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On the 26th of January 1857, ihe Master of the Rolls 
submitted to the Treasury a proposal for the publication 
of materials for the History of this Country from the 
Invasion of the Romans to the reign of Henry VIII. 

The Master of the Rolls suggested that these materials 
should be selected for publication imder competent 
editors without reference to periodical or chronological 
arrangement, without mutilation or abridgment, prefer- 
ence being given, in the first instance, to such materials 
as were most scarce and valuable. 

He proposed that each chronicle or historical docu- 
ment to be edited should be treated in the same way as 
if the editor were engaged on an Editio Princeps ; ajid 
for tliis purpose the most correct text should be formed 
from an accurate collation of the best MSS. 

To render the work more generally useful, the Master 
of the Rolls suggested that the editor should give an 
account of the MSS. employed by him, of their age and 
their peculiarities; that he should add to the work a 
brief account of the life and times of the author, and 
any remarks necessary to explain the chronology ; but 
no other note or comment was to be allowed, except 
what miglit be necessary to establish the coiTCctness of 
the text. 

The works to be published in octavo, separately, as 
they were finished ; the whole responsibUity of the task 
resting upon the editors, who were to be chosen by the 
Master of the EoUs with the sanction of the Treasury. 

The Lords of Her Majesty's Treasury, after a careful 
consideration of the subject, expressed their opinion in a 
Treasury Minute, dated February 9, 1857, that the plan 
recommended by the Master of the Eolls "was well 
calculated for the accomplishment of this important 
national object, in an effectual and satisfactory manner, 
within a reasonable time, and provided proper attention be 
paid to economy, in making the detailed arrangements, 
without unnecessary expense." 

They expressed their approbation of the proposal that 
each Chronicle and historical docimient should be edited 
in such a maimer as to represent with all possible correct- 
ness the text of each wTÍter, derived from a collation of the 
best MSS., and that no notes should be added, except 
such as were illustrative of the various readings. They 
suggested, however, that the preface to each work should 
contain, in addition to the particulars proposed by the 
Master of the Rolls, a biographical account of the author, 
so far as authentic materials existed for that pm'pose, 
and an estimate of his historical credibility and value. 

Bolls House, 

December 1S57. 














LONGMANS & Co., Paternoster Row; TRÚBNER&Co.,LudcxAte Hill: 








Printed by 

Eyiíe and Spottiswoode, Her Majesty's Printers. 

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Preface - - - - - iii-clxxix 

I. The history of Thomas saga - vi-xxxv 

II. The history of Thomas skinua - - xxxv-xlviii 

III. Various recensions of Thomas sagas - xlviii-lviii 

IV. Authors of Thomas sagas - - Iviii-lx 

V. Thomas saga and the sagas of Gudmund 

Arason - . . . Ix-lxix 

VI. Collation - - . > Ixx-clvii 

VII. Various notices - - . clvii-clxxv 

FORMÁLI - - . . . 2-6 

KAP. LXXXII. e^l4 

Bref P>akka koiinngs . _ _ _ . j4_9o 


Er Heinrekr konungr tok skriftir - - ' . 28-42 


Mertkileg vitran er bar fyrir eirn bróöur Í Cancia - 42-48 


Af Ilerra páfans bréfi, er hann skipaöi skrift 









The letter of the king of the French - - 15-29 

How king Henry was shrived . . - 29-43 


A remarkable vision which appeared to a certain 

brother at Canterbury - . - . 43-49 


Of the letter of the Lord Pope when he ordained 

shriving . . . _ . 51-61 



Morkiligar vitranir 



Miraculum _ . - - - oy-74 

Miraculum af Thomasi . - - - 76-84 


Af jartcionagerSum bins heilaga Thome - - 84-92 


Miraculum af hinum heilaoja Thdmasi - - 92-100 


Af jarteignagerðum bins heilaga Thome - - 102-106 


Af jarteignum hius heilaga Thome erkibyskups - 106-1 1Ö 

Fra kalle einum - . . - . 118-126 

Af ekkju eimii er sat - - - . 126-130 

Af gofgum vin Thome - - . . 130-140 




"ReiHtarkablo visions _ . . 



(A miracle) . - . . 



A miracle of Thomas . . . . 77-85 


Concerniiiii the miracles of St. Thomas - - 85-93 

Miracle of the holy Thomas - - - 93-101 


Of the miracles of St. Thomas - - - 103-107 

Of the miracles of the holy archbishop Thomas - 107-119 

Of a certain carl . - - - - 119-127 

Of a certain widow - - - . 127-131 


Concerning a certain noble friend of Thomas - 131-141 




Erkibyskiipsins nndirlögr í Caneia - - 140-146 


Um jar teignagjörð Thome _ - - 146-156 

Af Jordanus riddara . - - - 156-172 

KAP. C. 

Af Hlöðve Frakka konniid - - - 172-184 


Er ror Drottinn ----- 184-190 

Frá Alexsaudro páfii - - - - 190-196 

KAP. cm. 

Frá helgan Thome - . . . 196-210 


Af herra Stephanum - . - - - 210-222 


Af Máhilld móöur Thome - - -• - 222-226 

NÚ er at lykt leidd - - . . 228-240 




The Archbishop's undirlogr ? in Cancia - - 141-147 


Coiiceriimg Tiiomas' working of miracles - - 147-157 

Concerning the knight Jordanns - - - 157-173 


Of Louis king of the French -' - - 173-185 

When our Lord - . - . - 185-191 


Of Pope Alexander - - - . 191-197 


Of the translation of Thomas - - - 197-211 

Of Lord Stephen ----- 211-223 


Of Maild the mother of Thomas - - - 223-227 


Now the story is brought to an end - - 229-241 




Fragments of Thomassagu . . - 24-5-284 


Extract from Mariusaga - - - 284-289 


An Icelandic hymn in praise of St. Thomas - 289-293 


Littera fraternitatis concessa Wytfrido fiHo Juarii 

de Insula do Island - - . . 293-294 

GLOSSARY - - . - . 296-584 
INDEX 587-611 

y\ /N wrvx'-v/^ rvr\y>r 



At different times various narratives of the life of ah wstories 

of BfCKCt 

Archbishop Thomas Becket have .been current in Iceland, caiieciTho- 

T ' ' 1 -I • 11 -I T • ^^^ saga. 

indiscriminately designated by the comprehensive name 

of Thomas Saga. This term beino- misleading- Ave deal Distinction 

. between 

with it in this introduction in the followino- manner. oth«?i* The- 

^ , mas saigas 

When *we have in view the whole oTOup of Icelandic ti"d the 

f^ i- present one* 

writings relating to Thomas of Canterbury, or an unde- 
fined portion of it, we refer to either as " Thomas saga " 
or '' a saga of Thomas.'** But the narrative which, under 
the title of " Thomas Saga Erkibyskups," now issues 
completed from the press, as well as the codex containing 
it, called Thomasskinna, we designate as T., when 
occasion demands that either should be distinguished 
from other writings of a similar character. 

The Icelandic Thomas saga stands in a relation of General re- 
unique interest to English history and literature. It Thomas 
was in existence at a remarkably short period after English 
the Archbishop's death. It soon exercised an influence 
nothing short of momentous on the relations between 
Church and State in Iceland. It secured for the name of 
St. Thomas a popularity which eclipsed that of every 
other saint, save the Virgin Mary. As we know it T)/\ 

now, it is largely due to the pen of an Englishman 
who, in the literature of his own country, is unknown as 
a biographer of Becket ; and thus it occupies a position 
of especial interest in relation to the existing lives of the 

It is our duty in this preface to deal with Thomas scope of the 
saga under these different aspects as briefly as is con- 
K 541. a* 

vi PliEFACE. 

sLstent with completeness. For the sake of clearness 
and convenience we propose to treat the subject under 
the following heads : — 

I. The history of Thomas saga. 
II. The history of Thomasskinna. 

III. Various recensions of Thomas sagas. 

IV. Authors of Thomas sagas. 

V. Thomas saga and the sagas of Gudmund Arason 
VI. Collation of T. with extant lives of Becket. 
VII. Various notices. 

I. The history of Thomas saga. 

News of the 1. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. —The news of the mui'der 
signer. of* Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury, one of the most 
i"eirnd heart-stirring occurrences of the eventful 12 th century, 
beisupposed. seems to have reached Iceland sooner than would be 
generally supposed from the long distance it had to 
travel across that gulf of isolation which is commonly 
believed to have been at all times fixed between the 
communi- island and the outer world. But communication with 
quent England, during this and the four succeeding centuries, 
was by no means uncommon ; on the contrary, it was 
one of constantly increasing frequency until the pro- 
hibitive trade policy of the 16th and 17th centuries suc- 
ceeded in excluding all foreign commerce from the 
from the couutry. The begimiing of this intercourse was coeval 
uient ou-^' with the history of the country. In the days of its 
^^ ■ settlement Iceland was colonized, to a large extent, by 
immigrants from Great Britain. That period was by 
no means such an exclusive period of sword and 
Trade inter- slaughter as is commouly supposed. It was, what all 
war periods are, a time of commercial intercourse as well, 
and when the viking ceased, in the 11th century, to be 
the scourge of the British coast, there followed, in the 
wake of his dragons, the northern ships of burthen with 




peaceful traders on board, and laden with furs from 
Norway and fish from Iceland to be exchanged for 
England's fine textile fabrics, wine, honey, malt, and 
wheat. As to Iceland, this trade, it would seem, rather 
flourished than flagged as time wore on. Indeed, 
towards the end of the 12th century English trade had, 
apparently, asserted a paramount influence in Iceland. 
About A.D. 1200 it is truthfully related, that the national English , 

•^ yard mea- 

standard measure of leno-th was chano-ed, so as to cor- sure intro- 

° ^ duced. 

respond exactly with the English yard.^ That this 
violent innovation was the result of a most pressing 
necessity may be inferred from the words of the record. 
It was carried at the instance of a most influencial bishop 
backed by the mightiest men of the country, chiefly his 
own kinsmen.^ Paul Jonsson, bishop of Skalholt (1195- 
1211), to whom the measure was chiefly due, had himself 
studied in England ^ and, having thus become acquainted 
with EngHsh institutions, was, no doubt, better able than 
most of his countrymen to realize the importance for his 
native land of facilitating commercial intercourse with 
England. We shall see, further on, when we come to 
discuss the " Littera fraternitatis " of Vigfus Ivarsson (vii) 
that, in the loth century, the English trade was flourish- 
ing more than ever. Under circumstances of commercial 
intercourse the news would naturally reach the country 
very rapidly of an event which sent a thrill of horror 
through every heart of the Christian world. But, besides 
commerce, other interests had for a long time formed 
bonds of intercommunion between the two countries. 

From the very dawn of Christianity in Iceland we Earij' mis- 
find that, amone^ the missionaries who busied themselves from Ene- 

Ö land. 

with the fortification of the new faith in the semi-pagan 
community, Englishmen took a prominent and, as it 

1 Pals saga. Biskupa sögiir, I., 
135; Diplomat. Island., I., 306- 

- Pals saga. Bisk, sög., ib^ 
'^ Pals saga. Bisk, sög., I., 127. 



' huok 

abbot of 

first luonas 
tery in 

would seem, the most civilized and humane, and there- 
Bernara the fore the most popular, part. Among these a Bernard 
Wilfried's? or Willard's ? son (Bjarnvarðr Vilrá-Ssson) 
won for himself the surname of " Bookwise,^" no doubt 
because he brought a library with him to the country 
and startled the unlettered islanders Avith his literary 
proficiency. Another, Rudolph ^ by name, is stated to 
have spent nineteen years in the country as a missionary 
bishop, sent there by St. Olaf of Norway ; and that he 
really was sent by St. Olaf we may infer from the 
notice on him in the Hist. Coenob. Abendonensis, where 
it says, on his death as abbot of Abingdon, that he had 
founded the been a Norwegian bishop.^ He was the first man that 
ever founded a conventual establishment in Iceland^ ; and 
although his small monastery of Bær in Borgarfjord 
soon collapsed after his departure, he had none the less 
been the means of making the rough and ready islanders 
acquainted with catholic humility and self-abnegation in 
their most ideal aspect. No doubt it was connected with 
the missionary eflforts of these Englishmen that Gudlaug, 
the oldest son of Snorri GoSi, in his day the most in- 
fluential chief in the country, took the vow, and left the 
country to spend the life of a recluse in England (cca. 
A.D. 1016).^ 
Anglo- 2. Literary Connections. — The early missionaries, 

Saxon books . 

brought to out of whose number we content ourselves with men- 

1 eel and. 

tioning these two only, brought with them English, that is, 

Anglo-Saxon, books, and thus made the people, at a very 

early period, acquainted A\dth a language which bore a 

A.-s. looked strong similarity to the native idiom. Indeed, the early 

icSancfers Icelanders looked upon the Anglo-Saxon language as one 

with their and the same with the Icelandic,^ a view wherein we at 

own tongue. 

goes to 
England to 
take the 

^ Hungrvaka, Bisk, sög., I., 65. 
■^ lb. 

3 Wharton Angl. Sacra, I., 167. 
"* Hungrvaka, Bisk, sög., 1. c. 
■' Isleudinga sögiir, II., 307. 

^ See treatise " Um stafrofit," 
Snorra Edda, II., 12. That the 
author of this treatise, which is 
written before 1160, is more fami- 
liar with English than with any other 
language, excep Latin, is clear 



least discern as strong a proof of familiarity of inter- 
course between the two people, as of accuracy of scholar- 
ship in comparative philology. And so much is certain The ice- 
that, when the Icelanders were framing and adjusting phabet 
their alphabet, during the 12th century, they adopted partly, on 
Anglo-Saxon letters, where the runic or the Latin of the 
alphabets did not express the sound with sufficient saxon. 
distinctness.^ The earliest writer in the language, Ari 
the Learned, betrays familiarity with Beda as an autho- 
rity whom he had studied.- The not inconsiderable sagas rdat- 
number of sagas extant, derived from English sources, líSd. 
show that English literature was a subject that in- 
terested the Icelandic clerks of old. Sagas, such as 
that of Edward the Confessor,^ of St. Oswald,^ the Breta- 
sögur^ and monk Gunnlaug Leifsson's paraphrase of 
the prophesies of Merlin,^ &c., evince, how eagerly the 
early Icelandic clerks availed themselves^of opportunities 
for studying English history, opportunities which only 
could be the result of frequent intercommunion. Even 
to this day these sagas have an interest of' their own, as 
being not unfrequently based on records now lost or 
unknown. Moreover, registers of Icelandic churches 
show that books of English penmanship continued for a 
long time to be in request in the country.'^ 

from the manner in which he sets 
forth the principle of his ortho- 
graphy : " this is how Englishmen 
" have framed their alphabet, let 
" their example be our guide." 
Ilis language impresses us as that 
of one who had studied in England. 

^ See the treatise already re- 
ferred to, 8n. Edda, II., 32, 3G, 
38, and the succeeding treatise, ib., 

" Landuámabók, Isl, sög., I., 

3 Flateyjarbók, III., 463-472; 
ed. also by .Ton SigurSsson, An- 

naler for nordisk Oldkyndighed, 
1852, pp. 1-43. 

■* Ed. by Jon Sigur"Ssson, Ann. 
for nord. Oldk., 1854, pp. 3-91. 

•^ Ed. by J(5u Sigur'Ssson, Ann. 
for nord. Oldk., 1848, pp. 102-215. 

'^ Ed. by Jon Sigur'Ssson, ib., 
1849, pp. 14-75. 

' Thus we may mention, e.g., 
that at the church of Iltiis in 
Enjoskudal, " tvær aspiciens bækr 
" enskar " are mentioned in 1394, 
and at the same time " tvær messu- 
'* bækr enskar " nt the church of 



visits Eng- 
land and 
studies at 

His effigy 
set up at the 
Priory of <( 
Kyme in 
Lincoln- " 

3. IcELAXDic Visitors to England. — About the life- 
time of the Archbishop, and in the course of the next 
twenty years after his death, we find that England was 
visited by men of great note in Iceland. Thorlak the 
son of Thorhall, afterwards bishop of Skalholt (1178- 
1193), and his countiy's patron-saint after death,^ went 
abroad and studied theology at Paris and Lincoln, re- 
turning to Iceland about 1161. His sojourn in England 
fell thus within the palmiest days of the gTeat chan- 
cellor. Thorlak could not have failed hearing much 
rumour about Thomas's unexampled lordliness, or about 
his wise and considerate Church policy — " Thomæ præ- 
" sidio tutus et quietus manebat ecclesiæ status." ^ On 
returning to Iceland we may be certain that Thorlak 
continued to correspond with friends in England, in 
the ecclesiastical life of which country he must have 
found much to delight his pious mind, and w^here his 
own life had taken that saintly mould which charac- 
terised it throughout. Such correspondence could not 
have passed in silence over the one great event of the 
time. The records of Thorlak's own life point in this 
direction. The younger saga of this bishop bears a clear 
testimony to his having been not only remembered, but 
held in saintly veneration, in England, after his death, in 
the very locality of his whilom sojourn : — - 

" In Kynn in England," the saga has it, " a man by 
" the name of Audunn, had an effigy made in honour 
of the blessed bishop Thorlak, and when the effigy 
was made and had been placed in the church, a certain 
" English clerk came forward and asked, of whom that 
" image might be, and was told it was of bishop Thorlak 
" in Iceland.3 " By the wording of the saga it would 
seem as if he who penned this passage looked upon 

^ He was declared saint in 1199. 
Isl. Ann. 

