation ; the hills being like hay
ricks, ZTibemice ' reeks.' In like manner, 'drip
232
becomes drecp, as in Scotland, 'brick,' breeh;
'strike' or 'stride' (of flax), streeh, &c. Yet
reeh is as near to tbe original as rich, for the
root is the Saxon hreac or hrig, showing an inter-
change both of vowels and consonants. A . II.
Beggaks' Badges. — Before the introduction of
tbe Toor Law system, the professional beggar
was a well-known character; and though the
race is almost extinct, the members of the present
generation remember them well. They were news-
mongers, fortune-tellers, watch-makers, thieves,
and idlers, and occasional postmen. Scenes
quite in character with Bums's Jolly Beggars
were of occasional occurrence ; and it is said that
in the "six-shilling summer," while celebrating
their orgies at a public-house in the County of
Down, the toast was, " that the male and prittis
may nivver be chapcr." They were not assisted
in the inverse ratio to the price, so that in cheap
seasons the sale of their supplies burthencd them,
and produced a small return in cash. About
1542, the evil was of enormous magnitude, and
an Act was then passed, authorizing the justices
to issue 'seals' to poor and weak persons. Thus
the 'badge' originated; able-bodied poor being
excluded from its use. Any one begging with-
out this was to be stripped to the waist and
scourged, or else kept in the stocks for three days
and three nights on bread and water. If a very
strong person, he was to be " tied to the end of
a cart and whipped through the town, till his
body be bloody." Fortune-tellers were also to
be dealt with rather hardly: the pillory and loss
of ears awaited them. An exception was made,
which shows that Carleton's Poor Scholar is the
successor of a historic class ; for scholars of the
universities of Oxford and Cambridge were per-
mitted to beg, if furnished with the seal of the
university by the Commissary, Chancellor, or
Vice -Chancellor. The university of Dublin was
not then founded ; so that education, which was
valued highly, was obtained by great sacrifices.
Without this authoritjr, they were to be treated
as sturdy beggars, nor to be allowed any 'benefit
of the clergy.' The same penalties were incurred
by "all singular shipmen pretending losses of
their ships and goods of the sea, going about the
country begging."
I remember to have seen ancient beggars
show their badges, so that the custom survived
for nearly three centuries. Does any collector
among your readers possess one, or can he des-
cribe it and its mode of issue ? The subject is
interesting in connexion with a phase of society
which has already passed away, and will soon
be forgotten. A. If.
Thinking that the following extracts from
Cory's Fragments (p. 210) may interest such of
your readers as are curious on the subject of
the migration of the Milesians before their final
settlement in Ireland, I transcribe them from
that work. They are taken from Sallust's Bell.
Jugurth., but came originally from the Punic
books of King Hiempsal : —
"But when Hercules" [probably some Heracli-
politan king of Egypt — for Hercules, the Greek
demi-god and hero, lived and fathered both
royal families and nations after his visit to Spain,
according to the best authorities] "perished in
Spain," [or more likely ran away, as Napoleon the
Great did from Egypt, J "his army, composed of
various nations was quickly dis-
233
persed. From its ranks the Medes, Persians,
and Armenians, having passed over by shipping
into Africa, occupied the parts bordering on our
sea ' ' [i.e. the Carthaginian] . "The Persians settled
towards the Atlantic Ocean, and formed cottages
of the inverted hulls of their vessels
"Within a short time, by marriages, they blended
themselves with the Gaetulians ; and, because
they frequently changed their situations, . . .
they assumed the name of Numidians. And, to
this day, the buildings of the wild Numidians,
. . . called mapilia, are of an oblong form,
with roofs incurvated on the sides like the hulls
of ships. . . . The Gaetulians were more
towards the sun" [the South]. . . . "Their
name was presently corrupted by the Libyans,
who . . . called themselves Mauri'' [Moors],
Is it not possible that some of the facts here
mentioned may either corroborate or refute the
assertion of Dr. Keating, that the Milesians were
at one time Gaetulians ? O'F.
The theory brought forward by Mr. Clibbok:*
[vol. viii., pp. 36, 88] in his article on Irish Gold
Antiquities, that these ornaments are traceable
to a Hebrew original, is certainly a new one ;
and, though only suggested as a conjecture, the
coincidences on which it is founded are too
remarkable not to merit further investigation.
In one instance, however (p. 45), he has fallen
into an incidental mistake, which it may be well
to correct. Speaking of a colony of Jews in the
mountain district of Africa which lies north of
the Gold Coast, Mr. Clibborn says that they
assert "themselves to be the uncorrupted Sephar-
dim or Scribes." "Whether the Sepharad of the
Old Testament be really Spain, may be ques-
VOL. VIII.
tioned; but the modern Jews invariably call
Spain by this name, and the Spaniards Scphardim.
Mr. Clibborn has hastily mistaken " Sephardim"
(Spaniards or Spanish Jews) for " Sopkerim"
(Scribes). Mac. N.
I was much pleased with the perusal of Mr.
Hill's interesting " Gleanings in Family History
from the Antrim Coast" [vol. viii. p. 127], and
hope he may extend his researches to other por-
tions of our local history, for which ample
materials exist. Mr. Hill apparently inclines
to regard the Mae Naghten family as of Pictish
origin ; but though, from the occurrence of the
name Neachtan amongst Pictish monarchs, this
inference may seem plausible ; yet, unless the
Picts and Gael were more than cognate tribes,
it can hardly be correct, since the same name
occurs among the companions of Milesius ; and,
even at the present day, among the Scottish
Highlanders, the MacXeachtain tribe are still
reckoned as belonging to what are called, by way
of distinction, the "original clans" — that is,
the first Scotic colony under Carbery Peuda
and his successors. The list of kings in the
Pictish Chronicle can hardly, I suspect, be
depended upon, as it is a matter of grave doubt
whether the Picts ever had any written monu-
ments ; and, so far as their language may be
conjectured from local designations, they appear
to have been a Cymric race, cognate, if not iden-
tisal, with the people of Wales. At all events,
it is remarkable that, in those districts of modern
Scotland which are certainly known to have
been inhabited by the Picts, the ancient names
of places, when not Gaelic, are invariably refer-
able to the Welsh dialect. The so-called lists
234
of Piclish monarchs which have boon published
by Pinkcrton and others, are so different from
each other, and contain withal so many Scotic
names intermixed, in addition to those which
can hardly be the names of real personages, as
to excite a reasonable suspicion that fancy has
been at work in the compilation of these royal
catalogues. It is probable that, with the account
of the Picts contained in the Appendix to the
Irish Nennius, genuine traditions have been
incorporated, however fabulous many of the
details may be ; while the alleged emigration of
that people from Thrace, though startling at
first, is confirmatory of their Cymric descent,
assuming the alleged fact to be historical.
MacN.
Mr. Clibboen, in his curious paper on Irish
Gold Antiquities [ante, p. 39] mentions the cir-
cumstance that bangles or bracelets of iron were
used in Hungary, corresponding in shape to one
form of the Irish gold bangle. The following
recent notice of the death of a Hungarian lady
seems to corroborate the statement. " On the
29th of June, 1860, Madame Emilie Zsulavsrky
Kossuth, sister of Louis Kossuth, died at Brook-
lyn, New York, aged 43 years. She was a
member of the Second Unitarian Congregation of
that place ; and the funeral services, which were
very numerously attended, were conducted by
three ministers. On the wrist of the deceased,
in accordance with her own dying request, was
a bracelet worn by her until her last illness, made
from the iron chain with which her brother had
been bound in an Austrian prison." Senex.
In Thompson's Natural History of Ireland
(vol. i. p. 379) it is stated that, " in the North
of Ireland generally, the destruction of any of
the swallow tribe is considered an act of wanton
cruelty." If I do not mistake, the very reverse
prevails in the South ; and it is considered meri-
torious to destroy them. It is popularly said that
every swallow has ' three drops of the devil's blood
in it.' This presents a curious coincidence with
the Greek fable of the crime and metamorphosis
of Trocne. Teeeus.
In Vallancey's Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis,
No. 10, there is a speculation about what is
conjectured to be a temple, made in the form of
a ship, by supposed Phoenician mariners. The
same structure is described also in "Wright's
Louthiana. About twenty years ago, I was
induced to visit this relic, in company with that
most entertaining writer and companion, the late
Eev. Caesar Otway. "We knew that it lay some-
where three or four miles north-west of Dundalk;
but it was not easy to find it out, as the country-
people did not know it by any name or description
that we could supply. My companion read out
from Wright's book an Irish name, which he
pronounced, however, in so un-Irish a style that
the man we were questioning was completely at
fault. At last, catching the sound of the first
syllable, he exclaimed, "0 ! isitFas-na-hannihy?"
This signifies, it appears, "the growth of one
night," and takes its origin from a legend that
the structure was built in that space of time by
the attendants of some fugitive princess in ancient
times. The clue once found, our informant
quickly led us to the spot. The remains occupy
the summit level of a small rocky hill, in the
middle of a little basin-shaped valley with a
marshy bottom. On the sides of the slopes
235
encompassing this, are two or three terraces
running all round, at successive levels. These,
to my eye, marked the banks of a little lake
which seems to have filled the bottom, and to
have been drained off by degrees, so as to have
remained at different elevations during successive
periods. The building itself consisted of dry
limestone walls, of small height, carried round
the scarped edges of the rock which forms the
little hill; and whose natural oblong outline
determined the shape of the structure, which
appeared to the theorizing antiquary to be that
of a ship. At the foot of the hill was a lime-
kiln, in which the occupying tenant was gradu-
ally burning to lime the stones of this ancient
inclosure. I understand that the landlord of the
place was the late Dr. Coulter, the famous
naturalist of Mexico; and that he, on being
apprized of this destruction, interposed his
authority to protect what remained of the ruined
walls. How far he was successful, or how much
is now preserved, I do not know. But it was
obvious to my eyes that the whole thing was
nothing more than a rude fortress erected on a
rock which happened to stand in the centre of a
little lake. The water may either have been
there originally, or have been raised to its highest
level by damming up the present outlet. That
it was ever a temple, or was purposely formed to
imitate a ship, is as gratuitous a supposition as
many others of Yallancey's imaginings. The
site is marked on the Ordnance Survey of Louth,
sheet 3, as "ruins of tower." Haxxo.
I wonder if any Scottish botanist can pronounce
what plaut was meant in the Lady of the Lake,
" Where Ellen's hand had taught to twine
The ivv and Idaan vine."
The Vaccinium vitis Idaa is " a low, straggling
shrub," growing on bogs, and not fit, I should
imagine, to be trained on the porch of a dwelling.
Could the great bard have been thinking of the
"Canadian creeper," which is botanically allied
to both the ivy and the vine ?
A curious instance of how associations may
unconsciously recommend absurdities occurs in
Tate and Brady's version of Psalm 137: —
" On willow-trees that wither'd there."
Why should willows wither beside "the waters
of Babel ? " It was plainly the melancholy idea of
withering that passed off the nonsense.
In something of the same way, the name of
Elijah suggested that of Carmel to the author of
the Pleasures of Hope: —
" Thus, when Elijah's burning wheels prepare
From Carmel's height to sweep the fields of air."
Elijah ascended from the banks of Jordan.
Zoiljjs.
Henry V., Act 3, Sc. 5 :—
" Can sodden water
A drench for sur-rein'd jades, their barley broth,
Decoct their cold blood to such valiant heat ? "
Johnson observes on this : — " The exact mean-
ing of ' sur-rein'd' I do not know. It is common
to give horses, over-ridden or feverish, ground
malt mixed, which is called a mash." And
Malone says: — " I suppose ' sur-rein'd ' means
over- ridden ; horses on whom the rein has re-
mained too long." — Has this word anything to
do with the French "suranne," superannuated,
worn out with age ? This would agree better
with "cold blood" than "feverish."
Sexescexs.
A letter has appeared in this Journal [vol. viii.
p. 145] from J. Barnard Davis, Esq., one of the
editors of the Crania Britannica, requesting
236
information respecting all the old skulls which
can he collected, as tending to throw light on the
Ethnology of the British Isles. This is an inquiry
which may he prosecuted as a matter of curiosity,
but its conclusions must he received with caution,
so far as European races are concerned. The
form of the skull differs widely even amongst
individuals of one and the same acknowledged
race ; and then — it is not sufficient to dig up a
quantity of buried crania, and assume that they
must be Celtic merely lecause they have been
found in Ireland, unless the fact shall have been
ascertained, from some historic or other reliable
source, that the individuals buried were actually
Celts; since they may have been a band of invaders
from the farthest ends of the earth, for whom
destiny had only provided graves in Ireland !
"We ought not to discourage this class of investi-
gations— quite the contrary —but we ought to
fix antiquarian attention upon their fundamental
uncertainties, and to guard beforehand against
the erroneous conclusions which may otherwise
be drawn; these conclusions being all the more
detrimental from their assumed foundation in
physiological science. Mac IS".
'ANSWERS TO QUERIES.
Bull-baiting in Ibeland [Queries, vol. viii.,
p. 152]. — In reply to your correspondent X.X.,
who asks whether bull-baiting was ever a public
amusement in Ireland, I beg to send him the
following extract from the Dublin Chronicle
newspaper, of the 27th November, 1792: — "For
several Sundays past, a numerous and terrible
mob from Dublin assembled at Irishtown [in
the parish of Donnybrook] to bait bulls. Last
Sunday was eight days, a quarrel arose, when
several of them were severely mangled and
abused. They had prepared to assemble there
last Sunday for the same purpose, which the
Lord Mayor being apprized of, sent the High
Constable with an officer's guard to prevent
them. This sent them off to the neighbourhood
of Sandymount, and afforded an opportunity to
the gentlemen of the Sandymount Association
to exert themselves in support of peace and good
order, had they known their intention of coming
there." Abhba.
Bull-baiting. — This seems to have been at
one time a customary amusement in various towns
in Ireland. There is a street both in Drogheda
and JNavan called the ' Bull King ' to this day,
and there may be the same in other towns that
I am not aware of. McSkimmin, in his History
of Carriclcfergus, says that it was customary,
after swearing the Mayor elect into office, to
fasten a bull to a ring in the market-place, and
bait him with dogs. He adds, that bull-baiting
was only discontinued there about two years
before he published his work (1810). I recollect
abo\it 35 years ago, when I was at school in the
237
Belfast Academical Institution, that on one occa-
sion a great number of the boys absented them-
selves for the purpose of seeing a bull-bait some-
where in the neighbourhood of this town. I
believe there is a place called the 'Bull Ring'
in many towns in England — among the rest, in
Birmingham ; and it would seem that the custom
was not an Irish but an English one, introduced
by the settlers in the large towns. Sexex.
Referring to a query by ' B,' [vol. viii.,p. 152]
I beg to inform him that one of the townlands
in Connemara (Barony of Ballinahinch) is still
called in Irish Ballyconrie, Baile Conrigh, though
given on the maps by the English name,
'Kingstown.' I am not aware whether the
promontory of Kinvarra, which 'B' mentions, is
near this place ; but if so, these two local names
would seem to identify the historic spot which
he seeks for. Oleamu Fodhla.
Aubtjkx-teee [Xotes and Queries, vol. viii.,
p. 152].— Reginald informs us that "the auburn-
tree is the alburnum or white hazel ; in French,
aubours; and in Italian, avomio." May I be
permitted to ask him what is the ' white hazel,'
and what tree was ever called alburnum ? Three
old French dictionaries on my shelves do not
give the word aubours at all. Catineau's gives
it, but merely interprets it by 'arbre.' Antonelli,
Diet. Fr.ltal. has l( Aubier on Aubours, arbrisseau,
dont les rameaux ressemblent a ceux du sureau,
[Lat.oj?w?w«,]Oppio." Tet, in his Italian-French
part, he explains ' Oppio1 [_Lat. populus~\ by
'peuplier;' a pretty fair instance of botanical
ignorance in a learned lexicographer ! Danet
translates Aubier, ' Sambucus aquatica.' The
Viburnum Opulus is popularly called in England
' Marsh Elder.' As for Avornio, all agree that
it is a kind of Ash, Fraxinus Ornus.
I do not propose my definition of ' auburn' as
more than a conjecture, which I still think well
founded. I do not believe that that colour is the
same as brown, or the Italian bruno. My scanty
knowledge is, I confess, a good deal borrowed
from dictionaries. Perhaps your correspondent
would oblige me by mentioning in what authority
al bruno is to be found as the etymology of our
auburn. I have no recollection of having seen
it before. Celtibeb.
Eschew — Cnoo. [Queries and Answers, vol.
vii., p. 26i, 350, 350 and 175, 351].— In my
opinion both these are pure Celtic words. Eschew
is equivalent in sense and pronunciation to the
Irish ais-thethcadh, to retreat, to fly back ; the
pronunciation of which is represented in English
letters by esh-hayoo. This would therefore indi-
cate that escheio should not be pronounced eskew.
The word Choo is from the same Celtic root,
namely, the imperative teithcadh (pronounced
tshe-hoo), "begone! fly!" or it may be te uadh,
"go away," the sound of which is very similar:
both these expressions, when rapidly pronounced,
as to a dog, will coincide with choo. It is re-
markable that the word choo ! so pronounced,
is only understood by dogs in the province of
Ulster : even on the southern borders of the
northern counties it is not intelligible to them.
In Meath and Kildare the people say te uadh a
mhadaidh, which, when rapidly pronounced,
sounds choo, ivaddij, and signifies "go away,
dos." Brax.
238
QUERIES.
"What was the original or primitive name of
Brandon Mountains, in Kerry? St. Brendan
died A.n. 576 ; and there can be no doubt that
objects so conspicuous must have been celebrated
in Celtic literature long before his name had
become renowned. B.
Is anything known to antiquarians relative to
the little island in a lake upon the summit of
Fair Head, County of Antrim ? It is quayed
round with a stone wall, and was, therefore,
probably inhabited as a place of security at
some period, like the Crannogues in so many of
our Irish loughs. Hanno.
Cash. — Can any of your readers inform me of
places the names of which contain the wrord
' cash.' I regard it as derived from the Irish
casan, a pathway ; and it has been used in the
same way as the bridge, the hill, the river. To
the right of the high road leading from Hills-
borough to Moira, is the Cash, sometimes called
'the long Cash.' It was the pathway lying
directly across a large plain ; and is nearly all
included in the townland of Maze (originally
Bally Maes J, ' the place of the plain.' In the
County of Antrim there is the townland of
Ballynwas/j, ' the place of the pathway ; ' and in
Montiaghs of Armagh, Derrymacash, 'the path in
the oak wood.' No doubt, there are many other
examples throughout the country. The ' long
Cash' just mentioned, in the parish of Blaris,
became a road about eighty years ago ; but in
modern times it is diverted to the right from the
point where it strikes the race-course. About
the year 1 6 1 4, an Act was passed for the repairing
and mending of high-ways, castles, and passes,
and the word was then well known to the Eng-
lish residents. A. H.
Leaze. — It was asserted, in the year 1537,
that " hazing of corne in harvest season is a great
cause of idleness, dearth of reaping of corne, and
stealing the same." "What is hazing, and what
its etymology ?
Tmxake. — The Act of Parliament which
mentions hazing says that persons called Yrnnahes
are received in the houses of residents during
harvest season, and that these are to be dis-
couraged. What was their exact character, and
what is the etymology of the word ? A. H.
Can any of your correspondents oblige me
with some particulars of George Blacker, Esq.,
of Shaw, in the County of Antrim, who was
high-sheriff of that county in the year 1660?
Whose son was he ? and to what family did he
belong ? He is the only one of the name who
appears to have been connected with A ntrim.
Abiiba.
239
PRE-CHBISTIAN NOTICES OF IRELAND.
Whatever degree of civilization the ancient Irish had attained before their reception of Christianity,
there is no nation in Europe of which a more barbarous character has been drawn by pagan writers
of the first century. These writers, it has been urged by those who deny the civilization of the
pagan Irish, had no motive for misrepresenting the pagan inhabitants of Ierne, or Hibernia ; and it
has been therefore inferred that these ante-Christian writers stated what was actually true, or what
they believed to be true, although they had never been in Ireland.
Respecting the degree of credit due to the native pre-Christian or bardic history of Ireland,
two opposite opinions have been entertained : the one party (chiefly English or foreign writers)
stating, that the accounts given by the bardic historians of all that passed in the pagan times are
"mere creations of the fancy, and unworthy of credit ; while the other party (chiefly natives of
Ireland) believe that the bards were as qualified to hand down historic truth as the most trust-
worthy of the classical historians. The truth evidently lies between them. The earliest recorders
of human transactions in all ancient civilized nations were poets, who clothed common events
with such gorgeous decorations, that modern historians have thought themselves usefully
employed in the task of divesting these events of their poetical disguises, in order to exhibit
them, in their true shapes, to the eyes of modern readers. In this work of reconstruction, history
has become the interpreter of the dreams of poetry. By such a process it is, that Niebuhr and other
modern writers have resolved into real records of human personages and events the fanciful fictions
of Egypt, Greece, and Rome ; and have displaced their gods from their lofty stations in the sky, and
brought them back to their native earth. The Irish poet and historian, Moore, has made a remark on
this subject, with respect to Irish history, which deserves consideration, as emanating from a mind
attempting in old age to philosophise on history, after having previously long indulged in the divine
intoxications of poetry: "While to the Greeks," he remarks, " belonged the power of throwing
gracefully the veil of fiction over reality, the bardic historians may lay claim to the very different
merit of giving to the wildest and most extravagant fictions the sober lineaments of fact."
In the present cursory review of the notices which the Latin and Greek writers of the four first
centuries have left us — most of them pagan, — we do not pretend to be able to assign any reason or
motive for their misrepresentations of our pagan ancestors, beyond the fact that Ireland was on the
brink of the old world, and that, as these writers were Greeks or Romans, they must have believed
that the more any nation was removed from the civilizing influence of their own countries, the
more barbarous it must necessarily have been.
VOL. VIII. 2 r.
240
The earliest writers of Greece and Rome who have referred to Ireland have spoken of it in so
vague a manner, that nothing certain can be inferred from their words, until the time of Diodorus
who flourished in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius (Nero), and who states :a — " The most fero-
cious of the Gauls inhabit the northern parts [of Gallia]. They say that some of them are canni-
bals, like the Britons who inhabit Iein.
The next writer who speaks of Ireland is Strabo, who is considered " an excellent writer of
antiquity." He died at the beginning of the reign of the emperor Tiberius, and of his works are
yet extant seventeen books on Geography. His work was published, with a Latin version,
by Xylander, at Paris, in 1620, but the last edition is that of 1707, in two vols., folio, by Theodore
Jansonius. It has been recently very ably translated into English by Hans Claude Hamilton, Esq.,
of the State Paper Office, London. Strabo has the following notice of Ireland :b —
"About Britannia are some small islands, and a great one, Hibernia, stretching close to
Britannia, towards the North. Of this I have nothing certain to state, but that its inhabitants
are more rustic [wilder] than the Britons, and that they feed on human flesh, and devour a large
quantity of food, and deem it honorable to eat the bodies of their deceased parents, and to cohabit
publicly, not only with other women, but also with their mothers and sisters. But the things
we thus relate are destitute of witnesses worthy of credit in such affairs."0
The next writer who speaks unfavourably of Ireland is Pomponius Mela, an ancient Latin
writer, who was born in the province of Bsetica in Spain, and flourished in the reign of the
emperor Claudius (a.d.41 — 54). His three books of Cosmography, or Be Situ Orbis, were edited by
Isaac Vossius in 1658, and by James Gronovius in the same year. He speaks of Ireland thus :d —
"Beyond Britain lies Juverna, an island of nearly equal size, but oblong, with a coast
on each side of equal extent, having a climate unfavourable for ripening grain, but so luxuriant
* " Ferocissimos esse Gallorum, qui sub septemtrionibus lated this passage, says triumphantly: "Irishmen! the
habitant. Dicunt ex iis nonnullos anthropophagos esse, Greeks and Romans pronounce you not only barbarous, but
sicut Britannos qui Inn tenent." — lib. 5. utterly savage. In the name of that degree of ration-
b " Circa Britanniam sunt turn alia parvse insulae, turn ality which even beasts have, where are the slightest marks
magna Hibernia, versus septentrionem, juxta Britanniam of ancient civilization amongst you ? The old inhabitants
porrccta, latior quam longior. De hac nihil certi habeo of your country, the Wild Irish, the true Milesian breed,
quod dicam, nisi quod incol® ejus Britannis sunt magis untainted with Gothic blood, we know to be utter savages
agrestes, qui et humanis vescuntur carnibus, et plurimum at this day."
cibi vorant, et pro honesto ducunt parentum mortuorum d " Super Britanniam Iouverna est pene par spatio, scd
corpora comedere, ac palam concumbere, non cum aliis utrinque sequali tractu litorum oblonga, caeli et maturandi
modo mulieribus, sed etiam cum matribus ac sororibus. semina iniqui, verum adeo luxuriosa herbis, non ltetis
Qasp quidem ita referimus, ut fide, dignis harum rerum modo sed etiam dulcibus, ut se exigua parte diei pecora
testibus destituti.'' impleant, et nisi pabulo prohibeantur, diutius pasta disi-
c Pinkerton, in his Antiquities of Scotland, London, liant. Cultores ejus inconditi sunt, et omnium virtutum
178fi, vol. i., p. 81, after having misquoted and mistrans- ignari, pietetis admodum expertes."
241
in grasses not merely palatable but even sweet, that the cattle in a very short time take suffi-
cient feeding for the day, and if allowed to feed too long, they would burst. Its inhabitants are
wanting in every virtue, and totally destitute of piety."
The next writer who speaks unfavourably of Ireland is Solinus, who flourished immediately
before the birth of Christ, and who is mentioned by Servius, Macrobius, Priscianus, and by SS.
Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustin. An edition of his work was published at Venice, in 8V0, 1485,
and at Utrecht, in folio, 1689. He thus speaks of Ireland:6 —
"Hibernia approaches to Britain in size; it is inhuman in the rough manners of its inhabi-
tants ; it is so luxuriant in its grass that unless its cattle are now and again removed from their
pasturage, satiety may cause danger to them. There is there no snake, few birds, an inhospitable
and warlike nation, the conquerors [among whom], having first drunk the blood of their enemies,
afterwards besmear their faces therewith. They regard right and wrong alike. "Whenever a
woman brings forth a male child, she puts his first food on the sword of her husband, and she
lightly introduces the first ' auspicium* of nourishment into his little mouth with the point of the
sword; and with gentle vows, she expresses a wish that he may never meet death otherwise than in
war and amid arms. Those who attend to military costume ornament the hilts of their swords
with the teeth of sea-monsters, which are as white as ivory : for the men glory in their weapons.
No bee has been brought thither ; and if any one scatters dust or pebbles brought from thence
among the hives [in other countries], the swarms desert their combs. The sea which lies between
this island and Britain is stormy and tempestuous during the whole year, nor is it navigable except
for a few days in the summer season. They sail in wicker vessels, which they cover all round
with ox-hides, And as long as the voyage continues, the navigators abstain from food. The
breadth of this island is uncertain ; that it extends twenty miles is the opinion of those who have
calculated nearest to the truth."
Previously to the first century, however, a diametrically opposite idea of the civilization of the
western islands had prevailed among the early classical writers; and it is a curious subject for specu-
lation to determine why their opinions of the character of their inhabitants became so suddenly
e " Hibernia ei [i.e. Britannia?] proximat magnitudine, arummsigniuntensiumcapulos,candieantenimadeburneam
inhumana est ritu incolarum aspero, alias ita pabulosa, ut claritatem ; nam proecipua viris gloria est in toelis. Apis
pecuaria ibi nisi interdum testate pastibus arceantur, in nusquani advecta. Inde pulverem, sen lapillos, si quis
periculum agat sacietas. Illi nullus anguis, avis rara, gens sparserit alvearia, exaniina favos desenint. Mare quod
inhospita et bellicosa, sanguinem interemptorum hausto inter hanc et Britanniam interluit. undosum inquietumque
prius, victores vultus suos obliniunt. Fas atque nefas toto in anno, non nisi aeslivis pauculis diebus est navigabile.
eodem animo ducunt. Puerpera si quando marem edidit, Navigant autem vimineis alveis, quos circomdant anibi-
primos cibos gladio imponit mariti, inque os parvuli sumruo tione tergorumbubulorum. Quantocumque tempore cursui
mucrone auspicium alimentorum leviter infert, et gentilibus tenebit, navigantes vescis abstinent. Fieri latitudinem
votis optat non aliter quam in bello, et inter anna mortem incertum, virginti millia passuum diffundi, qui fidem ad
oppetat. Qui student cultui, dentibus marinarum bellu- verum rationale sunt »stimarunt."
242
reversed. Homer, and other poets of antiquity, had placed in those isles of the Hesperides, the
abodes of the pious, and the Elysian fields of the blest. These were, no doubt, popular traditions,
mere creations of the fancy, adopted into the poetry of the Greeks before any clear knowledge of
the realities had reached them. In the Argonautics, a poem written more than five hundred years
before the Christian era, there is a vague reference to the Atlantic Ocean, in which Ireland alone
seems glanced at, under the name of Iernis. In the Geographical Poem of Pestus Avienus, written
in the third or fourth century, is contained the most curious reference to the antiquity and sacred
character of Ireland that has yet been discovered. Avienus informs us that he had access to the Punic
records which had been deposited byHimilcof in one of the temples of Carthage, and which still existed
in the fourth century, when they were interpreted to him. The result he has transmitted to posterity
in his geographical poem, an edition of which was printed at Venice, in 1488, and another in London,
by Mattaire, in his Corpus Poetarum Veterum, 1713, vol. ii. The part relating to Ireland and Britain
will be found in this edition, p. 1334. This poem furnishes by far the most interesting glimpses
derived from the Latin writers of the early condition of ancient Ireland. The GMrumnides (now the
Scilly islands') are described as two days' sail from the larger Sacred Island, inhabited by the Hiberni ;
and in the neighbourhood of the latter, the Island of the Albiones, it is said, extends. The com-
merce carried on by the people of Gades with the 'Tin Isles' is expressly mentioned by this poet,
who adds, that " the husbandmen or planters (coloni) of Carthage, as well as her common people,
frequented these seas and visited these islands."
In this short sketch the features of Ireland are brought into view far more prominently than
those of Albion. It describes the hide-covered boats, or currachs, in which the inhabitants of
these islands navigated their seas ; the populousness of the island of the Hiberni, and the gleby
nature of its soil. But the most remarkable fact mentioned in this poem is, that Ireland was then,
and had been from ancient times, called the Sacred Island. The period of the expeditions of
Hanno and Himilco has not been fixed by the learned ; but Pliny informs us that they took place
during the most flourishing epoch of Carthage. Bishop Stillingfleet, who had no belief in the early
annals or bardic history of Ireland, states, in his Antiquities of the British Churches, (chap. 5,) in
reference to the Argonautics and this poem of Avienus — " These are undoubted testimonies of the
ancient people of Ireland, and of far greater authority than those domestic annals now so
much extolled."
"We here present our readers with that part of Avienus's poem which relates to the Irish and
the neighbouring isles : —
" Sub hujus autem prominentis vertice,
Sinus dehiscit incolis CEstrymnicis,
'Himilco. — Two separate expeditions were undertaken Alexander the Great. Hanno sailed in a southern direc-
by Hanno and Himilco, two Carthaginian navigators, tion, and of his voyage we have a record in the ' Periplus.'
beyond the Straits, sometime previously to the time of
243
In quo Insulae sese exerunt (Estrymnides ;
Laxe jacentes, et mettallo divites,
Stanni atque plumbi. Multa vis hie gentis est.
Superbus animus, efficax solertia.
Negociandi cura jugis omnibus.
Notisque cymbis turbidum late fretum,
Et belluosi gurgitem Oceani secant.
Non hi carinas quippe pinu texere
Facere morem non abiete, ut usus est
Currant fasello : sed rei ad miraculum
Navigia junctis semper aptant pellibus,
Corioque vastum saepe percurrunt salum.
Ast hinc duobus in Sacram, — sic Insulam
Dixere Prisci — Solibus cursus rati est
Usee inter undas multum cespitem jacit,
Eamque late gens Hibernorum colit,
Propinqua rursus Insula Albionum patet.
Tartesiisque in terminos CEstrumnidum
Negociandi mos erat, Carthaginis
Etiam Colonis et vulgus inter Herculis
Agitans Columnas, ha3C adibant a3quora,
Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor
Ut ipse semet rem probasse retulit,
Enavigantem posse transmitti asserit.
Haec olim Himilco Pcenus Oceanus super,
Spectasse semet, et probasse retulit;
Hsec nos, ab imis Punicorum Annalibus,
Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi."
" Beneath this lofty promontory opens
A spacious harbour, from whence the (Estrumnides
Are plainly seen, 'a scattered group of islands,
In valued metals — tin and lead — abounding.
These isles are peopled by a race most hardy
Of haughty men, whose minds are deep and subtle,
"Whose constant aim is gain and metal-traffic.
244
These men traverse the seas in strangest vessels,
Nor have they ships of fir or pine constructed,
As polished Komans have ; but, stranger wonder,
They build their boats of twigs and hides of oxen ;
And o'er the surface of the angry ocean
They sail, protected by a thing so slender !
From these small isles the mariner arrives at
The Sacked Island by two days' short sailing.
This isle is sacred nam'd by all the ancients,
From times remotest in the womb of Chronos.
This isle, which rises o'er the waves of ocean,
Is covered with a sod of rich luxuriance,
And peopled far and wide by the Hiberni ;
And next it lies the Isle of th' Albiones.
The famed Tartesians once were wont to traffic
With these Tin Islands, called the CEstrumnides,
And haunt these seas, as did the Carthaginians,
And eke their brave adventurous descendants,
"Who dwelt betwixt old Hercules' s Pillars.
In four months this voyage is made by seamen,
As states Himilco, the old Phoenician sailor,
Who had himself in four months' time performed it.
These things Himilco states, that Carthaginian
Who had himself both seen and proved them fairly ;
The same do we now publish to thee, reader ;
We have derived them from the ancient annals
Of the Phoenicians, from times remote transmitted."
It would be a very melancholy consideration, if this sacred island of the Hesperides — the abode
of the Pious, and the Elysian fields of the Blest — should turn out, When the reality became known, to
have been the abode of incestuous cannibals ; but it is very much to be suspected that the reports of
the geographers above quoted were founded on some mistaken notions of the pagan ceremonies
practised by the Hiberni. The primitive Christians themselves were accused by their pagan enemies
of eating human flesh, from the fact that their accusers mistook the mystical meaning of the Eucharist.
The geographer Strabo has extracted from a still more ancient geographer a curious fragment of
antiquity, in which we are told of an island near Britain where sacrifices were offered to Ceres and
Proserpine in the same manner as at Samothrace, an island in the iEgean sea, where the Cabiric
245
mysteries were celebrated. The nature of these celebrations has been only guessed at, because the
authors who have treated of them say that it was unlawful to reveal them. But the testimony of
these pagan geographers regarding Ireland would have weighed very lightly with modern Christian
writers, had not the great Christian father, St. Jerome, left us his own testimony of the cannibalism
of the Sooti of his time in such emphatic words. This irate father has, in his second book against
Jovianian, the following words : — "Quid loquar de caeteris nationibus, cum ipse adolescentulus in
Gallia viderim Scotos gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus ? Et cum per sylvas porcorum
greges et armentorum pecudumque reperirent, pastorum nates foeminarumque papillas abscindere
solitos, et eas solas delicias arbitrari?"
These words of St. Jerome are most extraordinary', and have been received as decisive proof
of the cannibalism of the pagan Scoti (or Irish) by grave writers down to our own times. In the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, the celebrated Jesuit, Edmund Campion, has the following reference to
this passage in his Historie of Irelande, (c. vi.): —
" Solinus writeth that they woonted to embrue their faces in the bloude of their ennemyeg
slaine. Strabo, the famous Geographer, who" nourished under Augustus and Tiberias Caesar, more
than fifteen hundred yeares agoe, telleth (without asseveration) that the Irish were greate gluttones,
eaters of man's flesh, and counted it honourable for parents deceased to be eaten up of their chil-
dren ; and that in open sight they meddled with their wives, mothers, and daughters : which is
the less incredible, considering what St. Hierome avoucheth of the Scots, their offspring and allies, g
and what all histories do witnesse of the Scythians, their auncient founders."
In connexion with this subject it may not be out of place to remark, that an ancient Scholiast
on Horace's Odes (lib. iii., ode iv., line 33 states) that the ancient Britons used to eat their guests ;
but that Baxter asserts, in his edition of Horace, that the poet meant the Irish ! His words may
be translated thus : "This is rather to be understood of the Irish. St. Jerome writes that he himself
saw two Scoti {i.e. Irishmen) in Gaul feeding on a human carcase. Even in our own time the people of
this island are most haughty towards foreigners : thinking that they themselves alone are men, they
nearly regard the rest of mankind as brutes ! !"
The first of the native writers who attempted to refute these statements of the foreign writers
above quoted was Dr. Keating, who, though he was not of ancient Irish or Milesian descent,
entered upon the defence of the bardic history of Ireland with more enthusiastic earnestness than
any of the natives. His argument is as follows : —
"Ataid cuid do na sean-ughdaraibh a chuireas neithe breagacha i leith na n-Eircannach, mar
6 Offspring and allies. — The good Campion certainly errs Baxter is, in this instance, more correct than Camden, but
here. The Scoti of St. Jerome's time (he died in the year both were sufficiently imbued with prejudices against the
420, aged 91) were certainly the Irish themselves, and not ancient and modern Irish,
the Scots of North Britain, their descendants and allies.
246
a deir Strabo, 3an treas leabhar, gurab lucbt feola daoinedh d' itheadh na h-Eireannaigh. Mo fhreagra
air Strabo, gurab breag dbo a radh, gurab lucht feola daoineadh d' itheadh na h-Eireannaigh, oir ni
leightear 'Ban seanchus go raibh neach a n-Eirinn riamh ler cleachtadh feoil daoinedh d' itheadh acht
Eithne Uathach, inghean Chrimhthainn mhic Eana Chinnsealaigh, righ Laighean, do bhi air daltachas
ag Deisibb Mumhan, agus do h-oileadh leo i ar fheoil naoidhean i ndoigh go mbadh luathaide do
bhiadh inuachar e ; oir do tairngireadh doibh fein fearann d'faghail o'n bhfear re mbiadh si posta;
agus le h-Aengus mac Nadfraoich, righ Mumhan, do posadh i, amhail a dearam da eis so a g-corp na
staire. Tuig, a leightheoir, mar nach tochtaid na seanchadha an nidh deisteanach so, do ba mhasla
d'inghinrigh Laighean agus do mhnaoi righ Mumhan, nach g-ceilfidis gan a nochtadh air dhaoinibh
ba uirisle, da mbadh nos do bhiadh air congbhail a n-Eirinn e ; agus mar sin, is breagach do Strabo a
radh gurab nos d'Eireannchaibh feoil daoinedh d'itheadh, agus gan da dhenamh acht an t-aen nduine,
agus sin fein re linn na pagantachta. Mo fhreagra air S. Jerom a luaidheas an nidh cedna ag
scriobhadh a n-aghaidh Jovinian, go bheadfadh ainteastach breag do reic leis, agus mar sin nar
dhligh si dhul a bfiachaibh ar Eireanchaibh.
" A deir Solinus san 21 caibidil, nach bfuilid beich a n-Eirinn ; agus gurab do dhcis a chloidhimh
fromhthar an ched mhir le gein mheic a n-Eirinn. A deir fos go n-dein an t-Eireannach a dhealbh
d'inlat a bhfuil a namhad, an tan mharbhthar leis e. Acht is follus as an seanchus a bhias san stair
gach nidh dibh so do bheith breagach.
"A deir Pomponius Mela 'san treas leabhar ag labhairt ar Eireannchaibh na briathra so :
'Drong ainbhfiosach iad is na h-uile shubhailcibh.' Agus mar sin do mhoran do shean-ughdaraibh eile
coigcriche do scriobh go meardhana mitheastach ar Eirinn, da nar choir creidemhain ina shamhail
so do nidh; agus is uime sin a deir Camden ag cur teastas na muin tire-si sios air Eirinn na briathra so :
' Ni fhuil' ar se, ' fiadhnaise inchreidthe air na neithibh-se againn.' Is follus gurab breagach a nidh
nach rabhadar beich a n-Eirinn, do reir Chamden chedna, mar a n-abair ag labhairt air Eirinn : 'Ata
an oiread sin do bheachaibh innte, nach e amhain a mbeachlannaibh, no a gcorcogaibh, acht a
gceapaibh chrann agus a gcuasaibh talmhan a gheibhthear iad."h
h The foregoing observations and arguments of the ab iis ideo pasta fuit, ut nubiles annos eo citius attingeret,
simple-minded Keating are thus rendered into Latin by the nempe prsesagitum erat, amplos eis fundos ab alumno marito
celebrated Gratianus Lucius [Dr. John Lynch] : — collatum iri ; atque is tandem fuit Aengus Natfrsechi filius,
" Nonnulli ex antiquissimis etiam Bcriptoribus aliqua Momonia? rex, quemadmodum in historian progressu sig-
Hibernis affixerunt, quorum e numero Strabo est, qui, libro nantius memorabitur.
quarto,Hibernoshumanarumcarniumheluoncsesseaffirmat. "Itaque quemadmodum scriptores rem hanc, qua? non
Verum Strabo ut citra convitium loquar toto caelo errat; modicamdedecorismaculam filial regis LageniseetMomonice
non possumus enim ex vetustis scriptorum [Hibernicum") regis uxori inurerat propulare non dubitaverint, baud est
monumentis expiscari Hibernum ullum carnibus humanis verisimile commissuros si ritus ejusmodi ab inferioris
vesci solitum, si excipias Ethneam Uathach, Crimthanni ordinis hominibus usurparetur, ut id taciturn haberent.
regis Lagenirc filiam, Enna3 Kenselachi neptem, qure nutri- Quare Strabonem gravissime hallucinari quis inficias ibit,
cationem apnd Desios MomonioR nacta infantilibus artubus cum humanarum carnium manducandarum ignominiam in
247
" There are some ancient authors who misrepresent the Irish, particularly Strabo, who asserts,
in his third book, that the Irish live upon human flesh. I answer, that Strabo must mistake in
thus asserting the Irish to bo cannibals ; for in our ancient records we do not read of any one who
was accustomed to eat human flesh except Eithne, daughter of Criffan MacEanna Cinselach, who
was nursed by the Deisies, and fed on the flesh of children, in hopes of her sooner arriving at
maturity : for it was prophesied that the fosterers of this lady should receive lands from her husband ;
and she was married to iEngus MacNadfraigh, King of Munster, as shall be noticed hereafter in the
body of this history. The reader will perceive that when antiquaries relate this fact, so disgraceful
to the daughter of a King of Leinster, and the wife of a King of Munster, they would not connive
at it in people of inferior rank, if ever the practice prevailed in Ireland — therefore, Strabo is false
in asserting it to be a custom in Ireland to eat human flesh, when we find but a solitary instance of
it, and that even in the days of paganism. In answer to St. Jerome, who asserts the same in
writing against Jovinian, I say that he must have received this information from venders of lies,
and that it should not be credited to the prejudice of the Irish. Solinus, in his twenty-first chapter,
says that there are no bees in Ireland ; and that the male children receive their first food from the
point of a sword ; he says, also, that the Irishman is wont, when he kills an enemy, to wash his
face in his blood ; but it is evident from this history that every word of this is false. Pomponius
Mela, in his third book, speaking of the Irish, says they were ' ignorant of every virtue.' Many
other writers, to whose falsehoods not the slightest credit or attention should be paid, speak in this
rash and insupportable strain ; which made Camden, when he gave an account of the Irish, say :
' for these facts we have no credible witnesses.' It is evident, from the same Camden, that it is false
to assert that there are no bees in Ireland, for, speaking of Ireland, he says, ' Such is the quantity of
bees, that they are found not only in hives, but also in the trunks of trees, and in holes in the ground.' "
— Holiday's Edition of Keating, p. 17 to 19.
tmiversam derivat nationem, et uuicum tantum ejus rei agens, omnium virtutum ignaros esse seribit. Multa
documentum post hominum memoriam exliiberi posset, praeterea probra prisci scriptores exteri in Hiberniam
idque dum adhuc paganismi tenebris tenerentur implicati. effutiverunt ; sed cum nullo locuteplete testimonio fulci-
Et licet idem a Sancto Hieronimo contra Jovinianum asse- antur, fides iis tanquaui splendidissirois mendaciis abrogari
ratur, tarn sancti viri bonitas facile potuit adduci ut quoe vulgi debet. Et Camdenus quidem cum recensita mox testimonia
rumoribus circumferebatur Uteris mandaverit. Cum ergo produxisset, protinus a Strabone subjunxit: horum qua
rei Veritas non tanti viri, sed rumusculorum fide initatur, commemoravimus dignos tide testes non babemus. Et S.
non est cur ad Hibemiam ex illius verbis infamia ulla Hieronymus citato L. 2. contra Jovinianum (ut bene obser-
redundet, tanto magis, quod non Scotos aut Hibernos, sed vavit Erasmus et Camdenus) non dicit Scotos (ut vulgus
Attacottos ea labe contaminatos fuisse scribat. calumniatur), sed Attacotos gentem Britannicam vesci
" Solinus, cap. 35, apibus Hiberniam carere, et Hibernos humanis carnibus. Verba Sancti Hieronimi, (inquit Vitus
vultus suos interemptorain hostium cruore oblinire, et in Cornice), ut emendatiora habent exemplaria, quae
primos cibos in ore mariuni ensis mucrone ingerere, seribit ; Vincentius Belvacensis legit, haec sunt: ' Vidi ego (Sanctus
verum infra liquido constabit haec a veritate quam alienis- Hieronimus) in Gallia adolescentem Attacotum gente
sima esse. Pomponius etiam Meln, Lib. 3, do Hibernis Britannicxvm carnibus vesci humanis &c.' "
VOL. VIII. "2 H
248
If the disgusting story about feeding the daughter of the King of Leinster on the flesh of
infants, in the time of Aengus MacNadfraech the first Christian king of Munster, were true, or
written by a contemporaneous author, it would go very far indeed to corroborate the statements of
Solinus, Strabo, and St. Jerome ; but it is evidently a bardic legend of the tenth century, entirely
unworthy of credit.
Pelloutier, who sought for everything that might do honour to the Celts, took much pains to
contradict St. Jerome, and to maintain that his credulity was imposed upon. Keating says that he
might have been imposed upon by an antestach, that is, a person unworthy of credit. But St. Jerome
speaks very gravely of what he had seen with his own eyes. We might with deference doubt of what
he had heard others say; but to doubt of what he had seen himself is throwing great discredit on so
great a father of the Church. It is very remarkable, however, that he accuses Celestius, the
1 Scotic dog' (who had criticised his Commentaries on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Ephesians)
of eating stirabout! On such a subject as cannibalism, so degrading to human nature, the
safest way is to doubt of everything, even of what we have seen ourselves, until proof positive
is adduced.
Doctor 0' Conor, who has printed all the foregoing passages in his Prolegomena, part i., has
the following remarks (in Latin) on St. Jerome's assertion about the cannibalism of the Scoti,
p. lxxiv.: —
" St. Jerome died in the ninety-first year of his age, in the reign of Honorius, a.d. 420, as
stated in the Chronicle of Prosper, edited by the Benedictines. He was therefore born in the year
329, and was a young man in the year 350. The Scoti, therefore, were wont to cross over not only
into Britain, but also into Gaul, either for the purpose of making predatory excursions, or sent for as
Roman auxiliaries. Of this their huge barbarity, three things are to be remarked: — that St. Jerome
acknowledges that he was not only a youth, but a little boy, at the time ; next, that he was a man
of very fervid temper, even at an advanced age, for he asserts that he was flogged by an angel,
because he had read Cicero ; thirdly, that it was a custom in Gaul, as everywhere, to frighten
children by stories concerning Scythic barbarity, to prevent them from wandering and miching from
school and their teachers ; fourthly, that this story is repugnant to nature and experience, for it
would not be easy to make one believe that a cannibal would rather eat the buttocks of a shepherd
(Jerome, a little boy, being present) than Jerome himself! Finally, that St. Jerome was in the
habit of writing very acrimoniously against the heretics : nor did he think of restraining himself
from calling them rude, filthy, carnal men, in fact, beastly monsters. I said that what he relateB
to have seen when a little boy is repugnant to experience and nature. Pliny, indeed, states
that the Scythians were cannibals, lib. 7, c. 2. But how does he prove this ? Hear himself :
'We have stated that the race of the Scythians, and also others, are fed on the bodies
of men. This thing would probably be incredible, if we did not consider that, in the middle
249
of the globe, and in Sicily and Italy, there were nations of such monstrosity, (the Cyclops and
Laestrygonae) ; and that very lately, beyond the Alps, to immolate men was the custom of these
nations, which is not far from eating them. But according to those who dwell towards the north,
not far from the rising of Aquilo, and called from his cave, which place they call Gescliton,
are found the Arismapi, who are remarkable for having an eye in the middle of the" forehead.'
These are the words of Pliny, who is compelled to have recourse to the Gorgons and Harpies and
Laestrygones, and other fabulous creations of the poets, to give a colour to the absurd notions of the
Romans concerning the Scythians, and to defend the fantasies and bugbear stories which he had
heard from his mother, and which he was not able to reject."
On the subject of cannibalism we have the opinions of ancient and modern writers, and many
Christian philosophers, who have declared that human beings have been unjustly charged with it. It
is, however, but too true, alas ! that there have been cannibals, and it is not improbable that they are
still to be found. Juvenal states that, among the Egyptians, so renowned for their wisdom and laws,
the Tentyrites devoured one of their enemies who had fallen into their hands. He also states that
the Gascons and the Saguntines formerly fed on the flesh of their countrymen.
A lively French writer mentions that, in the year 1 725, four savages were brought from the
Mississippi to Fontainbleau, with whom he had "the honour of conversing;" that there was among
them a lady of the country, of whom he inquired if she had eaten men. She answered, with great
naivete, that she had. The Frenchman appeared astonished, and scandalized: on which the
cannibal lady excused herself by saying, " that it was better to eat one's dead enemy than to leave
him to be devoured by wild beasts, and that the conquerors, surely, deserve to have a preference !"
In all the Lives of St. Patrick, many tribes of the pagan Irish are represented as stubborn pagans ;
but no passage occurs which suggests the remotest idea of their having been anthropophagi. In
St. Patrick's Confessio, the ' Hiberiones' are called barbari, who never had any knowledge of God,
but had worshipped idols and unclean things up to his time. It is very natural to suppose that,
if they had been cannibals in Patrick's time, some reference to this hideous custom would have been
made by some of the apostle's biographers. St. Patrick himself would, in all probability, have
told us something on the subject in his Confessio. The late Dr. Prichard, in a letter to the writer
of these remarks, stated that it was his belief that the ancient Irish were not anthropophagi.
Whatever they may have been when their island was called Insula Sacra, there are no people in
Europe who are more squeamish in the use of meats than the modern Irish peasantry, for they
have a horror of every kind of carrion ; they hate the French because they eat frogs, and the English,
because they eat young crows ; and still, we have strong evidence to prove that their ancestors used
to eat horse-flesh so late as the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
With respect to the other statement of Solinus, which Keating attempts to refute on the
250
authority of Camden, namely, that there were no hees in Ireland in his (Solinus's) time, it is but
fair to acknowledge that this is not contradicted by the traditions among the Irish themselves. The
existence of bees in vast abundauco in Ireland in Camden's time is no proof of their existence there
fifteen hundred years earlier. It is distinctly stated that St. Modomnoc, or Dominic, of Lannbeachaire,
near Balbriggan, in Fingal, a disciple of St. David of Wales, was the first who introduced bees into
Ireland. "We here place Colgan's note on the subject before our readers, and hope that some more
learned "apiarians" than ourselves will turn their attention to the subject: —
"What is here stated is borne out by the authority of two Hagiologists and of four different
historians, to wit, that this St. Dominic was the first who brought bees into Ireland. That there
were no bees in Ireland before this time (although it is a matter of dispute and controversy) would
seem to be confirmed by the authority of Solinus, who writes of Ireland as follows, before the birth
of Christ: — ' There is no snake there ; few birds ; no bee; so that, if any one should scatter dust or
pebbles brought from thence among the hives [in other countries] the bees would desert their combs.'
And Isidorus Hispalensis transmits exactly the same thing about Ireland. It is certain, however,
in the first place, that in the time of Isidore, who flourished about the year 600, Ireland abounded
in bees and honey; for Bede states, in his Ecclesiastical History, lib. i. c. i., that ' the island was
rich in milk and honey, and that it did not lack vines ; and that it was remarkable for its abun-
dance of fish, birds, and deer.' St. Dominic [Modomnoc], who is said to have first introduced bees
into Ireland, flourished many years before Isidore ; and in the Acts of our Saints, frequent mention
is made of bees and honey as then existing in Ireland. Therefore, Isidore relies on the testimony
of Solinus alone, whose words he has transcribed, without having examined their truth. But Solinus,
for this and other things which he has written about Ireland, without certain foundation or testi-
mony, is justly censured by David Rothe, in his elucidation of the Life of St. Patrick, as well as
by Giraldus Cambrensis, (in his Topography of Ireland, dist. i. c. 5,) and other native and
foreign writers. But that bees and honey had existed in Ireland before this Dominic was born,
is evident from the irrefragable testimony of the rule of St. Albeus, in which (Ko. 37) we read: —
' When they [the monks] sit down at table, let there be brought [i.e. served] herbs or roots washed
with water, in clean baskets, also apples, beer, and honey from the hive, the breadth of an inch,
i.e., so much of honey-combs.' Now, St. Albeus flourished in the time of St. Patrick, and for some
years before his arrival, or before the year 432. Therefore, against the authority of St. ^Engus
and others who assert positively that St. Dominicus [Modomnoc] was the first who brought bees
into Ireland, it is to be remarked that this should be understood only of a certain species of bees ; for
there are in Ireland domestic or hive bees, and wild bees, and bees of different kinds and colours.
St. Dominic seems to have first introduced the first hive bees into Ireland, from whose seed the
domestic bees have been disseminated in that country."
251
It is stated in the Life of St. David, that when Modomnoc (or Dominic) was with St. David
at Menevia, in Wales, he was charged with the care of the bee -hives, and that the bees became so
attached to him that they followed him to Ireland! Giraldus gravely says, that the bees continued
to fall off at Menevia ever since Modomnoc's time. (See Lanigan's Eccl. History, vol. ii., p. 320.)
This story made its way to Ireland before the time of Giraldus. The probability is, that we had
wild bees in Ireland long before St. David's time ; for in the Confession of St. Patrick, mention is
made of wild honey apparently as a substance well known in Ireland in Patrick's time.'
John 0' Donovan.
THE CLAN OF THE MacQUILLINS OE ANTRIM.
In looking over some late numbers of the Ulster Journal of Archeology, two excellent articles,
— one on the " Ruins of Bun-na-Mairge," the other entitled, " Gleanings in Family History from the
Antrim Coast," — suggested the thought of bringing before your readers further fragments from
Antrim Chronicles, that serve to elucidate the general subject. "We have gathered the information
embodied in the following pages from the private records and historical notices of a family that
once reigned supreme over the glens and coasts of Antrim, before the ancestors of most of those
now in possession had set foot in Ireland. We allude to the MacQuillins of Dalriada, who in the
North of Ireland are erroneously regarded as having no living representative, save what may be
found among the peasantry around Dunluce, whose claims are only attested by their names.*
It is full time that this illusion should be dispelled, as there is a highly respectable family of
MacQuillins at present belonging to the County of Wexford, who have in their possession documentary
evidence, handed down from past generations, which proves them to be lineal descendants of the
ancient lords of Ulidia. The records and papers of the family in question have been kindly
placed in our hands, and from them we have gleaned not only a clear account of the family
lineage, but various other facts that have an important bearing on points discussed in the two
articles we have cited.
The MacQuillins hold that they are descended from Fiacha MacUillin, youngest son to Niall
of the Nine Hostages ; and that their ancestors, from the beginning of the fifth century to the latter
end of the twelfth, were, according to native phraseology, "kings" or princes of Ulidia, and from the
i See also, on this subject, Ulster Journal of Archaology, questionable form, if, as has been stated, M'Quilkin be the
toI. vii., p. 172. Edit. nearest approach to McQuillin that is now to be found
a And even tbeir names present their claims in a very among the peasantry.
252
twelfth to the sixteenth, of Dulriada. We do not find that any authentic Irish history can be produced
which disproves this their chum. We are well aware, however, that settlers and their friends from
England and Scotland, who obtained grants of different sections of the MacQuillin property in the
seventeenth century, in order to lessen the popular sense of wrong at the expulsion of the only remnant
of tho Dalriadan proprietors that bore the ancestral name, assiduously represented the MacQuillins
as an alien race. And thus it was said that, taking their antecedents into account, they had no great
right to complain of being dispossessed. Some declared they were descended from a son of Llewelyn,
Prince of Wales, who had intruded himself into Dalriada in the twelfth century; but of the particular
details of whose intrusion no written account could ever be mentioned. Another story said they
were descended from an English or Norman lord, whose name was William, and whose family
assumed the name of Mac Willies, which ultimately became MacQuillin. Thus, in the large work
styling itself the Parliamentary Gazetteer of Ireland, we find, under the head of "Dunluce," the
following statement: — "In the fifteenth century, it (Dunluce Castle) belonged to a noble English
family, of the name of Mac Willies, who afterwards came to be called MacQuillin, and to be regarded
as an Irish family; and in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, it passed into the possession of the
MacDonnells of the Hebrides." Of course these particulars are taken by the compiler, unconscious of
their character, from some of the early fabrications that were got up for a special purpose, as we cannot
imagine the publishers of the Gazetteer in question would wish to circulate a false statement.
However, it is evident that they had not done their part in the examination of native history, when
they could give currency to such a historical blunder. It is certain that not a word can be found
in the Annah of the Four Masters, nor any other Irish annals we know of, which suggests the idea of
the MacQuillins being an alien race, but much that indicates they are not. During the centuries
that intervened between Fiacha MacUillin, their great ancestor, and the irruption of the Norman
lords into Ulster, the kings of TJlidia (according to the MacQuillin MS.) were elected from the
descendants of that Fiacha.
There is some ambiguity cast around the name MacQuillin, from the various spellings under
which it is presented to us in different ages. In the first place, Q, does not belong to it at all in
the original. But in different cases of the word, or by different writers, we find it spelled
MacTJidhilin, MacUillin, Mag Cuilline Coilin, and Mag TJali ; whilst collateral evidence proves that
in all those instances it is the same name. Another ambiguity has arisen from its occasional
association, during the twelfth century, with the name Dunslevey. Under date 1178, we have the
following chronicle : — " Murough 0' Carrol and Cu Uladh, son of Dunslevey, King of Uladh, attacked
De Courcy's forces, of whom they slew four hundred and fifty." b Dunslevey has been explained as
signifying ' The Mountain Fortress,' which fortress, belonging to the kings of TJlidia, is said to have
been situated on one of the Mourne Mountains. There are several indications which go to prove
b Uladh, Ullin, and TJlidia all signify the same region— the present Counties of Down and Antrim.
253
that Dunslevey was not, under any phase, the real surname of the family which occupied that
fortress, several of whom were conspicuous as kings of Ulster during the 12th century. "Whilst
they were popularly called Dunslevey, from their mountain castle, it appears that they belonged
either to the MacUillin or the O'Huigin families, both of whom were descendants of Fiacha, son of
Niall. It has thus been suggested that there may have been two branches of Fiacha MacUillin' s
descendants, one residing at Rath Mor, in Moylinnie, the other at Dunslevey — who, according
to national usage, being of the same origin, were equally eligible to the kingship of Ulidia —
and that the Dunslevey branch was annihilated by De Courcy. It may either have been so,
or that Dunslevey in that age had become the principal royal residence of the kings of Ulidia, and
that, when De Courcy assumed the title of Earl of Ulidia, or Ulster, the ancient princes were forced
to leave their mountain -fortress, as well as to renounce the title of kings of Ulidia. Be that as it
may, after the twelfth century the MacQuillin territory was limited to Dalriada, and their residence
established at Rath Mor Mag Uillin ; and we hear no more of Dunslevey as a name among the Ulster
chieftains, unless Sleven MacQuillin, in the 14th century, can be regarded as an exception.
Dalriada, as compared with other parts of Ireland, was in a very quiet state during the
thirteenth century. Whilst neighbouring chiefs were at war with the English, and with one another,
peace prevailed there. Hence, there is no mention in the chronicles of that century of Dalriadan
war, or of any defences or attacks of MacQuillin chieftains. And during the fourteenth century,
in the Annals of the Four Masters, Dalriada and its lords appear only in a peaceful character. In
1358, the Annals tell us that " Senicen MacQuillin, high-constable of the province of Ulster, died."
In ten years after, they record the death of his successor, a "Sleven MacQuillin," whom also they style
" constable of the province of Ulster." These circumstances indicate that the lords of Dalriada were
on good terms with the English; and, either by tact or by treaty, had kept the aggressive English
generals from making any very formidable inroads on that part of the principality which had been
left to the MacQuillins as a patrimony.
The river Bann and Lough Neagh, according to our MacQuillin manuscript, formed the western
boundary of that northern region, secured to its ancient lords till Hugh Buidhe O'Neill, one of the
Tyrone chiefs, crossing the Bann in the fourteenth century, took possession of a district to the east
of Lough Neagh. His posterity afterwards retained it, and were called Clann Aodha Buidhe, or
the Clan of Yellow Hugh. The district of country was by the English named Clandeboy, embodying
in some degree the sound of the native name. How far the intrusion of that O'Neill on the MacQuillin
territory was resisted, we have no detail by the Four Masters; but as they afterwards regarded the
occupancy of Clandeboy by the O'Neills as an usurpation, the latter must have taken possession by
force. " De Courcy and De Lacy," says our Manuscript, " were styled Earls of Ulster by the
kings of England, but the English monarchs had not possession of a tenth part of Ulster to give to
any person for some centuries after their time." — Of course not, in the sense in which "Ulster" is now
254
understood. But it would seem that the Ulad and Ulidia of that day was the Ulster of the English,
and included little more than the Counties of Down and Antrim. De Burgo also had the title of Earl
of Ulster; and he said he was Mac William, the true lord and chieftain of Ulidia. That name
seems to have been assumed to please the native ear, but without any expectation that he would
ever be recognised by the people themselves as a " MacQuillin," however truly he might be
called " Mac William."