- Roger de Pontigny Materials, 

IV., 12. Cfr. Fitzstephen, III., 

^ Þorláks saga bin yngri, Bisk, 
sög., I., 357. 


Kynn rather as a place of one than of many churches. 
Scholars take Kynn to be a corruption of Lynn — at that 
time a populous town of many churches, and too well 
kno^^^l to Icelanders in the 12th and 13th centuries as a 
chief centre of northern commerce, to be so mistaken. We 
maintain, on the contrary, that in Kynn we have, in a 
slight disguise, the name of Kyme, a priory of Lincoln- 
shire, connected with the see of Lincoln,^ and make 
bold to suppose, that Audunn may have been an Ice- 
landic monk of the place, having been recommended 
by Thorlak to some of his former friends at Lincoln. 

It was doubtless at abbot Thorlak's suggestion — he 
was abbot of Ver or Thykkvibær before he was bishop — 
that his nephew and successor in the see of Skalholt, His nephew, 
Paul Jonsson, also went to England, where he studied for studies iu 
a time, and from where he returned, according to his bio- 
grapher, so well furnished with learning and clerkly 
lore, as to excel all men in his native country.^ Accord- 
ing to the saga he married young, which probably 
means that he was not yet 20, and when he had lived a 
few winters with his wife^ he went abroad. This, we 
take it, refers to the age of, say 23 or so, and as Paul was 
born in 1155, his stay in England probably fell in the 
years 1178 and afterwards, that is, about five years after 
the canonisation of St. Thomas, when the whole countiy 
rang with his miracles, and most of his popular bio- 
graphies were already in public circulation. We cannot «nd p^o- 
possibly imagine that a young and eager-minded student brought 
of theolooy such as Paul was, a scion of the noblest i^m records 

. °*^ ^ relating to 

family in the country and an aspirant to high ecclesias- Thomas. 
tical dignities at home, should not have taken care to 
secure records concerning a saint who, at the very time, 
eclipsed all other saints in Christendom by the marvels 
which were daily occurring at his grave. When we 

^ See Dugdale, MonasticoD, j - Pals saga, Bisk, sog., I., 127. 
Vol. VI., 377-78. 



Björn the 

Rafn Svein- 
goes on a 
to Canter- 

come to discuss the evidence of early traces of a Thomas 
saga in Iceland (I., 4), we shall have occasion to return to 
this point more in detail. 

In reviewing Icelandic visitors to England at this 
time we cannot omit to mention Bjorn, surnamed the 
English.^ Although nothing is known of him beyond 
his name and surname, the latter is sufficiently sugges- 
tive of his having had unusually close or extensive con- 
nections with England, perhaps having spent there a 
portion of his life. He appears to have flourished about 
the latter part of the 12th century, and to have been thus 
a contemporary of bishop Thorlak. Any Icelander of 
note at that time having connections with England may 
be credited with disseminating news, if not importing 
to the country records, of Thomas of Canterbury. 

But the person who we can with absolute certainty 
assert brought to Iceland literature relating to Thomas, 
was the pious, and in his daily conversation almost saintly, 
Rafn Sveinbjarnarson of Eyrr, in Arnarfjord, within the 
north-western ])eninsula of Iceland. He was contem- 
porary with the bishops Thorlak and Paul. As early 
as about A.D. 1195 we find him making a vow to St. 
Thomas, a fact which in itself makes it more than pro- 
bable that then ohesiay he was acquainted with a Latin 
or an Icelandic life of the saint. This vow, which bears 
impoi-tantly on the history of Thomas saga, occurred 
under the following circumstances : — 

" It so happened in Dyrafjord, at a spring-mote when 
" as Rafn was there, that a walrus came upon the land, 
" and people went to hunt it, but the ' whale ' leapt into 
" the sea and sank, having been wounded in the hollow 
'' (of the body). Then people went thereto in boats and 
" made grapnels for the purpose of hauling the ' whale ' 
'' ashore, but without any avail at all. Then Rafn 
" made a vow to the holy Bishop Thomas, towards the 

^ Lamlnáma, Isl. sog., I., 142. 



" securincj of the ' whale -; the ' head-fast ' teeth of the 
" ' whale/ to wit, (i.e., the scull of the walrus with the 
" teeth in it), if they should avail in bringing the ' whale ' 
'' ashore. And then, when he had made the vow, they 
" had no trouble in bringing the ' Avhale ' a-land. After 
" this Rafn went away, and they brought their ship 
" to Norway. This winter Rafn spent in Norway. And 
" in the spring he went west to England, and visited the 
" holy Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury and brought 
" St. Thomas the teeth. And there he spent his money 
'' towards a temple, and commended himself to their 
" prayers. This is proved by Gudmund Svertingsson : — 

" I put on record, that the man of firm intent 
" Went from the ' blue-wanded steed ' (i.e., ship) 
" To do his homage to the most holy 
" Thomas, the repressor of all woe." ^ 

We cannot for a moment doubt that Rafn, on quittins;' Must have 

^ , .p , . . °, brought 

Canterbury, brought away, by gift or otherwise, copies of records of 
Lives of the saint, all extant biooTaphies of Thomas back with 
having at that time been put to writing. Some record 
of the saint's miracles must also have found a place in the 
pilgrim's library, the miracle collections being the most 

' Eafns saga Sveinbjarnarsonar, 
Bisk, sög., I., 641-2 : Atburör sá 
geyi'Sist Í Dýrafiröi á vorþingi, þá 
er Rafn var þar, at rosm-hvalr 
kom upp á land, ok fóru menn 
til at særa hann, en hvalrinn hljóp 
á sjó ok sökk, því at hann var 
sær'Sr á hol. SítSan fóru menn til 
á skipum, ok geyr'ðu til sdknir, ok 
vildu draga hvalinn at landi, ok 
unnu engar lyktir á. í*á hét Rafn 
á enn helga Thomas biskup, til 
þess, at nástskyldi hvalrinn : haus- 
fastar tennar or hvalnum, ef þeir 
gæti ná'S hvalinn at landi fluttan ; 
ok sí^an, er hann hafSi heiti'S, þá 
vartS þeim ekki fyrir at flytja at 
landi hvalinn. I'essu uæst for Rafn 

í brott, ok kvdmu þeir skipi sínu 
vi"5 Noreg I*etta sannar Gu'S- 
mundr Svertingsson í drápu þeirri 
er hann orti um Rafn .... |)ann 
vetr var Rafn í Noregi. Ok at 
vori for hann vestr til Englauds 
ok sótti heim enn helga Thomas 
erkibiskup í Kantarabergi, ok 
f ærSi enura helga Thómasi teunar ; 
ok var^i hann þar fé sínu til mus- 
teris, ok fal sik undir þeirra bænir. 
í*etta sannar Gu'Smundr Svertings- 

Get ek þess, er gékk at lúta, 
geS fastr, enum helgastxi 

böl-huekkjauda, af blakki 
blás vandar, Thómási. 


venerated portion of the literature relating to the martyr. 
By Rafn, therefore, Iceland certainly acquired materials 
for the compilation of a Thomas saga, besides what 
might have been brought to the country already before. 

Thus, before A.D. 1200, we can aver, without at all 
drawing on imagination or stretching probability beyond 
leo'itimate limits that, at least some, records of Thomas 
of Canterbury had reached Iceland. 

4. Early ixdications of Thomas >saga. — Though 

there is no direct evidence of the existence of a Thomas 

saou in Iceland earlier than the middle of the 13th 

century, yet we have indirect evidence of it of a much 

earlier date. 

Aimtoryof In the older saga of bishop Thorlak there occurs a 

kn°wn at P^ssage, the import of which can be understood only by 

b]shi°^* "^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ Thomas saga. The author who, by his own 

SfSiiSe'^ evidence, was in daily conversation with the bishop, and 

must therefore have been a clerk at Skalholt, for some 

time at least, during Thorlak's episcopate, refers^ in the 

following manner, to the bishop's careful observance of 

fast-days : — 

Sice^of fast- " -^® enjoined a strict observance of the Friday fast, 

nected°i'ith " ^^ ^^^^^ ^'^^ meals should be taken on no Friday not 

Thomas « being a Feast-day, except on that one which falls in 

" Easter-week. So rigorously did he himself observe 

'' Fridays, that on every such he partook of dry fare 

" only, if he was well, but when he was sick, he so far 

" relaxed and mitigated the fast as, on entreaty, to allow 

" himself to eat white food on Ember-days and Fridays, 

" thus setting an example to those who now desire to 

" do things such as these in a manner the most beseem- 

" ing in the face of God. During his episcopate bishop 

" Thorlak happened to be ill once when Christonas day 

'' fell on a Friday, and he was faint, and yet he 

" tasted meat on that day, thus shoiving, by his example, 

" that to do so tvas better (more proper)." ^ Evidently 

^ I^orláks saga elzta, Bisk, sög., I., 106. 


the logic of this passage halts in a manner to leave the 
impression that the mind of the author was influenced by 
some extraneous reminiscences besides the recollection he 
had of the bishop's own norm of life. First he gives to 
understand that the bishop allowed two meals on Fridays, 
being Feast-days ; and then he goes on to detail the 
bishop's observance of Christmas day falling on a Friday, 
that is to say, he goes again partly over the ground he 
had already covered. This latter observation of his is 
especially noticeable. By Icelandic law Christmas day 
was to be kept in the same manner as Easter,^ a rule to 
which the law attached no exception, nor is there any 
special provision for the observance of Christmas day 
in case it should fall on a Friday. Consequently, the 
law being clear on this point, there was no ground for 
doubting what it was right to do, and no necessity for 
a special example being set for the guidance of others. 
Again, there were many exceptional cases which made it 
lawful to eat meat on a Friday, all cases, in fact, which 
came under the category of saving one's life — " at bjarga 
" öndu sinni " — and bodily illness was one. There was 
therefore, in reality, no special example set by the bishop 
in doing, on the specified Christmas day, what he did. 
The same thing was lawful to every one. And yet the 
biographer pointedly exhibits this observance of Christ- 
mas day falling on a Friday as hallowed by the special 
example of the bishop. In doing this, we submit, he 
Avas under the influence of a reminiscence of a passage 
in Thomas saga, which he had probably heard discussed 
by the clerks of Skalholt, possibly even by the bishop 
himself The last Christmas day that Thomas of Can- 
terbury lived he observed, in the words of Herbert of 
Bosham, in this manner ; — " in mensa sæculi, more suo, 
" se jucundum exhibuit, ita etiam, quod ea die, quæ 
" sexta feria erat, et natalis Domini dies, carnibus, 

* Grágás, Konungsbók, ll,Staí5arh(51sbók, 26. 

b ^ 


" sicut alii, vesceretur; eas tali die sumere qilam ah- 
" stinere religiosius judicans." ^ It is obvious that the 
words in italics are the original of the sentence, " yet he 
" tasted meat on that day, thus showing by his example 
" that so to do was better (more proper)." What in 
Iceland was common custom, and as such attracted no 
particular notice, was here singled out as a subject which 
derived a particular importance from the fact, that the 
greatest of saints had given it his especial sanction. 
Thomas's view on the point evidently struck the Ice- 
landers as original. Although the author of Thorlak's 
saga does not enter into that matter, yet we have from 
another quarter a direct evidence of such having been 
the case. We shall see, when we come to discuss the 
relation between Thomas saga and the sagas of bishop 
Gudmund Arason, that this very point had also been 
under discussion at Holar about A.D. 1200; and from 
the reference made to it in the " mi^saga " of Gudmund we 
learn that the words, "carnes ea die sumere quam ab- 
stinere religiosius judicans " set the Icelanders a-thinking 
as to what thought might be implied in the expression 
''religiosius," and that they reasoned it out by the 
symbolic proposition ; "as darkness flieth for light, so 
" flieth the fast for the feast." On these gi'ounds only 
can it be understood how Thorlak's biographer could 
have thought of referring to Christmas day, falling on 
a Friday, as he has done. That being the case, it 
follows that, at Skalholt, there must have been a 
Thomas saga, in all probability in bishop Thorlak's own 
day, certainly before his saga was w^ritten, or before 
A.D. 1200. We may even imagine that bishop Thorlak 
himself who, as his biographer says, " was always writing 
holy books," - may have left behind, at his death, some 
Icelandic record of Thomas of Canterbury, though no 

^ Herbert, Materials, III., 485. 

^ Í'orláks saga elzta, Bisk, sög., I., 104. 


mention is made of such any more than of any other 
writing of his. 

There is also a very strikino; resemblance observable R«sem. 


between Thomas sa.o^a and the sag^a of bishop Paul of between the 

sajfa of 

Skalholt in one point, namely, Paul's reluctance to bishop Paul 

. *^ and Thomas 

accept the bishoprick of Skalholt and Becket's to con- saga. 
sent to the election to Canterbury. In bishop Paul's 
case this is all the more striking, because there is no 
record of any objection having been made to him, nor 
of his election having been contested ; on the contrary, 
he w^as urged by all men of influence, and particularly 
by the bishop of Holar, to accept the charge. In his 
own lordly character there was nothing to warrant the 
inconceivable modesty ; he was energetic and nobly 
ambitious, his father was regarded by the whole com- 
munity as the greatest lord, and he himself as the 
greatest clerk, in the land. He had undoubtedly been 
intended for the office by his uncle, whom he had visited 
on his death-bed, and from whom he had received, as a 
last parting gift, his consecration ring. The very words 
of Paul's saga are so curious as to deserve a place here : — 
'^ The next summer after the death of bishop Thorlak 
'^ the holy, Paul was elected bishop : before (the election) 
*^ there had been a lono- discussion concernino- that 
" matter ; at last, however, the affair came to this, that it 
** was submitted to bishop Brand, mostly by the counsel 
*' of Hallr Gizzur's son: but he (bishop Brand) chose 
" Paul to proceed abroad (to consecration). But he was 
" not quick in giving his consent, and one after the 
'* other went to pray and persuade him, both bishop 
'^ Brand and his (Paul's) brothers and other relatives ; 
'' yet he withheld his consent and thus rode home from 
" the thing. Then he went to Oddi to the ' Church- 
" day ' at the feast of the men of Selja (July 8th) deeply 
" concerned (about his affairs). But when all had done 
" their utmost to persuade him to yield, and he saw 
" that there was no one in whose way he might stand, 



" unless thereby offending against the will of God, which 
" was far from being his desire when he gave a more 
" serious consideration to the affair, the Holy Ghost 
'' inspired his heart to submit to the responsibility."/ 
The inappropriateness of this description to the situation 
is transparent. In comparing it with the election of 
Thomas, we come on almost verbal agreement between 
the tv/o records, e.g., " leita lærSir menn at fa samþykt 
" ok játyr^ikosningsins afsignu^um Thómase. Enn þat 
" mál er eigi fljott " (I. 80), and : " þar var ok signa-Sr 
" Thomas, ok var nii ahyggjusamr um sitt efni" (I. 74). 
Evidently Thomas saga is here the source of a statement 
which the circumstances did not warrant. 

Thus it is clear that, at the southern see, records 
relating to Thomas of Canterbury must have existed as 
early as the latter end of the twelfth century. At the 
northern see they were known quite as early. 