Although Dalriada, throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, seems to have been
prosperous and peaceful under the sway of its native lords, the case was different during the two
succeeding ones. The defence of their paternal estates in the Glinns and Route, and reprisals on their
plunderers, native and foreign, often bring the MacQuillin name forward in the Irish annals during
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. English control was then weak, and Scottish adventurers
(the descendants of a people that had emigrated from the North of Ireland about a thousand years before)
frequently came over, sometimes as friends, sometimes as plunderers. Conspicuous among these were
the MacDonnells, lords of the Hebrides. Between that family and those of the Northern Irish princes
intermarriages had taken place, which gave them a still greater familiarity with, and friendly footing
in, the country. But the inclination which some of them began to manifest in the sixteenth century
to take up their abode in Ulster awakened the suspicions of the native lords. Of all these
chieftains, one alone seems to have been the unwavering friend of the MacDonnells : this was
Edward, who succeeded Roderick MacQuillin, and was either son or grandson to Walter MacQuillin.
The very year after the brave Roderick MacQuillin's death, we find this Edward, his heir and
successor, inviting the MacDonnells to Dunluce. However, on that occasion his object seems to have
been to obtain their aid in recovering some fortresses that had been wrested from him, a few months
before, by the O'Donnell and O'Kane. The Four Masters say — " 1544. O'Donnell marched with a
force into the Route, in the north of County Antrim, and took Inis-an-Lochain, on which was a
wooden castle and an impregnable fortress, in the possession of MacQuillin ; and after O'Donnell
had taken the castle, he gave it to O'Kane. On the same expedition, O'Donnell took the castle of
Baile-an-Locha [Ballylough, in the parish of Billy], and he found much property, consisting of arms,
armour, brass, iron, butter, and provisions, in these castles. O'Donnell also took, after that, Inis-
Locha-Burrann and Inis-Locha-Leithinnsi [Loughlynch, in the parish of Billy], in which he like-
wise found much property. After having burned the surrounding couutry, he victoriously returned
home safe." —
" The sons of MacDonnell (Alexander), namely, James and Colla, accompanied by a body of
Scots, came by invitation to MacQuillin, and they and MacQuillin proceeded to Inis-an-Lochain,
and took the town from O'Kane's guards. Bryan, the son of Donogh O'Kane, and all that were
with him in Inis-an-Lochain, together with all the property, arms, armour, and spoils, were entirely
burned by them ; and MacQuillin committed great destruction on O'Kane at that time." In eleven
255
years we again find the Scotch intruders in Dalriada striving to get possession of land from their
friend MacQuillin : —
" 1555. Thomas Susig (Thomas Sussex), a new Lord- Justice, came to Ireland, and Anthony
St. Leger, the old Lord- Justice, was recalled." That Lord- Justice immediately after "marched
with an army, at the instigation of O'Neill, to expel the MacDonnells and the Scots, who were
taking possession of, and making settlements in, the Route and Clandeboy. The Lord-Justice,
with his forces, remained for six weeks, making devastation on the Scots, and he committed many
depredations on them, and slew one or two hundred of the Scots, and afterwards returned with his
forces, without receiving submission or hostages."
In another ten years, the Scots are attacked more successfully by the forces of the O'Neill : —
"1565. O'Neill, i.e. John, the son of Con, son of Con, son of Henry, gave the sons of
MacDonnell of Scotland {i.e. of Alexander), namely, James, Angus, and Sorley, a great overthrow,
in which Angus was slain, and James wounded and taken prisoner, and he died in a year after, of
the mortification of his wounds. His death was very much lamented ; he was a man distinguished
for hospitality, feats of arms, liberality, conviviality, generosity, and the bestowal of gifts.
There was not his equal among the Clan Donnell of Ireland or of Scotland at that time."0
Of these three sons of Alexander MacDonnell (he who had been with his brother guest at
Dunluce in 1544), only Sorley now remained. Edward MacQuillin, who never was able to refuse
the hospitality of his castle to the son of his old friend, had sons of his own now who had begun
to view the MacDonnells with less favour than their father did. About two years after Sorley
MacDonnell had been discomfitted and obliged to return home, his son, Alexander, a dashing young
officer, who had served in the English army, resolved to try his fortune among the MacQuillins.
The MacQuillin manuscript says: —
"About the year 1567/ Coll (or Alexander) MacDonnell, came into the country with a party
of well-armed Highlanders on pretence of helping some of the petty princes of Ulster against others
with whom they were then at war ; but their real business to Ireland being to fish in troubled
waters. MacDonnell had served under Lord Sussex against the Scots, his own countrymen, at the
taking of the Island of Baghery, also elsewhere. He had received from him, as a reward for his
services, a gold-mounted sword and gold spurs. On the confiscation of the monastic lands, Queen
Elisabeth had presented him with a grant of the monastery of Glenarm and all the lands belonging
thereto;" giving him thereby a legal footing in that region to which the attention of his family
had latterly been so much directed. Thus prepared for an adventurous game, this favoured but
unscrupulous young officer sought to ingratiate himself with the family which had so often hospi-
tably entertained his ancestors.
c Four Masters. * Alexander MaeDonnell's arrival seems to liave been in 1566, and his departure in 1567.
VOL. Till. 2 I
256
The MS. goes on to say — "He (MacDonnell) was soon taken prisoner by one of the O'Neills,
and not set at liberty till he had solemnly promised to join him against the Lord-Deputy Sydney,
then commanding the English army in Ulster. MacDonnell, on his enlargement, also engaged to
bring over more Highlanders from Scotland. Bat, in the meantime, Edward MacQuillin invited
him to spend the winter at Dunluce Castle, and to quarter the Highland soldiers up and down
among his tenants till spring; and MacDonnell gladly accepted the hospitable offer."
All the keen policy, and all the polite suavity of the young Scottish chieftain were insufficient
to remove the suspicions of MacQuillin' s sons, that this knight of the golden spurs was preparing to
play a deeper game than the Lord of Dunluce apprehended. Whilst MacDonnell proved the
impossibility of putting to sleep all the jealous fears of the young MacQuillins, another medium
through which to obtain a more substantial footing in Dalriada presented itself. MacQuillin' s
daughter did not participate in her brothers' feelings towards Colonel MacDonnell, but regarded
him with a confidence and admiration that he was not slow in discerning. He won the young
lady's affections, and then urged a clandestine marriage to prevent her brothers from interposing.
The daughter of MacQuillin and her father's guest were accordingly married unknown to her family.
Ln the meantime the O'Neill, who had obliged MacDonnell to promise to join him against the
Lord-Deputy, had received a mortifying defeat from the O'Donnells, and he now wrote urging for the
Scots to come to him without delay. A further reinforcement soon arrived in Cushendun Bay,
where Colonel MacDonnell joined them, and established a camp.e O'Neill hastened to commune
with the Scots, in the course of which some altercation arose, and the MacDonnells slew him on the
spot. The northern chieftains called a council to decide on the measures to be taken. The unani-
mous decision of that council was, that the MacDonnells and their adherents should be totally banished
from Ulster. The wife of Colonel MacDonnell, on finding what had been resolved, hastened to the
camp at Cushendun, and informed her husband. " A night or two after," continues our manuscript,
" the whole party, MacDonnell, his wife, and all the Highlanders, sailed off to the Island of Raghery,
and from thence to Argyleshire, in Scotland. In the summer of 1569, MacDonnell and a large
party of his countrymen, thoroughly armed for war, again landed in Ireland. On this occasion
they encamped at the Convent of Bun-a-Mairge, near the town of Bally castle. There he was attacked,
on the 4th of July, by youngEdward MacQuillin : for his father — being then old, and perhaps unwilling
to fight against his son-in-law, MacDonnell — did not go to oppose him. However, young Edward
MacQuillin and his two brothers, Roderick and Charles, the only three sons of old Edward, attacked
him in his camp, and were repulsed with the loss of Roderick, second in command, and obliged to
retreat. In a day or two MacDonnell became the assailant, and attacked the MacQuillins, near the
river Glenshesk : here the loss of life was dreadful, but again MacDonnell won the battle, and among
the slain was another of the three brothers, Charles MacQuillin. Young Edward MacQuillin, with the
e See Annals of Four Masters, 1567.
257
residue of his army, then retreated towards the river Aura, and was joined by Shane O'Dennis
O'Neill, of Clanaboy, and by Hugh MacPhelemy O'Neill, of Tyrone. The latter being regarded as
an experienced general, and MacQuillin being but a young man, to him was entrusted the command
of the whole.
" MacDonnell also being reinforced, was determined to give battle ; and, marching to the music
of four Highland pipers, he attacked the united forces of O'Neill and MacQuillin. In this tbird
battle the Scotch were defeated, and had to lament the loss of two of their best officers, and many
of the Highland soldiers. O'Neill had been expecting further reinforcements, and had these arrived
he might have followed up his victory. But two of his men, whom he had chastised for miscon-
duct that morning, betrayed him. One of them, a piper, named O'Cane, immediately deserted to
the enemy, and represented to MacDonnell the advantage of attacking the Irish army before the
arrival of the other troops; and to delay them, he proposed to go as from O'Neill, with a message
to the commander, for the reinforcement not to move forward, as MacDonnell was already defeated.
O'Cane's proposal was carried out : O'Neill's supplies were prevented from joining him ; whilst
Hugh MacAulay of the Glinns had been induced treacherously to desert MacQuillin, and with a
strong party of his men, to go over to MacDonnell."
The details of the battle which ensued, with all its horrors and disasters, we shall not transcribe.
The sum total is that, near Gilgorm Castle (or, as our MS. says it should be, Gealgorm Castle,) on
the 13th of July, 1569, MacDonnell's army routed the forces of those Ulster chiefs who had united
with the MacQuillins : and, before night, both O'Neill and young Edward MacQuillin were among
the dead. The latter swam to an island in a neighbouring lake after the battle, but being perceived
by some of MacDonnell's soldiers, he was followed and murdered. Thus, in the course of nine
days, were the three sons of the lord of Dunluce cut off in that desperate struggle to drive out a
foreign intruder from a region which had been in possession of their ancestors for twelve hundred years.
Edward, the eldest of the three MacQuillin brothers, had been married, and left an infant son
named Roderick Oge MacQuillin. In four years after the death of the brothers, Alexander
MacDonnell and his family were received by old Edward MacQuillin as free denizens in Dunluco
Castle. That year (1573) he, as being son-in-law to the old lord, was elected 'tanist,' and from
thence forward, till his death, was regarded as the chosen heir of the MacQuillin estates. He was
killed in single combat with an English officer, whom he had challenged to decide, in that way, a battle
which was pending between their two forces. The annals say : — " In 1586, Alexander, the son of
Sorley Buidhe, son of Alexander, son of John Cathanach, the son of MacDonnell of Scotland, who
was brother of Inghean Dubh ["the dark haired daughter"], the wife of O'Donnell, the mother of
Hugh Roe, was slain by Captain Merryman, and by Hugh, son of the Dean O'Gallagher, in the
month of May precisely." He left two sons, James and Randall : the age of the latter seems to
have pretty nearly corresponded with that of Roderick Oge MacQuillin, the other grandson of
258
Edward MacQuillin. Sorley Buidhe MacDonnell, father to Alexander, died in 1590, just four
years after his son; and James MacDonnell, Alexander's eldest son, died in 1601, four years before
his maternal grandfather.
In the time of Queen Elizabeth, the MacQuillin name was represented by Edward Mac-
Quillin, then about a hundred years old ; by his grandson, Koderick Oge MacQuillin ; and by
Roderick's son Richard. Roderick seems to have been regarded, after the death of his uncle,
Alexander MacDonnell, as the elected 'tanist,' and, according to the English usage, he was the lineal
heir of the ancestral estates of Dalriada. It does not appear that Sorley or any other of the
MacDonnells of the sixteenth century ever succeeded in excluding, or that they even attempted to
exclude the MacQuillins from the Castle of Dunluce, as alluded to in Mr. Hill's paper ( Ulster
Journal, ante). It is true, however, that whilst Sorley Boy's son, Alexander, from 1573 to 1586,
lived in Dunluce Castle with his father-in-law as tanist, he took on himself the active duties of that
position, which, as the old lord was nearly blind for many years, probably ineluded the real, though
not the nominal lordship ; and, after Alexander's death, his sons doubtless regarded Dunluce as a
family home, just as the other grand-children of Edward MacQuillin did.
The treaty of peace with the great Earls of Tyrone and Tirconnell, concluded by Queen
Elizabeth, which left them in possession of their estates, caused bitter disappointment among the
English officers who had been looking towards a division of the confiscated property of those
indomitable chieftains as their main reward. When King James came to the throne, his first Irish
difficulty was how to get hold of sufficient land in Ireland to divide among the numerous candidates,
so as to keep down discontented murmuring. For, besides those parties who had served in the
Irish armies of the late Queen, he had his own personal favourites on whom he wished to bestow
princely gifts. In that emergency the royal advisers pointed to the seizure and dismemberment of
Dalriada, as a politic step. "With the cunning of an unprincipled mind, James, whilst approving the idea
of the unjust seizure, felt that he ought to secure the interest of one of the grandsons of MacQuillin ;
and that, to ensure success and gratitude, it should be he whose chance of inheritance was likely other-
wise to fall through. Randal MacDonnell was his man, and he appears unscrupulously to have united
in the royal scheme of disinheriting the MacQuillins altogether. After giving to him the lion's
share, the King subdivided and distributed the residue of his grandfather's estates among English
and Scotch expectants, Chichesters, Skeffingtons, Seymours, Conways, and other favourites. Thu3
it was that Sir Randal, " during the very first year of James's reign in England, received a plenary
grant of the Route and Glynns, a territory extending from Lame to Coleraine, and comprising
about three hundred and fifty -four thousand acres statute measure. These vast estates included the
present parishes of Coleraine, Ballyaghran, Bally willen, Ballyrashane, Dunluce, Kildollagh, Ballintoy,
Billy, Derrykeighan, Loughgill, Ballymoney, Kilraghts, Finvoy, Rasharkin, Dunaghy, Ramoan,
Armoy, Culfeightrin, Layd, Ardelinis, Tickmacrevan, Templeoughter, Solar, Carncastle, Killyglen,
259
Kilwaughter, and Lame, together with the Granges of Layd, Innispollan, and Druratullagh, and
the Island of Kathlin. The Antrim property, as originally granted to Randal MacDonnell, thus
comprised seven baronies — viz., North-East Liberties of Coleraine, Lower Dunluce, Upper Dunluce,
Kilconway, Carey, Lower Glenarm, and Upper Glenarm." The writer whom we quote adds: — " The
lord of these broad lands, therefore, may well be described as a fortunate man, when it is remembered
that not only had he done nothing to earn this magnificent grant from the English Government,
but he had actually spent his youth in open and formidable rebellion." f Yet the rightful lord of
all these " broad lands," the aged MacQuillin, thus unjustly and cruelly disinherited, had never
taken part in any rebellion against the English Government.
Edward MacQuillin heard with dismay of the division and bestowal, by King James, of his
paternal inheritance, whilst he and such of his descendants as bore the MacQuillin name were to
be left without an acre of all their ancestral lands. Eor several years he had been quite blind ; but
unexpectedly the sight of the aged sufferer returned, and for the sake of his grandson, he then
resolved to go to the English monarch in person, and plead for a remission of the tyrannical sentence.
James was touched by the appearance and appeal of the venerable patriarch, and promised to do
what he could in furnishing Roderick with a handsome estate. This visit to the English metropolis
seems to have been but a short time before old Edward MacQuillin's decease. He died in 1605,
aged 102 years; and in 1608, after the rebellion and death of Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, when the pro-
perty of that rash young chieftain was confiscated, King James commissioned Sir John Chichester
to inform MacQuillin that Innishowen, the property in question, should be transferred to him.
His disappointment and mortification were great when Rory Oge MacQuillin received this intelli-
gence as the consummation of the royal promise. To enter on possession of the O'Dogherty' s estates
in Innishowen was repulsive to his sense of honour and nationality; and Sir John Chichester, seeing
how he felt, offered to give him, in exchange, Clanaghartie, a section of the Dalriadan lands that had
been assigned to himself. The offer was gladly accepted ; for, though in real value the latter was far
inferior to the former, yet, as MacQuillin's scruples would not suffer him to accept the O'Dogherty
territory, we cannot blame the Englishman for making the proposal. Thus it was that the great
barony of Innishowen came into possession of the Marquis of Donegall's family. In about ten years
after that occurrence, another overturning took place, in the course of carrying out the plans of
King James for the ' Plantation' of Ulster, which deprived the MacQuillins of all estated property.
The exchange between Chichester and MacQuillin had been ratified by the King's securing, by
letters patent, to the former Innishowen, and to the latter Clanaghartie. D'Alton says, that the
territory thus granted in 1608 to the heir of that disinherited family (the MacQuillins), and " situated
in Clandeboy, County of Antrim, comprised, as stated in the patent, twenty-one extensive townlands,
with all hereditaments, advowsons, &c, of churches formerly belonging to any religious houses therein;
f Gleanings in Family History from the Antrim coast ( Ulster Journal, ante).
260
the MacQuillin being bound to find and maintain, every year, for the space of forty days, two able
horsemen, and six footmen, to serve the King, Lord-Deputy, or Governor of Carrickfergus, whenever
required within the province of Ulster, and to answer all risings out and general hostings."8
We have not been able to discover whether MacQuillin failed in fulfilling any of the above stipu-
lations, or on what other pretence the letters patent for the holding of Clanagbartie were recalled;
but in 1619, as further stated by D' Alton, the King issued a Royal Letter, demanding the surrender
of the territory from the patentee. The heir of the MacQuillin name was accordingly left landless,
and one of the Chichester family (Sir John being then dead) received back the estate of Clanaghartie.
However, on that occasion Sir Arthur Chichester gave a sum of money (the amount is not specified)
to "Roderick Oge MacQuillin, in consideration of the benefit that had accrued to his family through
MacQuillin's loss. These are, as far as we can ascertain, the historical facts of the case which is so
jocosely narrated in the manuscript in possession of the Earl of Antrim's family, as given in
the concluding paragraph cited by the Rev. William Hamilton, and quoted in a note to Mr. Hill's
article, as follows: — "The estate he (MacQuillin) got in exchange for the barony of Innishowen
was called Clanreaghurhie, which was far inadequate to support the old hospitality of the MacQuillins.
Rory Oge MacQuillin sold this land to one of Chichester's relations ; and, having got his new granted
estate into one bag, was very generous and hospitable as long as the bag lasted. And thus was the
worthy MacQuillin soon extinguished." Not so entirely extinguished, however, as the writer seems
to suppose.
The MacQuillin papers complain that Randall MacDonnell regarded his less favoured cousin
with feelings of vengeful antipathy. However, it is pretty certain there would be bad feeling on
both sides in such circumstances as theirs. They also tell of an occasion when Colonel Hill, the
ancestor of the Downshire family, only escaped with his life from the wrath of MacDonnell, by
hiding along with Roderick and Richard MacQuillin (father and son), in a cave in Island Magee.
The Earls of Hillsborough are spoken of as continuing to be the kind and cordial friends of the
MacQuillins for several generations. Richard MacQuillin settled at Banbridge, and subsequent
events prove that he and his descendants, during the seventeenth century, maintained an honour-
able, if not an aristocratic standing, though bereft of their ancestral estates and commanding
position. The war of 1698 and its consequences again scattered the MacQuillins, and finally left
in Ireland, during the eighteenth century, but one representative family of the house of Mac-
Quillin, and that family resided near Lurgan. Of the two sons it contained in 1 790, and who
continued to transmit the name, one removed to America, the other to the Province of Leinster,
ultimately settling in County Wexford. The family records in possession of the County Wexford
branch furnish some interesting details of those vicissitudes.
K King James's Irish Army List, p. 65?.
261
Charles, son of the above-mentioned Richard MacQuillin, with his two youngest sons, appear
to have been the first of the name who embraced the Protestant religion. The elder children of
Charles MacQuillin took a decided stand on the opposite side. His eldest daughter, Mary, previous
to King James's war, went under Romish patronage to Spain, where she was introduced at court,
and became one of the maids of honour to the Queen. She spent the remainder of ber days at the
Spanish court, and, at her death, left some property, which she bequeathed to her Irish relatives.
Her two elder brothers, who kept aloof from the religion their father had adopted, espoused King
James's cause. They were in Limerick during the siege, and finally determined to follow the
King to France. "When in the very act of taking leave of their brother officers, one of them was
killed by a shot from the besiegers. The other, James Ross MacQuillin, went to France, and served
with distinguished valour in the Irish Brigade. He left only one son, Louis MacQuillin, and he
dying childless some time previous to 1765, left all his property, which is said to have been very
large, to the nearest of kin of his father's relatives, the MacQuillins of Ireland. Richard Mac-
Quillin, one of the two youngest sons of Charles MacQuillin, who became Protestants, had a son,
Ephraim, who was then sole heir to the property thus bequeathed by his cousin Louis. Previous
to that event, Ephraim MacQuillin had married a lady whose name was Hoope, and who belonged
to one of the most wealthy families at that time in the Society of Friends, in the North of Ireland.
He had entered into business, and was doing well, as a linen merchant, near Lurgan, when the
intelligence of his French relative's bequest reached him. He then gave up his business and went
to France. Some parties belonging to the Jesuits' College in Marseilles having been left trustees to
the property, he repaired thither with official documents and family papers, to prove his identity
and the legitimacy of his claim. When he presented himself and his papers, the latter were all
taken for examination. But soon after he was made a prisoner and informed that they discovered
he had merely come to France as a spy ; he was afterwards liberated, and then told if he did
not immediately depart he would be put in the Bastille. In vain he asked for his papers,1' in vain
he offered further assurance or explanation. Nothing further would be listened to, and no papers
returned. "With a heavy heart he departed, but had only just got clear of the place when he was
assaulted by two men, who robbed him and left him for dead on the road. Our MS. docs not say
that the latter outrage was sanctioned or ordered by the parties who had previously arrested him.
It does not appear, from the insensible state he was left in, that Ephraim MacQuillin could
ascertain anything about that. The surprise is that he succeeded afterwards in ever getting
home ; but he did at length reach home, broken down in health, in spirits, and in property ;
having, as he himself afterwards said, in giving up his business, thrown good money after bad,
and lost both.
h Among the papers thus retained was the Family Genealogy of the MacQuillins, which, says the MS., " was as long as
the third chapter in Luke."
262
Ephraim MacQuillin, as we have said, had two sons, one of whom went to America. Edward,
who remained in Ireland, was married into a Quaker family in Dublin (the Pirns), and moved
southward. It was this Edward MacQuillin who drew up the family history which has supplied
many of our facts. But the full ancient genealogy of the MacQuillins was lost for ever in that
wild-goose chase among the Jesuits, and no attempt seems to have been since made to restore the
' missing links.' Edward MacQuillin merely supplied that part of the ancestral chain which
extended backwards from himself to the beginning of the sixteenth century. Edward MacQuillin's
son Joseph died in 1 856, and his son Joseph, the present senior representative of the MacQuillin name,
is a gentleman farmer, and a highly respected member of the Society of Friends. Joseph MacQuillin,
of Great Clonard, County of Wexford, has sons, the eldest of whom is Edward MacQuillin.
The late Joseph MacQuillin, born . . 1792
Was son of Edward MacQuillin, born . . 1 760
Son of Ephraim, 1726
Son of Bichard, 1670
Son of Charles, 1630
Son of Bichard, . . . . . . 1594
• Son of Boderick Oge, .. .. 1567
Son of young Edward, .. .. 1535
Son of old Edward, .. .. 1503
Son of Boderick,'
Son of Walter MacQuillin.
It was Edward MacQuillin, the second on the above list, who arranged the scattered facts that
are embodied in the family MS. to which we have so frequently alluded. He still clung to the
hope of a time coming when the property left by his cousin in Erance would be restored to him or
his heirs. Such a hope being entertained at all, after the first fruitless attempt, indicated but
a slender knowledge of the French Jesuits, its trustees. And quite as wild would be the idea that
any claim by a MacQuillin on the Antrim property, after 260 years' possession by the MacDonnells,
would be either just or tenable. Two hundred years' possession for giving the right of inheritance
is as good as two thousand.1 It must be remembered, too, that Bandall MacDonnell, the first Earl
of Antrim, was grandson to the last MacQuillin, Lord of Dunluce.
As to the general division and subdivision of the Ulster principalities, Tyrone, Tirconnell, and
Dalriada, it was manifestly necessary for the prosperity of the country at large. Those great pro-
perties, especially the two former, were too extensive for being rightly managed by individual
sWe are not quite certain whether the above Roderick
was father or brother to his successor, Edward.
k At page 652 of D'Alton's work on King James's Army
List, there is an extract from Edward MacQuillin's manu-
script, which concludes with some expression of the writer's
strong feeling on that point.
263
proprietors. They belonged to a by-gone age of tributary princes, each of whom governed his own
principality. The times required a proprietorship, the chief aim and organization of which had
reference to the thorough cultivation of the land. King James's plantation scheme is often alluded
to as being devised to effect this great object ; and doubtless it brought things nearer to that point :
but in its fundamental steps towards dismemberment and reduction of estates, it was not guided by
a spirit of justice; on the contrary, private right was utterly disregarded in the case of the MacQuillins.
And the Eoyal requisition to entail all the new properties, in order to prevent any of the native Roman
Catholic proprietors from regaining, in after ages, by purchase or otherwise, possessions that had be-
longed to their forefathers, was both unwise and cruel. The entail law of Ireland which was thus intro •
duced to Ulster has proved, in conjunction with the law of primogeniture, with which it was associ-
ated, not only an obstruction to the highest development of national prosperity, but by intermarriages
and heirship, their tendency is, again to raise up huge properties centred in one individual : except,
indeed, where the Incumbered Estates Act latterly opens the way for another dismemberment in an
equitable form, not as the 17th century one was effected. If the laws of entail and primogeniture,
which did not originally belong to Ireland, had never been introduced, we might have looked
rejoicingly on the abolition of the laws of tanistry and the Royal elections which preceded them.
But these innovations having been to serve an unjust and tyrannical purpose, we cannot feel more
respect for the motives than for the measures which they represented.
The local impress of the name MacUillin. — The derivations from this name (or what
appears as such) which present themselves in various forms in the old Irish annals in the
designation of places and their inhabitants within the bounds of ancient Ulidia (Counties
Down and Antrim) suggest the thought of a common origin between the names Ulladh and
Uillin, especially when we observe that the former was occasionally written Ullin. The
Latinized name Ulidia and the Anglicised Ulster must be regarded as exotic derivations from
the native name. The MacQuillins, without any reference to that point, insist that their family
principality anciently included Dalaraidhe, as well as Dalriada, which is exactly the ancient
Ulladh or Ullin. From these and other indications, it appears to us probable that not only the
family name, but the name of the principality they governed, was derived from Fiacha MacUillin.
But as to who that Fiacha MacUillin was, we can find no certain proof, except the statements of
the MacQuillins themselves, and Dr. Keating' s testimony. We have searched in vain in Irish
annals for any historical recognition of the settlement of Fiacha, son to Niall of the Nine Hostages,
in the North. The MacQuillin papers alone, so far as we have been able to discover, develop this
event. And if they had maintained that Fiacha MacUillin was of the Dal Fiatach tribe, descended
from Fiatach the Fair, who was King of Ulster in the second century, we could more easily see its
harmony with the ordinary statements respecting Dalaraidhe in the early ages. But they do not
say that, nor anything like it. On the contrary, they allude to the Fiatachians as a race more
VOL. VIII. - k
264
auciently settled in the principality than Fiacha MacUillin. Nor do they exactly say that it was
by warlike conquest that the MacQuillins' great ancestor obtained a settlement in the North : the
idea conveyed is, that it may have been by influence, rather than arms, that he became provincial
king of the region in question, and that his descendants continued to be elected to that position
throughout the succeeding centuries up to the period when English arms compelled them to retire
to Dalriada. Perhaps the Annals of Tighearnach contain allusions, if not direct evidence, that
would tend to enlighten the subject. "We have no opportunity of consulting either them or the
Annals of Ulster ; — if they who have were to take the trouble of a careful examination, they might
probably dissipate the obscurity.
Our MS. says that MacUillin signifies 'darling son,' and that'the name was conferred by NiaU
on Fiacha, his youngest child, and the only son of his second and favourite queen. Although Q
does not belong to the name in the original, (there being no such letter in the Iiish alphabet,) it is
probable that the TJ does not exactly convey the native sound of the word, as it is sometimes
spelled Mag Coillin, but more usually Uillin or Cuillin. The MS. also states that Fiacha MacUillin
was first settled in West Meath, and that his name remains located there, in the parish of Bally -
macquillin, in the region now designated King's County. It seems that he got possession
of Dalaraidhe, some time after his two elder brothers, Owen and Connel, were settled in the
government of Tir Owen and Tir Connell ; the Fiatachians, and the descendants of Ir or Clanna
Rory, who were the original possessors, remaining as the occupying inhabitants of Ulster, whilst
Fiacha's descendants were its princes. MacUillin, most probably, came into use as a surname in
the eleventh century, after Brian Boru issued the national requisition which introduced the
custom of surnames to Ireland. Of course it was the reigning family of Ulidia (they who occupied
Bath Mor Mag Uillin) who adopted that surname. But in this we merely reason from analogy and
probability.
InKeating's Genealogy of the 0'Neills,he says, "From Fiacha, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages,
sprang O'Mulloy, O'Maolmhuadh, Mageoghagan, the MacCuillins, and O'Huiginns." As Keating is a
first-rate authority in family pedigree, we may take his statement as conclusive, so far as it goes, that
the MacUillins are descended from Fiacha, son of Niall the Great. But on the question of when or
how they became kings of the Ulidia, he throws no light. It is true, however, that he brings out
their name as distinguishing the spot which is recognised by others as that of the palace of
the Ulidian kings. He records a great battle which was fought in the year 685, in Ulidia, " at
Moigh Cuillin," in repelling an invasion from the King of Wales. Other Irish writers speak of
that battle as having been fought at Rath Mor Magh Line, thus showing the identity between
Moigh Cuillin and Rath Mor Magh-line. Ultimately the name was resolved into Moylinne, a manor
of the County Antrim. In the annotations which are given in Connellan's Translation of the Four
Masters, it is mentioned thus :— " Rath Mor of Moylinne, was a residence of the kings of Dalaradia,
265
or Ulidia. It is situated near Lough Neagh, in the present parish of Antrim, or Donegore, and the
place is still known as the Manor of Moylinny." After an existence of eleven hundred years, the
royal habitations on the Rath were burned to the ground in 1513. " O'Neill, i.e., Art, the son of
Hugh, marched with a force into Trian Conguill, and burned Moylinny (in Antrim), and plundered
the Glynns ; the son of Niall, son of Con Mac Quillin, overtook a party of the forces and slew
Hugh, the son of O'Neill, on .that occasion. On the following day the force and their pursuers
met in an encounter, in which MacQuillin — namely, Richard, the son of Roderick — with a number
of the Albanians, were slain."1 After that destruction of the habitations on Rath Mor Mag TJillin,
the Castle of Dunluce became the chief residence of the MacQuillins, and the deserted Rath Mor
was never re-edified. Many important national events are associated with that region. An
explanation of its present features, and of such ruins, if there be any, of the celebrated Rath Mor
Mag TJillin, should furnish materials for an interesting archeological paper.m
In the Annals of the Four Masters, at an earlier date than the age of Fiacha MacTJillin, Rath
Mor Magh Line is mentioned in a way that specifies very carefully its location, and may seem at first
glance to cast a doubt over the statement of Fiacha, son of Niall, being its founder. It is introduced
in connection with the battle which was fought in the second century between the forces of the
supreme king, Tuathal, and those of the Irians of Ulster, in which the monarch was slain. That
battle-field was called Mbin-an-Chatha, or "the Bog of the Battle," and the adjacent hill on which
Tuathal fell, was named the Ceann Gubha, or "the Hill of Grief."n The chronicle of these events
stand thus in O'Donovan's translation of the Four masters: — "a.d. 106. Tuathal Teachtmhar,
after having been thirty years in the sovereignty of Ireland, was slain by Niall, son of Rochraidhe,
King of Ulster, in Magh Line, at Mbin-an-Chatha, in Dal-araidhe, where the two rivers, Ollar and
Ollarbha, spring ; Ceanngubha is the name of the hill on which he was killed, as this quatrain
proves : —
" Ollar and Ollarbha,
Cean-gubha lordly, noble,
Are not names given without a cause
The day that Tuathal was killed."