When Rafn Sveinbjarnarson returned from Canter- 
bury, probably about 1197, he must, as we have already 
Lives of^"^ said, have brought back with him some Thomas litera- 
Thomas. ture. It SO happened that the man who, only a few 
years later, was elected bishop of Holar, Gudmund 
Arason, was Rafn's dearest friend in the country. Such 
was Gudmund's attachment to his friend that,' when he 
went abroad to be consecrated, he entreated Rafn to 
accompany him, no doubt because he knew, how he 

Rafn pro- 
bably pre- 
bishop Gud 

^ Pals saga, Biskupa sögur, I., 
128 : Et næsta sumar eptir andlát 
í'orláks byskups ens helga var Pall 
kjörinn til biskups ; á^r var mjök 
long tilræíSa um J)at mal, ea þar 
kom um siSir, at |)at var lagt undir 
Brand biskup, mest at rá'Si Halls 
Gizzurar sonar, ea hann kaus Pal 
til utanfer'Sar. En hann játti eigi 
bratt undir at ganga, ok gekk ann- 
arr til at ö'Srum at bi'Sja hann, 
Brandr biskup ok svá brætSr bans 
ok aSrir bans astvinir, en hann 

synjaiSi ok for vi'S f)at heim af |)ingi. 
Si'San for hann í Odda til kirkju- 
dags um Seljumamia messu, me'S 
mikilli áhyggju. En er allir voru 
a þrotnir at biSja hann til, ok hann 
sá, at þá var vi^ öngva^at bægjast 
nema í móti Gu^s vilja væri, ok 
vildi hann þat víst eigi, þá er hann 
ihugaSi sitt ráíS, iþá skaut hinn 
helgi andi honum því í hug, at 
leggjasjalfan sik í áb jig's til þyrftar 



could rely on Rafa's good manners and knowledge of the 
world, who himself had spent his life in humble cir- 
cumstances, in indiscriminate ministrations to his so- 
called poor, and in superstitious exercises of every sort. 
We doubt not, that Rafn, on his return from Canterbury, 
took the occasion of cheering priest Gudmund, who was 
a fanatically devout person, with the gift of some 
precious record of the great new saint. No gift could 
Rafn have chosen more pleasing to Gudmund or more 
suitable to his taste. We shall see, when presently we 
come to advert to the influence which, as we maintain, 
Thomas saga exercised on the mind of Gudmund, that 
he affords the best evidence of the existence of the 
saga in the North from before A.D. 1200. 

In the meantime, we may here adduce as an impor- Koibein 

, . f, rr^i -1 Tumason 

tant witness to the existence oi ihomas saga m the 
north of Iceland at an early date, Koibein Tumason. 
He was one of the mightiest men in bishop Gudmund's 
diocese and, as such, soon became one of his many 
implacable enemies. Like' so many well-born Icelanders, 
Koibein was a poet, and would, on given occasion, 
celebrate striking events in his life by a memorial verse. 
Of one of these songs of Koibein,' dating from the last year 
of his life, 1208 — he fell fighting against the bishop's 
" alms-people," a rabble of lawless vagabonds — we still 
possess a fragment in which the following couplet 
occurs : — 

Gu^ hefir biskup^ gjorvan 
Glikan Thoma at riki, 

i.e., God has made the bishop like unto Thomas in 
masterfulness.^ This is an important testimony in more 
ways than one. It shows that Kolbeinn knew the 

bishop Gud- 
luund to 

1 We read "biskup" for " Gu«- 
" mund." Kolbeinn was too fine a 
poet to commit the offence of string- 

ing together in one line three words 
beginning with g. 

- MiSsaga GnSm. Arasonar, Risk, 
sög., I., 491, note 2. Cfr. II. G3. 



frobably in 

saint of Canterbury to have been a man of domineering 
disposition, a knowledge, that he could not have 
obtained from current popular rumour, which depicted 
Thomas' life as one of steadfast humility, inoffensive 
constancy, and perpetual sacrifice to worldly cruelty and 
persecution. Such was the inferential description of 
the saint presented to the age in which he died by 
He must monks and churchmcn. Only by studying the records 
uvUof ^^ of Thomas' life, and drawing his own independent infer- 
ence from the historical evidence contained in them, 
could Kolbeinn ever have known him as of overbearing 
temper, and by such means only could he have come to 
draw the comparison set forth in the song. It is clear, 
then, that Kolbeinn must have studied a Life, or Lives, 
of Thomas of Canterbury. But in what language was 
that life ? We answer, without hesitation, Icelandic. 
This we infer from the fact that, when in Advent of 
the year 1207 the bishop proceeded to excommunicate 
Kolbein, he read out the excommunication to him, in 
the words of the sagaman, " a norræna túngu," i.e., in 
Icelandic.^ Obviously, the biographer of Gudmund 
would not have deemed it necessary to mention this, 
unless it was a deviation from ordinary practice, for 
it is self-evident that, had it been the common, custom 
to couch such fulminations in the vernacular idiom, the 
observation, that an Icelandic bishop excommunicated 
an Icelander in Icelandic would not only not have been 
called for, but would have sounded silly and ludicrous. 
The attempt made by a later scribe, who was struck 
with the angularity of the notice, to smooth over the 
matter, by saying that this was so done in order that 
they might all understand it ^ (Kolbein and his band) 
goes only for what it is worth, but means very little, 
as no sort of doubt could exist among Kolbein's followers 

^ MiSsagaGu^ra. Arasonar,Bisk. | 2 n^^ 
sög., I., 490. 


as to the fact, that he was excommunicated, no matter 
whether the language employed was Icelandic or Latin. 
Evidently departure from ordinary custom in this case 
could have been adopted for one reason only : that, 
namely, of preventing Kolbein, disobediently inclined, 
from shelterino- himself under his io^norance of the 
language in which the excommunication was couched. 
If he did not understand the Latin of an excommunica- 
tion, it follows that he could not have studied Latin 
biographies of Thomas of CanterbuT-y. The conclusion, 
therefore, is inevitable that before 1207 a saga of the 
saint was current in the diocese of Holar, not only in 
Latin, but almost certainly in Icelandic as well. 

A passage out of the oldest saga of bishop Gudmund, 
the so-called priest's saga, or narrative of his doings as 
priest, brings us by a step still further back in time 
upon the trace of Thomas saga, though it leaves it un- 
decided whether it was in Icelandic or Latin. A certain The vision 

of Ranveie 

woman in the east of Iceland, Ranveig by name, con- pp^p^s to the 

^ ' ^ . . vision of the 

science-smitten for her familiarity with priests, had a assumption 
vision, in the year 1198, which the writer of the saga 
states he himself heard her relate to priest Gudmund in 
1201.-^ In being conducted through the abodes of the 
blessed by the three great northern saints, St. Olaf, 
St. Magnus, and St. Hallvard, she was shown, amongst 
other glorious habitations of saints, the one reserved for 
priest Gudmund, who was to be one in his time, though 
he never was canonised after all. At this point of the 
story the words occur : " ok man hann ver^a mestr 
" upphalds ma^r landi þessu ok sitea eige i legra seti en 
" Thomas erchibiskup a Englande," ^ i.e., " and he shall 
" be the greatest stay of this land and shall sit not in 
" a lower seat than Thomas the archbishop in England." 
This unmistakeably refei's to what is stated in a vision 
which a certain monk at Canterbury had, within a week 

^ GutSm. saga, Bisk, sög., I., | ^ lb., 454. 



of the death of the archbishop, recorded in Fragment E 
(II., 279, 12-20) ' — ^ ^^^^ monk appeared to the living, 
telling the latter many glorious things of Thomas, finally 
adding, that he was led forward by God's mother, Mary 
herself, and the holy apostles, and sundry martyrs and 
confessors and virgins, before an exalted and a golden 
seat of judgment, which closed and opened by a folding 
door. " But he who sitteth in the seat riseth up against 
" him, fair and goodly beyond the sons of men, and he 
" embraced Thomas and kissed him and gave him a 
" blessing, whereupon he was led to a seat and placed 
'' among the apostles." The only inference possible 
from the above vision of Ranveig is that, already before 
1198, or, at any rate, before 1201, she had heard or 
read this description of the assumption of St. Thomas, 
and that, before these dates, Thomas saga was known 
in the east of Iceland, either in Latin or in Icelandic. 

The literary relationship between the Gudmund sagas 
and Thomas saga wiU be discussed hereafter. 

There is evidence, too, to show that at the early period 
we have now in view, or, at least, not long afterwards, 
other sources relating to the life of archbishop Thomas, 
than the current prose writings of contemporary bio- 
graphers, must have been known in Iceland. Among 
the philological treatises attached to the Edda of Snorri 
fca/dquotrs ^^^re is ouc by his nephew, Olaf Thordsson, called White- 
onThoma? scald (ob. 1259), entitled " málfræ^innar grundvöUr," or 
fundamental principles of grammar where, unexpectedly, 
in illustration of the metrical variation called Runhenda, 
we come on a quotation of two initial verses from a 
twelfth century poem on Thomas of Canterbury by an 
unknown author : — 

Ante chaos, jurgium indigestae molis 
Adhuc (h)yle gravida foetu magnae prolis.-^ 

1 In the Edda, IL, 84 (Copenh. 
1852), whose editors were not ac- 

quainted with the source of the 
quotation, these verses run : 



In another philological treatise, called " málskrú^s- 
" fræ'Si," or, the lore of rhetorical figures, he illustrates 
" apostropha," Avhich he defines as " the figure " which 
is produced " when an absent person is spoken of as 
" present," by this couplet (beside other examples) ; — 

Teitr gefr Thomas ytum 
Trúar-bót fyrir si^ Ijotan. 

and was 
author of a 
" drápa " on 

i.e., " cheerful giveth Thomas to people faith's-amendment 
" for manners hideous," ^ which is evidently derived 
from a laudatory poem on Thomas, a Thomas drapa, now 
lost. As author of the poem a person of the name of 
Olaf is given, and critics agree in Olaf Whitescald him- 
self being the person meant ; so that the suggestion lies 
near, that the drapa reflected the Latin carmen already 
mentioned. Though the writings of Olaf do not b(ilong 
to the earliest records afifording evidence of the existence 
in Iceland of literature relating to Thomas, they have 
the peculiar interest of proving, how records of exceeding- 
scarcity and, so far as we know, not referred to by con- 
temporary writers, found their way to the extreme north 
comparatively early in the day. In connexion with poenf pro. 
this Latin poem we may observe that, apparently, it was known to 
known to abbot Arngrim of Thingeyrar, author of the Thmge^ai-. 
youngest saga of Gudmund Arason. In one instance he 
compares the tribulations of Gudmund to that jewel, 
" gimsteinn" (gemstone), Thomas Kantuariensis (Gudm. 
Sag., Bisk. sog. IL, 109,04); nowhere else do we recol- 
lect having seen the same expression used in Icelandic 

Ante chaos virginum indigeste 

adhuc yle gravida fetu magne 
The poem is printed in Edelestand 
du Meril's Poesies populaires latines 
du moyen age, 8vo, Paris, 1847, 
pages 70-93. In illustration of the 
figure " Sinatrismos " (Synathrois- 

mus) in his málskrú^s-fræSi, 
Edda, IL, 246, Olaf adduces 2^ 
strophes which, though not di- 
rectly translated from, seem to have 
been suggested by this poem. Pre- 
sumably Olaf was himself the 
author of these strophes. 
1 Edda, II., 204. 

xxiv PREFACE. 

writings relating to Thomas, and we much doubt if it 
occurs in any of the contemporary ones, except this 
Latin poem, which in its eighth stanza (p. 78) introduces 
him first as 

Thomas, honor præsulum, gemma Deo cara. 

For Icelandic prose, even Arngrim's, pedantic as it is, 
the expression : " gimsteinninn Thomas Kantuariens " 
has that peculiar lack of " propriety" of style, which 
gives it a somewhat comic turn. In poetry it would 
pass unnoticed, into prose it could hardly have found its 
way, except by means of a reminiscence, least of all into 
a context, where the real point of comparison lay in the 
earthly sufferings of Thomas. 


the relations • • p x> p r^ 

of Church The above referred-to visit of Ram to Canterbury, and 

and State ni t i i r» t ^ ' ,f t 

Iceland. importation into Iceland of " life-stories and records 
of miracles relating to Thomas of Canterbury, coincide 
with the beginning of a new era in the life of the 
Icelandic people. Only a few years after Rafn's return 
a decided move was made, for the first time in Icelandic 
history, to vindicate the authority of the Church against, 
and to assert its complete independence of, aU secular 
jurisdiction. A conflict with constitutional" law and 
long established custom was inevitable. This rapidly 
led to open hostility between lay lords and spiritual, the 
former regarding themselves as, w^hat indeed they were, 
the traditional guardians of the institutions of the 
commonwealth. When neither side could come to a 
compromise on a modus vivendi, appeals were made to 
the archbishop of Drontheim, which only served to add 
fuel to the, as he could act but as a partisan of one 
side. The only hope of deliveiy from such a deadlock 
lay in a counter appeal by the lay lords to the powerful 
arhitviiiin of the king of Norway. He, however, in 
his turn, was not slow to seize the opportunity for the 
accomplishment of his o^vn ambitious designs on Iceland, 


by setting one lord against the other, and thus, through 
division, to reach the goal of supreme power. The reign 
of law, which hitherto had regulated the relations 
between Church and State, soon passed into that of 
unscrupulous ambition and unbridled violence ; so that, 
at last, tired of the resultless struggle, the country threw 
away, as of little worth any longer, its autonomy, and 
acknowledged the suzerainty of the King. During this 
period of suicidal convulsion the hitherto vigorous native 
literature received its fatal blow. It may seem startling, 
but historically it is impossible to dissociate this change 
from the name of Thomas of Canterbury, since un- 
doubtedly the primary impulse emanated from his " life- Bishop Gud- 
stories," and the principal author of it was his avowed primary ^ 
disciple and imitator, Gudmund Arason, bishop of Holar, this Saiige. 
1203-37 (elected 1201). 

Already as a priest this personage had earned a great Gudmund 
name for the saintliness of his life, for his wonder-work- ^^ ^"^^ * 
ing powers, and infatuated fanaticism. He had been 
going about the country consecrating fountains and 
fords, and healing the sick, and had already risen to the 
rank of a living saint in the mind of the multitudes, 
though this devotion found its contrast in the mockery 
of unbelievers, who would class the bones of his saints 
among relics of the equine species, and who desecrated 
his hallowed fountains. 

As soon as he was installed in his see, he took the Gudmund 
earliest opportunity afforded to assert the principle of insists on 

. -T jr clerical im- 

the immunity of the clergy from secular jurisdiction, munities. 
though in his law suits, while he was in priest's orders, 
he had not once appealed to his bishop, but had prose- 
cuted his cases in accordance with constitutional law. 
Not only was he the first Icelandic bishop who insisted He was the 

'' ^ ^ ^ first bishop 

on these clerical immunities, but he carried his theory i" ^f'^fVl^ 

''to start the 

into practice with a onesidedness as utterly regardless ^ii^orv. 
of circumstances as his violence was reckless of con- 
sequences. A})peals to " land's law and right " he 



Took Tho- 
maii's exam 
pie for his 

answered by immediate excommunication, which only 
resulted in violent exasperation and blood feuds, and for 
himself in an existence on sufferance alternating between 
flights from one place to another, captivity, and exile. 
The principle, for which the bishop fought so recklessly 
and suffered so hard, was an unheard of novelty in Ice- 
land,^ and it is impossible to understand, how it could 
have been so blindly insisted upon by one man against 
almost all the best men in the country, unless his fanati- 
cism was fired by the example and, as in those days it 
was thought, the infallible authority, of the great new 
saint, whose every miracle was looked upon as a hea- 
venly endorsement of the justice of his actions and the 
rio'hteousness of his cause. In Gudmund we cannot 
help recognising Thomas of Canterbury rearisen, smaller 
only, much more narrow-minded, and even less tractable 
He was com- than of vore. Let it not be supposed that we are here 

monly con- *^ ^ ^ ■•■ 

sidereci tobe drawinoj a vaoue historical inference from fancy only. 

the imitator . J J 

of Thomas. The historical records relating to Gudmund, the Islen- 
dinga saga by Sturla Thordson, and the sagas specially 
written of him, substantiate to the fullest extent the 
sketch we have drawn in general outline of the bishop 
and his times. The inference, that Gudmund was chiefly 
influenced in his action by the lessons of Thomas saga, 
is corroborated sufliciently by what we have already 
stated with regard to his bosom friend Rafn's importa- 
tion of Thomas literature to Iceland, and by the com- 
parison of him to Thomas drawn by Kolbein Tumason, 
which, being a contemporary record, stands for an 
expression of the general opinion of those who were 

1 A raoTement in a similar direc- 
tion, but very different in kind, 
had been attempted by Giidmund's 
contemporary, bishop Thorlak, 
namely, to bring under episcopal 
controll the economical affairs of 
churches belonging to lay patrons, 
but was wisely stayed by him, when 

persuasion could not overcome the 
resistance of patrons too mighty for 
him to cope with. Þorláks saga 
yngri, Bisk, sög., I., 281-291. 
This Guðmund well knew ; but the 
meekness of Tho>rlak was less to his 
mind than the " masterfulness " of 


capable of forming one. This opinion soon passed into 
a current tradition, so that in the bishop's own day 
the common, and by no means shortlived, belief was that 
he was another Thomas. In the two older sagas of him, 
though no deliberate expression is given to that view, 
yet the under-cuiTent thought unmistakably indicates it. 
But in Arncrrim's sao-a of him this current tradition has 
blown into full bloom, for there the comparison is car- 
ried out with a simplicity that knows no historical 
scruples. When it is borne in mind, that Arngrim, 
where he did not follow written books, depended on 
stories related by the bishop's relatives, Thorkel and 
Helgi, " who both lived for a very long time after the 
" departure of Lord Gudmund, and told of him so many 
" notable things which are not found written in books," ^ 
we are at liberty to take that fact as an evidence of the 
continuity of the contemporary opinion. 