We have said that the mention, in the above chronicle, of Magh Line may seem at first glance
to argue against Fiacha, son of Niall, who lived two centuries later than Tuathal, being its founder.
But this difficulty disappears when we remember that a historian, in describing a spot where any
memorable event occurred, is liable to use the name given to the locality in his own day instead of
l Annals of the Four Masters, a.d. 1513. the Ulster kings. It was often written Rath Mor Magh Line,
«n Rath Mor MacTJillin, signifying Great Bath of Mac- again Moig Cuillin, and now Moylinny.
Quillin, is the name which our MS. says was the original n See Annotations on Connellan's translation of the Four
designation of the spot where stood the ancient palace of Masters.
266
the more ancient one. In the very paragraph we have quoted there is another instance of this
which is incontrovertible. The places particularized are said to have been in Dal-araidhe, yet
Dal-araidhe had not obtained that name for upwards of a century after the death of Tuathal.
And if we presume that it was Balriada, which should have been used in the paragraph in question,
the example still holds ; for Cairbre Riada, from whom the latter took its name, was son to Conaire,
who was the fifth sovereign of Ireland, after Tuathal, and did not ascend the throne for upwards of
fifty years after Tuathal's death. The region alluded to, therefore, could not have been designated
by either name till long after the event detailed.
Castles, Monasteries, — Bm-na-Mairge. — The MacQuillin manuscript says that the Dalriadian
princes erected various castles on insulated rocks along the Antrim coast, but stoutly withstands
the insinuation about the English having ever raised any of those castles. Indeed we can find
no authority whatever for supposing they did; nothing but conjecture, without any proof, and
that conjecture has not even probability to rest on. It would have been madness, under the state
of feeling that existed towards England, to have built them, and then to have handed them over
to the native chieftains, who, as far as we can ascertain, independently occupied all those coast
castles, except that of Carrickfergus, till the beginning of the seventeenth century. It is true
some of those strongholds were attacked during the previous century, and temporarily taken
possession of, but never retained by any Englishman till the time of "the plantation of Ulster."
Those who have urged the improbability of the Irish princes having erected such substantial
stone castles, whilst their own palaces were merely of oak, and the habitations of the people
still more frail wooden structures, seem utterly oblivious of the excellent masonry displayed in
the round-towers and the early Christian Churches, which no one pretends to claim as Norman (or
English) erections.
The Irish long adhered to wooden dwelling-houses in preference to any other, but where great
durability and strength were the main objects, from time immemorial they used stone.
The first mention we find, by the Eour Masters, of Dunluce Castle is in 1513, when, after the
burning of the palace of Magh Line, the chieftain MacQuillin removed to that sea-girt abode which
had been previously occupied by the family of Gerald MacQuillin, probably brother to Walter
MacQuillin. Dunseveric was also one of the MacQuillin strongholds. But of its origin and name
there are ample indications in the early annals. Long before the Christian era, according to the
Four Masters, we have the following chronicle: — " a.m. 3668. The first year of the joint reign of
Sobhairce (Severic) and Cearmna Finn, the two sons of Ebric, son of Emher, son of Ir, son of
Milidh (Milesius), over Ireland ; and they divided it between them into two parts. Sobhairce
resided in the north at Dun-Sobhairce,° and Cearmna in the south at Dun-Cearmna.p These were
the first kings of Ireland of the race of Ir." Some centuries later, but still anterior to the Christian
" Dunseveric, County Antrim. P Fort on Old Head of Kinsale, County Cork.
267
era, we have another notice of Dunseveric, in connection with the death of one of the monarchs of
Ireland: "After Eoitheachtaigh had been seven years in the sovereignty of Ireland, lightning
burned him at Dun-Sobhairce (Dunseveric). It was by this Roitheachtaigh, that chariots of four
horses were first used in Ireland." In the fifth century after the Christian era, Dunseveric is
recorded as having been the resting-place where St. Patrick was hospitably entertained. In the
Abbe MacGeoghegan's History of Ireland, it is thus noticed : — " St. Patrick having completed his
mission in the districts bordering on Lake Foyle, crossed the river Bann to Cuilrathen, at present
Coleraine. He preached the Gospel for some time in the territory of Lea, on the right bank of the
river Bann. He then proceeded through the country of Dalriada, now Route, in the County of
Antrim, to the Castle of Dunsobhearche, in the northern part of that country."
Kenbane Castle, or the ' castle of the white promontory,' near to Ballycastle, is another of
these old picturesque remains located amid the rocky acclivities of that bold coast. And not far
distant, again, are the ruins of Red Bay Castle, said, but we know not on what authority, to have
at one time belonged to the Bissetts. All these castles, and the beautiful glens and glades of that
region, are mementos of great interest to the student of ancient Irish history.
The Bissetts, according to the MacQuillin manuscript, first gained a footing in Ireland by one
of the MacQuillin lords giving them lands on which to erect, and with which to endow, a monastery
in the year 1465. Robert Bissett was a Scotchman who had been connected with the murder of
the Duke of Athol, and hence obliged to fly from his native land. The MacQuillin not only gave
him an asylum, but when, as expiation for his crime, according to Romish usage, he resolved to
build a monastery, the lord of Dalriada also furnished him with the necessary land. On that land
Bissett built the monastery of Glenarm. On the general suppression of monasteries in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, this monastic property was granted in legal form, by the Queen's letter patent, to
Alexander MacDonnell. And, as our MS. observes, it was the first spot of all Dalriada that was
thus bestowed away irrespective of the consent, and beyond the control of, the MacQuillins.
Our manuscript also states that the abbey of Buna-Mairgie was built in the latter end of the
fifteenth century, by Charles, son of Donald MacQuillin, whose sister or niece, Thula Dubh ~N&
Uillinq became its mother abbess. It was she who was called in English, Julia, the black nun. It
appears from this that "dark Julia" lived in the latter part of the fifteenth and early in the sixteenth
century, (not in the seventeenth century, as Mr. Hill infers). Accordingly, when she got the credit
of visiting the castle halls of Randall MacDonnell, her visits must have been in ghostly guise; as we are
bound to deduce from our dates that she was dead before the earl Randall was born. The lady Thula
is represented in the MacQuillin papers as a very devout and devoted mother abbess, but one who in
her early days partook too much of that austerity which spurns those who cannot receive as right all
1 We are also told in the MS. that Na TJillin is the feminine of MacQuillin, and that the name was liable to that
change in the ease of females.
268
that it prescribes. A nun in the convent gave her so much trouble, that at length she declared her pre-
sence was so intolerable that she would no longer sleep under the same roof. The offender was accord-
ingly expelled. But it afterwards happened that this poor sister, weak and ill, on a cold winter
night, came to the gate of Buna-Mairge and asked for shelter. Dark Julia, the abbess, with all her
austerity could not find in her heart to refuse the suppliant : the erring one, in that extremity,
was admitted, and allowed temporarily to occupy a bed in one of the cells. But the inflexible lady,
Thula, would not suffer herself to sleep that night. She paraded the halls of the monastery,
walked out in the open air, and went through her devotions under the canopy of heaven, declining
not only to sleep but to worship beneath the same roof that sheltered one whom she regarded as so
great a heretic. However, before morning dawned, her ear was arrested by sounds of prayer and
praise that issued from the cell of the contemned sister. Dark Julia entered and heard with
astonishment the words of the dying girl, which spoke of joy and thanksgiving to her Redeemer in
view of her approaching dissolution, and the confidence she felt of a transition from the trials of
earth to blessedness in heaven. After that event, it is said, that the mother abbess became more
charitable towards others who could not see exactly as she saw, and more humble. Her tomb,
still visible in the door -way of the now deserted Buna-Mairge, over which every comer has trod
for the last three hundred years, may have been one of the evidences by which she chose to impress
that lesson of humility and Christian charity on all the sisterhood of the convent.
Dublin.
M. Webb.
EARLY ANGLO-IRISH POETRY.
Thb accompanying lithograph is a fac-simile representation of the first five verses of the following
poem, as contained in a page of the Harleian MS. numbered 913. Sir Frederic Madden describes
this volume as " highly curious, written at the commencement of the fourteenth century, contain-
ing a miscellaneous collection of pieces in verse and prose, apparently the production of an Irish
ecclesiastic, and chiefly of a satirical description. Most of these pieces are in English or Latin ;
and there is great reason to conclude that they are from the pen of Friar Michael Kyldare, who is
expressly named as the author of a ballad (fol. 10), and is erroneously assigned by Ritson, in his
Bibliographia Poetica, to the fifteenth, instead of the beginning of the preceding century."
The late Mr. Crofton Croker, in his Popular Songs of Ireland, gives a fuller account of this
volume, which I cannot do better than transcribe. He says : — " An attempt to trace its history
may not be unsatisfactory. That a friar named Michael, of Kildare, was the writer, is not only
tolerably certain from the passage alluded to by Sir Frederic Madden, which is the closing verse
°f a religious «ong, viz. : —
(/LSr£A JOl/AA/AL OfjI/tCHJEOLOGY.
}
oUtfit mti^lStyyctateijer <
Kt «tkft au$lefo& gob tnattd •
pi iwwtCfol^tii^torr — „
jri ait fcwt ^fiB&HMpfiUh^^lr -^
yo»*&wlfl»* &&a4ftWU0*~ -
TjxdtaT jtftr l^gcr Wane* aVute^i fca —
teooPtwbleltarte-
euitwartbatfarivemcwdtorffmi*
beibeltdo^ tfect teas yttfcme -^
j<m tmft-ato? otvinliott^ t«trrti6 atot gold —y
l ^m<^ you $** * hemif^weiif fttofytfmac
yiCttWitCtmaK^WeU--^- r r
yW wfottatia a?4Mtot ^
JT)^tr«mttonm^^i^yttang'ft^ffe ^
/ JitiCatfeamrwid £Nfasa.aafle — — ^>
poavnft atofr ouytt* a£ ftj«tt bit * Afrtfcl* /
ty)y<n.yw j&teG&vW to yon t&jtto bey* f
\ ttcictrwartagoA^iiBoiaess-^
"fei) auoptr am crpe moie ^ ^
Jfatl &mt Gfiteif ^ |Kinam4<mhe
( fe&CarcU»C-T*a*a*sa;<mtefi —
lo«erajA'1BiWtew a'apwcok —
: bold Ujggcr Alfeiy yxvovct^
ws tier* tOfal Vial tied*- w^
fac-simile J :- :;,:an anglo-ie:
269
Thi3 sang wrozt a frere,
Ihesu Crist be is socure,
Loverd bring him to the tour,
Frere Michel Kyldare ;
but from a satire in Latin, at p. 26 vo, which commences ' Ego Michael Bernardi.' The MS.
consists of 64 leaves of vellum, 12mo. size, and is written in a good hand, and embellished with
initial letters in colours. On folio 25, a paragraph commences, 'Anno domini m°. ccc°. viij. xx".
die Feb.,' which is the identical year when the song on the death of Sir Piers de Birmingham,
printed by Kitson in his Collection of Ancient Songs, from this MS., appears to have been composed.*
From this coincidence, the year 1308 maybe fairly assigned as the date of this MS. Various
notices respecting it, at different periods, enable us to trace its history with some degree of accu-
racy. On the suppression or dissolution of the monastery in which the volume had been preserved,
it came into the possession of a George "Wyse, as is evident from the following entry, in the writing
of Elizabeth's time, on the back of the second folio : —
Iste Liber pertinet ad
me Georgiii Wyse.
"The comparison of the autograph of George "Wyse, who was bailiff of Waterford in 1566,
and Mayor of that city in 1571, which is extant in the State Paper Office, leaves little doubt as
to the identity of this individual. The Wyse family, it may be observed, were distinguished for
their literary taste. Stanihurst, speaking of them remarks that, ' of this surname, there flourished
sundrie learned gentlemen.' ' There liveth,' he adds, 'one^Wise, in Waterford, that maketh [verse ?]
verie well in the English ;' and he particularly mentions ' Andrew Wise, a toward youth, and
a good versify er.' To the same family were granted various ecclesiastical possessions in Ireland.
Sir William Wyse, the ancestor of the late member for Waterford, and possibly the father of the
above-mentioned George, had a grant of the abbey of St. John, near that city, 15th November, 1536.
" However this MS. may have come into the hands of a member of the Wyse family, it seems
to have continued, if not in their possession, at least in the same locality ; for, in the reign of
James I., it is noticed as The Booh of Ross and Waterford: see No. 418 of the Lansdowne MSS.,
a collection made by Sir James Ware, which contains transcripts of several pieces from it, where
the following note occurs upon the copy of a song already mentioned respecting the death of Sir
Piers de Birmingham: — 'Out of a small olde book in par dim1, called the Book of Rosse or Waterford,
Feb. 1608.' "
A notice of this volume next appears in the Catalogus Manuscriptorum Anglice et Hibernm.
* Sith Gabriel gan grete A thousand zer hit isse
Ure ledi Mari swete Thre hundred ful i risse
That God wold in her lizte, And over zeris eizte.
270
1697; and its subsequent history is of little interest till it came to the Harleian collection, in a very
" tattered condition." — The only poems in it that have any direct reference to Ireland, besides the
song on the death of Sir Piers de Birmingham, are the Anglo-Norman ballad on the entrenchment
of New Ross, published by Sir Frederic Madden in the Archceologia, also by Mr. Croker, in his
Popular Songs of Ireland ; and the following satirical lyric. It is written in a dialect which
"Warton, in his History of English Poetry, terms "Norman- Saxon, a language barbarous, irregular,
and intractable; and consequently affording no striking specimens in any species of composition."
Its basis was the Anglo-Saxon, a language perspicuous, strong, and harmonious, sufficiently polished
by poets and theologists ; till adulterated by the Norman-French, which was a confused jargon of
Teutonic, Gaulish, and a vitiated Latin ; and thus was formed the Norman- Saxon, the rude foun-
dation of our modern English. But this poem is a peculiarly curious specimen of that rude dialect,
as it contains, at least, one Irish word, and there are some decidedly Irish turns of thought
expressed in it.
The satire is general ; still, the mention of a lake seems to confine it to one particular place
The word lake, however, was at that time applied to a river, sea, pond, or almost any collection
of water. From the allusions to certain religious houses, it is most probable that the place the
author had more particularly in view was the city of Kildare. Those best acquainted with the
ancient state of Ireland, will be surprised to see so many different trades mentioned as flourishing
in that country at the beginning of the fourteenth century. But it must be recollected that
Kildare was part of the territory acquired by Earl Strongbow, through his marriage with Eva,
daughter of Dermot, chief of Leinster ; and, being near Dublin, was early colonised ; and the city
itself was, in all probability, the first inland one in Ireland that acquired the advantages of Anglo-
Norman civilization. In the original the piece has no title, so I may just term it —
A SATIRICAL POEM.
Hail, seint Michel with the lange sper,
Fair beth thi winges up thi scholder,
Thou hast a rede kirtil anon to thi fote,b
Thou erst best angle0 that ever God makid.
This vers is full well i-wrozt,
Hit is of wel furre y-brozt.d
b It is evident that the author refers to the pictures of the J These two lines may be rendered thus: —
various saints ho mentions, as they were then, and indeed " This verse is full well wrought :
even now are, represented. So far, it is well brought."
u Ange).
271
Hail, seint Cristofre with thi lang stake,
Thou ber ur loverd Jhcsu Crist over the brod lake ;
Mani grete kungere swimmeth abute thi fete,
Hou mani hering to peni at "West Chep in London/
This vers is of holi writte ;
Hit com of noble witte.
Seint Man bastard, the Maudleinis sone,
To be wel i-clothid wel was thi wone;g
Thou berist a box on thi hond i-peintid al of gold,1'
Woned thou wer to be hend,' zive us sum of thi spicis.
This vers is makid wel,
Of consonans and vowel.
Hail, seint Domnik with thy long stafFe,
Hit is at the ovir endk crokid as a gaffe : '
Thou berist a bok on thi bak, ie wenm hit is a bible ;"
Thoz thou be a gode clerk, be thou nozt to heiz.°
Triep rime la God hit wote.
Soch an othir an erthe I note.q
« Conger eels.
f St. Christopher, in accordance with the legend respect-
ing him, is pictorially represented as wading through a
sheet of water, steadying his footsteps with a long stake,
and hearing the infant Saviour on his shoulders, numerous
congers and other fish swimming about his legs and feet.
Being the general patron saint of sailors, fishermen, and
fishmongers, there is as much pertinence as impertinence
in the author's question — How many herrings are sold for
a penny at West Cheap, in London ?
8 Wont, i.e. custom ; the line may be rendered thus —
" To be well dressed, truly, was thy wont."
h Mrs. Jameson, in her Sacred and Legendary Art, tells
us that Mary Magdalen is frequently represented as attired
with the utmost magnificence. In a painting in the
Cathedral of Orvieto, " she wears a magnificent tunic,
embroidered with gold, over it a flowing mantle, descending
to her feet; she holds the vase with her left hand, and
points to it with her right. If it were not far the saintly
aureole encircling her head, this figure and others similar
to it might be mistaken for Pandora."
1 Hend: — Anglo-Saxon, signifying" courteous, generous."
VOL. VIII.
t Upper end.
1 An allusion to the crozier.
m I ween.
n St. Dominick is represented carrying a book, but not a
Bible, as the satirist no doubt very well knew. The legend
of this book is, that when the saint unsuccessfully attempted
to convert the Albigenses, he drew up a short exposition of
faith, and with this in hand, undertook to dispute against
their leaders. Finding them, however, deaf to his argu-
ments, he three times threw his book into a large fire, and
thrice it leaped uninjured back from the flames, into his
hands. But when the Albigenses tried this feat with their
Bible, the book obstinately remained in the fire, and was
consumed to ashes.
°High. — The line signifies, " Though thou be a good clerk,
thou be not too high in general estimation."
P2We: — Norman-French, choice, excellent, the original
of the modern French tres.
'i I note: — A contraction of " I ne wote," i.e., I know not.
These two lines may be rendered —
" Choice rhyme as God it knows,
Such other on earth I know not."
2 L
272
Hail, seinl Francois with thi mani foulis,
Kites and crowis, revenes and oulcs,
Fure and xxti wildges and a poucock ; '
\Tani hold begger siwith5 thi route*
This vers is ful wel i-scttc,
Swithc furrc hit was i vetto.u
Hail be zc, frcris, with the white copis,v
Ze habbith a hus at Drochda war men makith ropis ;
Ever ze both rilend the londes al a-boute,w
Of the watir daissers* zc robbith the churchis.
Maister he was swithe Gode,
That this scntcntc understode.
Hail be ze, gilmins,5' with zur blake gunis,
Ze levith the wildirnis and fillith the tunis,
ilenur* with-oute and prechura with-inne,
Zur abite is of gadering, that is mochil schame.
Sleilichb is this vers i-seid,
Hit wer harme adun i-leiid.
r St. Francis of Assis is said to have acquired the lan-
guage of birds, and to have frequently preached to them.
He is depicted in hagiological art in the act of preaching to
immense and attentive congregations of all varieties of the
feathered race.
* Siwith: — Anglo-Saxon, travelleth.
1 Route: — Norman-French, road, direction. The Fran-
ciscans, founded by St. Francis, were, as is well known,
mendicant friars; and the author, in this line, seems to say
to the saint, "many bold beggars follow the course you
pointed out."
" Vette: — Anglo-Saxon, sweet, as applied to sound, the
song of birds. The two lines may be read —
" This verse is full well set,
So far it is sweet."
v The Dominicans wore white capes and black nether
garments. Hence, when they were painted as dogs of the
Lord (Domini canes) worrying heretical wolves, they are
coloured white and black. Their house at Droglte<l;i
alluded to in the text, was founded in 1221.
w "Ever ye be travelling about the country."
x Daisser, in Norman-French, signified an assessment.
Probably the Dominicans constantly travelling about the
country forestalled the clergy of the parish churches in
collecting certain dues for holy water. This interpretation,
however, is very doubtful.
>' Gilbertines, an order of monks founded by St. Gilbert
of Sempringham, in Lincolnshire, about the middle of the
twelfth century. They wore black gowns, as described in
the text. As both the monks and nuns of this Order lived
together in the same convent, very curious stories are told
of them, and they were constant butts for the not very re-
fined wit of the other Orders.
z Minorite, a Franciscan.
"Preacher, a Dominican, as much as to say — "beggars
without and preachers at home, you are as bad as both
put together."
b Slily. I read these two lines thus : —
" Slily is this verse said,
It were harm done if I lied."
273
Hail, ze holi monkes, with zur corrinc
Late and rathe d i-fillid of ale and wine,
Depe cun ze bouse, that is al zure care,
With seint Benetis scurge lomee ze disciplineth .
Taketh hed al to me,
That this is slechef ze mows wel se.
Hail be ze, nonnes of seint Mari house,
Goddes bourinaidnesh and his owen spouse,
Ofte mistredith ze zur schone, zur fete bcth ful tendre,
Datheitk the sotter that tawith zure lethir.
Swith wel ze understude,
That makid this ditee so gode.
Hail be ze, prestis, with zur brode bokes,
Thoz zur crune be i-schave, fair beth zur crokes;!
Zow and other lewidmen deleth bot a houve,'"
Whan ze delith holi-brede, zive me botte a litil.
Sickirlich11 he was a clerk,
That wrothete this craftilich werk.
0 This is certainly the Irish Corn, a small drinking-cup,
or horn. See Ulster Journal of Archaeology , vol. viii., p. 106.
d Bathe: — Anglo-Saxon, early.
e Lome, frequently. The line then reads— "With St.
Bennet's scourge, frequently ye discipline yourselves." One
of the emblems with which St. Benedict is painted is
" a pitcher or a broken glass or cup, containing wine."
Taking this into consideration with the rest of the verse,
it is easily seen that the scourge of St. Benedict satirically
implied " a big drink."
i Sly.
g May.
h Chambermaidens: "bower" is frequently used in old
songs and romances for a lady's apartment ; compare boudoir.
1 Thenuns alluded to were probably bare-footed Carmelites,
of which Order there was a nunnery in Kildare; and the
words 'mistredith ye your shoes,' might imply that they
regretted leaving off the use of such useful coverings for
the feet.
*J)atheit. — This word is to me of unknown derivation.
It occurs twice in the Romance of Sir Tristrem; and Sir
Walter Scott (no authority whatever in a question of this
kind) interpreted it by " a wish of ill luck." Taking it in
this sense, the line would read thus : —
" Bad luck to the shoemaker that softeneth your leather."
The allusion may be equivocal ; and I would rather pass
over this verse lightly, as I did the previous one in which
Mary Magdalen is mentioned.
1 Crokcs. — Norman-French. The little tufts of hair left
at the sides and back of a clergyman's head after the crown
was shaved. It would seem, from several allusions in old
writers, that the more dandilied of the clergy used to care-
fully cultivate those ornaments. The line reads : —
" Though your crowns be shaven, fair be your crocks."
'"Ilouix: — Anglo- i-Iaxon, care, anxiety. I fancy that the
meaning of this and the following line i-; — " You and other
lewd men deal or give nought but anxiety ; when ye deal
spiritual comfort, ye give but a littl e."
274
Hail be ze, marclians, with zur grct packes,
Of drapcric, avoir-de-peise, and zur wol sackes,
Gold, silver, stones, richo markes, and pundes ;
Litil zivc ze thereof to the wrech pover.0
Slciz he was and ful of witte,
That this lure put in writte.
Hail be ze, tailurs, with zur scharpe schores,p
To make wronge hodes ze kittith lomeq gores ;r
Azens midwinter hote beth zur neldes,6
Thoz zur semes semith fair, hi lestith litil while.
The clerk that this baston* wrouzte,
Wei he woke and slepe rizte nouzte."
Hail be ze, sutters/ with zour mani lestis,w
"With zur blote* hides of selcuthy bestis,
And trobles* and treisules,a bothevampeb and alles ;c
Blak and lothlichd beth zur teth, hori' was that route.
Nis8 this bastumh wel i-pizte,'
Each word him sitte a-rizte.
0 Poor.
P Shears.
*> See note, e.
r Triangular pieces of cloth. The line reads thus : —
"To make wrong (unfair) hoods ye often cut gores."
» Needles : —
" Preparing for mid-winter, hot he your needles."
x Boston : — Norman-French, a staff or stanza of a song.
We use the word stave in a similar sense.
■ This line exactly accords with our modern acceptation
of the slang phrase, " wide-a-wake."
T Shoemakers : — The word souter is still well known in
Scotland.
w Lasts.
x Blote, to dry hy smoke, from whence we have the word
bloater applied to a smoked herring. Blotan, however, in
Saxon, meant to slaughter; and November was called
Blot Monath, or slaughtering month, because cattle were
then killed for whiter provisions. As the meat was pre-
served chiefly by smoke, the word in time lost its original
signification, and was applied to the act of smoking instead
of slaughtering. I presume the author here meant hides of
cattle, killed in the Blot month, and not hides preserved by
emoke, as we shall be introduced to the tanners directly.
y Selcuth, a Saxon compound, from seld, seldom, and
couth, known. I believe the word is still used in Scotland
to express anything strange.
z Trobles : — I can give no satisfactory interpretation of
this word.
a Treisules, probably the three-legged stools on which
shoemakers sit when at work.
h Boot-vamp ? Vamp still means to patch.
c Awls.
d Loathsome.
c Ilorig, Anglo-Saxon, dirty, filthy.
f Route, Anglo-Saxon, a rabble.
g Is not.
h See previous note on this word.
'I-piztc, Anglo-Saxon, pitched.
275
Hail be ze, skinners, with zure drenche kive,k
Who so smillith1 ther to, wo is him alive;
Whan that hit thonnerith, ze mote ther in1" —
Datheit" zur curteisie, ze stinketh al the strete.
Worth hit wer that he wer king,
That ditid0 this trie thing.
Hail be ze potters, with zour bole-ax,p
Fair beth zur barmhatresq zolowr beth zur fax ;6
Ze stondith at the sthamil,1 brod ferlich bernes ;u
Fleiisv zow folowithe, ze swolowith y-now.
The best clark of al this tun,w
Craftfullich makid this bastun.
Hail be ze, bakers, with zur lovis* smale,
Of white bred and of blakc, full many and fale,y
Ze pincheth on the rizt, white7 azen Goddes law,"
To the fair pillori ich rede ze tak hede.b
This vers is i-wrouzte so welle
That no tung i-wis mai telle.
k The vessel or place in which skins were drenched or
soaked,— Iiwshort, what we now term a tan-pit.
1 SmellJlh. *
m I am compelled to leave out a word here. Tan-yards
are not the most odoriferous places at the present time ;
in our author's days, of less refinement and little sanitary
knowledge, they must have been much worse.
n See previous note on this word.
o I €an£y the author attempts a pun here, the play being
on dite, &s- a contraction of indite, and dightan, an Anglo-
Saxon verb, signifying, to make clean.
P Probably borax, which, from its vitrifying properties,
was formerly used to form the glaze on earthenware vessels.
S A curious compound word, meaning " aprons," derived
from the Saxon barm, the fore part of the body, and the
Norman-French hatir, attire. In the Manuel de Feche of
Robert de Brunne, we may read —
" Befyl hyt so, upon a day,
That pore men sat yn the way,
And spred her Jiatren on bcr barme,
Agens the sonne that was warmo."
r Yellow.
s Hair.
t Stammel, in old English, means "red," but does not ap-
pear to have any connection with the word here. Brod
signifies a board, a brood, or the vessel wherein alms are
collected at churches. I can give no satisfactory explana-
tion of these words.
n Ferlich bernes, frightful children. I must acknowledge
that I can make nothing of this line.
v Flciis, — This is another doubtful word. Should it
mean fleas, the line would almost correspond with our
modern expression, you are eaten up with fleas. But I
have seen flesh spoiled in the same way.
* Town.
x Loaves.
y Probably " false," in allusion to the weight in the next
line,
z Weight.
8 God's law.
'" I warn ynu to beware of the pillory.
276
Ilail be ze brewesters,c with zur galuns,
Potels and quarters, over al the tounes ;
Zur thowmes* berith moch awai, schame hab tbe gyled
Beth i-war of the coking-stole,e the lakf is dep and hori.*
Sickerlich he was a clerk,
That so sleilich wrozte this work.
Hail be ze, hokesters,h dun bi the lake,
With candles and golokes' and the potts blak,
Tripis and kine fete and schepen hevedes ;
With the hori : tromcheri,k hori is zure inne.
He is sori of his lif,
That is fast to such a wif.
Fi a debles kaites1 that kemith the wolle,™
Al the schindes" of the toun a heiz upon zur scull e,
Ze makid me such a goshorne over al the wowes,
Ther-for ich makid on of zou sit upon a hechil.0
He was noble clerk and gode,
That this dep lore understode.
Makith glad, mi frendis, ze sittith to long stille ;
Spekith now, and gladieth and drinketh al zur fille ;
Ze habbeth i-hird of men lif that wonithp in lond ;
Drinkith dep, and maketh glade, ne hab ze non other node.
This song is y-seid of me,
Ever i-blcssid mote ye be
... Explycyt.
c Brewers. ' SJcite, a word of contempt, signifying a low fellow.
* TJtumbs, meaning that when the brewers filled the Maggie Lauder called the piper a " blethcrin skitc." The
pots, they kept their thumbs inside, thus reducing the meaning in the text is "devils' skites," contemptible fellows,
quantity, by saving as much liquor as their thumbs dis- children of the devil,
placed. '"That combeth the wool : — the wool-combers.
d Deceit. "Sins. — The line implies, "all the sins of the town be
e Cucking-stool. upon your heads."
fLake. ° A Hackle. — This line and the one preceding it seem
8 See previous note. to relate to some personal difference between the author
h Hucksters. and the wool-combers,
' Can this be the Irish r/ohfj. and signify " budgets ? P Dwelleth.
k Probably ; ru-h< i .