6. Popular ITY of Tho:\ias ix Iceland. — When Lives Private 


of Thomas began to circulate in Iceland, it soon be- 
came manifest, how popular a saint he was. We have 
already referred to Rafn's vow, which occurred before 
A.D. 1200, and does not, of course, represent a solitary 
exception, but a common rule. Further on we come to 
refer to him as patron saint of chuixhes, but may here 
by way of introduction adduce instances of individual 
cases of adoration. In 1255 Brand Jonsson, abbot of Abbot 


Ver, prayed for the success of a venturous blood feud Jonsson. 
undertaken by certain kinsmen and friends of his, among 
whom was Thorgils Bodvarsson, surnamed '' SkarSi," of 
whom more in detail presently, in these words : — " Tilda 
" ek nú, at GuS væri ySr f}TÍr vápn ok vörS, ok hylj un- 
'' arma^r Thomas erkibiskup,"- pray we now, that God 
may be your ward and weapon, and Thomas archbishop 
your intercessor. By this time, of course, the abbot 

^ GuiSm. saga, Bisk, sög., IL, I - Sturlunga, ed. Vig^fusson, IL, 
146. I page 205. 


of Ver was conversant with the events of Thomas's life 
from both Icelandic and Latin sources, 
Thorgiis ^ The first time that we actually meet with the name 
"SkarSi." ^^ ^homas saga is in 1258 when, on the 22nd of January, 
the above-mentioned Thorgils was foully murdered at 
Hrafnagil in Eyjafjord, in the following circumstances : 

" Thoro-ils rode to Hrafnagil and had good cheer there, 

" and his men he disposed about the various homesteads 
" round. People offered him a choice, as to what enter- 
" tainment he would have for the evening, sagas or 
" dance. He asked, what sagas there were to choose 
" amono'. He was told that there was a saga of arch- 
" bishop Thomas, and that he chose, for he loved him 
" beyond all other holy men. Then the saga was read 
" through until they did for the bishop in the church 
" and cut off his (tonsured) crown. Then people say 
" that Thorgils gave up, and said : ' a fair death indeed, 
" ' such a death.' Shortly afterwards he fell asleep. 
" Then the saga was dropped and people betook them- 
*' selves to supper." Thorgils's love for Thomas, as here 
expressed, we may take as an utterance given to the 
common feeling of the country. 
Ecciesiasti- We now procccd to enumerate instances of official 

cal honours ^ i • t i • 

shown to veneration shown to the saint. In this matter we are 

Thomas. • i • i p i 

entirely thrown upon the meagre notices which are lound 
scattered through various charters, and a few fragments 
of old inventories. For the sake of completeness, we 
shall adduce all that we have been able to collect bearing 
on this point. 
Mass sung At the church of Oddi, in the provostship of Rane^ar- 

forhimat ' ^ i 

Oddi. vellir, the goodly seat of the descendants of the famous 

Sæmund the learned, the reputed collector of the poetic 
Edda, a mass " de Sancto Thoma " was to be sung, every 
other week, according to the " maldagi " or church charter 
included in bishop Vilchin's collection of 1397. This 
" Sancto Thoma " can refer to no other saint than arch- 
bishop Th. of Canterbury. The church was dedicated to 


St. Nicolas, and it would be out of question to suppose 
that means had been bequeathed for the singing of a 
special mass for Thomas the apostle. How early this 
mass may have been instituted we cannot say, but we 
may safely infer that it had been done long before 
bishop Vilchins's days. 

In a charter, dated 1318, of the charter collection of aL 
Audunn Thorbergssou, bishop of Holar, 13 1 3-1321, of the 
church of As, in the district of Kelduhveríí, within the 
provostship of Thingey (Þingeyar prófastsdæmi), it is 
stated that there was " Thomas Söngr," Thomas's song, 
which we take to mean, that a mass in honour of St. 
Thomas had been endowed there, as at Oddi. These 
seem to be the only churches in Iceland, where the saint 
was honoured in this special manner. 

The following churches were certainly dedicated to dlUicated to 
St. Thomas of Canterbury : ^^"^* 

Cca. 1220, the church of Holmr (otherwise generally 
called Innri-Hólmr) on Akranes, in the provostship of 
Borgar-fjord, was dedicated, among other saints, to 
" Thomasi erchibikupe." Diplomatarium Islandicum, I., 

1226, in the priory church of Vi^ey, near Reykjavik, 
an altar, on the southern side of the church, was dedicated 
to " Thoma," among other saints, which Thomas doubt- 
less means the Cantuarian Saint. Dipl. IsL, I., 489. 

1257, the church of Hvanneyri, in Andakil, within the 
provostship of Borgar:Qord, was dedicated, among other 
saints, to " Tomas erchi biskops." Dipl. IsL, I., 592. 

1318, according to the 'maldagi' of bishop Audunn 
Thorbergsson, the church of Hvammr (otherwise known 
as Kirkju-Hvammr) was dedicated to the holy " Thomas 

1394, by the ' máldagi ' of Petr Nicholasson, bishop 
of Holar, 1392-1402, the church of Gnupr, in Midfjord, 
was dedicated to the holy " Thomæ erkibpi." It is pro- 
bably by an oversight only that the dedication of the 

K541. C 


church is mentioned neither in the maldagi of bishop 
Audimn of 1318, nor in that of Jon Skalli, bishop of 
Holar, 1.358-1391, of 1360. 

From a charter in the same bishop's collection of ' mal- 
dagar/ dated 1399, we learn that the church of As, in 
Kelduhverfi, which we have already mentioned, was 
dedicated to the holy " Thomasi erkibpi." As in the 
case of the church of Gnup, it is hardly anything but a 
clerical oversight, when the maldagi of bishop Audunn 
does not mention the dedication, while it enumerates 
as belonging to it certain church appointments relating 
to the Cantuarian saint. 

By bishop Vilchin's maldagi (1397) the church of 
Strönd, in Selvogr, within the provostship of Arnes, was 
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin and the blessed " Thomas 

By the same authority, in the island of Engey, near 
Reykjavik, Oddgeir Thorsteinsson, bishop of Skalholt, 
1366-1381, dedicated the church there, amongst other 
saints, to " Thomæ archiepiscopo." 

The same bishop's ' maldagi ' also testifies to the church 
of Yarmalækr, in the provostship of Thvera (in Borgar- 
fjord), having been dedicated to the holy '' Thomase 

The same record testifies, that at Hvammr, in- the pro- 
vostship of Rangarvellir, the church was dedicated to 
'' Thomas erkibpi." 

The church of Otrardalr, in Arnarfjord, within the 
provostship of Bar^astrond, by the same 'maldagi,' was 
dedicated to '' Thomæ archiepiscopo." 

Still further the same authority gives the church of 
Hamrar (dat. Homrum), within the provostship of Rang- 
arvellir, as dedicated to '' Thomæ erkibps." 

To these may yet be added the church of Hruni, in 
the provostship of Arnes, dedicated to archbishop Tho- 
mas. S. Nielsson, Prestatal og profasta, IV., 8. 

Among churches, where efiigies, " likneski/' and 


pictures, " skript," of Thomas are mentioned, we may 
enumerate the following ; 

1. Skumssta^ir, in Landeyjar, within the provostship 
of Rangarvellir i " Thomas skript." Yilchin's ' maldagi/ 

2. Strönd, in Selvog : " Thomas skript." lb. 

3. Hamrar, in the provostship of Rangarvellir : 
" Thomas skript.'^ lb. 

4. Hagi, in the same provostship ; " Thomas skript." 

5. Hvammr, in the same provostship ; " Thomas 
likneski." lb. 

6. BessastaSir, on Alptanes, dedicated to St. Nicholas, 
had " Thomas likneski," ib., which we take certainly to 
be that of St. Thomas of Canterbury ; probably given by 
English traders, for whom the neighbouring harbour of 
Hafnarfjord was a favourite resort. 

7. The church of Engey: " Thomas likneski." Ib. 

8. Varmalækr : " Thomas likneski." Ib. 

9. At the church of Hoffell, in the provostship of 
Skaftafell, was a " Thomas likneski," ib., which is much 
more likely to have been of the English saint than of 
the apostle. 

10. In 1318, b}^ Audunn's 'maldagi,' the church of As, 
in Kelduhverfi, alread}^ meationed, possessed a'* Thomas 
likneski," and by the maldagi of Olaf Rognvaldsson, 
bishop of Holar, 1459-95, the same church possessed, 
still in 1461, a " Thomas likneski " with a veil or cover- 
let over it, " me^ duk." 

11. By the authority of Audunn's 'maldagi,' the afore- 
mentioned church of Hvamm, in MiSfjord, possessed a 
" Thomas likneski" which, by the 'maldagi' of 1360, 
by bishop Jon Skalli, we learn was a " likneski Thomæ 
erkibps," a statement again corroborated in 1394 by 
the ' maldagi ' of bishop Petr Nicholasson, already men- 

12. In 1396 the 'maldagi' of bishop Petr states that 
the. church of Riimr, in the provostship of Skagafjord, 

c 2 


possessed a " Thomas likneski." The church being 
dedicated to St. Andrew, it hardly admits of a .doubt, 
that this effigy was that of Thomas Cant. 

13. According to the same ' maldagi,' there was at the 
church of Eyjardalsa, in Bardardak, within the provost- 
ship of Thingey, a " Thomas likneski," as well as one of 
the church patron, St. John. Doubtless the former 
meant Thomas of Canterbury. 

14. At the church of Muli, in the same provostship, is 
also mentioned in Petr's and Olaf s ' maldagi ' a " Thomas 
likneski," which, we doubt not, was that of Thomas 
Cant. The church was dedicated to " God, our Lady the 
" holy Mary and St. Nicholas." According to the so-called 
Sigurdar registr or church inventories made 1551, for 
the churches in the diocese of Holar by Sigurd, priest 
of Grenjadarstad, a son of bishop Jon Arason, we find 
that, in the church of Muli, there still existed the Qf^gy 
of Thomas, cca. 1526. 

15. The same register also records a " Thomas likneski " 
at the church of Hrafnagil, where Thorgils SkarSi had 
Thomas saga read to him in 1258 ; we doubt not that 
this e&igy was of Thomas of Canterbury. 

16. A '' Thomas likneski " is also recorded by Sigurdar 
registr at the cathedral church of Holar, in 1525. 

17. Lastly, we may mention that, according to Olaf's 
* maldagi,' there was a " Thomas likneski " at Modru- 
vellir in the provostship of Eyjafjord, when bishop 
Gottskalk visited that place for the first time, in 1445. 

These are the churches, where we have found evidence 
of ecclesiastical honours shown to Thomas of Canterbury. 
Very possibly more instances of this interesting kind 
might be brought together by a more thorough search. 
But it must be admitted that, considering the late date 
of the saint, and the small number of new churches in 
the country after that date, what we have adduced is a 
strong proof of the veneration in which he must have 
been held in Iceland of old. 


7. Diffusion of Thomas saga. — As a last paragraph 
in this history of Thomas saga, we may add a review of 
places at which, at various times, we have found it men- 
tioned. All the instances adduced refer, apparently, to 
an Icelandic version of it. 

1. The earliest mention of a Thomas saga occurs, as 
we have stated already, in the Islendinga saga, under 
date of 1258 ; doubtless it was the property of the church 
of Hrafnagil. 

2. In 1318, we learn from Audunn's ' maldagi' that, at 
the church of As, in Kelduhverfi, there were, besides the 
already mentioned effigy, also two sagas of Thomas. 
The wording of the document is somewhat obscure. It 
states that the church possesses "Thomas saga," and goes 
on to the enumeration of other things, when again it 
mentions " Thomas sogu." But subsequent ' maldagar ' 
seem to make it quite clear, that two sagas are meant ; 
for, in 1399, the Petr's 'maldagi' refers to these books 
as " Thomas historia," mentioning, however, afterwards 
" Thomas saga væn ok önnur forn,'" i.e., sl Thomas saga 
in good condition and another old, that is worn with eld, 
which implies that at this time the place possessed three 
copies of Thomas saga, and one of them actually then 
in a state of decay. This is borne out by the maldagi 
of bishop Olaf Rognvaldsson of 1461, in which only 
two books relating to Thomas are mentioned, one as 
" Thomas saga god bok " and the other as " Hystoriakver 
" af Sancto Thomase," which we take to mean that then 
the " old " saga mentioned in 1399 had disappeared. The 
" historia kver " would apparently correspond to " Thomas 
historia " of 1399. ''Historia" being gen. plur., and 
" kver " meaning a quire, a small book ; that book must 
have contained a small collection of miracles of Thomas. 

3. In 13G0, according to the 'maldagi' of bisho}) Jon 
Skalli, and still, in 1394, according to the 'maldagi' of 
bishop Petr, a Thomas saga belonged to the church of 
Gnupr, in Midfjord. 


4. In 1394, Petr's ' maldagi ' records a Thoroas saga 
belonging to the church in Hvammr, of Midfjord. 

5. In 1396, two Thomas sagas are stated to have been 
at Holar, Ai^n. Magn. Coll. of Chartres, Fasc. v. 18. 

6. In 1397, the Vilchin's 'maldagi' testifies to a 
Thomas sa2:a belonofinof to the church of Strond, in 

7. At the same time we learn from the same authority 
that the church of Hvammr, in the provostship of Rang- 
arvellir, possessed a Thomas saga. 

8. According to the ' máldagi ' of bishojD Jon Skalli, 
a Thomas saga belonged, in 1360, to the church of Hösk- 
uldsstadir, in the provostship of Hunavatn, which was 
still there when bishop Petr caused his inventory charters 
to be collected, in 1399. 

9. In 1461, by the 'máldagi ' of bishop Olaf Rognvalds- 
son, the monaster}^ of Mödruvellir possessed a volume 
in which were written together : Kross saga, Stephanus 
saga — Thomas saga erkibps — Antonius saga. 

10. In 1525, the above referred to ' Sio-urdar reo-istr' 
counts a Tumas saga as belonging to the cathedral 
establishment of Holar, but at Christmas, twenty-five 
years later, when another inventory list was made of the 
cathedral belongings, the saga is not mentioned, and was 
then probably lost to the library. 

11. In 1525, the same record enumerates, among the 
books belonging to the monastic libraiy of Munkathvera, 
in Eyjafjord a Tumas saga. 

12. In 1589, among the books of the deceased bishop 
of Skalholt, Gisli Jonsson (ob. 1587), a Thumas saga is 
mentioned. Cfr. Am. Magn. 258. 4to. pp. 433, 434. 

This review, though falling perhaps short of complete- 
ness, even as far as still existing records may be concerned, 
and they certainl}- give only a very imperfect idea of 
what the extent of Thomas literature in Iceland must 
have been from the 13th to the 16th century, is yet a 
sufficient indicator of the popularity of Thomas saga. 


We learn from it, what is the most noteworthy point in 
the matter, that most of the churches to which Thomas 
saga belonged were rather poor and unimportant places, 
so that we are free to draw the inference that, if the 
inventory lists of the wealthier and more important 
ones were accurate and exhaustive, the number of copies 
of the saga once existing in Iceland would be very 
largely increased. 

II. The history of Thomas skinna. 

Of all the number of Thomas sagas, that once upon a 
time must have been current in Iceland, thei'e is now 
only one copy left in a state of completeness, the skin 
book commonly known by the name of Thomas skinna. 