277
It is evident that the preceding poem was intended to be recited or sung at convivial parties,
from the words of the last verse, which may be thus paraphrased : — Enjoy yourselves, my friends ;
you have sat too long silent [listening to my song] ; speak out now, crack your jokes, and drink
your fill ; you have just heard how some men live that dwell in the land ; drink deep, and be
merry, you have nothing else to do at present.
A person unacquainted with the literature and ecclesiastical history of the period, might
justly wonder at a monkq like Michael writing so satirically upon saints and the monastic orders.
But the fact is, that the standing jokes of the time were founded on the misdeeds and misadventures
of saints, monks, nuns, and friars. The most sacred subjects, the highest objects of men's worship
and adoration, were not exempted from being introduced into the songs, mysteries, and smutty
allegorical romances of the era. The great cause of this profanity was the bitter feuds and jealousies
that prevailed among the monastic orders, each charging the others with the most hideous and
revolting crimes. This subject, however, is not fitted for the pages of this Journal ; but I may add
that, in the very volume from which I have taken the preceding poem, there are pieces of a most
licentious, and — as described in the Harleian catalogue — blasphemous description. Yet, like a true
picture of the period in which it was written, the volume also contains some choice gems of simple
and refined piety. One of these latter, the following little poem, though quaint and antique in
style and diction, is probably the earliest and best Lullaby in the English language. I add a
modern version of it, expressing the sentiments of the original, with the alteration of a very
few words: —
A LULLABY.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, whi wepistou so sore ?
Nedis mostou wepe, hit was i-zarkida the zore,
Ever to lib in sorow, and sich1' and mourne evere,
As thin eldren did er this, whil a-lives were.
Lollai, litil child, child, lolai, lullow,
In to uncuth world i-commen so ertow.
Bestis and thos foules, the fisses in the flode,
And euch schef c a-lives, makid of bone and blode,
q The words Ego Michael Bernardi, previously quoted in "But endless bliss or ay to brene,
the text, shows that our author was a Bernardine monk, To every man is zarked zare."
closely allied to the Cistercians, the bitterest enemies of the — Ritson Ancient Songs.
Mendicant Orders. b Sigh.
"The Anglo-Saxon zeara means "before time, of old,' ' Sheep,
and the word in the text signifies "pre-ordained,"' —
278
Whan hi commcth to the world, hi doth ham silf sum godo,
Al hot the wrech brold that is of Adamis blode.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, to kar ertou be-mette,
Thou nost nozt this worldis wild bi-for the is i-sette.
Child, if be-tidith that thou ssalt thrive and the,"
Thench thou wer i-fostred up thi moder kne;
Ever hab mind in thi hert of thos thinges thre,
Whan thou commist, what thou art, and what ssal com of the.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, child, lollai, lollai,
"With sorowthou com into this world, with sorow ssalt wend awai.
Ne tristou to this world, hit is thi ful vo ;
The rich he makith pooer, the pore rich also ;
Hit turneth wo to wel, and ek wel to wo ;
Ne trist no man to this world, whil hit turnith so.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, thi fote is in the whele,
Thou nost whodcr turne to wo other wele.
Child, thou ert a pilgrim in wikidnis i-bor,
Thou wandrest in this fals world, thou lok the bifor;
Deth ssal com with a blast ute of a wel dim horre,
Adamis kin dun to cast, him silf hath i-do be-for.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, so wo the wrozt Adam,
In the lond of Paradis, throz wikidnes of Satan.
Child thou nert a pilgrim, bot an uncuthe gist,
Thi dawes beth i-told, thi jurneis beth i-cast;
Whoder thou salt wend, north, other est,
Deth the sal be-tide, with bitter bale in brest.
Lollai, lollai, litil child, this wo Adam the wrozt,
Whan he of the appil ete, and Eve hit him betacht/
Brat, child. e Thrive and grow up. " So mote I the," signifying
" And eke a beggar's brol on the book lerne." "so may I thrive," is a common affirmation in old poetry.
— Piers Ploughman. ( Bctahte. — Anglo-Saxon, taught, imparted, delivered.
279
{Modem Version. J
Lollai, lollai, little child, why weepest thou so sore ?
Needs must thou weep, it was ordained thee of yore,
Ever to live in sorrow, and sigh and mourn in care,
As thine elders did ere this, while they alive were.
Lollai, little child, child lollai, lullow.
Into a strange world, surely, come art thou.
Beasts and the fowls, the fishes in the flood,
And each sheep alive, made of bone and blood,
When they come into the world it is for their good,
All but the wretched babe that is of Adam's blood.
Lollai, lollai, little child, to care art thou decreed,
Thou little knowest the wild world before thee that is spread.
Child, if it betideth, thou shalt thrive to man's degree ;
Eemember thou wert fostered upon thy mother's knee;
And ever cherish, in mind and heart, those things three —
Whence thou earnest, what thou art, and what shall come of thee.
Lollai, lollai, little child, lollai, lollai,
With sorrow thou earnest into this world, with sorrow shalt wend away.
Never trust thou to this world, it is thy fellest foe ;
The rich it maketh poor, the poor maketh rich also ;
It turneth woe to weal, then changeth weal to woe ;
Trust to no man in this world, while it turneth so.
Lollai, lollai, little child, thy foot is on the wheel,
Thou knowest not how it may turn, to woe or unto weal.
Child, thou art a pilgrim, born in sin and wickedness ;
Look before thee, whilst in this false world thou wanderest,
For Death shall come with sudden blast, in a dim, dark hour.
Adam's kindred to down cast, as he was cast before.
Lollai, lollai, little child, such woe to thee wrought Adam,
In the land of Paradise, through the wickedness of Satan.
Child, thou art not a pilgrim, but an unwelcome guest ;
Thy very days are numbered, thy journeys are forecast ;
Wherever thou mayst wend, to north, to east, or west,
Death thee shall betide, with bitter misery in breast.
Lollai, lollai, little child, this woe thee Adam wrought,
When he of the apple ate, as he by Eve was taught.
William Pinkebtox.
VTII. • ^—. : ^— — 2 M
260
THE ROUND TO WEE CONTROVERSY :-THE BELFRY THEORY EXAMINED.
By RICHARD BOLT BRASH, Architect.
Having in a former paper* endeavoured to show that we have no historical evidence as to the
original uses and era of the round towers of Ireland, and that the word Cloch-teach, used in various
passages of the native annals, cannot refer to them, I will now proceed to consider the question
of their date and use, as discussed by Dr. Petrie.b
That zealous and learned antiquary ascribes these structures to a period ranging from the
fifth to the thirteenth century, and their erection to the Irish Christian converts ; firstly, for
belfries ; secondly, as monastic keeps, or places of refuge in troublous times, and for preserving the
Church plate, relics, and other valuables possessed by their infant and struggling Church ; and,
thirdly, as watch-towers. Upon the latter use, however, he does not much insist for want of
sufficient evidence.
On the belfry question, however, he takes a positive position, and brings to bear upon it a
vast amount of learned research, and patient ingenuity. I would remark, in the first place, that
the very early period admitted for the existence of these towers is forced upon the Christian
theorist by the remarkably ancient character of those hoary structures, particularly one class of
them, which, amidst all the reparations and mutilations they have undergone, still present to the
archaeological critic the type of an architecture which has no parallel in that of any known Christian
people, but has a perfect and startling accordance with the Pagan arts of design and construction,
as still exemplified in monuments of ascertained antiquity all over the world. This branch of the
subject is most interesting, but of so extensive a nature that the scope of my present paper will not
allow me to enter on it. It is, however, my intention to devote a special article to the consideration
of this important phase of the question.
That the Irish converts erected belfries, in the fifth and succeeding centuries, is improbable,
and is likewise opposed to the testimony of architectural history, and to the negative evidence
of our native annals. Belfries must, evidently, have followed the introduction of bells into Christian
worship and uses : I say belfries, meaning high structures specially raised to hang large bells
in ; for it is an admitted fact, that the custom of erecting lofty symmetrical buildings, ornamental,
monumental, or commemorative, whether in the shape of obelisks, solid columns, or hollow pillars
roofed in, is of unknown antiquity. Our present business, however, is with ecclesiastical towers,
erected specially for the purpose of suspending large sonorous bells in, to call the neighbouring
community to the public worship of the sanctuary. The date of the introduction of bells into
» Ulster Journal of Archaology, vol. vii., p. 155. b Petrie's Origin and Uses of the Round Tmcers of Ireland.
281
Christian solemnities is involved in much obscurity. Bells were used by the Etrurians, Egyptians,
and Romans. The bells upon the bridles of horses, also upon the garments of the high priest,
are mentioned in Scripture, and various substitutes for them are alluded to by ancient writers.
Pliny states that bells attached to chains were suspended from point to point of the pyramids
that composed the mausoleum of Porsenna, King of Etruria. Fosbroke (vol. i., p. 229) mentions that
they were used in the mysteries of the Cabiri, the Corybantes, and Bacchus, and that they were worn
on the tunics of the Bacchantes, as a melodious accompaniment in dancing. They were carried in
funeral processions to warn the Elamen of Jupiter lest he should contract any impurity by hear-
ing the funeral flutes. The bells of a Priapus, at Portici, were of bronze, wrought over with
silver. Suetonius states that Augustus Caesar suspended a fringe of bells round the eaves of the
Temple of Jupiter Tonans. Hart, in his Ecclesiastical Records (p. 245), mentions that, before the
introduction of bells, the faithful were summoned to public worship by the sound of a table of wood,
brass, or iron, struck like a gong : nor was the use of this totally discontinued for some centuries
after, as such instruments are mentioned in Lanfrane's Monastic Institutes, written after the
Norman Conquest. In the Greek Church a hollow table of sonorous wood was used for the same
purpose: when smartly struck with a hammer, it emitted a sharp ringing sound. Such an instrument
is employed in the Armenian churches to this day.
The first mention of ecclesiastical bells is about the year 400. "We are informed that Paulinus,
a bishop of Kola, in Campania, introduced them into Christian worship ; this introduction must
exclusively refer to the altar services, as previous to this, we have no mention of bells used in the
solemnities of the Christian church ; the simplicity of the apostolical doctrine and worship having
probably yielded by degrees to the influence of the more pompous ceremonial of the pagan ritual.
The tintinnabula, subsequently introduced by Pope Leo I., about 458, were so small that six
or eight of them were hung to one wheel. Early in the seventh century we have an ordinance of
Pope Sabinian, enacting that the canonical hours should be marked by the ringing of bells. The
custom and use of hanging a number of small bells to a wheel, as above mentioned, is illustrated
by a quotation from Du Cange, v. Rota, in Eosbroke, vol. i., p. 98, mentioning that a wheel was
fixed to the wall near the altar, on which were hung a number of bells, and which was whirled
around at the elevation of the Host. There is no doubt that bells were used in the liturgical ser-
vices of the Roman Church long before they were exalted in towers to summon hearers to public
worship. It is more than probable that the first employed for this purpose were large sized hand-
bells, rung at the church-door, or from the external galleries that were common in thefagades of
Lombardic churches in Italy for several centuries. It is also extremely probable that the earliest
belfries were of wood, framed and fixed in proximity to the churches. Thus, Gregory of Tours
affirms that Leo, his predecessor, was an artist of great skill, particularly in works of carpentry ; and
that he erected towers, which he covered with gilt bronze, and some of which lasted until his time.
282
Whittington, in his Historical Essay on Gothic Architecture (p. 22), states, on the authority of
Felibien, (Arch. iii. 159, iv. 232,) that Dagobert completed the tower of Strasburg Cathedral
a.d. 643, which was principally composed of wood. So late as 1145 a wooden bell-tower, covered
with lead, was erected at the Cathedral of Chartres, which was in existence in 1506, when it was
burned by lightning. [Note to Whittington's Essay, p. 182.]
As from Rome emanated all ecclesiastical forms and ceremonies, and as the introduction of bells
into Christian worship is undeniably due to her, so we must naturally look to Italy for the first
examples of belfries or bell-towers. The first bell-tower recorded to have been erected in Italy was
that added to old St. Peter's, at Eome, by Pope Stephen III., between a.d. 752 and 757. See
Hope's Architecture of Italy, (vol. i., p. 276,) who quotes, as his authority, Anastatius Bibliothe-
carius. Knight, in his Architecture of Italy, (p. 28,) says, " that bells were not used in connection
with churches until after the time of Paul I. Adrian I., who was elected in 772, erected the first
belfry ; it was of a character very similar to that represented in the engraving annexed, and became the
model after which most of the ancient belfries of Rome were designed." c The characteristics of these
ancient Roman belfries, — many of which remain to this day, — are thus given by Hope (vol. i. p. 277) :
" At Rome also the towers are all square, but with the stoiaes marked by different cornices or string
courses, the divisions between offering a certain number of small arches, with or without columns
clustered together, with perhaps a canopy or tribune for a Madonna near the top ; and medallions of
porphyry, serpentine, or other marbles, inserted in the brick surface." See also the Architectural
Publication Society's volume for 1848-9, article "Campanile," (p. 3). The dates of some of these
square Roman brick towers are well ascertained. S. Giorgio, in Velabro, was erected by Pope
Zacharias, a.d. 745 to 752; Su Maria, in Cosmedin, 760 to 780; S. Giovanni Laterano, 750.
The oldest of the square towers of San Ambrogio, Milan, was erected in 850 ; the second in 1143;
the tower of San Zeno, "Verona, in 1145 ; the leaning tower of Bologna, in 1116; that of Pisa, in
1 174. The foundation of the square tower in the Piazza, at Venice, was laid in 889.
Speaking of the Venetian towers, Hope says (vol. i., p. 277): — "At Venice, again, all the
steeples are square, and without distinct external string-courses, but divided on each side into two
or three panels, running uninterruptedly from their base to their top, crowned by a small square
or octagon belfry." Again : — " The towers of the north of Italy are also square, more marked by
vertical pannelling ; the string-courses, usually flat, are very secondary features ; the arcades are not
perforated to the same depth; and the cushion capital is not found." [Architectural Publication
Society's vol. for 1848-9, article " Campanile," page 3.]
There is another class of church-towers in Italy to which the advocates of the Christian
origin of the Irish Round Towers have turned for help to sustain their cause. I allude to the
cirexdar towers of Ravenna : these structures are of undoubted antiquity, but not more so than the
c The Italics are mine.
283
brick towers at Rome, which they exactly resemble in every thing except their circular form.
Hope (vol. i., p. 277) thus describes the Ravennese towers: — "Cylindrical, and like a tube of
equal diameter from top to bottom, and all articulated, or showing external string courses, marking
every higher internal floor, some of these stories offering single round-arched windows, others
clusters of two or three; low roofs cover the tops." The clustered windows are divided by small
slender columns, having the cushion capital, which feature is general in all Roman brick towers.
It is not to be supposed, however, that all the church-towers of Ravenna are circular ; there are
several square towers, exactly similar to the Roman ones, and having details identical with the
circular ones. A list of these towers is given in the Builder (London, 1849, pp. 243-4), where the
writer, treating on the strong resemblance and identity of construction and detail between the
Ravennese and Roman towers, remarks, that the windows in the towers, square and round, are
almost all similar, in the peculiar deeply recessed columns and small arches above, to the Roman
brick ones. There are very few strings, and these few are formed merely of bricks laid angle-wise
between two rows of bricks, almost flush with the face ; they have no dentils. The crowning
cornices are in a similar style, but larger and bolder. The columns have sometimes slightly carved
capitals, in the Norman style.
Stairs were carried up in these towers ; in the square ones they ran from angle to angle,
between two thicknesses of walling ; in the circular ones the steps wound round a newel, like the
turret-stairs of castles and ordinary church-towers. The author of the article " Campanile," in the
publication before alluded to, thus, in general terms, describes the early structures of this class : —
" "We find that the early ' Campanili' were simple towers, perforated by semi-circular arched
openings, carried on columns or piers, not very artistically arranged, arising abruptly from the
ground, without base or plinth mouldings, undiminished to the summit, and divided by numerous
string- courses into stories of nearly equal height."
I have been thus minute in describing these ancient towers from reliable and trustworthy
sources, in order to show that there is no resemblance whatsoever between the circular towers of
Ravenna and the Hiberno-Celtic, except their circular form. "What other points are there in
common between those stair-cased, many-floored, and many-windowed structures, with their col-
umned dressings, their brick ornamented string-courses and cornices, and the tall, slender, tapering,
exquisitely proportioned, yet massive, masonried tower of Ireland, with its stone-lintelled Cyclopean
doorway, its few and diminutive window opes, usually square or angular headed, its four attic
windows facing accurately the cardinal points, and its overlaid stone roof ?
The date of the erection of the Ravennese towers has not been fixed. Their architectural details
would take them as far back as the eighth, or as late as the tenth, century ; but it is not by any
means probable that they are earlier than the eighth, from the fact that church-bells had not come
into general use at an earlier period, and that at Rome, where wc should naturally look for the earliest
284
introduction of all ecclesiastical adjuncts, bell- towers were not erected before the middle of the
eighth century. I would once for all quoto the opinion of one who had carefully and laboriously
investigated the subject of Italian ecclesiastical architecture :d speaking of the Roman basilicas
erected at the first great development of Christianity he says: — "The only universal addition
in Rome to the former sacred structures was after steeples had begun to spring up in the seventh
and eighth centuries, that of one of these appendages to each of the old churches." Yet with all
these facts and weight of testimony staring us in the face, we are called upon to believe that the
Irish erected ecclesiastical bell towers in the fifth, sixth, and succeeding centuries.
That bell-towers originated in Italy, is beyond all manner of doubt ; we can trace their progress
into Northern Italy, into Southern France, and Germany, where the Italian type of tower is
plentiful to this day : nay, the influence of that original form was felt through Christian Europe ;
and, even in Britain, the so called Saxon towers, such as Earl's Barton, Sompting, Brixworth, &c,
in their square form, vertical pannelling, coupled windows, with columns or baluster shafts, and the
cushion capital, point unmistakeably to the original Italian type of bell-tower. I shall not here
pursue this branch of the subject any further. It is quite suificient for me to establish, a3 I hope
I have done, that we have no authentic record of the erection anywhere of lofty stone or brick
towers, specially for the reception of ecclesiastical bells, before the eighth century ; nor have we
any reasonable grounds for supposing that such were in use previous to that date.
The ages generally assigned to the oldest remaining towers in France and Germany, and to
those in England usually called Saxon, is consistent with the date given for the introduction of
bells and bell-towers in Italy, allowing a reasonable period to elapse for the gradual introduction of
this new feature in ecclesiastical architecture, and taking into account the difficulties of communi-
cation then existing, the dislike of innovation, and the troubled state of Christendom in those
remote and semi-barbarous ages.
I shall here leave my readers to conjecture, if they can, how the Christian Irish came to have
bell towers in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries.
In order to give some colour to this early erection of towers in Ireland, Dr. Petrie has
attempted to establish the use of bells in this country at a very early period : his authorities are
monkish legends, and Lives of Saints of the most apocryphal character, whose statements, as the
truthful and erudite Lanigan has shown, if not entirely unworthy of credit, must, at least, be very
unsafe upon matters of fact. Various passages from these legends are quoted by that learned
gentleman, such as, that St. Patrick, who came to Ireland a.d. 452, abundantly distributed bells ;
that he had a bell-ringer, one Sinell, who rung the bell in the Cloigteach ; that he had three
artificers, named Asicus, Biteus, and Tassach, who fabricated such utensils with admirable art ;
that one Dageus was a famous bell-founder in the sixth century, and that he not only fabricated
d Hope's Historical Essay.
2Su
"bells, croziers, crosses, &c, but also shrines; and that though some of these implements were
without ornament, others were covered with gold, silver and precious stones, in an ingenious and
admirable manner." How unlikely all this is to be true must be apparent from the following consi-
derations : — The early Irish missionaries were poor, zealous, fervent, simple in manners, plain in
attire, rigid in morals ; they brought with them neither silver, gold, nor precious stones; their
language was that of the apostles of old to the blind man at the beautiful gate of the temple,
" Silver and gold we have none, but such as we have give we unto you." They came to preach the
Gospel of peace to a nation of idolaters, and the weapons of their warfare were not carnal but spiritual.
I have already stated that the introduction of bell-towers into Ireland, at the period or periods
mentioned by Dr. Petrie, is contrary to the negative evidence of our native Annals, to which source
he entirely appeals. Now, admitting for argument's sake, that the word clochteach signifies
a bell -house, how comes it that a belfry is not mentioned under this appellation before a.d. 950,
the earliest notice or mention of the term that Dr. Petrie has been able to produce ? "We have various
terms for churches, and various parts and classes of ecclesiastical structures, specially and repeatedly
mentioned, centuries previous to that date, but not one word about a clochteach. The natural infer-
ence is, that no belfries existed ; that such appendages to churches were not in use, for if they
were, surely such lofty imposing and important structures would not have been passed over in
silence, when Duirthechs (oak churches or oratories), Erdams (porches), and Cucines (kitchens) are
specially referred to.
It is highly improbable that the early Christians in this country would erect such a lofty
imposing and enduring structure as a Round Tower, for the mere purpose of hanging a bell in
it. Various writers have been struck with the very diminutive size of the ancient Irish churches,
particularly those erected before the thirteenth century. Any person who has visited Scattery,
Iniscaltra, Clonmacnoise, Glendalough, &c, cannot fail to be struck with the humble size and pre-
tensions of the ancient churches which at present exist in proximity to the Pound Towers in those
localities. A reference to the sizes of some of those structures will illustrate my argument.
The stone-roofed church of St. Molua, at Killaloe, which was the ancient cathedral of the
diocese, and not older than the tenth or eleventh century, erected at the seat of regal authority, and
under the auspices of a powerful toparch, is but 29 feet in length and 17 feet in width, a very
humble unornamented structure.
The principal of the churches at Inniscaltra, and which was erected by King Brian Boroimhe,
towards the latter end of the tenth century, is but 30 feet by 20, exclusive of a small chancel
subsequently added : the more ancient churches are of much smaller dimensions.
Teampull Fineen, at Clonmacnoise, which is at present connected with the Bound Tower called
Clogaus leg, is but 28 feet 10 inches in length, and 14 feet G inches in width, not including a small
chancel. Several of the churches at Clonmacnoise are still smaller.
286
The above-cited examples were churches of some consideration in their day ; but the fact is,
that the majority of the churches whose antiquity approaches that of the Round Towers are of much
smaller dimensions, of mean aspect, and in very many instances of inferior workmanship to the
Round Towers themselves, — in fact generally so.
It certainly must obtrude itself on us as a strange anomaly, and a very unlikely procedure,
that a young and struggling church should spend its means and energies in erecting these lofty,
massive, and useless towers, while they built the temples of the Most High small, low, and mean.
The bell- tower or belfry was at all times looked upon merely as an adjunct to ecclesiastical buildings,
and so secondary a one that it was sometimes erected of wood, as I have before shown ; and it was
very generally the last part of the sacred edifice that was completed ; as indeed it is at the present
day. How many rich and capacious churches have we at this moment whose towers have never yet
been built, owing to the want of funds ; the people naturally completing first, that which was most
important and necessary.
I shall advance another reason why the Round Towers of Ireland cannot be considered as belfries
or as ecclesiastical adjuncts, and it is this : that, among all the religious establishments founded by
the early Scotic saints and missionaries in foreign lands, not one of them at present, nor yet in
memory or tradition, can show us a single instance of a Round Tower of the true Hiberno- Celtic
type. Scotland, it is true, possesses two towers unmistakebly of the above class; but they happen
to be in that portion of the country which came under the dominion of the pagan Dalriads of Ulster,
and whose entire topographial nomenclature is purely Irish.
I believe that Christian antiquity furnishes us with no case of missionary zeal parallel to that of
the early Scotic {i.e. Irish) churchmen; their enthusiasm no dangers could affright, no hardships deter,
no allurements seduce, no ridicule turn aside : they were eminently single-minded, their one object
being to glorify God in the conversion of the heathen. These earnest men did not always wander
about from place to place ; they usually fixed upon some spot suitable for their labours, where there
was a population requiring their teachings : in such places they erected, first a church, secondly a
school ; for the Scoti were then famous in Europe for their learning, and with them learning was
the hand-maid of religion. These schools subsequently, upon the spread of Monachism, became
monasteries, many of them remaining so to this day. For illustration, I would here refer to some
of the most remarkable foreign establishments of the missionary Scoti.
In England the following were founded, between the fifth and eighth centuries : — Lindisfarne,
Lestingham, Ripon, Gilling, Whitby, St. Bees, Abingdon, Malmesbury, Glastonbury, and
Burgh-castle. St. Aidan preached to the people of the kingdom of Deira and Bernicia. St. Fursa
converted the East Angles; St. Finian the Middle Angles. St. Kieran preached the gospel in
Cornwall, and is still the patron of that country, under the name of Piran. In Britain also preached
SS. Brendan, Maidoc, Senan, Molagga, Aed, and Colman. St. Maccaldus, of Down, was the first
287
bishop of Man, in the fifth century. In Scotland, St. Columba founded churches at Iona, Mull,
Tiree, Islay, Lewis, and Oransey ; St. Donaan at Eig ; St. Brendan at Seil ; St. Blaan at Bute ; St.
Molaise at Arran ; St. Maelruba at Skye. Melrose, Coldingham, and numerous other abbies were also
founded in that country by Irish missionaries. In Germany they founded establishments at
Ratisbon, "Wurtzburg, Erfurt, Constance, Nurnberg, Memmingen, Mentz, and Cologne. In
France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy, innumerable religious houses were founded by them,
between the sixth and twelfth centuries. It would occupy too much space here to enumerate
them and their founders ; those who are curious on the subject may consult Beda, Aldhelm, and
Willebrod; andamong the moderns, Colgan, Ussher, Ware, Lanigan, and Adanman'sZ?/<? of St. Columba,
edited by Dr. Beeves. Now, I ask, is it not a very singular and significant fact, that if the Round
Tower was a purely ecclesiastical structure, and a usual and necessary adj unct to our primitive
churches, why is it that, among the hundreds of churches founded by the Scotic saints and mis-
sionaries in foreign lands, not one can exhibit a Round Tower, — no, not even in memory or tradition.
Surely such zealous men as Columba, Brendan, Senan, Kilian, Kieran, &c, who had Round Towers
standing in proximity to their own native monasteries or churches, would, if such were really
essential ecclesiastical requisites, have introduced them in the various places where they preached
the doctrines of the Cross, and founded churches. St. Columba has certainly been traditionally a
great church -builder, yet we have no trace of a Round Tower in any of the numerous localities in
Scotland where he is said to have built churches : to my mind, the argument is a perfectly conclu-
sive one against these towers being of Christian origin or uses.
There is another fact fatal to the belfry theory, and it is this : that there is not a single tower
that presents any original preparation for hanging a bell. Had the towers been erected for this
purpose, the builders, keeping an immediate eye to their particular uses, would have made a solid
and substantial preparation for suspending the bell, by inserting beams of durable oak, and leaving
solid corbels of stone projecting internally as a foundation for the frame-work necessary for that
purpose. Now, I have myself examined most of the Irish Round Towers, and have never found any
such original preparation for the hanging of bells. In such of the towers as are at present used for
belfries, holes had to be broken for the insertion of the requisite supports, and the violence requisite
to accomplish this has in many instances been the cause of permanent injury to the structures.
For instance, at Ardmore, where a bell was hung until recently, two rude rough gaps were made
internally in the conical eap, into which a beam was inserted ; the breaking of these holes has greatly
injured the roof by displacing the masonry, while, to allow room for the bell to swing, the piers
between the attic windows have been cut away and hollowed out : the whole operation having been
productive of great injury to this structure. Any practical builder who has carefully examined the
towers cannot fail to be struck with the make-shifts resorted to in adapting some of them to the
purposes of belfrys. The holes for the timbers arc invariably rough gaps in the masonry, not regular,
vol. vni. 2 .v
288
neatly-built openings formed during the progress of the original building : this is also particularly
observable in those towers in which floors have been introduced, where rude joist-holes are observ-
able broken through the internal masonry.
In my former notes on the Hound Tower controversy, published in the Ulster Journal of
Archceology, vol. vii. p. 155, I made the following statement— namely, that "the first notice that
Dr. Petrie has been able to produce, of what he designates a round tower belfry, is in the middle
of the tenth century." I must partially qualify this assertion, by referring to a statement made by
that gentleman in p. 384 of his work, respecting the erection of what he considers to be a round tower
in the sixth century ; it is not indeed designated in the original by the learned gentleman, a clochteach,
nevertheless he conceives he has good grounds for supposing it to be a round tower. The authority
cited by Dr. Petrie is Adamnan1 s Life of St. Columba, as given in Pinkerton's Lives of the Scottish
Saints, taken from a manuscript, in the British Museum, of the twelfth century. The passage
rendered into plain English is as follows: — "Chap. 15. Of the angel of the Lord that came
speedily to the assistance of the brother, who fell from the top of the Pound Monastery at Durrow.
Another time as the holy man sat in his cell, engaged in writing, his countenance suddenly
changed, and he cried out from his pure breast, ' Help, help.' Two of the brethren who stood at
the door, Colgu, a son of Cellach, and Lugneus Mo-cublai, enquired the reason of this sudden'excla-
mation. The venerable man replied, saying — ' I ordered the angel of the Lord, who was here, to
go speedily to the assistance of one of the brothers, who fell from the highest point of a great
church [de summo culmine magnae domus] which is now erecting at Durrow.' And the saint
subsequently remarked, 'how great and surpassing is the speed of angelic motion, like, as I imagine,
to the swiftness of lightning. The heavenly spirit who fled hence, when that man began to fall,
arrived there as in the twinkling of an eye, before the body reached the ground, and by this means
saved him from fracture or any kind of injury.' Now, in the first place, I entirely dispute the
authority of this collection of very apochryphal legends in settling a matter of fact of so much
importance as the one under notice; the so-called Life, is no biography at all, but simply a
collection of wonderful miracles and doings of St. Columba, given in paragraphs, without any sort
of connection, and bearing ample evidence of their middle age origin. But, for argument's sake,
admitting that this miracle was really performed, and that the original narrative has been carefully
and truthfully handed down to us from the time of St Adamnan, I submit that the terms used do
not bear the construction put upon them by Dr. Petrie. I should state that the heading prefixed
to the chapter is not found in some of the editions of this work, and as it is upon this dubious
heading Dr. Petrie labours to establish the point at issue, he argues that the more ancient editions
of Canisius, of Messingham, and of the Bollandists, are wrong in omitting it; and that, as the manu-
script from which Colgan published his edition agrees with that in the British Museum in retaining
the heading, it ought to be received as a portion of the original text of Adamnan : admitting, how-
289
ever, that this point has been scrutinized by the learned through the various manuscript copies of
eight or ten centuries, and the point settled that the heading is original, we come now to consider
its bearing upon the matter in question,
Dr. Petrie's assumption is, that the designation "de monasterii culmine rotundi," signifies a
Round Tower, or that we should so understand it, or that such a building was thus expressed. I
shall give his argument on the passage — " The real question is, what the author could have meant
by ' de monasterii culmine rotundi.' Not, certainly, that the monastery itself had a round roof,
because we know that the monasteries of those days were a collection of small and detached cells,
eaeh devoted to a single monk ; and certainly not that the church itself had one, as it appears, from
the notice in the text of the chapter, that the 'culmen' was that of the 'magna domus;' and
besides, from the quadrangular forms of all the Irish churches of this period, they could not have
admitted 6f a dome roof. But more than all, supposing it was from the roof of the church that the
monk was falling, or from any other building such as we know to have existed in connection with
the monasteries of that period, the tower excepted, where would have been the danger, to escape
which, the miraculous interposition of an angel would be necessary ? Surely not to prevent him
from a fall of twelve feet or so, which is the usual height of the side-walls of the abbey churches
of this period ; nor from the roofs of either the abbot's house or monks' cells, which, though usually
round, were seldom, if ever, of a greater height than twelve feet, and from which, having rarely
upright walls, there could have been no serious danger in falling. In short the miracle, to be a
miracle at all, requires the supposition that the round roof on which the brother was at work must
have been that of a building of great altitude, and from which a fall would be necessarily productive
of certain death. Such a building, in fact, as a Round Tower, which was the only one of the kind
the Irish had, either in those days or for many ages afterwards." "We here find our author's argu-
ment to be founded upon the assumption that by the " top of the round monastery," a Round Tower
is meant : — what authority is there for such an assumption ? None whatever ; the passage is plain
and simple, — the round monastery. Surely, if the writer intended a lofty, slender, pillar tower, he
would have conveyed his meaning in plain and suitable terms to designate such a structure. "What,
then, does the writer mean by the round monastery ? Why, he simply means what he says, that
this accident occurred in a monastery of a circular form. For the information of those not versed in
the primitive ecclesiastical architecture of this country, I would explain to them that these establish-
ments usually consisted of a number of circular stone-roofed cells, or clochans, each inhabited by a
single recluse, with the church in the centre, or elsewhere; the whole enclosed by a circular wall
or ca&hel, sometimes of uncemented masonry, sometimes of earth and stones, sometimes entirely of
earth. An admirable description of those establishments will be found by the reader in Dr. Petrie's
own work (p. 126), with illustrations of some of these circular stone-roofed cells. The heading of the
290
chapter quoted then reads plain and simple enough : that the accident happened in a religious
establishment of this description, designated round, either from the form of its wall of circumvallation,
or from the general form of its buildings, or from both. But why use the phrase "the top, &c?"