1. Description of T. — It is a bulky volume, measur- 
ing 11^ x8|- inches, containing 21 gatherings of eight 
leaves each. Besides the " Thomas saga Erkibyskups," 
it contains a saga of King Olaf Haraldsson (St. Olaf) of 
Norway. Thomas saga covers the first 11 gatherings of 
codex. It is complete, but for the ninth gathering, out 
of which the two innermost leaves are missing, leaving 
the lacune which occurs in Yol. II., p. 6 ; this lacune, 
however, is partly filled up by fragment E., II., 270, 271, 
274-276. The first leaf of the first gathering is left 
blank, the text of the saga beginning on fol. 2 recto. 

The codex is written in three hands, the first covering 
fols. 1-77 inclusive (Vol. I., 2-460, 3), in a bold gothic 
character. The second, very little, if at all, later, and 
not much different from the first, extends to fol. 101 
inclusive (Vol. I, 460, 3— II., 118, „). The third, a dis- 
tinctly later one, covers the rest of codex. 

2. Age of the MS. — Professor Unj^er considers the 
first two hands to belong to the 14th century; the 
third, we are aware, is referred to the 15th ccntiuy ; 
but we are of oi)inion that the whole of T. must 


have been written within the 14th. From the sen- 
tence, T., Í. 22, i_t, " at haus dæmum gei^i sva Ste- 
" phanus Langatun í Englandi, ok enn si^ar þrír meist- 
" arar vestr á Skotlandi, at bæn Isibell drottningar, er 
" atti Eirikr komingr Magnússon," we gather an un- 
certain limit as to the time, when the present copy of 
the saofa was taken. The sentence is evidently an 
interpolation, but whether an editor's or a scribe's must 
be left undecided. King Eric died in A.D. 1299; the 
preterite atti shows that he was dead, when these words 
were penned. Queen Isabella died in 1358 and, strictly 
taken, the words might have been written as well before 
as after that date, though they rather leave the im- 
pression that the latter was the case. But there is 
hardly room for doubting that, not very many years 
after the last-named date, the present copy must have 
been in existence. This we infer from an orthographic 
peculiarity, which, as a rule, tells a pretty certain tale, 
in Icelandic MSS. From the 13th century and onwards 
a phonetic movement of a peculiar nature began to 
manifest itself. The termination iir, which up to that 
time is uniformly so written in the plurals of feminines 
terminating in a, in the oblique cases of terms of kin- 
ship, fö^uj\ mö^ur, hró^ur, dóttur,systibr, in n'om. fem. 
and nom. and ace. neut. of adjectives in «rr and urr, 
as önnur oí annarr, y^ur oi y6{v)arr, nokkur of nokk- 
livr, in nom. and ace. neut. of fjórir, fjögnr, and in 
certain other forms, begins to vacillate, being some- 
times written r only, i.e., being treated as a letter, not 
as a syllable. On the other hand, the common termi- 
nation V begins, at the same time, to expand into uv. 
During the 13th century these vacillations make but 
rare signs of existence; but in the course of the 14th 
grow gradually into one consistent tendency, which by 
the end of that century has asserted for the r of the 
olden time a general phonetic value of xlv. Taken 


by the different handwritings T., in this respect, gives 
the following results : — 

1st hand (I., 2-460,3) ; r for ur :— 

fó^r (faudr, -fodr, fod-), 16,26» 18>29' ^^y \i> 1*^2,19, 
• 204,s, 220,2«, 258,1,, 272, .g, 382,26, 422, ,9, 
428, .3, 438,3; mó«r, 4, ,„ 14, 21, 16,27, 204, ^^ ; 
bro^r, 250, ,, «, 15, 378, „ ,„ 396, ,,, 408, „ 422, .2 ; 
fjogr, 26, 17, nokkr (quae) 384, 4, y^r, fern, sing., 
64, 19, ySr, neut. pi., 380, 03, tillaugr, 392,6 

29 cases. 

ur for r : — • 
tekur, 16, 3, kemur, 24,2, straumurinn, 32, 9, fotur, 
32, IS, skilur, 38, §, offur, 104, 15 - - 6 cases. 

2nd hand (I., 460, 3.— 11, 118, ^) ; r for ur :— 

fö«r, L, 510,15, 550,8,16, IL, 24,3, 66, 7 ; moSr, 
XL, 4,13, «4,15; bró^r,IL, 24,23, 42, i^, 50, 23, 64,2, 
92,24- - - - - 12 cases. 

ur for r : — 
y^ur (vobis), I., 488,3, (but yiSr in the same line 
as well) heldur (rather), 488, g, aptur, 548, 25, 
vottur, 1 1., 18, 17 ; felur, 44, 10 ; skilur, 46, 17 ; 
virSuligur, 60, 10 - - - 7 cases. 

3rd hand (II., 118, n, 240) ; r for ur :— 

fö«r, 124,24, 150,11, 160,1,, 190, 13, 216, i^, 224,,, 

226,9, 234,27; mó^r, 160, 19, 182,23; faustr, 

198,22; naúckr (really for naukkurr, quidam), 

210, 4 - - - - 12 cases. 

ur for r : — 

fagurliga, 122, 5 ; silfurs, 216,27; feguriS, 224, 20 

3 cases. 

Without going into a statistic analysis of these figures, 
it is enough to point out that, in comparison with the 
ground covered, both tendencies of vacillation increase 
at an inconsiderable rate in the successive hands. And 


the real phonetic iir- tendency to which we have alluded 
already, must be said to have made, as yet, a com- 
l)aratively slight progress. On that ground it seems 
hardly possible that the copying out of T. could have 
taken place much later than cca. 1360. 

The saga is certainly written in Iceland, and by an 
Icelander, a certain sprinkling of Norwegianisms, such 
as 1 for hi, þessor for þessi, and a good many cases of 
barbarisms and questionable syntax notwithstanding. 

8. Owners and whereabouts. — As we have here 
to deal with a unique MS., it is a matter of interest as 
well as importance to trace its history as far as it can 
now be ascertained, the more so that this has never 
been done before, and the sources of this history are 
almost entirely found in the marginal entries which 
figure up and down the volume, and are thus destined 
to share the fate of the MS. So far as we are aware, 
no record whatever beyond these entries exists, which 
might throw a light upon the fate of Thomas skinna 
prior to its reaching its final destination on the shelves 
of the Eoyal Library at Copenhagen. 

We shall first give these entries in due order (includ- 
ing, for the sake of completeness, even a couple of 
doggerel ditties which have no connexion with the fata 
lihelli) and afterwards add our comments upon them. 

1. On the front fly-leaf we find, in a handwriting of 
the l7th century, the following rhymes : — 

Heita ma f)ad heimsins kurt 
Og höfdíngskaprinn mesti 
Vinum ad veita vel J)á burt 
reir vikia ser á hesti 

Dæmi eru Jjad gomul og god 
Gedsemd ma þad kalla 
Vináttu halda a vizku slod 
Vel um dagana alia. I. e. : 


"It may be called the greatest worldly curtesy and 
lordship to give a good treat to friends on their riding 

" It is a good old custom, worthy of the name of noble- 
mindedness, to maintain friendship in the path of 
wisdom throughout all days." 

2. On the first blank leaf of the first gathering is 
written, in the handwriting of Thormod Torfason (Tor- 
fæus, the antiquarian and historian) : — 

Thomas Skinna 
kallaz pi (þessi) bok. 

i.e. This book is called Thomas Skinna. 

o. On fol. 2, recto, is written, at the foot : — 

þssa Bok a Eg Arne Ottz s mz Riettu 
Oc hna selldi mi' Mats Skrifve, = 
þessa bok a eg, Arni Oddsson, ok hana 
selldi mier Mats skrifare ; i.e. 

Of this book am I, Arne Oddsson, the rightful owner, 
and it was sold to me by Mats (Mads) the Secretary. 

4. On fol. 10, verso, at the foot, is this mono- 



5. On fol. 29, verso, at the top, not in Arni Oddsons 
hand : — Arne Odds son A f)essa Bok mz Riettu þar 
kan Eingiri at seigia J moti, i.e. Arne Oddsson is a 
rightful owner of this book, that no one can gainsay. 

6. On fol. 30 recto :— 

Fromum Æruverdugum Dugandismane mynu Ast- 
kiæra faudr Sira Joni Jonssyni kkiu presti a Myrcka 
J horgardal J eyjafirdi= Fromum æriiverSugum dugand- 
ismanne minum ástkæra föSr síra Jóni Jonssyni 
kirkjupresti a Myrká í Hörgárdal í EyjafirSi, i.e., to 
the x^io^-'^i reverend, worthy man, my beloved father, 
Sira Jon Jonsson, the church priest of Myrka in Horgar- 
dal within Eyjafjord. 


7. Fol. 30, verso, at the foot boustrophedon : — 
Æruverdvgum fromu Dygdarykum Heidursömum o*" 

HalærtSú HöfSings maiii Sera Ai'ngryme Jonssyne a 
Ökrum j blaundu hlyd = Æruveríugum frómum dyg^Sa- 
ríkum hei^ursömum ok hálæi'^um höf^ings manni Síra 
Ai'ngríme Jóussyni á Ökrum í Blondnhli^, i.e., to the 
reverend, pious, virtuous, honourable, and most learned 
gentleman, Sira Arngrim Jonsson at Akrar in Blondu- 

These two last entries have been blotted out imper- 

8. Fol. 36, recto, at the top : — þordr Ein'^^s Rosa Arna- 
dottor=:{)ór^r Einarsson, Rosa Arnadóttir. 

9. Fol. 38, recto, in the same hand as entry 5 : — anno 
1609 á tveggia postula messu, i.e., on the mass of St. 
Philip and St. James, (May 1st) 1609. 

10. Fol. 39, verso, margin: Gudinör Arnason = Gu^ 
mundr Arnason. 

11. Fol. 48, verso, margin:— Rafn Jon son = Rafn 

12. Fol. 49, verso, at the foot, written longitudinally 
up the page : — Bokin heyrir til mz riettu fromu Dands 
Mane Dada Arna syne godum vin = bokin heyrir til 
me'S riettu fromum dandis manni Da^a Arnas}Tii go Sum 
vin, i.e., the book belongs rightfully to the pious good 
man Da^i Arnason (my) good friend. 

13. Fol. 64, recto, margin, in the handwriting of Torfi 
Jonsson (entry 14): — Margriet Dada dotter A bokina med 
riettu en eingin aiiar = Margriet Da"Sadótter a bokina 
me^ riettu enn einginn annar, i.e., Margret Dadi's 
daughter is rightful owner of the book, but none 

14. Fol. 67, recto, margin : — Torfi Jonsson med eigin 
hndi = T. Jonsson meS eigin hendi, i.e., T. J. with his 
own hand. 

15. Fol. 86, recto, at the foot, up the page longitu- 


dinally : — Arne Dada son á Bokina z hans samarfar, i.e., 
the book belongs to Arni Dadis son and his co-heirs. 

16. Fol. 165, verso (on the fly-leaf at the end of cod.) : 
— Arne Dadason a þessa sogu Bok Anno 1631; and 
below: þessa Bok Eiga Erfingiar Dada heitins saluga 
Arnasonar = Arne Da'Sason a {iessa sögu-bók, i.e., Arni 
Da^i's son owns this story-book — this book is owned 
by the heirs of the late departed Dadi Ami's son. 

On entries 4 and 11 we can offer no remarks throwing 
any certain light at all upon the history of the MS. 
The monogram may, perhaps, stand for Jon Thorlacius (a 
latinized patronymic for the vernacular f^orlaksson), but 
that brings us no nearer to the identification of the 
person signified by it. Nothing either, beyond entry 11, 
is known of a Bafn Jonsson that might serve to link 
his name with the volume. 

The rest of the entries, with the exception of 6, 7, 
and 9, all point to relations of kindred, which show 
that for a long time the MS. must have remained in one 
family, and enable us to connect genealogically together 
the first and the last owner, mentioned as such, in Ice- 
land, in the following manner : — 

Arni Oddsson. 

Gu^mundr (10) Da«i (12) Bósa (8). 

Margret (13) Arni (15, 16). 

Arni Oddsson, whose autograph we have in entry 8, is 
undoubtedly the person of that name who in Icelandic 
records figures generally as Arni of Mi^garSar, a home- 
stead in the neighbourhood of Snæfells jökull, within 
the bailiwick of Thorsnes (Þórsnessþing). We first met 
with him in the capacity of henchman to Martcinn 
Einarsson, bishop of Skalholt, 1549-1556, in whose suit 



Matz, the 
the first 

he made a voyage to Denmark in 1554, and married, in 
the course of the winter, " Dorothea the German," 
(Espolin, IV., 107). Through the bishop's interest, no 
doubt, he obtained, during the sojourn in Denmark, the 
bailiwick of Thoi^nes ; for in that jurisdiction he does 
duty as baihif in 1555 (Espolin, IV., 112). In 1563, on 
the 27th of September, he took part in an important 
enactment at Bessasta^ir (Espolin, IV., 133). He was 
still alive as late as 1593 (Espolin, V., 74). 

According to entry 3, Arni bought the book from one 
Matz, a " secretary." Matz is the older spelling of the 
common Danish name Mads. For one so-called, and 
occupying the post of a " secretary," we need go to no 
other place in Iceland than Bessastadir, which at this 
time was the seat of the government of the country. 
In Matz, therefore, we have the secretary to the Gover- 
nor, possibly his deputy. Just about this time, it would 
seem, it was etiquette to address and to speak of the 
Governor's principal clerk as NN. "secretary." Such 
was the case with that ill-fated Kristian Skrifari (Mr. 
Secretary Christian), whom the Icelanders slew at 
Midnes, 1551, in revenge for the execution of bishop 
Jon Arason and his sons. However, excepting Mads, 
Kristian seems to be the only historically known person so 
entituled, and it must remain an open question, whether 
the title descended from him to Mads, or the reverse, 
(though the former is more probable), as there is no posi- 
tive evidence to show, at what time Mads was discharg- 
ing the functions of a secretary. But from Bessastadir, 
we take it, the book came into Ami's hands. 

Nothing is known of the history of our codex previ- 
ous to its becoming the property of Mads, and we can 
only indulge in uncertain, though not improbable, 
guesses, as to its earlier fate. First, the question sug- 
gests itself : how did the volume come into the hands of 
Mads, the Dane, by purchase or otherwise ? It does 
not seem very probable that he should have cared to 

PREFACE. xliii 

secure it by purchase. Mads, a Dane, though he might 
have had some knowledge of the spoken idiom of the 
day, could not be supposed to have been so familiar with 
the lanoTiasre in which it was written, as to have been 
able to understand it, for then, as now, to understand 
Icelandic a Dane must study it as a dead language. For 
such a study there existed as yet not one single auxiliary. 
Evidently, the contents of the volume could have had 
but little attraction for one acting under a government 
the chief aim of which was to root out popery, and to 
establish a radically anti -popish protestantism. Lastly, 
the very handwriting, which is anything but easily legi- 
ble, would to a Dane have made the readins: of the MS. 
simply impossible. Mads's selling of the MS. to Arni 
Oddsson would seem to indicate that the seller's inte- 
rest in it was one of lucre, chiefly. Forsooth, it might 
be surmised, that for that very reason he might have 
obtained it by purchase. But even that is not very pro- 
bable. He could not have kno\vn the market- value in 
Iceland of an article he himself knew nothing about, 
and in which, therefore, he could not reasonably be sup- 
posed to have speculated. There could be no question of 
any other market ; for, as yet, foreign, i.e., Scandina\'ian, 
interest in Icelandic literature was not awake, and when 
it was roused, Icelanders, not Danes, were employed to 
secure the literary treasures of Iceland for private col- 
lectors and public libraries (Finnr Jonsson, Hist. Eccl. 
Isl., IV., Preface). 

The volume itself seems to supply evidence ofTheMS. 
having been copied to the order of a monastic authoritv, copied tb the 

.. I'll i» 1-1 i" order of 

Since it contains the sagas oi the two most popular some monas- 

saints in Iceland, St. Thomas and St. Olaf. The reason 

for putting together into one volume the personal history 

of the Cantuarian saint and the pragmatic history of 

the reign of St. Olaf could not have been a historical, 

but only a religious. The prologue to Thomas saga 

shows clearly, that the edition was intended to serve as a 

xliv PREFACE. 

handbook to " recluses " : — At hóglífisma^r hafi nærhend- 
is, hvat er hann girnist. . . . af þraut ok þolinmæ-Si 
þessa píslarvotts, (I., 2, 15.1-). The edition, therefore, was 
issued to meet monastic wants, and we doubt not that, 
once upon a time, copies of it were found in most, if 
not all, monastic libraries in the country, although 
existing records fail to throw light on the point. 
Came,pos- The Wealthy monastery of Vi^ey might reasonably 
videy into be supposcd to havc been provided with such a highly 
hands. treasured guide to saintliness. Now this monastery, 
situated but a few miles from Bessasta^ir, was, in 1539, 
sacked by the Danish officials of the latter place, and, 
without doubt, the contents of the library found their 
way to " Government House," together with the rest of 
the plunder. If the library contained a Thomas saga, 
which we see no reason for doubting, that Thomas saga 
went to Bessasta^ir certainly ; and seeing that from 
Bessastabir, in all likelihood, our codex came into Arni 
Oddson's hands, it must be allowed that there is a strong 
presumptive evidence in favour of its having been the 
property of Vi"Sey monastery, previous to the sack of 
1539. There is nothing to show, at what particular time 
the codex may have become the property of Arni Oddson, 
though it is more probable to have happened before 
than after his removal to the West in 1555. 
Dadi, Ami's Among Ami's children were Dadi and Gudmund, 
sons, and a daughter, Eosa ; they all have their names 
entered in codex (entries 12, 10, 8, respectively), no 
doubt because it was their joint heritage. Gudmund 
is mentioned as Ami's son, Byskupasögur, II., 613. Rosa, 
we take it, was married to Thordr Einarsson (entry 8), of 
whom otherwise there is nothing known, that we are 
aware of But of Da^i it is stated, that he moved to the 
northern quarter of Iceland, and, as it seems, to the baili- 
wick of Eyjafjord, about 1613 (probably several years 
before, and possibly 1609 of entry 9 may have a refer- 
ence to that fact), where he married Kristin, daughter 


of a well-to-do goodman, Jon Bjarnarson of Grund, and 
occupied the post of bailiff (Espolin, V., 131). Entry 12 
makes it clear that, when it was penned, Da^i was the sole 
possessor of the book, by which time, therefore, he 
must have redeemed the shares of his co-heirs in the 
volume, which he probably did before he left the West 
for the North, or some time before 1613. 

On his death, which occurred in 1G20 (Espolin, VL, 
10, 14) our codex went to his heirs, two of whom are 
mentioned : Margret, as sole owner (entry 1 3), and Arni, Marpret 
in the double cai^acity of joint owner with his co-heirs dauirhter. 
(entry loj, and sole owner m lOol (entry l(i). Here it is son. 
to be observed that the term ' samarfar,' co-heirs, shows 
that, besides Margret, Arni must have had one or more 
brothers, or one or more sisters. Two brothei^s besides 
him are mentioned, Thorleif and Odd. But it is 
not unlikely, that Arni had, at least, one sister besides 
Margret ; for Torfi Jonsson, of whom nothing is other- 
wise known, makes the declaration (entry 13) that 
Margret is the sole owner of the book, which looks like 
a receipt to Margret for the payment of his, that is, his 
wife's, MargTet's sister's, share in the volume, vouched 
for in the next entry (14) by his own hand. It looks 
strange that Margret should be mentioned as sole owner 
of the book in one entry, and Ai-ni, her brother, in another. 
This, however, is easily accounted for. Margret was 
undoubtedly the older of the two, but Arni was only 
17 years of age, when his father died. While he was a 
ward, it stands to reason that his trustee or trustees 
miorht have arrano^ed with Marcjret for his share in the 
volume, and sold it to her. In some such way she must 
have become sole possessor of it shortly after her father's 
death. But it is clear that Arni, on attaining majority, 
took measures to secure the heirloom for the male 
descendants of the family, as he is the sole o^vner in 1631, 
when, in all probability, his sister had been married for 
some time to Jon Jonsson, a priest, who held the living 

K541. d 

xlvi PREFACE. 

of Melar, in Borgarfjord, in the west coimtiy, 1623-1663 
(Espolin, v., 131, S. Nielsson, Prestatal og Profasta, YI., 


Ami himself was a man of great consideration, and 
lived for a long time at Asgeirsa, in Vididalr, within the 
bailiwick of Himavatn, and died, a centenarian, at the 
house of his son, provost Thorleifr of Kalfafell, within the 
provostship of Skaftafell, in 1703, (cfr. Espolin, Y., 181, 
YL, 84, YIL, 4, YIII., 83). 
C(xi. lent to By entry 6 we learn, that the MS. must once upon a 
oSyrkaf time havc been in the hands of Jon Jonsson, who was a 
priest at Myrka, in Horgardal, within the provostship of 
Eyjafjord, about 1587, but of whom nothing further is 
andtoAiu- kno^^^l ; and l>y entry 7 that it must have been sent for 
Learned^ perusal to Arngrim Jonsson tlie '' Learned," while he 
was domiciled at Akrar, in Blonduhlid, a homestead in 
the parish of Miklibær, within the provostship of Skaga- 
:Qord. Ai'ngrim returned to Iceland from his studies at 
the university of Copenhagen in the summer of 1589 ; 
in 1590 the prebend of Miklibær was conferred on 
him (Finnr Jonsson, Hist. Eccl. Isl., III., 443-445), and 
Espolin states distinctly that, in 1592, he had given up 
holding house at Akrar and had set it up at Miklibær 
(v. 67). Consequent]}' the MS. must have been in his 
hands in 1589-90, or thereabout. 
Passed out Long before Ami's death, 1703, he and his heirs had 
of the family seen the last of a heirloom which had been so religiously 
Torfason. preserved in the famil}' for upwards of a century. On 
the 27th of Mav, 1662, Kino- Frederick the Third of 
Denmark issued a letter to the bi.shops of Skalholt and 
Holar requesting them to assist his favourite, the historian 
Thormod Torfason (Torfæus), in collecting, '' either by 
purchase or otherwise," such antiquities, i.e., old manu- 
scripts, as might be heard of in the country', the which 
Thormod was to procure for the Royal Library of Copen- 
hagen (Hist. Eccl., III., 462). Thormod went to Iceland 
in the course of the same year, and spent the winter at 


Skalholt with the learned bishop Brynjolf Sveinsson 
who, at that time, had prohably the finest library of 
Icelandic MSS. in the world ; and from and through him 
Thormod obtained a considerable number of MSS. codices. 
In the spring of the following year he left Skalholt on a 
visit to the bishop of Holar, Gisli Thorlaksson (1657- 
1684)_, where, no doubt, he made considerable additions 
to his acquisitions at Skalholt (Hist. EccL, III., 569, and 
note d). In this journey to Iceland Thormod secured 
the possession of our codex ; and though there is nothing 
to show how, or where, it changed hands, the probability 
is, that on his way north he paid a visit to the goodman 
of Asgeirsa, and, armed with the royal mandate, obtained 
the codex then and there. That he came by it on the Wasdepo- 

*^ , sited by him 

occasion of this visit to the country, and not durino- a v^. the Royal 

•^ ^ Libi-ary of 

later visit, in 1671, and deposited it in the Royal Library ^^}^^^' 
of the Danish capital on his return, is proved by documen- 
tary evidence. In the Arnamagnæan collection of MSS. 
No. 435^ 4 to (formerly Ny Kgl. Samling 1853) contains 
several leaves under the title : *' Catalogus librorum non 
" compactorum, quos ex Islandia in Regiam Bibliothe- 
" cam attulit Thormodus Torfæus 1662." In this cata- 
logue there is first an enumeration of the printed books 
acquired, after which, on page 101, follows this heading : 
" Manuscriptorum in pergameni Catalogus," which again 
is sub-divided into two paragraphs :— 1, " Episcopus 
" Schalholt(ensis) hos misit "; — 2, page 102 : — "Reliqua 
" liæc comparavi." Under this head the 2nd entry runs : 
" Sancti Tliomae Archiepiscopi Cantabergensis et Sancti 
" Olavi Regis Norvegiae Historia, folio." At tlie end of 
this catalogue, page 105, the note is suffixed: — ''Detto 
" forskrefne er skreven efter Mons^" Thormod Torfesens 
" egen Haand," i.e., the afore-written is copied after 
Mr. Tl). T's own handwriting ; to which is added, in the 
handwriting of Arni Magnusson : "1712 i Octobri." 
The last event to be mentioned in the history of Thomas- Wont to 

, Norway. 

skinna, a name given to the codex by Thormod himself, 

d 2 

xlviii PREFACE. 

is its removal to Norway, either in 1G64 or in 1G82, in 
which respective years Thormod obtained the loan of 
Rcstomito a large number of MS S. from the Royal Library, which 
' he retained until 1704, wlien the whole collection was 
restored to its proper place, in which admirably conducted 
institution Thomasskinna has remained safely deposited 
ever since. 

III. Various recensions of Thomas sagas. 

The term Thomas saga covers various narratives 
relating to Thoma^s of Canterbury, more or less inde- 
pendent of each other, which fall naturally into the two 
main groups ; the sagas of his life, and those of the 
gesta post martyrium ; in which latter group we also 
include the records of his miracles. A third group 
represents writings which, for convenience, we include 
under the general denomination of Thomas saga, but 
which are apparently merely homiletic abstracts of the 
two former groups. 

A summary of this classification gives the following 
result : — 

tiou of ThO' 
xuas sagas, 

?ilfn nf Thn- ^' — ^^^^^ ^f the Hfc of thc archbishop. 

1. The "lifs-bok," contained in T., I. ; also represented 
by fragments A. and B. of the appendix. 

2. Another such, but a different recension, now known 
only from fragment D. 

3. A fragment of the Quadrilogus prior (Lupus). 

B. — Sagas relating to the gesta post martyrium. 

4. The narrative contained in T., II., 2-92, which, by 
its distinguishing element, the miracles, points to Benedict 
of Peterborough as its source. 

5. Fragment E., an older recension, substantially 
covering, so far as it goes, the same ground as the pre- 
ceding and doubtless drawn from the same source. 


PREFACE. xlix 

6. The miracle-saga, T., II., 92-172 (or, possibly, to 
184), which, for the miracles it contains, owes its origin 
to Robert of Cricklade. Also represented by the rem- 
nants preserved in fragment C. 

7. Additamenta of later authorship, T., II., 184-240. 

C. — Homiletic abstracts. 

8. Fragment No. 2, folio, at Stockholm, and the shreds 
of the first leaf of fragment D. 

We shall now proceed to show on what grounds we 
adopt this classification, exhibiting at the same time the 
relation between T. and the fragments A.-E. 

(1.) The "lifs-bok " only comes here into consideration Comparison 

f> • • 1 /> A -T) -T^ OfT. I.witl] 

as a type of comparison with fragments A., B., D., on fragments 
Avhich we have to offer the following remarks : — 

A. (II., 245-48) is derived from the same original as, 
but is copied at an earlier period than, T. ; as would 
appear from its preserving older forms, as fingu (II., 
24G, o,) for feingu (I., 262, .,), mála-efni (II., 246, i,) for 
malefnin (I., 262, o^), harmanliga (II,, 247, 2s) foi' hörmu- 
liga (I., 268, lo) ; in the phrase suSr at sio (II., 246, ^i) 
it probably preserves a truer reading for, sui5r um sjo 
(I., 262, 2;0> 2-8 also in omitting hann before Herbert 
(II., 247, 2.], cfr. I., 268, -). But, on the other hand, it 
betrays predilection for the forms meSr instead of me^, 
svo for svá, and ei for eigi. To judge from this small 
fragment, it would seem to have been a more carelessly 
executed copy than T. is, considering that in one place 
it leaves out goSa vilja (II., 246, ^, cfr. I., 262, n,), with- 
out which words the sentence has no sense. 

B. (II., 248-259) is also a sister copy to T., but of an 
older date, as may be inferred from its reluctance to the 
use of the definitive declension of nouns, ejj., konung 
(II., 249, ij,) for konunginn (I., 266,22), konungi (II., 
249, jy) for konunginuin, (I., 266, 21), and from forma 
such as snaror (II., 252, 25) for snorur (I., 276, i„), also 
from its avoidance of otiose pleonasms : I)eir J)acka 
honum hæversklega af halfu erchibysku}>s (II., 250, or.) 


for : af hálfu Thomas erkibyskups (I., 270, ,.^, her med 
leggr einn rikr ma'Sr byskupinum sua fallit orcl (II. 
253, 2.0 for : her meS leggr honum einn rikr ma^r 
byskupinum, &c. (L, 278, ,5), a nearer approach, too, to 
an older diction is discernible in the sentence : a^rir 
mæla þvers i moti, segia erkibyskup fram standa med 
guds retti (II., 250, 37) for : a^rir mæla þvers i mot at 
erkibyskup frammi standi, &;c. (I., 270, 20) ; for har^Sr 
(I, 266,15) it reads diarfr (II., 249, j.,), for mikilmennsku 
(I, 266, ;^o) trumenzku (II., 249, 25). for áskilna-Sar (L, 
278, s) atskilna^ar (II., 263, 9) all probably better and 
truer readings ; it preserves the sentence missed out by 
the copyist of T., 354, 5 : i veg fram til borgar þeirar, 
er heitir Bitvrica ; þar tekr hann gott orlof med blidri 
blezsan af herra pafanvm, 257, 22 21- I^ makes a similar 
blunder to T. of the proverbial saying : fugit impius 
nemine persequente : flyia (unreadable . . . .) af 
riki, which must have read : flyia omildir þott enginn 
biodi þeim af riki (II., 252,33 cfr. I., 276^,1^). 

(2.) D. (II., 261-269) represents two recensions of 
^' Thomas saga, one entirely independent, the other an 

early type of T. The snips remaining of the first leaf 
of this fragment, though short, are sufficiently long to 
show that the contents must have been a mere abstract 
of some Thomas saga framed in a manner that reminds 
strongly of the tenor of Cod. 2 Stockholm (see No. 8). 
In contrast to all existing lives of Thomas of Canterbury, 
these two agree in making the archbishop go in person 
to fetch the pall from the pope, and in words which 
decidedly point to a common origin : — 

D. Cod. 2 Stock. 

Litilli stvndo si^arr byrr En bratt eptir þat bio 

hann ferS sina or landi a hann for sina til pafa fund- 

pava fund Mexandritercij. ar ok tok þa pallium at 

Ok i þessarri fer^ tekr hann honum ok tign þa alia er 

af honum pallium ok alia erkibyskups dæmi íylgdi. 
erkibyskups tign. 

Contents of 


The rest of this fragment (leaves 2-4) cannot belong- 
to the same recension as the first leaf. Not having seen 
the MS. fragment, we cannot tell, whether the hand- 
writing of the first leaf differs from the rest, and so 
decides the question. Both might have formed the 
contents of one volume written by one scribe, and this, 
we suggest, must be the case. With leaf 2, namely, the 
narrative assumes its natural breadth, beo-innino- with a 
peroration of the speech of the earl of Ai'undel before the 
pope, to which nothing corresponds in T., or in the one 
known Latin renderino' of it by Alan. This remarkable a unique 

^ *^ remnant of 

piece of A^TÍtino: runs thus : — " for thinos unlawful, but \^3 eari of 

A p ^ _ -^ ^ ' Arundel s 

*' rather for this, to deliver our kino- and his friends from ^i**^^ ^'^* 

' ^ ^ ^ C5 ^ fore the 

" the slander of his enemies. Yet, my lord, it behoves you I'^i'^- 
" to consider to what pass matters have come already. 
" You stand much in need of support, as does Holy 
'' Church. But the lords who, in the northern quarter 
" of the world, have the greatest power at present, are 
*' the two emperors, and the king of the French, and our 
" king. Now on neither emperor can you rely for 
" support, whereas both the others bear you good will. 
'' And should you forfeit the friendship of either king, 
" then consider what harm might be done thereby to 
" yourself and to Holy Church." Compared with this, 
Alan's rendering of the earl's speech comes to a lame 
and pointless end. But it is difficult to imagine, how 
the king's cause could have been pleaded more ably 
than it is done here, considering the lukewaimness of 
the curia, and the decidedly hesitating attitude of 
Alexander himself The broad and true view taken 
of the political situation precludes all possibility of 
invention on the part of the Icelandic editor. Indeed 
there is such a distinct air of genuineness about the 
passage that one is tempted to suppose that it must 
have been supplied by the earl himself to the original 

The whole of the first piece of leaf 2 (IL, 203 ,„ ^^^-'^^^^^^^^ 


264, J is peculiar to D., having nothing in T. corre- 
sponding to it. But all the rest included in this frag- 
ment is found, in substance, in T. ; the main difference 
being that D, in telling the story, is more brief, but in 
translating letters, more exact and much more literal. 
But it is clear at a o-lance that thouo-h this is a much 
older recension, yet T. is a mediate descendant of it, 
nearly every sentence, where substantial agreement 
obtains, being cast in the mould of D, and the wording 
of a great many being partly or wholly identical in both. 
This fragment spells rno^r (for mo^ur), II., 262, ■^-. 