Simply because it is an ordinary and usual mode of expression ; thus, it is common to say, a man
fell off the top of the barracks, or the work-house, or the college, though there may be twenty roofs
or buildings in any of them, the ordinary acceptation of the phrase being that the accident occurred
from some of the buildings composing the college or the barracks, &c. But the heading of the
chapter having thus stated where this circumstance did occur, the narrator in the relation expressly
states the particular building from the top of which he fell, and he declares it to be the "magna doinus."
Now what building was the "magna domus?" in simple English, the "great- house;" or, par ex-
cellence, the church. It was called magna, great, because of its superior size, its importance, its
sanctity ; the word domus is constantly and generally used to designate the sacred edifice. Parker,
in his Architectural Glossary, at the word dome, says — " So much does the cupola prevail in the old
churches, both in Italy and Germany, that the Latin word domus, or house, applied to that of
worship, par excellence, is retained alike in the Italian appellation duomo, and the German one of
dom, given to the cathedral of each city." Most of the ecclesiastical writers of the middle ages use
the word domus for church ; and indeed the mode of expression used in this legend smacks more of
the middle ages than of the primitive times of St. Adamnan.
But Dr. Petrie further objects that it could not be from the church that the monk fell, inas-
much as the walls of the churches of these times were but twelve feet or so in height, and that there
could be no miracle in saving a man's life in so trifling a fall. As to the exact height a fall from
which will kill a man, I am not prepared to give an opinion ; suffice it to say, I have known a man
killed from a fall of six feet, and I have known men survive a fall of over forty feet. But if we
examine the construction and size of the churches of that period, it will give us some insight into
the probability of such an accident occurring. I will not here oblige Dr. Petrie to adhere to his
statement (page 160 of his work,) of the Church of Armagh, erected in St. Patrick's time, being
1 40 feet in length, and argue from thence what the probable size of the church at Durrow may
have been : because I do not believe in that fabled church, nor in the monster lime-kiln built to
burn lime for it. I will confine myself to matters within the bounds of probability, and which can
be verified by existing examples. St. Cormac's chapel, at Cashel; St. Plannan's and Molua's, at
Killaloe; St. Kevin's, at Glendalough, and others of that class, will .supply us with a type of what
the 'Magna Domus' at Durrow was. Now, if we take one of the most moderate sized of those mode-
rate churches, St. Kevin's Kitchen (so called), at Glendalough, we find that, though the walls are
but 11^ feet high, to the eaves, the ridge of the stone roof is 32± feet high, and consequently of an
exceeding steep pitch ; again, St. Columba's house, or oratory, at Kells, the dimensions of which
291
are but 24 feet by 21 feet, is within a fraction of 40 feet to the ridge of the stone roof. Will
Dr. Petrie assert that it would be no miracle for a man's life to be saved in falling from the "culmen"
of such an edifice. I was on the ridge of St. Kevin's stone-roofed church at Glendalough, and I
assure my reader that a tumble from it would leave very few whole bones in any one's body.
I have now done with this subject. I hope I have given a fair and unstrained exposition of
this passage, which indeed needs little commentary if we take its simple statement, as given
in the original.
EARLY IRISH CALIGRAPHY.
( Concluded from page 230.)
ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPTS.
We now proceed to an enumeration and examination of the Irish manuscripts still extant in the
public libraries of Switzerland, and we shall direct our attention chiefly to their contents, and to the
character in which they were written.
Unfortunately, a great many of the most valuable Irish manuscripts have been lost;
for the reasons already mentioned, namely, from the dislike to the Irish letters, but still more in
consequence of the decline of literary activity in the abbey of St. Gall, during the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries; so that only a very small number have reached us in an uninjured state;
and frequently a single leaf, which has been used for binding a book written at a later date, indi-
cates the former existence of an important and beautiful Irish manuscript. We have taken some
pains to collect a few even of the latter, and to give a slight artistic review of all these remains,
whereby the amateur in archaeological studies partly may become acquainted with the contents of
these writings, partly also may obtain a view of the oldest caligraphy of this people, and be
enabled to ascertain the period to which these manuscripts belong.
With respect generally to the contents of the Irish manuscripts which still exist, it appears
that, with few exceptions, they relate to ecclesiastical and religious subjects, and particularly to
the books of the New Testament, among which, the writings of St. John, who was held in especial
honour in Ireland, have been- multiplied by preference, and are preserved in numerous copies. As
regards the version of the biblical writings, it has been ascertained by collations made on the
Continent as well as in England, that the Irish copies are based almost exclusively on oriental
originals.
"Different circumstances," says Westwood," "furnish proof that, during several centuries,
a'Westwood's Palaeoffraphia Sacra.
292
the ancient Christian Church in Ireland was not incorporated with the Church of Rome, and that
her discipline and her various peculiarities indicate a connection with the Eastern Church. Sir
Robert Cotton, Spelman, Camden, and Selden, have proved that, before the arrival of St. Augustine,
the Egyptian rule alone prevailed in Ireland. It is known that the conversion of Ireland took place
at a very early period, though it has not been yet ascertained whether the Irish received Chris-
tianity from Lyons, through the pupils of Irenseus, or from Romish or British missionaries at that
time, as Great Britain was still under the dominion of the Romans. Secluded from the rest of the civi-
lized world, the Irish Church preserved her original form and discipline unchanged, even when
Rome, after the lapse of centuries, had already assumed a domineering character, and had intro-
duced a set of rules and principles which were quite unknown to the more ancient church, and
consequently to the Irish one likewise. Hence arose the controversies and disputes between the Irish
missionaries in the North of England and the Romish missionaries and adherents of St. Augustine.
Hence also the circumstance, that, whilst the Romish Church, in the sixth century, was zealously
endeavouring to substitute the Yulgate for the old Italic translation of the Bible, and the Septu-
agint, almost all Irish manuscripts follow a version differing from the Yulgate, or are composed of a
mixed Text compiled from the Vulgate and the older versions. Also, the commencement of Irish
gospels never contains the usual Canons and Prefaces which are prefixed in the Vulgate. These
peculiarities led Archbishop TJssher to aflirm that previous to the year 815, the ancient Irish version
was exclusively in use in Ireland."
A. IEISH BOOKS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. GALL.
1 . The Gospel of St. John, Codex No. 60.b — TheCatalogue of books in the monastery of St. Gall,
drawn up in the ninth century, mentions this MS. twice, as follows: —"Item evangelia II. secundum
Johannem scottice scripta;" and again among the books written in the Scotic [Irish] handwriting :
" Evangelium secundum Johannem in vol. I." This Gospel is divided neither into chapters nor
verses, but into 232 paragraphs. The MS. contains also a Harmony of the Gospels, in which it
specifies the number of paragraphs into which the Gospels were divided, together with the Canon
of Ai'monious. The plates of ivory, adorned with carving, which form the binding, seem to be the
work of a Roman artist, and to have been imitated by Tuotilo in the so-called "Evangelium
longum." [See specimens of MSS., Plate iv. 1.]
2. Pn'scmwws,No.904. This MS. also is found entered in the above-mentioned Catalogue of the 9th
century. It is written in the Irish cursive hand, and presents numerous combinations of letters and
abbreviations. The text is explained in a great many places by interlinear glosses, which are in
Latin in the early portion of the book, and often in Irish in that which follows. In the latter there
are notes on single words written on the upper and lower margins, less frequently, however, on the
b The remarks on the MSS. and fragments at St. Gall are taken from the notices published in Latin by Von Arx.
293
upper. Notes and words likewise occur in Irish runic [Ogham] writing, as in other Irish MSS. Some-
times the hour of the day is mentioned at which a leaf was completed, for example : — "Tertia hora
tempus prandii, nox adest;" and in other places we have these remarks : — "Difiicilis ista pagina,
Hucusque, depinxit, hene est hie" &c. Frequently the assistance of God and the Irish saints is
invoked for the work of transcription, thus : — "Sancta Brigita, aucfor adjuva lucis seterna; ; Sancta
Brigita ora pro nobis ; Sancta Brigita adjuva scriptorem istius artis ; Brigita adjuva, fave Brigita ;
Sanctus Patricius; in nomine Sancti Chormitii [rede Diormitii]; Sanctus Dionysius ora pro nobis."
There also occur many proper names and other designations, such as "Finguine, Cuthbert, Follega,
Donnogus, Ellinirmo, Cobthaich, Fernchor."
The holes in the parchment are not, as in other manuscripts, left open, but are filled up with
pieces which fit exactly into them, and are sewed in with horse-hair.
This remarkable manuscript was added to the library of St. Gall in the middle of the
ninth century, under the abbot Grimoald (between 841 and 872), who during 31 years caused many
books to be transcribed. Batpert, in his Chronicle of this abbey, makes particular mention of it
as the " Grammatica Prisciani in Vol. i." [_See specimens, Plate iv. 2]
3. A Fragment, Codex No. 1395. — A single leaf, remarkable for its designs composed of
figures of animals and interlaced lines, its angular capitals, and extremely delicate and beautiful
handwriting. The words in angular writing (of which the first letter, a "P," on account of its
size could not be copied in our Plate) read as follows : " Peccavimus Domine peccavimus parcun."
The style of penmanship is the beautiful Irish minuscule, in which most of the liturgical books of
that people are written. [See specimens, Plate iv. 3.]
4. A Fragment, No. 751. — Apparently a manuscript of the eighth century, in duodecimo, con-
taining a treatise by Hippocrates and Galen on the cure of diseases. The parchment is rough and
hard. [See specimens, Plate iv. 4.]
5. A Fragment, No. 1395. — A fragment of a treatise on poetry. The rules of this art are here
communicated in a dialogue between M and D, that is, " Magister and Discipulus." The following
words which occur in this fragment, " Elementa suo populo persuaderi non posse," appear to signify
that, at the time when this metrical treatise was composed, the people among Avhom the author
lived used the Latin language (unless, indeed, by "populus" we are to understand the inmates of
a monastery, or learned persons). It is to be observed, moreover, that the letters have not the
usual characteristic of Irish writing. They are angular, instead of rounded in the turns, and are
executed without much skill. They present a great similarity to the writing of the Gospel of St.
Moling, which belongs to the seventh century, and that of the Liber Ilymnorum, which was written
in the ninth or tenth. There is a fac- simile of both of these in 0' Donovan's Irish Grammar. [See
specimens, Plate iv. 5.]
6. Fragment, No. 1394. — A portion of an Irish Sacramentarium, varying from the Roman
294
one, belonging, probably, to tbe ninth century, and written with great elegance. It contains
different prayers for the Mass of tbe Purification of the blessed Yirgin Mary, and a part of a Canon;
and seems to be the remains of the Missal mentioned in the catalogue of St. Gall among the Scotic
books. That it relates to the ceremonial of the Scotic Mass is apparent, partly from the numerous
orationes [i.e. collects or prayers] on account of which St. Columbanus (who retained in Gaul the
ceremonial of his own country) was censured by the bishops (see Jonas in his Life of St. Colum-
banus), partly from the circumstance that in the Prayer, "Libera nos quaesumus," the words
" Patricio episcopo " are added to the names of Peter and Paul. [See specimens, Plate iv. 6.]
7. Fragment, No. 1395. — The Epistle of St. Paul to the Colossians. [See specimens, Plate iv. 7.
8. Fragment, No. 1395. — A portion of a Mass for the dead, from a small Irish missal. The
passages that occur in it from the Gospel of St. John do not agree with the Vulgate, nor with the
old Italic version of the Codex of Vercelli, or Yerona, or Brixen, &c. [See specimens, Plate iv. 8.]
9. Fragment, No. 1493. — A treatise on the figures of speech. This fragment treats of the
figures of Catacrisis, Metalempsis, Metonymia, &c. The writing is extremely beautiful. The text
contained in these leaves agrees neither with the Schema of Cassiodorus, Boetius, Beda, nor
Isidorus. Perhaps it may be from the writings of Aldhelm, the Anglo-Saxon bishop, whose work
on Metre has been published by A. Majo. [See specimens, Plate iv. 9.]
10. Fragment, No. 1394. — The first three chapters of the gospel of St. Luke, and undoubtedly
belonging to the ninth century. The parchment is thick and discoloured. The writing is the
roundish minuscule-hand of the Irish, and is of great beauty. It is replete with contractions and
abbreviations. [See specimens, Plate iv. 10.]
11. Codex, No. 930. — A duodecimo book, made of waste parchment, and which was formerly
considered as an autograph work of St. Gall himself. It contains, besides the letter of St. Jerome
to Paulinus, remarks on various subjects, as for instance, on God, on Matter, on Persons (from St.
Augustine), on the Roman Magistrates (from St. Jerome), on Geometry, on Incense, on the Owl, on
the Alphabet (from St. Isidore), on Saint Jerome, on the Holy Cross, and the Church, on the Oriental
Cycle, on the Age of the World, on the Sun-dial, on Adam, on Christ, on the Hours of the Day,
on the Hebrew Alphabet, and on the Time for Blood-letting. Finally, tbcre is contained in it a
remarkable Latin-German Dictionary, which, however, does not seem to have been written in
Germany. That the writer was a Scot [Irishman] is proved not only by the style of hand- writing,
but by the way he speaks of some animals ; for example, of the Porphyrion, of which he says —
" It is not to be found in Britannia ;" and of the Onocrotalus, " This animal also we have not." This
portion of the book exhibits many errors of words and spelling, both in the German and Latin.
At page 89, we find the following lines, which comprise all the letters of the alphabet: —
Te canit adcelebratque polus rex gazifcr hymnis,
Trans zepbyrique globum scandunt tua fata per axem.
295
This manuscript does not appear to be older than the eighth century, and belongs to the time
of Othmar. [See specimens, Plate iv. 11.]
12. The Gospels, Codex No. 48. — The four Gospels in the Greek language, with a Latin inter-
linear translation, to which is prefixed a Hymn of St. Hilary. Professor Rettig, who published a
facsimile of this manuscript at Zurich, in the year 1836, has, in his Preface to this work, expressed
the opinion that this book, which is the work of different hands, may have been written by Irish
monks at St. Gall, probably under abbot Grimoald (841-873), or his learned successor, Hartmuot.
He refers to this book the title " Evangeliorum volumen unutn," which appears in the Catalogue
of Ratpert [see Casus S. Galli, in Pertz's Monumenta Germanica, ii., p. 70], and also these verses,
composed by the monk just mentioned : —
" Praemia tantorum, cui dona Christe, laborum,
Huicque polum tribuas, qui sydera celsa crearas,
Mattheus, Marcus, Lucas, pariterque Johannes
Sint illi comites quorum celebrabat honores."
That this codex was written by Irishmen is placed beyond all doubt by the form of the Greek as
well as Latin letters. [See specimens, Plate iii. 1.]
13. A Fragment, No. 1395. — A Prayer for the dying. [See specimens, Plate iii.' 2].
14. Latin Gospels, Codex No. 51. — The four Gospels in the usual order, but divided in a
peculiar manner into Lessons and Yerses : Matthew into seven, Mark into three, Luke into five,
and John into six Lessons. The commencement of the Lessons is marked by the use of ornamented
and painted capitals ; the commencement of the Verses by plain but painted ones. The text agrees
neither with the Yulgate of Jerome nor the old Italic version. It is full of mistakes in spelling,
so that one might suppose that the writer was little, if at all, acquainted with the Latin language.
[See specimens, Plate iii. 3.]
15.-4 Fragment. — The elements of Poetry, Metre, and the Figures of Speech are here dis-
cussed in a Dialogue, between M. and D., i.e., "Magister and Discipulus." [See specimens,
plate iii. 4.]
B. IN THE CITY-LIBEARY OF SCHAFFHAUSEN.
Adamnani Vita St. Columbce. — A. manuscript in perfect preservation, and well- written.
Dr. Peeves, who has compared it with the other manuscripts of Adamnan's work, is of opinion
that this MS., of which he has obtained a facsimile, and which undoubtedly belonged, at a former
period, to the Library of the abbey of Reichenau, is the oldest and most complete copy of the
biography of the celebrated Irish Saint now existing ; and that it is the one from which Colgan, the
great Irish hagiologist, got a copy made at Reichenau. Colgan thus expresses himself in his work,
which has now become extremely rare [Trias I7iaumaturga,seuDivorum Pair icii, Columbce, et Br igidcc
VOL. viii. 2 o
296
Acta, studio R. P. F. Johannis Colgan, in Conveniu F.F. Minor. Hihernorum Lovanii S. Theologm
Lector is Jubilati. Lovanii, 1647*]: —
" Author, St, Adamnan, abbot ; from a manuscript in Augia Dive3 [Reicbenau]. This Life was
communicated to us by It. P. P. Stephanus Vitus (Anglice White), of the Society of Jesus, a man
skilled in general antiquities, and especially zealous in those of his country ; for this reason called
by many ' Polyhistor.' It was transcribed by his own hand, from a very ancient manuscript in
the monastery of Augia Dives, in Germany. This work of St. Adamnan was published at
Ingoldstadt, in 1694, by Henry Canisius, in the 4th volume of his Antiquos Lectiones, from a MS. in
the Abbey of Windberg ; and afterwards at Paris, in 1624, by our countryman Thomas Messingham,
in his Florilegium Sanctorum LLibernice, but taken from Canisius. That the work in both these editions
is very defective and mutilated at the commencement, will be readily observed by the reader, on
comparing them with our present one, wherein the genuine work itself is given with such com-
pleteness that I would consider it to have been transcribed in full and without omission, from the
very autograph ; except that the table of the chapters of the succeeding narrative is wanting in
the second and third Books; and that the contents of all the subsequent chapters of Book I. are
prefixed to it : a mode which we see no reason for doubting was adopted by the author in other cases.
Moreover, this copy of the MS. of Augia (from which ours has been transcribed) is so ancient, and
is executed so faithfully, that had not the same codex been discovered in Germany, it might be
regarded as none other than the one written by the hand of St. Dorbeneus, the disciple of Adamnan,
and abbot of Iona, either during Adamnan's life or shortly after his death. Indeed, he himself
alludes to this in the following words, at the end of the third book : — ' Obsecro eos quicumque
voluerint hos discribere libellos,' &c."
The text in Colgan's work exactly agrees with this Beichenau MS. However, Colgan or Vitus
(White) has taken the liberty of altering the orthography, writing onomata for ammata, exararc for
craxare, cxarata for craxata, &c.
A second MS. of Columba's Life, which agrees pretty closely with ours, is preserved in the
British Museum ; a third, but much less perfect, which resembles the Life of St. Columba edited
by Canisius, occurs in a MS. containing the lives of many Irish Saints, which belongs to Primate
Marsh's Library, in Dublin ; a fourth is in the Burgundian Library, at Brussels ; a fifth is preserved
in the Abbey of St. Gall, which, however, is not in Irish hand- writing, although it appears in the
Catalogue of the ninth century, and has at the end a portrait of St. Columba ; a sixth and seventh
are among the MSS. at Vienna ; an eighth at Windberg, which has been printed by Canisius ; and
a tenth [ninth] in the Library of the cathedral at Admont, in Styiia.f
* For a detailed account of this valuable book, see vol. i. accompanied by facsimiles, is given in the Introduction to
of this Journal, page 298. Dr. Reeves's Vita S. Columhm, printed in 1857, for the
+ The hist iry of all the known MSS. of Adamnan's work, Irish Archaeological Society.
297
A remarkable Irish MS., which formerly belonged to the Library at Ilheinau (or rather
Reichenau), and which is perhaps a production of the founder of the monastery himself, is quoted
by "Westwood. It contains the Epistles of St. Paul in the Greek language, with a Latin translation
in Irish characters. The Greek text follows the Alexandrian recension. This MS. is at present
in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge'.c
C. IN THE TOWN LIBRARY AT BASEL.
The Town Library at Easel possesses at least three Irish MSS.
1. A beautiful Irish Psalter (marked a. vii. 3.), respecting which "Wetstein in his Prolegomena
in Novum Testamentum (vol. ii., p. 9), states as follows : —
"Of the same age and period [as the Codex Boernerianus] seems to be the Greek Psalter
now in the Library of Basel, in which the Greek version is written in capital letters and without
accents, and the Latin written above the Greek lines in the Anglo-Saxon character." Indeed it
must have been written in Ireland, as may be inferred from a hymn which is inserted in praise of
Brigid and Patrick: "Alta audite to, epya toto mundo micantia Brigittoe beatissime in Christo,
sancta adepta opima Patricii patrocinia electa, apta alumna Patricii . . . .in nostra insula,
quas vocatur beatissima."d Likewise, a quotation is given from Alcuin, the preceptor of Charle-
magne, at the 7th chapter of his first book Be Fide Catholica*
It is to be regretted that the last five psalms are wanting in this manuscript. At the beginning
and end of the book are added, by a later hand, some liturgical pieces, for example : — "Be conscientiaj
reatu ante altare ;" and fragments of hymns, such as the hymn for matins, "Splendor paterne glorie."
This manuscript was intended for use in the church, as is shown by the lock fastened on the
binding. [See specimens, Plate iii. 5.]
2. Liber S. Isiclori Hispalensis de Natura Rerum, (marked FF. in. 15. a.) — The first fourteen
chapters of this work are entirely gone, and of the fifteenth only the conclusion remains, namely,
from the words " Scriptum est: nobis autem, qui creditis, orietur sol iustitia} et sanitas." As tht
word " Scriptum" stands on the second page of a leaf, and begins with an ornamented capital, it i,
quite evident that the original which the writer made use of was also deficient in these same chapter?
The manuscript is written in a fine sharp running hand [see specimens, Plate iii. 6], but contains
a great many verbal and orthographical errors, such as "Februalius, Martias, Aprelius, Octember,
c The contents of this MS., commonly known as the Qui consedit in cathedra Christi cum matre Maria, item
Codex Augcnicnsis, have heen published, with a facsimile Christus in nostra insulaque vocatur bcatissima.
in photograph, by the Rev. F. II. Scrivener (Cambr., 1859.) e At the end is a later handwriting: — "Alcuiuus VII.
d Alta audite ta erga toto mundo mieantia Brigite beatis- Capite libri primi de fide catholica -t it, quod spiritus sanctus
sima in Christo corns. Electa apta alunma^Patrieii cum communis esf patris et filii spiritus, <Src."'
prudentia, &e. Sancta adepta opima Patricii patroeinir.
298
Scorpia, Neoptunus, &c." The representation of the Zodiac and Moon, which occurs in this MS.,
[see Plate iii. 7 8,] gives an idea of the character of Irish manuscript- pictures as they are met with
in the works of profane writers.
Between the text and the astronomical Plates there has been inserted, by a later hand, a recipe
for curing a wound, written in Latin. A still later hand has subjoined a translation of it in German,
which was published at Basel, in 1834, by Hoffman, of Fallersleben.
After the recipe, another hand has written the following form of adjuration, in which St.
Veronica [Beronice] is thus invoked : —
' ' Beronice, Beronice, Beronice, libera me de sanguinibus deus deus salutis meae et exultauit
lingua mea iustitiam tuam riuos cruoris torridi contacta uestis abstruit fletus rogantis supplices
arent fluenta sanguinis :
"tatefnfofltafsfetnfotltatgflfufat domine Jehsus Christus qui in
patibulum crucis propter hoc signum sancti cruces digna liberare famulo tuo famulam tuam de artores
febrium, amen, amen, amen, sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, cirioeleison, cirioeleison, cirioeleison."
" Liber uita sanctorum dormientium in effeso [Epheso] dormierunt et in ilum librum St. Cronih,
sci Furseus liber sententialis alexantri."f
The last leaves of this MS. contain a fragment of the Liber Differ entiarum of Isidore.
3. Isidori Liber Secundus de Differentiis Spiritalibus (marked ff. iii. 15 e.). — This commences
with the words "Inter deum et dominum ita quidam definierunt, ut in Dei appellatione Patrem,
in Domini Filium intellegerent, &c."
At the end of the book is inserted, by the same hand, the Anastasian Creed. The writing is
a handsome minuscule, which is remarkable for the uncommon sharpness of the letters, and by the
peculiar circumstance that the writer has endeavoured to give the heads of those letters that project
upwards in a point the form of a triangle, in consequence of which the inclosed space has remained
almost white. This MS. also contains a great number of verbal and orthographical errors. [See
specimens, Plate iii. 9.]
D. IN THE TOWN-LIBRARY OF BERNE.
The well-preserved Irish manuscript in the Town-Library of Berne, marked No. 363, contains
the following pieces, which have been written by different hands: —
1. Servii Mauri GrammaticiCommentarius in Bucolic. Georgic. et JEneid. Vi/rgilii.
2. Chirii Fortunatiani Ars Ehetorica.
3. Aurelii Augustini Dialectica et Ehetorica.
4. Scholia in Horat. et Metamorph. Ovidii.
f The numerous errors in orthography and words in the passages quoted from Irish manuscripts are not to be considered
as errors in the printing : they are found so in the manuscripts themselves.
299
5. JBedee Histor. Gentis, &c. — Imperfect. In this MS. the following Irish words occur : —
Isel, deep, low; tailcind, shaved on the head; frigargg, with roughness; catarch, of a city;
togluasach, motion ; chombaint, contact.
E. IN THE LIBRARY OF THE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY OF ZURICH.
1 . Fragment of an old Irish Ritual. — The specimen which we shall give here relates to the
confirmation of a young woman, and is as follows: — "Oremus fratres carissimi misericordiam ut
bonum tribuere dignetur huic puelle !N\, que uotum candidam uestem perferre cum dignitate corone
in resurrectione uitae eternae quam facturus est orantibus nobis prestet deus Conserua dne istius
douotse [sic] pudorem castitatis dilectionem continentiae in factis in dictis in cogitationibus per Xpe
Ihu. . . . qui cum patre uiuis. Accipe puella pallium candid um quod perferas ante tribunal
dni," &c.
2. Fragment of an ancient Sacramentarhim. — The following specimen is taken from the Gospel
at St. Thomas's day (John xx. 24): — "Horum itaque nunc in eclesia episcoc locum tenent
soluendi alligandi auetoritatem suscipiunt qui gradum regiminis sortiunt causae ergo pensande sunt
et uidendum quae culpa aut que sit poten [sic] secundum post culpam" &c.
3. Fragment of the Writings of the Prophet Fzechiel. — The portiongiven io. facsimile* occurs in
Ezechiel, iii. 8 : — "Audi et uade ingredire ad transmigrationem ad filios populi tui et loqueris ad
eos et dices eis hsec dicet dominus deus si forte audiant et quiescant et adsumsit me spiritus et audiui
post me uocem commotionis magnae benedicta gloria dni, de loco suo," &c.
4. Fragment of a Grammar, by an unknown author. — The extract given in the Plate,* which does
not occur in the work either of a classical or mediaeval writer, is as follows : — " In us correptam desi-
nentia feminina si sint propria uel graeca in os apud grecos desinentia uel arborum nomina secundae
sunt declinationis ut hasc tirus, tiri, Cyprus, cypri, arctus, arcti, pylus, pyli, cupressus, cupressi,
pinus, arbutus, alnus, pyrus."
EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES, t
Plate I. Matthew. — This figure of Matthew occurs along with those of the three other
Evangelists, and the two succeeding representations, Christ on the Cross and the Last Judgment,
and with the illustrations \ in the manuscript No. 51, a specimen of the penmanship of which is
given in Plate iii. 3.
Matthew is represented here sitting on a chair, and bearing on his arm a book, which indi-
cates that he is the writer of a Gospel. The word " pupin," written on the cover of the book, has
* Reference is made here to a Plate of facsimiles, which + Only a portion of these Plates is given here,
does not accompany the present translation. J See the two Facsimiles of Illuminations, antr.
800
been added by a later hand. He wears a cap of peculiar form, and is without a beard. It is
remarkable that the head of the mortal man, Matthew, is surrounded by a nimbus, while that of
the angel which hovers over him is without this distinctions The clothing, whose folds in the
figures of this apostle and Mark (less so in those of Luke and John) are treated quite in an archi-
tectural style, appears to consist of an under-shirt, and an over-coat without sleeves, which is raised
up by the arms. The feet are in shoes, or else are not shown. The angel, who likewise carries a
book, and whose wings are painted in a chequered manner, is figured with the arms joined and the
fingers clasped, in the attitude of a person praying. A complete ignorance of perspective is shown
by the arms of the chair projecting out sideways, though seen from the front. The ornamental
border at the right and left sides is peculiarly Irish in its style of art. The places left white on
the left shoulder and between the feet show carelessness in the painter. Similar defects, arising
from negligence, are seen in most Irish paintings.
Plate II. Mark. — He is represented likewise sitting on a chair, with his Gospel in his hand.
The picture is very similar to the preceding one, as regards the drapery and the entire arrangement ;
but the head here is uncovered, while on the contrary, the neck is enveloped by the under-garment
up to the chin. The two parts which appear between the hair and the shoulders are peculiar, and
not easily explained : they might represent either a cowl or a collar. Perhaps they are of a similar
nature to the appendages found in the picture of St. John in the Gospel of Mael-Brith MacDurnan
(see "Westwood's work). Over the head of the Evangelist is represented the symbolical bull, the head
and upper part of whose body are so badly drawn that the species of the animal can only be guessed
at by the form of the feet. The manner in which the left wing at the back is shown fully extended
between the fore-legs of the animal is remarkable, and agrees perfectly with the productions of
Assyrian art (see Layard's Atlas,) as well as Egyptian. To the simple borders which inclose the
figure the same remark is applicable as in the preceding picture.