Quadriiogus (^3 ) ^ fragment preserved in Cod. No. 17, 4to, among 
the Icelandic MS. at the Royal Library of Stockholm. 
This is a free translation of the older Quadriiogus, 
edited by Lupus. This saga was left uncompleted by the 
translator, and has, since it left his hand, suiiered greatly 
from ill-treatment. See Prof. Uuger's preface to. Thomas 
saga, Christiania, 1869, where this fragment is printed, 
pp. 1-282. Of this same fragment two insignificant shreds 
are found, described and printed by Prof. Unger's ed. of 
Thom. saga, pp. 507-519. 

T. i.andT. (4.) That the story terminatino- T., I., 558, and that 

II. indepeu- , . , , . ^ -.t i • m ■■ 

deut sagas, wbich begms T., II., 2, though m Tomasskmna run- 
ning on as a continuous narrative, once upon a time, 
formed two separate and independent Thomas sagas is 
easily discernible, even from the one fact, that at the 
jointure of the two the latter begins with the heading 
" Formali," preface ; certainly an appropriate heading 
to an independent story setting forth the gesta post 
martyrium, but utterly inappropriate in a continuous 
narrative. This becomes still clearer, when we examine 
the end of the preceding chapter, where the editor, 
who amalgamated the two stories, tries to make the 
passage fi'om one to the other smooth and natural by 
saying that he is going to pronounce a funeral sermon 
over the martyr's grave. This shows that he had in his 
mind what was nearest at hand, namely, the preface of 


the second saga. Had he been the author, he would 
have opened to the reader a broader and more pro- 
spective vista over the contents of the coming por- 
tion of the saga, which is far from being all a funeral 
sermon. As a mechanical editor only he joins the two 
portions together in such an artless way that the 
orimnal distinction is left undisturbed. Thus it follows 
that, once upon a time, these two portions of T. were 
separate sagas ; and we may add, that, when the 
amalgamation of T., I. and II., took place, Robert ofT. n. con- 
Cricklade's "saga" (No. 6), with chapter C. following it, two sagas. 
had ah'eady been joined to No. 4, ( = T. II., 2-92) so, that 
then the " formali," with chapter LXXXII. — C. formed 
a continuous Thomas saga (probably so called). That 
such really was the case may be infei'red from the fol- 
lowing fact : — In relating the two visions by whicli it 
was revealed to the Archbishop how, at a future date, 
he was destined to stand king Henry in good stead, and 
how the king and his two sons would come untimely 
and undesirably by their end (I., 388-390), the writer 
promises, that the fulfilment of these visions shall be 
set forth in the end of the story. Only the former of 
these visions, however, is reverted to in the saga again 
(II., 170 ff.), the second is not even alluded to. Such 
an editorial slip as this could only occur because the 
two sagas Avere independent of each other. The amalga- 
mator knew that in the end of the story it was explained 
how, by the saint's intercession, king Henry overcame 
his enemies ; and was under the impression that at the 
same place there was also a notice to show, how the 
vision, pointing to the death of the king and his sons, 
was fulfilled. Being merely a cojiyist, he forgot, when 
lie came to the end of the story, what he had said before, 
and because the second story, as he found it, contained 
no such notice about the second vision as he had said 
it did, and having nothing to add of Ids own, lie left 
the story as he found it without that notice. At what 


particular time this amalgamation may have taken place 
we cannot tell ; but it seems older than the 14th century. 
See Yar. Not. 

The words " in the end of the story " deserve a special 
notice. It is clear that when the two sagas were fused 
into one, the second finished with the fulfilment of the 
vision already alluded to. King Henry's penitential 
visit to, and penance at, Thomas's grave, coupled with 
his victor}^ over the rebellion of 1174, through the saint's 
intercession, as it Avas commonly looked upon to have 
been, form really the natural finale of the historical 
drama in which the two men had been the chief actors, 
and are the last events recorded by the contemporary 
biographers. We take it, therefore, that the composite 
saga, T., II., 2-184, finished, when the two were amal- 
gamated, with chapter C, with the exception, of course, 
of the last passage (II., 184, 9.19). 
Tiie first As indicated in the clasification above, this composite 

II.,' in the saga traccs its origin, in the main, to two /independent 
diet of Peter- sourccs, namely, Benedict of Peterborough and Robert of 
Cricklade. It begins with a preface which, up to the 
lacune (II., 6), is not derived from Benedict (see collation) ; 
but the missing portion of it was, no doubt, draAvn from 
that source, because in its coincidences, after the lacune, 
with fragment E., which has preserved a considerable 
portion of Benedict's preface to his miracles, a common 
source is unmistakeable. So also the miracles, which 
are introduced in T. (II., 2-92), are clearly culled from 
Benedict only, and follow (though with omissions) 
his OA\Ti order. Such, too, is the case with the few 
which are preserved in E., though they do not quite 
follow the order of T. 
Correspond- (5.) Fragment E., IL, 270-284, represents an early 
riagin. E. to recension of the beginning of the first saga of T., II., 
'Miracles' but diftcrs from it considerably. The preface, thouoh 

of Benedict . , • , n \ ^ ■ t 

of Peter- preserving a good many points oi resemblance in sub- 
stance, is widely different in the wording. In coming 


to the miracles, which are all drawn frora Benedict, 
and, as far as they go, correspond to the same in T., the 
writer introduces them with a translation of Benedict's 
preface to his collection of miracles. The con-espondence 
between the two prefaces, however, is such, that the 
former omits some things which are, and adds otheis 
which are not, contained in the latter. But where the 
two correspond, the translation is close and pointed. 
Like D., this fragment deals with historical matter more 
abbreviatingly, with matters not historical and with 
letters more exactly, than T. In this respect the dis- 
tance between E. and T. seems, on the whole, to be 
rather greater than between D. and T. These two 
fragments, we mav observe here, are the oldest remnants 
now left of Icelandic literature on Thomas of Canterbury. 
Each appears to owe its origin, cei'tainly to a contem- 
porary, if not, indeed, to the same author. The main 
difference in the style of tha two is, that D. is more 
crisp, rather more curt and incisive, E. more mannered, 
slightly more straining at rhetoric effect, and generally 

In this fragment we meet with the spelling, kvi"Svr 
for kvi^r ; but in the oblique cases of patronomics, of 
which not a few occur in it, it observes consistent adhe- 
rence to the old spelling, v/r. Thus, in point of penman- 
ship it is the oldest record existing of the T. class ; T. 
itself being the latest. 

(6.) When the whole list of miracles derived from Robert of 
Benedict is gone through, we suddenly come, II., saga. 
92,9.1,, on this strange declaration: '' Now of the great 
" abundance of miracles which God Almighty bestowed 
" on his worthy martyr Thomas we may write no more 
" thereof, speaking by way of similitude, than a few 
" small drops, tltat were brought hither by former men, 
" which, in the name of God, we thus begin." The mira- 
cles thus announced begin with the one related by Robert 
of Cricklade in a letter to Benedict of Peterborouoli. 

Ivi PREFA(!E. 

The following miracles are, for some time, expressly 
ascribed to Robert as the author, and evidently all are 
tacitly understood to come from the same source. Not 
one of these miracles, with the exception of the first, 
is found in Benedict ; some few correspond to William 
of Canterbury's, as far as the subject is concerned, but 
are treated in a way which puts it altogether out of 
question that he could be the source. (For references 
see the list of miracles at the end of " collation.") 
Here then is a clear evidence not only of the second 
saga of T. being a composite one, drawn from two 
independent sources, one Benedict of Peterborough, the 
other Robert of Cricklade, but also of the miracle 
records of the latter having been brought to Iceland 
" by men of old," that is, having apparently been the 
earliest miracle record that reached the country. Each 
must once upon a time have formed a separate saga by 
itself, which some editor found it convenient afterwards 
to fuse into one. The strange thing is, however, that 
of Benedict's large collection of miracles so few should 
have been included in T., only 17 out of some 286 ; 
Ave can only account for it by supposing that, what 
we have in T. is only a fragment of what once was a 
much laro'er work. 

C (II., 260-261), corresponding fragmentarily to T., II., 
148-158, we take to be older than the T. ; the difler- 
ences are slight, except in one instance, where C. has 
decidedly a better and truer reading : meS ollu alaga- 
laust= entirely unencumbered, i.e., free of all interest 
(II., 260.,) for T.'s meS ollum lagalesti (IL, 148,,,,), 
which has no definite sense ; but our interpretation of 
the words seems to represent what the scribe had in his 
mind. This fragment spells lætur (for lætr), II., 261,-, 
móSr (for móSar), 261, i^. 
Later addi- (7.) The additamenta to T. (T., II., 184-240) we need 

tlOnstoThO- 2- 1 i 1 • n rm V ' J / 

mas saga, notice but briefly. They are evidently the result of a 
Thomas's scholai-'s afterthought, who collected them for 


the purpose of having the history relating to the hero as 
complete as possible. He had observed, that the 
canonization had not found its chronological place in 
the previous narratives, the reason of which was that 
it was not mentioned by the contemporary biographers, 
possibly because it was not convenient to do so, since 
it was a Roman act not solicited by any high authority 
from England, and took place before the reconciliation of 
the king with the church. Hence its anachronistic place 
in T. The account of it, as well as that of the principal 
events which are included in these additamenta, are 
drawn from contemporary chroniclers, and probably other 
sources as well, but are of much later authorship than 
the rest of T. Though we class them, as we must, as 
a portion distinct from the rest of the contents of T., 
they probably never formed a separate saga by them- 

(8.) A fragment preserved in the Royal Library ofHomiktic 
Stockholm, No. 2 in the Icelandic collection, already ' 
printed by linger in Helgra-manna sögur, II., 815-320. 
It is a concise precis of a Thomas saga of which nothing 
else is preserved, with the exception of the shreds of 
the first leaf of fragment D. (see p. 1). The original . 
of this abstract has differed from all other known 
Thomas sagas. The name of the bishop of London 
figures as Gunzilinus, though elsewhere as Gillibiarkr. 
Thomas is made to go in person to fetch the })all from 
the pope. His personal appearance is described in the 
following manner : " He was of rather tall middle 
" stature, courteous, dark of hair, with a rather long 
'' nose, straight-faced, distinct in his speech, and clear 
" spoken, bland in his discourse and at times somewhat 
" stuttering ; he spoke through a smiling face, but 
" with his speech there went neither laughter nor 
" stuttering to any degree of fault, but it was deemed 
" rather to give him an air of blitheness and grace." 
It accounts for the dispute that rose out of the crown- 


# ing- of the younger Henry by making the Archbishop 
refuse to perform the ceremony on the ground that there 
ought not to be two kings in the same kingdom at one 
and the same time. Otherwise it agrees in substance 
with T. It would seem to have been intended to serve 
as a commemoration homily for St. Thomas' day, because 
it winds up, in homily fashion, with an exhortation to 
the congregation to pra}" to the saint for various bless- 
ings, such as peace, prosperity, good year, wealth, 
happiness, long life, and eternal salvation. 

ly. Authors of Thomas sagas. 

With regard to the Icelandic authorship of T. and its 
predecessors our information is very meagre. Two 
persons, both priests, are certainly mentioned as authors 
of Thomas sagas. In No. 586, 4to., in the Ama Magn. 
collection at Copenhagen from the beginning of the 
15th century, we read: — il/erkiligir tueir Kenne menn 
BergGuim- bcroT orunsteins SOU z ion hestr, hafa skrifat lifs saup'u 
Jon Hestr. virSulígs hcrra thomas cantuaríe7?sís erkíbps huorr med 
sjnuryi hætte huersu hann þreytíiz fyrir guös krístnj j. 
eíngla7iöj allt til pinjngar z ei J)uj siSr lief ir huorgi 
þe/ra aukit grunduoll sialfrar saugunar er stendr j bok 
þe/re er speculur/6 historíalí heiter,^ i.e., notable two 
teachers (priests) Berg the son of Gunstein and Jon 
" hestr " have wiitten the story of the life of the 
worthy lord Thomas Cantuariensis archbishop, each in 
his own way, hoAv he strove for the Church of God in 
England even unto his passion, and none the less has 
neither of them added to (?) the groundwork of the 
story which stands in the book called speculum histo- 
riale. — This is the oldest record we know of which 
mentions by name Icelandic translators of Thomas saga. 
This notice has found its way into a later writing 
by a rustic savant, Jon Gudmundsson, called the 

1 Cfr. Dr. Vigfusson in Felagsrit, xxiii. year, 1863, p. 148. 


learned, who flourished in the 17th century, with the 
only diflierence that the name Jon hestr is turned into 
Jon Hallsson icfr. Lvtill battur kyrkna rans, Arna Jon Hestr 
Mao-n., No. 727, 4 to. fol. 17'^\ How this chano-e ni the identical 

° ' . . . ' . ^ with Jon 

name came about it is unimportant to inquire, as also, Haiisson 
how the priest who is here called Jon hestr is identified Hoit. 
by other later authorities with a Jon " holt," prebendary 
of Hitardal, who died according to the Annals in 1802, 
both surnames indicating, probably, one and the same 
person. The important fact is, that two authors of 
Thomas saga are known ; that the two sagas are inde- 
pendent of each other, and that between the mentioning 
of the two authors there lies an interval of a century. 
Berg Gunsteinsson being referred to in the years 1201 
and 1218. Of these authors nothing is otherwise known. 
It has been supposed hitherto, with good reason, that 
Berg Gunnsteinson was the author of the " Older 
Thomas saga," that is to say, of the recension of which 
fols. 2-4 of fragment D. are now the sole representatives 
left,^ and, as we think, wrongly, that Jon Hestr or Holt 
was the author of T. According to the above notice, both 
men wrote a saga of Thomas up to his passion. The 
second, composite, saga of T., which is the saga of the 
miracles, is not con temijlated. Now, it is evident thatT. repre- 

sents the 

the saga told in T., I., and the sasa told in D. is really saga of Berg 

^ ' . ' ° -^ Gunnsteins- 

one and the same, with the difference, as we have stated ^on in a 


above, that T. is a popularised descendant of D. ; the ^ovm. 
saga, in the old acceptation of the term, that is, the his- 
torical matter and framework, is the same in the main. 
No Icelander of old would have classed them as two J^n Hestr 


difterent saoas. But the translation of the older Qua- t'le author 

Ö ^ of the trans- 

drilogus (No. 2, Royal Lib., Stock.), to which we have ^^H^'^^^! '^'^ 
referred already (p. liij, stands out as a work inde- ^^>-'"^- 
pendent of T., both as to its fi*amework and language. 

^ The Saga, represeuted by frag- 
ment E., may also be due to the 
same pen, though it formed an in- 

dependent narrative from the begin- 
ning. That it is a contemporary 
production is evident. 


We are aware that Professor Unger takes this saga to be 
due to a Norwegian author, on the ground of its con- 
taining a good many laxities of language and syntax, 
that would not make it a particularly creditable Ice- 
landic production. But be3^ond this there is nothing to 
connect it Avith Norway, nor do these literary qualities 
preclude it from being an Icelandic product, and the 
codex itself comes from Iceland and is clearly of Ice- 
landic workmanship. We are strongly inclined to think 
that the author of this saga was none other than Jon 
Hestr, or Holt. These surnames, whichever ma^^ be the 
right one, have an un-Icelandic, but not at all an un- 
Norwegian, sound — indeed we meet with a Norwei^ian 
in the latter part of the 13th century, Bjarni, surnamed 
/^esír (Flateyjarbók, HI., p. 153); there would, there- 
fore, be nothing to hinder Jon Hestr, or Holt, having 
really been a Norwegian, though he was domiciled in 

V. Thomas saga and the sagas of Gudmund Arason. 

It is supposed by some scholars that T. is the work of 
Arngrim abbot of Thingeyrar, in Northern Iceland, ob. 
1362.^ This Arngrim is the author of the .third and 
youngest saga of bishop Gudmund of Holar, to which 
we have referred already. The w^ork is a concoction of 
two older sagas of the bishop, with slight additions from 
other sources and a good deal of Arngrim's own inven- 
tion. The first of these two older sagas, called " priests' 
saga, Gu^mundar " (to which we have already referred 
above, p. xxi.), deals with the events of Gudmund's life 
up to the close of his priestly ofiice, and is originally 
put to writing some time between 1212-20 (Biskupa 
sogur, I., 407-486). The second, or " miS saga," from cca. 
1320, deals with his checkered episcopal career (ib. 
48G-558, 559-618). The connexion betw^een T. on one 

1 See Thomas saga erkibyskups, eel. Unger. Christiania, 1869, III., xxx. 


side and the ' mi^saga ' and Arngrim's compilation on the 
other, constitutes such an interesting chapter in the Ice- 
landic literature of Thomas of Canterbury that it must 
be dealt with here in some detail. 