Plate III. Luke. — Luke, as well as John (both displaying a similar style of treatment), is
represented sitting, although no trace of a chair can be observed. The head of Luke is covered with
curling hair, which falls on his shoulders Moustaches and a beard, which are divided into symme-
trically-arranged parts and bespecklcd with red dots, hang downwards on the breast. The over •
garment, the upper edge of which is shown, is evidently a close frock without sleeves, and is
coloured green; while the under-garment, which appears with numerous folds, has received a
red tint. The left hand is turned outwards. In the richly-ornamented border appear all the four
evangelical symbolic animals, on whose Egyptian character we have already remarked. The object
held in the hands of the angel, who is looking towards the Evangelist, is doubtful : as we have
never met with anything similar in miniature or sculptural representations, we are not in a position
to decide whether we are to understand by it a roll of writing, or, what it has a greater resemblance
n Spo Didron, Icoiwgraphie Chritiennc .
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301
to, a bone. In like manner, the excrescence shown over the heads of the lion and bull is obscure,
unless we are to consider it in the one case as the mane, in the other the horn. That the head of
the eagle should be in a nimbus, as it appears here, is, according to Didron, not unusual.
Plate IV. John. — John is without beard, and wears a blue under-garment, edged and trimmed
with red cloth. The upper clothing corresponds with that in the preceding pictures. The pupils
of the eyes are painted black, and the eye- brows are represented by broad curved lines. As in the
figure of Luke, the toes of the feet are distinctly drawn. The hair of the head is coloured blue in a
strange manner, and covered with red dots. The eagle above the Evangelist is furnished, like all
birds in Irish pictures, with long toes and claws. The ornamental field of the bordering
exhibits much complication, and, along with the twining decorations, has likewise mosaic and
panelled ornaments. On this and the foregoing picture the artist has bestowed much care
and attention.
Plate V. Christ on the Cross. — Christ is represented, in conformity with the most ancient
conception, as a beardlessh man, with long hair, which looks like that of the Evangelist Mark, and
with a nimbus, in which the cross is wanting.1 His apparel diifers essentially from that of other
individuals belonging to the circle of Irish art, in not consisting of an under-garment, or
gown, or mantle, but of a strip of cloth, in which the body is swathed. Out of this shroud project
the arms as far as the elbows, which are painted red; while the legs, projecting similarly from the
knee-joints, are coloured blue.
The incapacity of the artist rendered him unable either to communicate dignity of conception
to the figure, or the expression of suffering to the countenance. One improvement, however, may
be remarked in this Plate, in the sketching of the nose, in which the under side is not shown as
elsewhere. The nails by which the body is suspended are not represented either in the hands or
feet, nor do any marks of wounds appear.
Underneath Christ, at the right and left, stand two Roman soldiers, whose dress does not in
any way differ from that of the figures already described. The one gives the death-blow with the
spear, the other holds up a sponge to the mouth of our Lord. Above the Cross, the two corres-
ponding panels are filled by two angels, looking towards Christ, and carrying books in their hands.
The bordering of this picture is simple. [See specimens of MSS., Plate I.]
Plate VI. The Last Judgment. — Christ here appears as judge of the world, bearing oa
one arm a book, and on the other a Cross, his right hand held up, and giving the benediction,
h Didron, IconograpMe Chretienne, p. 101: — "Dans la comme les copistea du moyen <ige, ctaient souvent pen
premiere et la seconde periode de 1'art Chretien, e'est a dire instruits: iis omettaient un caractere constant, soit par
du IIe on IIIe siecle jusqu' au Xf, jusqu' au regne des pre- negligence solt par ignorance. Ii uc f lit done pas s" eton-
miers Capetiens, le Christ est represents le plus souvent ner, si Ion rencontre souvent des personnes divines sans
jeune et iniberbe." niuibe ou avec un nimbe uni et non croisc."
i Didron, Iconographie Chretienne, p. 50: — " Les artistes.
302
according to the Latin form. Although, this representation does not differ from the preceding one
in any important point, and, so far as regards the face, the nose and mouth are likewise treated
according to the customary tasteless pattern, still the expression is nobler, inasmuch as the hair
(a copy, one might suppose, of a Byzantine design,) is parted, and the forehead is freely exposed.
On each side of the Redeemer appears an angel furnished with a nimbus, and blowing the judgment-
trumpet. In the lower division of the picture are seen the twelve Apostles, carrying books, and
having their heads inclined backwards, looking up towards Christ.
Plate VII. The Evangelist Matthew* (in Codex collectan. 1395). — He is represented as seen
from the side, seated on a chair, and writing. His apparel consists of a tunic and a mantle, or
upper garment. The head, with its curling hair, and the nose are seen in profile, but the eyes are
seen in front view ; the beard is straight and uncurled. Contrary to the usual custom, the nimbus
is, like that of divine personages, furnished with a cross.1 With the right hand he dips the writing-
instrument (without any doubt, a quill) into the ink-horn, fastened to the arm-chair; in the left
hand (the fingers of which are very badly drawn) he holds a penknife of the shape seen in many
Irish and Anglo-Saxon miniature paintings. [See, for example, the picture of Bede writing, in
Codex 60 in the Ministerial Library at Schaffhausen] The feet are inclosed in shoes.
I have failed in ascertaining the meaning of the objects of a hieroglyphic kind, which are
introduced under the chair. Mone considers them to be writing materials ; but the form of these
articles hardly supports this hypothesis.
Opposite to the Evangelist appears his customary attribute, an angel with wings outstretched,
and directed upwards and downwards, holding in his right hand a book, and seeming to support,
with his left, the book belonging to the Evangelist. Upon the verse of the leaf on_ which this
picture appears, are the following lines, in Irish characters : —
1 . Niartu in ni in donu ni muir arnoib briathraib rolabrastar c r assadir
2. diuscart dim andelg delg dniscoilt eru ceiti meim meinni beai beim nand
3. dodath scenn toscen todaig rogarg fiss goibnen aird goibnenn renaird goib,
4. nenn ceingeth ass : focertar indepaidse in im nadtet i visce j fuslegar de
5. Immandelg Immecuairt i nitet faranairrinde nach foranalath I manibe
6. andelg ond dutoeth i dalafiacail airthir ochinn :: Argalar fuail :
7. Dum esurcsa diangalar fuailse dunesairc eu et dunescarat enin en laithi
8. admai ibdach ; focertar i so dogres imaigin hitabair thual :
9. PCHNy T^clHra HHH y buc : KNAA. t yonibvs : finit :
10. Caput Christi, oculus isaiae, frons nassui noe labia, lingua Salomonis, collum
k See notice ante of Manuscript No. 3. offrent des anges dont le nimbe est croise comme le nimbe
" Les anges, comme les saints de ce monde, portent le de Dieu lui-mcme." Ofa nimbus with a cross on an Apostle
nimbe uni. Cependant des monumens assez nombreux Didron gives no example.
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SPECIMENS OE ANCIENT IRISH MANUSCRIPTS ( SAINT MATTHEW )
303
1 1 . Thematei mens beniamin, pectus Pauli, unctus iohannis, fides abrahe
1 2. Sanctus Scs scs das ds sabaoth : Conir anisiu cacbdia ioi duchenn archen (imduda are)
13. galar iarnagabail dobir dasale itbais i dabir iniduchenn I fortobulatba
14. Cam dupat fotbri lase j dobir cros ditsuliu forocbtar dochinn \ dogin ata.
15. randsa da XJ. fortchiunn.
Written by a later hand.
16. Zessurc marb, biu ardiring argotb sring aratt die
17. hinn arfuilib hiairn arul loscas tene arub hithes cu rop
18. acuhru crinas theoracnoe crete teorafethi fichte benim
19. agalar arfiueb fuli guil fuli nirubatt ree ropslan
20. forsate admuimur in slanicid foracab diancecbt liamun
21. focertar i so dogres itouis lain diviseib ocindlut <: dabir itbeulus imbri i darner;
23. cecbtar ai aletb ;
24. tir corops Ian aniforsate: fin the former hand-writing J atanessa dolutam ithbelaib.*
Regarding tbe meaning of tbe last eigbt lines, I have to thank Dr. Todd, of Dublin, for the follow-
ing communication : — "These lines are purely Irish, and present no difficulty, although they are
evidently very ancient, probably as old as the tenth century. They contain a medical charm. The
following is a literal translation : —
" A preservation for the dead, the living, for the want of sinews, for the tongue-tie, for swelling
of the head ; of wounds from iron, of burning from fire, of the bite of a hound ; prevents the lassitude
of old age, cures the decline three times, the rupture of the blood-vessels ; takes away the virulence
of the festering sore, the poignancy of grief, the fever of the blood, — they cannot contend with it.
He to whom it shall be applied shall be made whole. Extolled be the elixir of life bequeathed by
Dianceht to his people, by which every thing to which it is applied is made whole."
" Elixir of life (slancid) signifies a sovereign remedy, literally ' health-healing.' Diancecht is a
celebrated personage in Irish history, to whom the ancient Irish physicians attribute all their tradi-
tions. He was the physician of the Tuatha De Danann, a colony of foreigners who, according to
the traditional history of Ireland, landed in the north-west of the county of Mayo, in the year of
the world 2737. To these the Irish attributed the knowledge of all arts and sciences ; and tradition
has invested them with the character of magicians, probably from their superior civilization.
They came to a battle, in which they defeated the former inhabitants of the county, at a place called
Hoy-Tuiredh, near Lough Measg, where it is said that Diancecht, the physician, during the battle
dug a pit or bath, which he filled with a decoction of herbs. Into this he plunged such of his
people as were wounded in the battle, who were immediately restored to perfect health, and sent
back to renew the fight. I think it almost certain that there is an allusion to this tradition in the
passage above translated."
* See Zeuss, Grammatka Cdticn, v 1. ii.. near the end.
304
Diancecht, the physician, is named in the fragment of an old Irish MS. in the Library of Trinity
College, Dublin (Class H. 3.17) : — "The poets were then deprived of the judicature, except that
part of it which was meet for them ; and each of the men of Ireland took his own share in it, as did
the authors of the following judgments, namely, of , of Diancecht, the physician,
but these had existed before this period, &c." [Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xviii.,
part ii., page 75.]
Plate VIII. John the Evangelist. (At the commencement of the Gospel of St. John, vellum
MS., No. 60.) —This picture, both in the treatment of the principal figure and in the ornamentation,
betrays a very unskilful hand, and, if genuine, indicates the complete decline of Irish art.
In design it is crude, and in execution is far behind any other Irish picture that we
have met with in English manuscripts or printed works ; so that we are led to believe that it is
only an imitation of Irish art drawn by a careless hand. The form of the letters " Johannis,"
but still more the contour of the head, the treatment of the hair, the painting of the cheeks and
forehead red, and so on, shows us at once clearly that neither an Irishman, nor yet an Anglo-Saxon,
is to be considered as the author of this picture. It was the artist's intention to represent
the Evangelist seated on a chair ; but the hands are wanting in the bag-like sleeves, and the feet
are lost in trellis-work.
Plate IX. Decoration (on page 6 of the Book of Gospels, Codex No. 51). — This Illumination,
as well as the following one (Plate x.), belongs to the most elegant and most tasteful productions
of Irish ornamental art, and is not surpassed by any similar picture in Irish books either on the
Continent or in England.*
Plate X. Ornamental Initial Letter (at page 7 of the same manuscript). — We have here the
first wrords of the 18th verse in the first chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel, which read as follows : —
"Christi (xpi) autem generatio sic erat."*
Plates XL, XIL, XIII. Various Specimens of Irish Writing. [See specimens, Plates
in. and IV.]
In Haenel's Catalogus Zibrorum MSS., at p. 734 of the synopsis of vellum manuscripts in the
monastery of Eheinau, is entered the following : —
"No. 1. Missale antiquissimum saec. viii.," with the remark, "Hoc missale ab aliquo Scoto
scriptum S. Eintanus noster ex Scotia oriundus, forsan vel ipsemet scripsit, vel scriptum secum in
monasterium nostrum Ehenoviense attulit."
The handwriting of this MS., however, is not exactly Irish, but Frankish, and belongs to the end
of the 8th or beginning of the 9th century. The assertion, therefore, that this Missal is an Irish
MS., and perhaps written by Fintan himself, or brought by him to the monastery of Rheinau is
quite erroneous.
" These decorations are tliose given in our two previous Plates of illuminated Fac-siniiles.
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It remains to be observed that the foregoing enumeration of Irish MSS. cannot make any
pretension to completeness. On the contrary, it is probable that the libraries of the Swiss towns
and monasteries still preserve many books written by Irish monks, the peculiarity of whose foreign
character and northern origin has remained hitherto unnoticed. There is hardly a collection of old
MSS. in the covers of which (either on the outside or inside) there may not be discovered fragments
of Irish writings. A careful examination of these fragments might still obtain many valuable
contributions, both to the history and ancient language of Ireland.
SUPPLEMENT
Just as the printing of these sheets was completed, we received the 1 1th Number of the
German Art-Journal (18th March, 1850), in which Dr. Waagen, whose knowledge of mediaeval art
is both profound and extensive, expresses himself with regard to the character and artistic value of
Irish miniature paintings. "We cannot refrain from giving, as an appendix from the Art- Journal,
the passages of this communication which relate to Irish paintings in the St. Gall MSS., which we
have just been describing : —
MI N I iTURE-PAI N TI NO IN I B E L A N D .
" So far as I am aware, I was the first person who drew attention to the very remarkable
peculiarity of the miniature-paintings in old Anglo-Saxon manuscripts.0 Later researches, however,
have led me to the conviction that both the origin and subsequent development of this peculiarity
is, properly speaking, to be sought for in Ireland, from whence it was transplanted into England,
and adopted by the Anglo-Saxons. It is well known that, as early as the year 432, through
the instrumentality of St. Patrick, Christianity had taken firm root in Ireland, and had become
very generally extended in that country at the year 500. In the course of the 6th century,
the ecclesiastics of her numerous monasteries had distinguished themselves so much by their
learning, piety, and religious zeal, that she became one of the most important seminaries for
the farther propagation of Christianity. Thus, Saint Columbanus lived a long time in France, and
was active as an apostle in Suabia, and particularly in the district of Bregenz, on the Bodensee.
But this activity of the Irish monks was especially prosperous and widely extended during the
seventh century, in which Christianity was successfully propagated by St. Aidan (from 635 to 651)
and Finan, in the North of England, Lieven in Belgium, "Willebrord in Friesland, and Kilian in
France ; and when St. Gall, a pupil of Columbanus, laid the foundation of the celebrated monastery
in Switzerland called after his name. Nay, even in the eighth century, an Irishman, Fergal, or
Virgilius, was bishop in Salzburg. In the numerous manuscripts which were written in these Irish
monasteries was now gradually perfected that style of miniature -painting, so barbaric in its figures,
0 See Kwvstwcrlce und Kdnsthr in England und raris, I., p. 134 seq., and III., p. 241.
306
80 rich in its ornamental devices, so admirable in its caligraphy, which I have more minutely
described in the work already referred to. The oldest authenticated memorial of this art is a
Book of Gospels in the National Library of Paris, which had belonged to St. "Willibrord, but which,
on account of its great resemblance to the so-called Book of St. Cidhbcrt, in the British Museum,
I had described as a specimen of Anglo-Saxon art. During a more recent visit to Paris, I became
convinced that the writing is unquestionably Irish, which indeed is most likely to be the case,
since the book belonged to an Irish missionary. That the same is also the case with the pictorial
decorations is not only extremely probable, but is placed beyond doubt by a comparison with
some manuscripts in the library of St. Gall, a monastery founded by the Irish. One of these,
— which is nearly of the same date as the Parisian one, and has, on the oak-binding, some extremely
interesting sculptures in ivory (which I proposed) describe in another place), — is written likewise
in Irish characters, and contains, before the Gospel of John, the figure of that Evangelist quite in
the style of art just referred to, only more barbarous. For, beyond the simple features, there
is nothing more to be recognized of an actual human countenance. The arms are formed of two
yellow stripes, carried inwards towards the waist, on which, where the hands ought to be, is seen
the open Gospel, with the inscription "Johannes" upon it. The lower part of the body is indi-
cated merely by four perpendicular parallel stripes, of a citron-yellow colour. The borders and
initial letters are also of the same kind as those in the Paris MS., but much ruder. The manu-
script comprises 70 pages, but in addition to the above, only contains the Gospel of Mark and
some Glosses.
" The richest and most remarkable specimen of this art, however, which I know of, is a Book of
Gospels (No. 51), of a folio shape approaching to quarto, and the Irish writing of which points to
the end of the eighth century. In its 268 pages (written in one column, in minuscule characters),
it contains, of pictures, the Four Evangelists, the Crucifixion, the Last Judgment ; also several pages
entirely covered with Illuminations, and a number of richly decorated borders and initial letters.
The total absence of a proper conception of the forms of men and animals, and the inability to
reproduce them, joined to the remarkably perfect taste in arabesque ornaments, and a rare knack
in executing them, has here called forth deformities of a hideousness which no one can form an
idea of, without having seen them. Thus, the several parts of the head, particularly the nose and
mouth, are introduced quite freely as scroll-work, and without the smallest regard for natural pro-
bability ; the dress is treated a3 a flat surface, on which the pattern of it is given symmetrically and
mechanically, with thick strokes. Of the Evangelists, Mark, whose hair and beard are executed
in an arabesque fashion, produces the most ghastly impression, and resembles a great muffled baboon.
But Christ on the Cross r is a most monstrous representation. In the rude outline of the head there
is no adherence to any type or model whatever ; and from the arabesque-like swathings of the
p 8po specimen*, Plato I.
307
purple garment which wraps the body, stick out the red arms and the dwarfish blue legs in the
most revolting manner. On the other hand, in the Last Judgment, Christ is enthroned and arrayed
in a bright purple dress with flowing folds, as in the picture of Matthew. While he gives the
benediction according to the form of the Latin Church with his uplifted right hand, he supports
with his left the Holy Scriptures and a Cross. But the ornamented pages, borders, and initial
letters exhibit so correct an architectural feeling in the distribution of the parts, such a rich variety
of beautiful and peculiar designs, so admirable a taste in the arrangement of the colours, and such
an uncommon perfection of finish, that one feels absolutely struck with amazement. The border of
Matthew contains one of the richest examples of that fine interlaced tracery so characteristic of
Irish art, composed of the heads of serpents and birds biting each other. The initial letters on the
page opposite, decorated in the same style, are among the most elegant of the kind. But the
master-piece, without any doubt, is contained in the sixth page. In the centre, on a black ground
(which often occurs in this manuscript, as well as in the Book of St. Cuthbert), appears a small
Cross, filled up with spiral-shaped ornaments like those which are met with also in the Gospels of
St. "Willebrord.* Around this are four compartments, likewise on a black ground, filled with by
far the richest and finest convolutions of serpents and interlaced scroll-work that I am acquainted
with. These four compartments are each inclosed by a stripe of beautiful blue, and finally,
encircling them, there is an extremely rich series of ornaments and scroll-work arranged admirably
to fill up the space. The entire design produces a most pleasing effect. The yellow, which here
evidently takes the place of gold, is, on the whole, the most prominent colour. The most deserving
of notice after this specimen, is the page which contains the figure of Mark, inclosed by winged
symbols of the four Evangelists, and which is distinguished for its exquisite arabesques in blue,
yellow, and red, on a black ground. This remarkable MS. came to St. Gall in the year 967.
" Various circumstances leave no doubt now remaining in my mind that the figures, borders, and
ornamented initials in the Book of St. Cuthbert (which is considered to be the master-piece of old
Anglo-Saxon miniature-painting) have been executed either by Irish monks or by Anglo-Saxon
monks who were pupils of the Irish. Its style of pictorial decoration corresponds in every respect
with what has been described above, especially with the last-mentioned unquestionably Irish
productions. But St. Cuthbert entered the monastery of Melrose-on-Tweed as a monk very young,
when its abbot was Eata, a pupil of the Irishman St. Aedan, already alluded to : in fact, at a sub-
sequent period (from 666 to 676), he filled the office of Prior in the abbey of Lindisfarne, which
had been founded by St. Aedan, and where he had resided until his death. Tsbw, along with the
monastic learning of the Irish, the Irish style of writing and miniature-painting was also undoubt-
edly transplanted to Lindisfarne; and that it was still practised there in the time of St. Cuthbert
is the more certain, as Aedan was succeeded, in 654, by another Irishman, Finan, as abbot and
* Sop Fac-Simik of Orr.am< ntati
308
bishop, who only died in 660 or 661, and consequently only a few years before the arrival of St.
Cuthbert. Add to this, that among all the manuscripts which I have examined in the chief English
libraries, whose pictorial style of illustration may be presumed to be of Anglo-Saxon origin on
account of their text being in the Anglo-Saxon language, the Book of St. Cuthbert stands quite
alone ; while all the rest, although, indeed, not so wildly arabesque in their figures, appear not to
be far removed in the ornaments from so fine and tasteful a development. On the other hand, it is
extremely probable that, besides the three above mentioned, some genuine Irish MSS. may be met
with elsewhere (most likely in libraries in Ireland), whose pictorial style corresponds with them.
" From the foregoing statements, it may be assumed as a settled fact that the style of ornamenta-
tion consisting of artistic convolutions and the mingled phantastic forms of animals, such as dragons,
snakes, and heads of birds, of which we discover no trace in Graeco-Roman art, was not only invented
by the Celtic people of Ireland, but had attained a high development. The extraordinary influence
exercised by this style on the Romanic as well as the German populations of the entire Middle Ages
is well known, and is also easily explained. It was introduced and spread in all directions by those
numerous seminaries for the propagation of Christianity, which emanated from Ireland ; and the
more so, as the Irish continued a long time to maintain a connection with their foundations abroad.
Thus, in St. Gall, for instance, as late as the year 841, the Irish bishop Mark, with his companion,
Moengal, in returning from a journey to Rome, took up his abode permanently in that monastery ;
and the latter was the teacher of the celebrated artists, the monks Notger the Stammerer, and Tutilo.
This style of ornamentation must have recommended itself by its great elegance and beauty, as much
as by its fantastic element, which suited the taste of the time. However, though this style, in
numerous modifications, not only in painting but in carving, meets us everywhere, and extends
over a long period, the arbitrary conception of the human form, on the other hand, which is so
peculiar to Irish manuscripts, has fortunately had scarcely any imitator. This has arisen partly
from the repulsiveness of such designs to the art-feeling of the German races, partly from the opposing
force exercised by a traditionary recollection of the productions both of early Christian and Byzan-
tine art. There is perhaps no place where the influence of the Irish decorative style might be traced
in so many gradations as in a series of manuscripts in the library of St. Gall. I hope to refer to
this more particularly in my History of Miniature-painting."
309
ANTIQUARIAN NOTES AND QUERIES.
The Natural Riches of Ireland. — George
Phillips, of Limmevaddy, in his letter ad-
dressed to the English Parliament, in 1689, on
"The Interest of England in the Preservation
of Ireland," encourages colonization by setting
forth "the fertility and plenty" of the land and sea.
" The ground, without the midwifery of human
art, is abundant in its produce ; and where the
husbandman hath clubbed his invention and
labour, it is rather luxuriant, rendering a mighty
increase of all sorts of grain, very sound and
very good. The seas are plentifully stored with
fish of all kinds, and the markets supply'd with
such plenty and variety as might satiate the
luxury and prodigality of Lucullus." He describes
the vast quantities of fresh -water fish in the lakes,
and proceeds — "If men (as justly they may,)
become doubtful, scrupulous, and incredulous,
when I make mention of the extraordinary Pil-
chard fishings in the South, and the Herring fish-
ings in the North, my credit will certainly run a
great risque, and my veracity be suspected, when
I relate the wonders of the deep, and come to
speak of the prodigious fishings for Salmon and
Eels, in the rivers of Logh Foyl and the Bann.
Six thousand barrels of Pilchards were made up
in one year in the County Cork ; in Connaught
the quantities taken are so great that, not having
salt, they put them in heaps and manure the
land ; and (beside the plentifull fishing of Her-
rings in andabout theBay of Dublin, the Skerryes,
Carlingford, and all the northern coast) they
have usually made and sent away, in one year,
two thousand tuns of Herrings from the single
fishing of Dunfanaghan ; then, undoubtedly, they
will smile and ridicule me, when I tell them that
there is made, commonly, five hundred tuns of
Salmon in Logh Foyl and the Bann, and other
river3 in the County of Londondeiry; that,
besides the Royal Piscary of the Bann, there are
between Colrane and Loghneagh seventy Salmon
fishings ; that there are the same round about
that Lough, which is sixty miles in compass ;
that at the Leap of Colrane, ten tuns of Salmon
have been taken at one draught of a net ; that
the last year, at Grebbin, twelve miles beyond
Londonderry, two and thirty hogsheads of
Salmon were taken at once, and for want of
room in their boats, a great part of them were
thrown again into the river; that in the Eel-
weres in the river Bann, four score thousand Eels
have been catcht in one night. But I have spoken
modestly, and within compass, and there are too
many witnesses (much against their wills) now
in England and Scotland, who can confirm the
truth of what I have declared. I am loath to
pass by the Salmon-Pound (commonly called the
Cutt), near Colrane, because, as I conceive, such
another thing is not in the world. It is a great
trough, made like a tanner's vat, about fifty foot
long, twenty foot wide, and six deep ; a stream
of the river Bann runs through it, and at the
place where the water enters, a row of stak( s
placed very near together, like a rack in a stable ,
310
at the other end of the Cutt, a parcel of sharp
spikes are cluster' d together, very close at the
points and wide at the head, so that the Salmon
(who always swim against the stream) and other
iish may get in at pleasure, but can neither
return the way they get in, nor get out at the
other end : whereby it happens that on Monday
morning (there being a respite to fishing all
Sunday, and none taken out of the Cutt with
their loops), a stranger would be astonished to
see an innumerable company of fish riding on the
backs of one another, even to the top of the water,
and with great ease and pleasant divertisements
taken up in loops. All these prodigious quan-
tities of fish are but collected for the use of Eng-
land, to whose ports or to whose order they are
yearly consigned and distributed." The writer
describes " the incredible store of Land and Sea
Fowls (among which I would mention the
incredible number of "Woodcocks, and how the
Parson of Clownish farms the Tyth of the Wood-
cocks catcht in his Parish at Thirty pounds per
annum,* where they are generally sold at Twelve
Pence per dozen ; the innumerable Flocks of
Swans and Barnicles that haunt the river of
Loghfoyl, but that it would exclude the wonder
due to the rest)." Further on he states, that
" The Islands and Plantations in America are in
a manner wholly sustained by the vast quantities
of Beef, Pork, Butter, and other provisions of
the product of Ireland : from whence an unspeak-
able benefit redounds to England by the vast
cargoes of the goods of the said Plantations
returned thither, and the great consumption of
* From this statement, it appears that the " Parson of Clownish," in order merely to realize his £30, must have bagged
3,600 brace, and the general slaughter throughout the parish must, each season, have exceeded 36000 brace.
those goods being shipped out of England into
Ireland." He then tells us of the "mighty
quantities of Tallow, Hides, Tann'd Leather,
Skins of several sorts, Yarn, Hemp, Linnen
Cloths, Cony-skins, and other Furrs, yearly shipt
from Ireland, and exported into England."
Referring again to the fish, he says — " The car-
goes of Salmon, Herrings, Pilchards, Eels, and
other Fish made up yearly in Ireland, and trans-
ported into several ports in Spain, to Venice, and
all the ports of the Mediterranean Sea, would
startle common belief. I have heard from faithful
relation, that in the South of Ireland they have
made in a year near eight hundred Tuns of
Pilchards. A person of great quality (whose
judgment and credit no man will dispute) did
aver to me that in one season £16,000 was paid
for the Pilchards taken on the South side of
Cork, and the most of it by Sir John Frederick,
of London. That in one port in tbe North, called
Dunfanaghan, they have made, in one season,
two thousand Tuns of Herrings. And I was
told by a very honest and intelligent person,
(who, in the reign of Charles II., was Collector
of the Port of Londonderry,) that in that one
place there was shipt off in one season 450 Tuns
of Salmon, 400 Tuns of Herrings, and 80 Tuns
of Eels. These things are undeniable, and per-
fectly true in matter of fact. I know one par-
ticular man, who, in one town, in one season,
made up eleven hundred Tuns of Butter by com-
mission, and as a factor for some merchants
in England."
311
Swallows. — Plutarch fSymp. 8, 1) attributes
a dislike of swallows to the Pythagoreans, as a
peculiarity. He assigns various reasons for this
antipathy ; the most plausible of which is that
the bird is a type of inconsistency and ingrati-
tude ; making its nest and rearing its young in
our houses, and yet refusing to be tamed, and
ultimately forsaking its abode with us. He
remarks that Pythagoras was an Etruscan : it
will be remembered that some have thought there
was a particular connection between the ancient
Etruscans and the Irish. N.B. — The Hebrew
name for a swallow also signifiies " liberty," and
is nearly the same as that for a "thistle."
Teeeus.
Eaely Use of Coal [vol. viii., p. 273]. —
Mr. Cosmo Innes says (in his Scotland in the
Middle Ages)-. — " The earliest mention I have
found of coal- works in Scotland is in a charter
of 1291, granted by "William de Oberwill, Lord
of Pettincrieff, to the monks of Dunfermline.
The monks are to dig for coal wherever they
choose, except arable land, but only for their own
use, and not for sale. This has usually been
considered as the earliest notice of the working
of coal in Scotland. The words by no means give
the impression of its being a recent discovery ;
and, from the peculiarly exposed situation of the
coal in some of our old coalfields, — about Preston
and Tranent especially, — it can scarcely be sup-
posed to have escaped notice so long in a country
where fuel was so necessary." He adds, that
" sea coal fearbones marini) were bought for the
castle of Berwick, in 1265." Carbonaeo.
MacAttley. — The writer of "Gleanings of
Family History," in a late Number of the Journal,
vol. vm.
(vol. viii. p. 196,) seems to labour under some
uncertainty about the descent of the MacAuleys ;
and I would beg to remark that the Antrim sept
called by this name in English are not Mac Aulays
proper. The English equivalent of their name
is MacAuliffe, {i.e. "Son of Olaf,") as it is some-
times written. This is obviously a Scandinavian
designation ; whereas, the genuine MacAtdeys are
a purely Celtic tribe, of the aboriginal stock, being
descendants of Amhalgaidh, as the writer him-
self notes, their patrimonial inheritance having
been the district of " Tyrawley," which derives
even its modern name from their historic ancestor.
The name Macamlay, or MacCamley, is only an
Anglicised form of MacAmhalgaidh, first adopted
by English-speaking colonists, who did not
understand the pronunciation of the Irish ortho-
graphy, and eventually accepted by owners of
the name, just as numerous other family desig-
nations have became metamorphosed in accom-
modation to peculiar modes of spelling. In the
old Scotch orthography, for example, the letter
z had the force of our modern y ; and when the
latter resumed its place in the Scotch alphabet,
restoring to z its primitive sound, not a few
family names became radically altered in conse-
quence. The Gaelic MacCoinnich passed into
MacKenzie, the old Anglicised spelling being
retained with an altered pronunciation ; Menny
appeared as 'Menzie,' or 'Menzies/ under similar
circumstances ; and Daly ell, in common with
various other names, underwent a like trans-
formation. MacN.
Abciieby is Ibeland. — Before the introduc-
tion of fire-arms, bows and arrows were in use
in Ireland as well as elsewhere, and their use
2a
312
was regulated by numerous statutes. Thus,
(5 Ed. iv., chap. 4) every man from 16 to 60
years of age was bound to have a bow of his own
length, with 1 2 shafts, each three quarters of the
standard yard in length : the bows, if possible,
to be of "Ewe, Wych-hassell, Ashe, or Auburne."
Another Act (10 Hen. vii. chap. 9,) requires
every man, having property to the amount of
£10, to be provided with a bow and sheaf of
arrows; of £20, to have also a jack and sallet;
of £4 annual income, a horse in addition to these.
Every lord, knight, and esquire was bound to
provide for each yeoman in their service a jack,
a sallet, a bow and arrows ; in every barony two
wardens of the peace are appointed, in every
parish a constable ; and shooting-butts in every
parish, at which the people are to practice some
hours on each holiday. At one time the imple-
ments of archery were scarce, and every mer-
chant was obliged to bring bows and arrows in
the proportion of a shilling in the pound value,
as compared with his merchandise ; and, in case
of neglect, he was to pay the value of the bows,
half to the searcher and half to the informer.
Queries. — Can any one still identify the site
of the parish butts in the neighbourhood of the
older Irish towns ? Most likely the term would
be retained in the name of a field or street.
The bows were to be a fistmell (?) between the
necks. Does that mean a hand breadth, at the
spot where the left hand grasped ? A. H.
Dinglety-cootch. — In the North of Ireland
thi* is an indefinite expression — "To send a
man to Dingletycootch," — like sending him to
Coventry, — being a remove anywhere. The
term is as indefinite in geographyas "Tibb'sEve"
in chronology. Yet, like almost every similar
expression, it had a rational and historic origin,
which is connected with the healthful and inter-
esting town of Dingle, in the County of Kerry. A
tract of land was granted by one of the earls of
Desmond to an Englishman of the name of
Hussey, and from a castle which he built there,
it was called Dangean-na- Cushey [the castle of
Hussey]. In 1585, in an Act of Elizabeth's
reign, which describes where wine may be dis-
charged, only sixteen ports or places are men-
tioned, the last of which is " Dingle-Icoush,
otherwise called Dinglenehussie." (In all Ulster,
there is only Carrickfergus enumerated.) The
philologist will not fail to notice in the trans-
formations of this term the interchanges of letters,
the liquids e and n, in the first word, u and t in
the copula, and h and c [viz. Jc] as well as s and
tch, in the second word. Also, an important
law of geographical terms is illustrated, — first a
full description, then an abbreviation. A. H.
The Ween [vol. vii., p. 77]. — In Welsh, as
already stated by a correspondent, the word dryw
signifies both a "wren" and a "druid." An
old superstitious feeling in "Wales forbids the
taking of a wren's nest as unlucky: —
" Neb a dyno nyth y dryw
Ni cheiff icchyd yn ei iyw."
" He that takes a wren's nest
"Will have no health all his life."
Druids and their habitations were held in high
respect, and this saying may figuratively express
" the house of a druid" by the "wren's nest."
Moegan.
313
ANSWERS TO QUERIES,
Hogmanay [vol. vii., p. 16; vol, viii., p. 75,
150]. — The following passage in Kobinson's
Elements of Mechanical Philosophy bears on this
subject [vol. i., p. 21 1] : — " In almost all nations
. . . the winter solstice ... is distin-
guished by festivals of various kinds ....
In France, till within these 150 years, there
were still more perceptible traces. A man, per-
sonating a prince (Roi folletj, set out from the
village into the woods, bawling out, 'Au Gui
menez, le Roi le veut.' The monks followed in
rear with their begging boxes, called tire-liri.
They rattled them, crying ' tire-liri, tire-liri —
maint du blanc et point du bis,'' and the people
put money into them, under the fiction that it
was for a lady in labour. People in disguise
(Guisards) forced into the houses, playing antic
tricks, and bullied the inhabitants for money and
for choice victuals, crying ' tire-liri, &c.' They
made such riots that the Bishop of Soissons re-
presented the enormities to Louis XIV., and the
practice was forbidden. May not the ' guisearts'
of Edinburgh, with their cry of ' Hogmenay,
troll lollay, gie's your white bread, nane o' your
grey,' be derived from this?" Some one derives
Hogmanay from the Greek Hagia Mene", the
moon. The Munster "wren-boys" on St. Ste-
phen's day, with their cry of "The wren, the
wren, the king of all birds," has also a strong
resemblance to this Roifollet.
T. H. P.
Leaze [Queries, vol. viii., p. 238].— This
word is still commonly used in some of the
English counties for " to glean." Seeing some
women in a newly-reaped field this year, in
Shropshire, I asked a man what they were
doing, and he replied that they were "leazing."
P.M.
"Leasing" or "leazing" was an old English
word for "gleaning." As a doubtful guess at
its origin, I venture to suggest the French
"lisser," Italian "lisciare," to polish. May
there not also be some connexion between the
words "glean" and "clean"? To glean is, in
Latin, "spicas legere." From "legere" to
"leaze" the transition seems rather violent, but
not impossible. Or from ligare, to bind, may
"leasing," in this sense, be derived? like the
words "lease" and "leash." "Leasing," in
the sense of " lying," seems allied to the Spanish
lisonja, a lie. Tyro.
Cash [Queries, vol. viii., p. 238]. — "Cash"
is at present used in Tyrone to denote a covered
drain made to leave a passage for water in wet
ground or bog. May it not be connected with
the French cache, used in North America for
a covered hollow under ground ? Query, is the
word used in the Lowlands of Scotland ?
Tyeo.
Ymnake [Queries, vol. viii., p. 238]. — This
word may be from the Gaelic iomainiche, a cat-
tle-driver, a drover: or possibly from iomral-
314
luiche, a wanderer, a vagabond; or from inmlieach,
inbheach, noble, high in rank. There was a
class of men in Ireland, of old families, called
by old English writers, "Idlemen," — like the
Spanish hidalgos — too proud to work, and too
poor to maintain themselves, who lived from
been a heavy burden on their hosts. The word
"Idleman" comes very near the German edel-
mann, a nobleman. Were these the " Ymnakes?"
or, as the Irish imchian means remote, distant,
may they have been so designated, as being a
people from a foreign country, cineadh d ait
house to house among the people, and must have imchian ?
Ttko.
QUERIES.
Some time ago, I made the following notes from
a Guide to Belfast, published by John Henderson:
is any thing known of the places, or are any re-
mains to be seen at the spots mentioned ?
" Chapel of Kilwee, three miles from Belfast,
on the Falls Koad."
" Chapel of Cranock, on the Falls Road, near
Calender's Fort."
" Capella Crookmuck, Upper Malone."
" Capella de Kilpatrick, near Strandmills."
I wish also to inquire whether any of your
correspondents can inform me what kind of divi-
sion "Malone" is; it is not a parish, and it is
not marked on maps. J. W. M.
I beg to ask Mr. Windele what he alludes to
under the name of the "Irish Triads," [vol. viii.,
p . 1 1 9] ? I thought that this kind of composition
was peculiar to Welsh literature. Cymbo.
Can any correspondent inform me what was
" Saint Patrick's Book of Proverbs," and if it be
still extant ? Ekasmus.
END OF VOL. VIII.
INDEX TO VOL. 8.
Abernethy, (in Scotland) the church of,
founded by a Pictish king, 133
Abhba, 236, 238
" Acates," meaning of the word, 29 n
Affghans, the, are of Jewish descent, 9 8
A. H., 232, 232, 238, 238, 312, 312
Alba-vado, a name of Belfast, 76
America, its original population came
across the Pacific Ocean, 71
Anglo-Irish poetry, early specimens
of, 268
Animals, corresponding names of, in
the various Indo-European lan-
guages, 61
Answers to Queries, 75, 151, 236, 313
Antiquarian Notes and Queries, 70,
149, 231, 309
Archery in Ireland, former regulations
respecting, 311
Arithmetic formerly despised, 27 n
Arran, the Isles of, derivation of their
name, 75
Aryan family of languages, the, 55
Auburn, derivation of the word, 152
Auburn-tree, etymology of its name,
237
B
Badges, beggars', 232
Beer, qualities of, when brewed from
different kinds of grain, 33, 34
Bees stated by Solinus not to exist in
Ireland, 241; remarks of Colgan on
this subject, 250
Belfast, called Alba Vado in some old
documents, 76
Belfastiensis, 76
Belfries, or church bell-towers, where
first erected, 282, 283
Belfry theory, regarding the Irish
round towers examined, 280
Bell, John, 75
Bells, date of their first introduction
into Christian solemnities, 281;
said to have been introduced into
Ireland by St. Patrick, 284
"Bon-fire," derivation of the word,
76, 76
Boomerang, the instrument so called,
is found represented in the Cata-
combs of Egypt, 72
Botany, errors in, committed by poets,
235
Boyd, Hugh MacAulay, believed by
many to have been the author of the
celebrated letters of Junius, 202 ;
summary of the arguments in favour
of this belief, 205, 206, 207, 208
Brandon Mountains (in Kerry), origin
of their name, 238
Brash, Richard B., on the Bound
Tower Controversy, 280
Brewing, quantities of malt formerly
used in, 33
Bull-baiting in Ireland, 152, 235, 235
"Bull-ring," a place so called in
various towns, 236
Bun-na-Mairge (Co. Antrim), abbey
of, 14, 267 ; its history, 14 ; pagan
tombs found in its vicinity, 22, 23
Burial of the dead in a sitting posture
in Peru and in North Africa, 72
Burnell, a Norman family of Shrop-
shire, 183 n
Cahir Conri, 111; its site and con-
struction, 117, 118; ascribed to
Conri, king of West Munster, 120
Caligraphy, early Irish, 210, 218, 219,
291; flourished at a remote period
in Ireland, 223
Cannibalism attributed to the ancient
Irish by several authors, 244, 255 ;
the statement contradicted by
Keating, 245; by Pelloutier, 248;
by Dr. O' Conor, 248
Carbonaro, 311
Carthage more a Jewish than a Phoe-
nician city, 91 n
Cash, a termination used in various
names of places in Ireland ; its sig-
nification, 238, 313
Cassiterides Islands, their name traced
to the Sanscrit, 59
Celtibek, 73, 237
Celtic, the term, as applied to antiqui-
ties, how to be understood, 36 n
Celts, the, were not the earliest inhabi-
tants of Europe, 14; are placed by
Herodotus near the source of the
Danube, 36 n
Cess, the tax so called, 180, 180 n
Charm, medical in an ancient Irish
manuscript, 291
Chichester, Sir Arthur, his cruel policy
in Ireland, 143 n; his tomb and
epitaph, 143 n
Churches, ancient Irish, diminutive
size of, 285
Civilization never of spontaneous
growth among savage tribes, 71
Clibborx, Edward, on the Gold An-
tiquities found in Ireland, 36 ; his-
torical argument on their origin, 88
Clotworthy, Sir John, 154; a leading
member of the Long Parliament, 154 ;
receives an annuity for keeping in
serviceable repair the boats on Lough
Neagh, 154, 155 ; is made a Privy
Councillor, Baron of Lough Xeagh,
and first Lord Massereene, 156
Coal, notes on, 172; if anciently
known as a fuel, 172, 173; earliest
notices of, 173, 174, 175; men-
tioned by Shakspeare, 175, 176,
was distinguished from char-coal by
the name sea-coal 175; came into
use in Ireland later than in England,
177; reasons for this, 177; was
little known in Ireland in the
beginning of the present century,
177 ; the smoke of, proved to be a
disinfectant, 177; French name*
for, 178; notice of the working of,
in Scotland, in a charter of 1291,
311
( 'on or Cu, the word, its meaning in
Irish personal names, 122
Concise (in Switzerland), ancient lake-
habitation discovered at, 1 ; great
number of objects found there, 1 to
14
Conri, king of "West Munster, 120;
signification of his name, 122; his
history, 122, 123, 124; his tomb,
125 n
Copper, not an African production, 38 n
Copts, the name, a conjecture respect-
ing, 38 n
Cosmas, 70, 1.50, 151
Counters, old method of calculating
by, 27 n
Court-Martial held at Portaferry (Co.
Down) in the year 1642, 62
Cowley, Robert, 194 n ; of the paternal
line of the Duke of Wellington, 1 94 n
Crania Britannica, the work so called,
146, 147 n
Crania, human, caution necessary in
drawing any conclusions from, re-
garding Irish Ethnology, 235
Cross, emblem of the, on gold disks
found in Ireland, 94, 94 n, 95
Cu or Con, the meaning of, as applied
to Irish personal names, 122
Cuchullin, romantic story respecting,
123, 124, 125
Customs, correspondence of, indifferent
remote nations, 150, 151
Ctmro, 314
D
Dallans, or monumental pillar-stones,
115; one having an inscription in
the Ogham character, 115
Dalriada, its ancient boundaries, 253
Desmond, Gerald, sixteenth Earl of,
187 n
Dicuil, 76
" Dinglety-cootch," meaning of the
word, as used in an Ulster prover-
bial expression, 312
Diodorus, his notice of Ireland, 240
Disks, thin gold, found in Ireland, 94
"Doit," origin of the word, 76
Dunlop, the family of, in Antrim,
came originally from the Scotch
island of Arran, 200 n
Dunlucc Castle, 266
Dunseveric Castle, 266
Dunslevey, the name, 252, 253
E
Egyptian style discernible in the
paintings in early Irish MSS., 229,
230
Erasmus, 314
Ekigexa, 231
"Eschew," the word, may be of Celtic
origin, 237
Ethnological queries relating to Ire-
land, 147, 148
Ethnology, Irish, 145; caution neoes-
saryin drawing conclusions respect-
ing, from human skulls, 235
"Excelsior," meaning of the word, 149
Fairs, ancient, 29 n ; their importance,
29 n
Family History, gleanings in, from the
Antrim coast, 127, 196
Festus Avienus, his notice of Ireland,
242
Fisheries, ancient Irish, great extent
of the, 309
G
Gajtulians, the ancient, 233
G. H., 76, 76
Gold, never was found in Ireland in
any large quantity, 89; probably
first discovered by the Tuatha de
Danaan, 89 ; Irish, probable source
whence derived, 90 ; Spain was pro-
bably the head-quarters of the trade
in the precious metals, 90 ; immense
quantity of, accumulated in Jeru-
salem, 91, 92,93,94.
Gold and silver objects found in Ire-
laud, large quantity of, 89, 89 n
Gold antiquities found in Ireland,
speculations as to their origin, 36 ;
tnc simplest form of, usually called
"bangles," or "ring-money," 37;
reasons for supposing them to bo
African, 37, 39; or Spanish, 38;
another form of bangle, with ex-
panded ends, 39 ; similar ones have
been seen in Africa, 39; and in
Hungary, 39; in Turkey, 39; in
Poland, 40; in India, 40; a third
variety has hollow cones or thimbles
at the ends, 40; another kind is
simply made of gold wire, 40 ; or flat
bars, 40; these all African, 40;
twisted gold rings, 41 ; identical
with some met with in Africa, 41 ;
"lunettes" recognized by the Ameer
of Scinde as Indian ornaments, 41 ;
"torques," 42, 43, 44; used at pre-
sent in Africa, 44, 45 ; frontlets, 45 ;
6aid to resemble those still used in
Greece and Russia, 46 ; and among
the Spanish Jews, 47; and in Hol-
land, 48.
Gold antiquities, Irish, historical argu-
ment as to their origin, 88 ; no name
or cipher ever discovered on them,
96, 96 n; their probable era, 96
Golden implement found near Bally-
castle (Co. Antrim), 25
Goldsmiths in Ireland, ancient enact-
ments in the Brehon Laws respect-
ing, 95
Grave, Celtic, discovered near Lille
(France), 151
Greek character of style distinguisha-
ble in many old Irish ecclesiastical
articles, 43 n, 50
II
Haberdine, a kind of fish, 30 n ; ori-
gin of the name, 30 n
Hand, the bloody, a symbol found in
Morocco and Central America, 1 21 n
Hebrides, ancient names of the, 132
Heralds, first establishment of, 28
Hill-fortresses of Ireland, 118, 119
Hill, Rev. George, on the ruins of
Bun-na-Mairge, 14; Gleanings in
family history from the Antrim
coast, 127, 196
Hogmanay night, origin of the term,
73, 150, 313
Hose, Herbert F., 72; his notes to
Sidney's Memoirs of his Govern-
ment in Ireland, 195 n
111.
Horns, drinking, frequently mentioned
in some ancient Irish MSS., 106 ;
the word so translated may in some
cases signify horns for blowing,
106, 107
Horse-shoes, ancient, 149; wooden,
73 ; improbability of their having
been used by the ancient Irish, 149;
not in use among the Northern Irish
in 1642, 159 n
Hostelry, wooden, in Drogheda, 186 n
Household Expenses of the Lord De-
puty of Ireland, circa 1580, 27
Hume, Rev. Dr. Abraham, on Coal,
and the period of its introduction as
a fuel into the British islands, 172
Hundred, " the long," mode of reck-
oning by, 29 n
Hungary, ornaments of iron used in,
39, 234
Illumination of early Irish MS., 224,
225, 305
Implements, ancient, discovered at
the lake-habitation near Concise, in
Switzerland, 1 to 14
Ireland, pre-Christian notices of, 239
Iron bracelets used by the Hungarians,
39, 234
"Jewellery," conjecture as to the
origin of the word, 47 n
Jews, of Seville, their custom of bury-
ing gold ornaments with their dead,
38, 51 ; their custom in various
countries of using metallic torques,
43 ; were probably the great gold-
smiths at one period, 47 ; always
dealers in gold and silver, 49 ; co-
lony of, in Africa, north of the
Gold Coast, settled at a very early
period, 45; were extensive slave-
merchants, 49 ; their ancient cur-
rency consisted of gold estimated
merely by weight, 49 ; the, suc-
ceeded to the trade of the Phoeni-
cians, 93 ; extent of their shipping,
93; name assumed by their colony
in Africa, 233 ; its real meaning, 233
J. W. M., 314
K
Kenban Castle, 267
Keller, Dr. Ferdinand (of Zurich),
his account of Irish MSS. preserved
in Switzerland, 211, 212, 291
Lake-habitations, ancient, of Switzer-
land, details of discoveries made at
the, 1 to 14
Language, the Irish, in Africa, 72 ;
the English, its decline in Ireland
in the 16th century, 72
" Leaze," meaning of the word, 238,
313, 313
Legends, correspondence of, in various
countries, 70
Letters B and V, pronunciation of the,
by the ancients, 151
Lewis, the island of, a settlement of
the MacAulays, 199
Languages, the Aryan family of, afford
evidence of the climate and produc-
tions of the original seat of the pri-
mitive Indo-European race, 58
Lasso, the, is described by Herodotus
as used by an Asiatic people, 72
M
MacAdam, Robert, on ancient Irish
trumpets, 99
MacAulay, origin of the name, 196 ;
probably Norwegian, 196 ; form
taken by the name in the Isle of
Man, 197; the modern name, stated
to be applied to two tribes of totally
distinct origin, 311
MacAulay (Boyd) Hugh, believed by
many to have been the author of
the celebrated Letters of Junius,
202 [see JBoi/d]
MacAulays, family of the, 196 ; their
origin, 196 ; their invasion of
Ulster, 196 ; and settlement in
Scotland, 197, 198, 199; one of
the name elected King of the
Hebrides and Man, 197; the An-
trim branch of the family derived
from the branch settled in Dum-
bartonshire, 199 ; arrived in An-
trim early in the 16th century, 200
MacDonnell, Alexander CarragJi, 127,
127 n
MacDonnell, Randal, 128; receives a
grant of large estates in Antrim, 129 ;
created Viscount Dunluce and Earl
of Antrim, 130
MacDonnells, the, colonize the coast
of Antrim, 127, 128; of the Heb-
rides, their gradual encroachments
on the ancient territory of Dalriada,
254, 255 ; dispossess the MacQuillins,
258; burial-place of the, 16
MacGillicuddys Reeks, the mountains
so called, derivation of their name,
231
MacKenzies, origin of the clan of
the, 76; Gaelic form of the name,
311
MacN., 314
MacNaghten, history of the family of,
in Antrim, 127, 131; descended
from a Pictish ancestor, 131 ; the
name, appears frequently in the
Irish Annals, 133 ; continued to be
a powerful clan in Scotland, 133;
Shane Dint, or "Black John," 134;
melancholy career of his son, 134135;
different branches of the Irish family
of, 135, 136, 137, 138
MacNaghtens, doubts of their being of
Pictish origin, 233
MacNeill, history of the family of, in
Antrim, 138; furnished hereditary
lords for six hundred years, 139;
settle on the Antrim coast, 139; of
Barra, 139
MacQuillins, of Antrim, history of the,
251; were anciently princes of Ulidia,
251 ; and subsequently of Dalriada,
252; various hypotheses as to their
origin, 252; held Dalriada peace-
fully during the 13th and 14th cen-
turies, 254; their intercourse with
the MacDonnells of the Hebrides,
254 ; who finally supersede them in
their entire property, 258 ; the clan
of the, removed from Antrim to
Innishowen, in Donegal, 130 n;
lineal descendants of the, exist at
present in Wexford, 260 ; anecdotes
of them, 261
Malby, Sir Nicholas, 179 n
Manuscripts found in the ruins of the
abbey of Bun-na-Mairge (Countv
Antrim), 16; account of, 17, 18, 19
Manuscripts, ancient Irish, preserved
in the libraries of Switzerland, ac-
count of, 212, 291; some beautifully
IV.
illuminated, formerly supposed to
be Anglo-Saxon, and now ascer-
tained to be Irish, 305, 306, 307 ;
Irish, description of those still extant
at St. Gall, 292 ; at Schaff hausen,
295; at Basel, 297; at Berne, 298;
at Zurich, 299
"Marches," the, certain counties in
England so called, 191 n
"Marshal," an officer in the employ-
ment of each great Irish chieftain,
185 n
Masterson, Sir Thomas, 179 n
McCormac, Henry, M.D., on the
"Aryan Unity," 55
Medals, Hebrew, sometimes found in
Ireland, 94 n
Medical charm in an ancient Irish
manuscript, 303
Metals, corresponding names of, in the
various Indo-European languages,
59 ; were known to the Celts and
Germans on their first arrival in
Europe, 60
Milesians, the bardic account of their
arrival in Ireland, 113; migrations
of the, 232; their probable identity
with the ancient Gaetulians, 233;
possibly may have been of Hebrew
race, 97; the particulars of their
history in Keating are quite Jewish,
98 n
Mine, ancient, discovered near Bally-
castle (County Antrim), 23, 24
Mines oi Cornwall, traditionally said
to have been worked by Jews, 91
Morgan, 312
Munro, Major-General, sent into
Ulster in 1642, 77
Montgomery, Sir James, 63; autho-
rized to raise a regiment to resist
the native Irish forces, 63
"Morian," meaning of the word, 150
Mount Alexander, the Earls of, 63
Mummies, Peruvian, 71
N
Nechtan, a Pictish chief, 131; his
family produced three kings, 133;
one of them founded the church of
Abernethy, in Scotland, 133
Newry taken bv Con Magcnuis,
in 1642 77 A
Notes and Queries, Antiquarian,
70, 149, 231, 309
Numerals, complication caused for-
merly by the mixture of Roman and
Arabic, 28 n
Nun, the Black, of Bun-na-Mairge,
20, 21, 267; her prophecies, 21;
anecdote of, 367, 268
0
O' Carroll, the extinct family of, near
Ballycastle (Co. Antrim), 25, 26
O'Donovan, Dr. John, on Pre-
Christian notices of Ireland, 239
Ogham inscription on a pillar-stone in
the County Kerry, 115; various at-
tempted translations of, 115, 116
O' Gorman, Thomas, 74
Ollamh Fodhla, 150, 152, 237
O'More, Rory Oge, 184 n
Ornamentation of early Irish MSS.,
224, 305 ; principles of the, 224, 225
Orthography, defective English, in the
olden time, 231
Paintings, early Irish, 219, 226, 227,
228, 229,309; their similarity in style
and conception to the Egyptian,
229, 230; their style probably de-
rived from that country, 230
Peck, the measure so called, its differ-
ent sizes formerly in several Irish
counties, 32
Penmanship, early Irish, account of,
221, 222, 223
Pictet, Professor Adolphe (of Geneva),
letter from, on the importance of a
Thesaurus of the Irish language, 34 ;
his work on the Affinity of the
Celtic tongues with the Sanscrit, 57 ;
his Origines Indo-Europeenes, 57
to 62
Picts, the, 131, 233; settle in Ireland
and afterwards in the Hebrides, 131,
132; spread themselves over Scot-
land, 132; re-established themselves
subsequently in Ulster, 133; their
chieftainships descended in the
female line, 132, 133
Pinkerton, "William, on the House-
hold Expenses of the Lord Deputy
of Ireland circa 1580, 27; on the
Proceedings of the Scottish and Eng-
lish forces in the North of Ireland,
in 1642, 77 ; on some unpublished
poems relating to Ulster in 1642-3,
153; on early Anglo-Irish poetry,
268
Plants, corresponding names of, in the
various Indo-European languages,
60 ; indicate the climate of the ori-
ginal country of the Aryan race, 61 ;
errors respecting, committed by
poets, 235
"Plashing," a mode of fortifying a
forest formerly practised by the
Irish, 186 n
Pomponius Mela, his notice of Ireland,
240
Portaferry (Co. Down), Minutes of
a Court-Martial held at, in 1642,
62
"Port-measure," explanation of the
term, 31 n
Pre-Christian notices of Ireland, 239 ;
Diodorus, 240; Strabo, 240; Pom-
ponius Mela, 240; Solinus, 241;
Festus Avienus, 242
Proceedings of the Scottish and Eng-
lish forces in the North of Lreland
in 1642, 77
Provincialisms, Ulster, 73
Q
Queries, 152, 238, 314
R
"Rap halfpenny," origin of the term,
152
Rathlin, island of, attacked and plun-
dered by Sydney, 193
Red Branch, Knights of the, 121 n;
this appellation has probably arisen
from an error in the translation,
121 n
Red Hand, of Ulster, conjecture res-
pecting its origin, 97 ; its antiquity
as an emblem, 121 n; the same em-
blem found in some other remote
countries, 121 n
Reeves, Rev. Dr., on Early Irish
Caligraphy, 210
Eetko, 73, 73, 73
Ring-money, 50
E. M., 313
Roads of the Romans, their- excellent
construction, 149
Round Tower controversy: — the "bel-
fry" theory examined, 280
S
Sack wine, when first generally used
in England, 30 n ; anachronism of
Shakspeare regarding, 30 n
Sacro Bosco, Johannes de, 75
Saint Gall, the abbey of (in Switzer-
land), ancient Irish MSS. preserved
in, 212, 292
Saint Patrick, born a Jew, 98; his
" Book of Proverbs," 314
Sanscrit, the, its position as a mem-
ber of the Aryan family of lan-
guages, 56
Scota, the reputed ancestor of the
Milesians in Ireland, her grave still
pointed out, 112
Scrutator, 76
Scurlock, Barnaby, 184 n
Senex, 73, 73, 76, 76, 234, 237
Ship-temple, the so-called, in County
Louth, proved to be a rude for-
tress, 235
Shirt, the plaited Irish, probably ser-
ved as a kind of defensive armour,
186 n
Silver did not become a standard of
currency until the introduction of
Mahommedanism, 39
Skulls, human, found in Ireland,
caution necessary in drawing any
conclusions from, regarding Eth-
nology, 235
Soldier, the English-Irish, ballad so
called, printed as a broad-side in
1642, 167, 169
Solinus, his notice of Ireland, 241
Spain, its close connection with Ireland
at one period, 97
Stone trough, employed as a memorial
on Jewish graves at Algiers, 91 n
S. T.P., 149, 150
Strabo, his notice of Ireland, 240
Surnames, curious corruption of, 73
" Sur-reined," a word used by Shak-
speare, probable meaning of, 235
Swallows, Irish superstitions relating
to, 234; antipathy to, among the
ancient Pythagoreans, 311
Sweating-houses, Irish, are the same
in principle as the Eussian vapour-
baths, 72
Switzerland, ancient lake-habitations
of, 1 ; account of ancient Irish MSS.
preserved in the libraries of, 212,
291
Sydney's Memoir of his Government
in Ireland, 179
Synnott, Eichard, 179 n
Tails, the "Wild Irish" formerly be-
lieved to have, 79 n
Teretts, 311
T. H. P., 313
Thumb, licking the, an ancient form
of giving a pledge, 67 n ; a custom
of great antiquity, 67 n; mentioned
by Tacitus as existing among the
Iberians, 67 n; and by Ihre, among
the Goths, 67 n; found also in
India, 67 n
Tombs, pagan, found near the abbey
of Bun-na-Mairge (County Antrim),
22, 23
Towers, round, of Ireland, an exami-
nation of the "belfry" theory res-
pecting, 280 ; not met with at any
of the churches founded abroad by
any of the ancient Irish mission-
aries, 286, 287
Townlands in Ireland, at what period
they received their present names,
152
Treasure Trove, new instructions
issued by the English Government
respecting, 231
Triads, Irish, query respecting, 314
Troyon, Fre'de'ric (of Lausanne), his
account of the discoveries made at
the ancient lake-habitations of
Switzerland, 1
Trumpets, ancient Irish, 99; some have
the embouchure on one side, 100;
probable use of such trumpets, 100;
instrument of the same principle
used in New Zealand, 110; semi-
circular, of great size, 103; conjec-
tures as to the mode of using them,
104, 108; notices from classic authors
of the use of trumpets among the
ancient Celts, 1 05 ; the great trumpet
of Alexander the Great, 105; lew
notices of trumpets met with in
native Irish manuscripts, 106 ;
ancient Irish names of, 106, 107;
corresponding names in other lan-
guages, 107; the Danish origin of
the Irish trumpets, arguments
against, 107, 108; said to resemble
the ancient Etruscan ones, 108;
trumpets frequently mentioned in
the Old Testament, 109; their
probable Phoenician origin, 109;
curved ones used in India, 109
Tuatha De Danaan, the people so
called; said to have possessed the
art of discovering gold, 89
Turner, Sir James, Lieutenant-General
of the Scottish forces under Monro,
his autobiography, 64 n
Tyro, 313, 314
D
Ulster, at one period comprised little
more than the present counties of
Down and Antrim, 254; unpublished
poems relating to, in 1642-3, 153
Verjuice, what used for, in old times,
30 n
Victoria, Queen, lineally descended
from Cairbre Eiada, 121
W
Weapons of stone and bone, descrip-
tion of the, found at the ancient
lake-habitations of Switzerland,
2 to 11
Webh, M., on the Clan of the Mac-
Quillins of Antrim, 251
Wellington, the Duke of, said by some
to be descended from an Anglo-
Irish Kilkenny family, 194 n
Wixdele, John, on Cahir Conri,
a cyclopean fort in Kerry, 111
Wren, Welsh superstition regarding
the, 312
Y
"Ymnake," meaning of the word, 238