In the ' miSsao-a ' of Gudmund occurs a lonof conversa- 
tion between him and the archbishop Thorir of Drontheim, 
which, though a forgery from beginning to end, is none 
the less interesting, on account of the connexion it be- 
trays with Thomas saga. Among other queries put to 
the bishop of Holar by his Grace of Drontheim this was 
one : " En hvat ætlar þú um sty rj old þá ena miklu og 
" bardaga, er þu ert viSstaddr, sva optliga sem er, hversu 
" Gu^i liki þat, því at þat er fornt mál, at ' eingi taki 
" ' sva Í tjornina at eigi ver^i votr af ' " (Bisk, sog., 
I., 587), i.e.j '' what have you to say about those great 
" disturbances and fights whereat thou art present, fre- 
" Quently as they come to pass, how such may like God, 
" for it is an old saw, that no one so taketh hold on a 
" tarn that he be not wet thereby ? The words " taki 
" Í tjornina" have found their way into a poem on 
the life of Gudmund by a 14th century poet, Einar 
Gilsson (Biskupa sog., 11. , 102): 

engi ''tekr" ok slett yfir slongvir 

slungins gulls "i tjorn" at fullu, 

reikna þat sva, " at " vist '^ ei vökni," kc. 

as well as into Arngrim's own compilation (ib. 97) : 
'' f)vi at enginn tekr J)urr 1 tjorn." It is curious, that 
it should not have struck the editors of Biskupa sögur, 
that the phrase " at taka i tjorn " was an impossible 
Icelandic grammar, or, at least, a very questionable. 
But fragment E. clears up the corruption which sticks 
here in the one word " tjorn" in an interesting manner. 
In discussing Thomas' title to saintship, Benedict, in his 
introduction to the miracles, brings forth, as an irre- 
fragable proof of its goodness, that the Archbishop was 
pope Alexander's adherent, and scorned the opponent, 

K541. e 

Ixii pk?:face. 

the antipope Octavian. Now, so argues Benedict, it 
Alexander had been the really schismatic pope in the 
eyes of God, Thomas, the adherent of such an enemy of 
God, could not have wrought miracles, kc. The sen- 
tence with which we are concerned r\ins thus : — Qui si 
esset schismaticus, nequaquam martyr noster a tanta labe 
transisset immunis, nee picem tetigisset quin ab ea in- 
quinatus fuisset^ (Materials, II., 24), and is in E. (T., II., 
275, i7_i9) thus rendered ; " ok ef hann væri þrætuma^r 
" þaa mætti þessi Thomas eigi vera skirr e^a reinn frá 
" þeim fleck þvi at eingi tekr sou i tioTV'ím {i.e., tjöruna) 
" er eigi lo^i vi^." 

As it is evident that the author of Gudmund's saga 
borrowed this argument from Thomas saga, so also it is 
equally clear that to him, and not to a later scribe, is 
due the corruption of tiorvna into tjörnina. In the 
answer, namely, put by the saga writer into Gudmund's 
mouth, he makes the bishop miss altogether the point 
of the proverb, and talk a great deal of nonsense to the 
effect that he and his followers, " taka í eitt vatn," and 
" taka Í eina tjörn," under the vague impression that 
the question was about sharing all things in common 
(cfr. Biskupa sogur, I., 580-582). 

In another passage in this conversation we also discern 
an echo of Thomas saga. The canons of Drontheim, 
some of whom, like Alexander's cardinals, in the case of 
Thomas, are made to take up an unfriendly attitude 
towards bishop Gudmund, and to ask him, amongst 
other things, if it was true that, according to report, he 
allowed two meals of meat to be eaten on Fridays in 
Iceland. This he declared to be unfounded. "Then 
" they asked, 'Allowest thou not meat to be eaten if 
" ' Christmas day fall on a Friday ? ' ' Certainly, I allow 
" ' that,' said bishop Gudmund. 'What dost thou do then 
" ' with the Friday ? ' said they. Bishop Gudmund ques- 

^ Quotation from Eccli. xiii. 1. 


'' tioneJ : ' What, indeed, do you do with the darkness, 
" when light cometh into the house ? ' They answered 
*' nothing. Then spoke bishop Gudmund : ' the Lord's 
" ' day is His birthday, but not a fast day, for so flieth 
" ' the fast for the feast, as darkness for light, so that it 
" ' vanisheth utterly.' " Clearly this was an unusual 
Christmas custom introduced by bishop Gudmund. The 
origin of it we have in T. (I., 512, ^^_^o\ " He (Thomas), 
" together with all the others within the hall, eateth 
'' meat, saying, that the reverence for the glory of that 
" feast, on whatsoever day it might happen to fall, was 
" the better shown forth, by not abstaining from any 
" allowable gifts of God " — ut ea die, quæ sexta feria 
erat et natalis domini dies, carnibus, sicut alii, vesce- 
retur; eas tali die sumere, quam abstinere religiosius 
judicans. Both the sagas which are contained in T. 
were, therefore, not only known to the author of the 
' mi^saga ' of GuSmund, but supplied him with materials 
for his own composition, and were possibly already 
tlien fused into one nari^ative. 

Clear as is the connexion thus pointed out between 
T. and the 'mi^saga' of bishop Gudmund, the relation 
between ArnoTÍm's Gudmund-sacra and T. is demon- 
strably still closer. Arngrim, in his day famed for 
learning, acted for some time as official in the diocese of 
Holar ; but his moral conduct was such, that the clergy 
deposed him as official, and pressed him so hard as abbot, 
that he not only resigned that office, but renounced bene- 
dictinism, on the plea that he had resolved to enter the 
Franciscan order and to join a house of it abroad. In 
1358, however, an archiepiscopal legation reinstated him 
in his office, and the Franciscan pretext was forgotten. 
His saga is evidently composed with a view of being 
dedicated to some foreign potentate, obviously the Arch- 
bishop of Drontheim. In his description of Iceland he 
takes the standpoint of a foreign writer, as if the country 
was not his own (Bisk, sög., II., 5, 111), carrying tlic 

e 2 


delusion so far even as to explain what is meant by the 
term " alþing " (II., 05), which makes the supposition 
probable, that the archiepiscopal legates imposed the 
composition of the work on the clerical misdemeanant 
as a sort of honourable expiatory fine. At first sight 
the language of Arngrim's saga bears such a striking 
resemblance to that of T., that one is tempted at once 
to accept him as the author of the latter. But on closer 
inspection the first illusion vanishes. Through the first 
half of Gudmund's saga this resemblance in language is 
striking, but after that, when the author's stock of re- 
miniscences was exhausted, the divergence becomes easily 
discernible. Even through the first half of the saga 
we can trace in the thick of the reminiscences from T., 
which all bear the stamp of a translator hampered by 
the foreign idiom, glimpses of the native feeling of an 
original writer. But we shall best be able to decide the 
question of his authorship of T. by comparing it to his 

own saga 

Thomas s. Gudmund's saga. 

Herra i\.drianus páfi Hann (Adrianus pafi 

fjor^i me^ því nafni vígÖi fjórSi) víg^i til krúnu Fri^- 

Fridrek hinn fyrsta keis- rek keisara fyrsta. me'ð því 

ara til krúnu, ok þvi sýnd- nafni ; sj'-ndist því keisar- 

ist keisari nokkuru hæfr í inn hlý^inn heilagri Róma 

hlý^ni vit Róma kirkju kirkju me'San þeir lifSu 

meSan þeir lif^u bá^ir. Enn bá'ðir ; en eptir fjögr ár 

sva sem herra Adrianus herra páfans, sem hann er 

var út hafinn skutlast kar- út hafinn, brestr upp mikit 

dinales í tvo sta^i ; birtir rugl i sjálfri Bóma fyrir 

þá Fri^rekr hvat í hon- nýjan páfa kosning, þvi at 

um bjó, þvi at hann fylgdi sjálfir cardinales skutlast 

þeim cardinalibus er verr í tvá sta'Si ; birtir þá Fri^ - 

höf'Su. Hefja þeir allir rekr keisari hverr hann 

samt til páfadóms sterkan var, þvi me'S fylgi byskup- 

þrætumann er hét Octovi- anna ok afli ríkisins veitir 


anuS; enn si^an vettir cardi- liann þeim cardinalibiis er 
nales kjósa þann mann, er verr hof 5u, því at þeir allir 
þann tíma hét Eollant enn samt kjosa digTan þiætii- 
síSan Alexander tertius. mann er Octovianus het. 
Ok at beim kosnino-i snvst Annan veo^ me^ cardinal!- 
HlöSvir Frakka konuno-r bus stendr Louis Frakka 
me^ cardinalibiis, ok Hein- konuno-r ok Heinrekr An- 
rekr, nii koniingr yfir Eng- daga viæ England skonungT. 
landi, enn þann tíma her- Kjósa þeir þann mann er 
tugi Andagaviæ ok sá kosn- þá het Rollant canceler. 
ingr öflgaí^ist, því at GiiS Efldist sa kosningr, þvíat 
viídi (I., 90-92). Fridrekr GuS vildi (Bisk, sög., II., 
keisari ferr sva ofdi-ukkinn 3, 14-25) ■ — Fri^reki keisara 
me^ ilskunni, at þegar ann- voru kirkjunnar náöir þá 
arr villupáfinn valt, hóf svá lei'Sar, at æ hóf hann 
hann annan alt til :QórSa annan iDrætumann,. er ann- 
nianns (^'6. 92, ^.g). arr valt or (1-6. 3, 28-30)- 

Here the ao-reement between the two sao-as is too 
close to depend on one common source only. Evidently 
one is the source of the other. In Thomas saga the in- 
troduction of these historical remarks is to the purpose. 
In Gudmund's saga they are utterl}^ iiTelevant, and 
therefore borrowed. 

The author's object, though not openly avowed, was 
evidently to make bishop Gudmund all through as 
complete a counterfeit of Thomas of Cajnterbury as the 
different framework of circumstances would allow. 
Thus, in the enumeration of the visions prognosticating 
the future greatness of Gudmund (Bisk, sög., II., 7-8), 
the visions prophetic of Thomas's fame are obviously 
the pattern from which Arngrim copied. As the saga 
proceeds this intention is pronounced most clearly. Out 
of many passages which might be quoted in support of 
this statement, we may content ourselves with one : 
" What man is there, indeed, who, on so many occasions, 
" resembles that jewel, Thomas Cantuariensis, as this 
" very Gudmund in his trials. A short while ago it was 
" read " — lithi var lesit, a phrase out of Thomas saga. 

]xvi TREFACE. 

natural in the case of one who merely copies what others 
have written before him, unnatural in the case of an 
oriííinal writer — '' how he was in a common case with 
" Thomas, when his kinsfolk were scattered about ; 
" secondly, when unshaken he stood up for the right of 
" the church ; thirdly, when he was charged with break- 
" ing the peace by disturbances and stubborn action ; 
" fourthly, when he fled and escaped from his natural 
" enemies; so that in his praise, in common (with 
" Thomasj, might be said the same word of the prophet : 
" laqueus contritus est et nos liberati sumus." The irre- 
levancy of this comparison only affords a strengthened 
proof of the intention of the author. In the personal 
description of GuSmund we have this parallelism : 

Thom. s. Gudm s. 

hvass Í hugviti (I., 28, j^) — var hann þegar hvass í 
glöggr í allri grein til hugviti ok gloggrar greinar 
brjosts ok bækr (ib., 20^ ^.o) bæ'Si til bækr ok brjóst- 
— indæll ok ástúSigr í vitru (Bisk, sög,, II., 
allri vi^ræSu (ib., 28, n) — 11, ,6-27) — mjok ástúSigr 
hann lær^i þat eina er var hann bæöi frændum ok 
hann lifði sjálfr (ib., vinum (ib., 21) — hvat er 
104, 110). hann lær^i a'Sra me^ or^- 

Hún læÆ hann at vir^Sa um, fylldi hann fyrri sjalfr 
ok vegsama hina sælumey, í sínura verkum (ib. 16,29). 
GuSs mo^ur Mariam, um- sæla Gu^s mo-Sur Mariam 
framm alia helga a^ra (I., elskaSi hann ok tilba^ um 
1 8^9-11)- fram alia heilaga menn 

(ib., 1-, 32). 

Here the dependence on T. is all the more obvious 
that in the ' prests saga ' of Gudmund, where we should 
expect to find these details recorded, they are not even 
alluded to as distinctive characteristics of his youth. 
We may still adduce a few illustrations :— 

Thom. s. Gudm. s. 

eru þá li^Ligar dyr ok lofut er þá orlof til inngöngu 
innganga (II. 130,6-7)— Sá því at kirkjan er upplokin 



ma&' er vel hugSi at önd- 
verSri sögunni (ib. 92, ^-) — 
MeiiT enn einuQi J)eirra 
mundi þat fagrt synast at 
bera hæstu rödcl í vígslu- 
ger^ svá mikils herra (I., 

^^y lo-ii) — 6^^ ^^ vi^i' ma^r 
huglei-Sir (ib., 68,67) — niá 
þat hiigiei^a (ib., 88, g.^^) — 
Taka þeir orlof ok gera 
sinn veo' framm til Sen- 
nonisborgar (ib., 266, 15,) — 
sitr í samlialdinni i^ran 
allan tíma, &c. (ib., 174, ^J 

— Eio'i höfum vér fundit 
dao'stætt nær si»naSr Thó- 
mas var kjörinn (ib., 86, 04) 

— tárlig gó^ýst (ib, 104,V) 

— Nú er um farit f^ær 
framm-sýnir er fyrir runnn 
sæliim Thóme (ib., 16, ig) — 
er piltrinn nefndr Thóraas, 
sem Gu^ haf^i löngu dis- 
ponerat (ib., 14,19) oftliga 
kemr á eitt mót góSr vili 
Gu^s ok illr ok vondi' vili 
inanns (ib., 70, §) at jþetta 
stríS mætti lí^a, enn fribr 
formerast (ib. 284, j.,) — ann- 
arr hlutr fellr sá til, er 
mikla hræring lerSir af (ib., 
144, ^) — þeir rangturna 
allar gerSir erkibyskups ; 
þat er liann talar, þýSa þeir 
til vinstri handar, and the 
])assagcs following (ib., 
178, 1, sqq.) — hann vill sýna 

ok li(5ug (ib., 17, 4.5) — Sá 
ma^r sem vel huosa^i hvat 
nú hefir lesizt (ib. 21) 
— Skipar biskup Sk al- 
ii oltsnsis sira GuSmundi 
liæstu rödd yfir alia kenni 
menn (at the translation of 
St. Thorlakas, ib., 23, ^s) ma 
þat vitr ma^r vel hugleiSa 
(ib., 25, -). — Kemr hann 
Í þann bæ, sem hann gerir 
sinn veg, at þar liggr maSr 
. . . svá ... at samhald- 
in kör var hans heimili 
(ib., 25, 25-27) — foi' einn 
bóndi dagstætt at sækja 
tíbir (ib., 26, is) — tárligri 
góSfysi (28, 13) — Fjrr var 
ritat, hversu spar ok for- 
synir bendii fyrir löngu 
biskupliga tign sira GuS- 
mundar (ib., 38, .,3) — nti na- 
læoist sá tími soo-unnar er 
drottinn . . . hefir lougu 
disponerat (ib., 38, .yi-^e) — 
optliga sækir eitt mot gó'Sr 
vili Gu"(Ss ok illr vili manns 
(ib., 40, 27), utterly irre- 
levant to the circum- 
stances. — hlutast til góÖir 
menn, at friSr mætti form- 
erast (ib., 63, 32) — fj'rir 
jDa hræring, sem nii gengr 
Í heruSin (ib., 67, .j,,) — 
ilestar hans gjörÖir voru 
afþýddar ok hneigbar til 
vinstri handar, ölmusur 

Ixviii PREFACE. 

bæ^i GuSi ok mönniim sitt bans til au^nav, vigslur 
hægri handar umskifti (ib., til ofdirfSar, einoi^S til 
84, g). ákefSar ok iifri^ar (ib., 

93, 1.3) — fyrir hægri bandar 

skifti græ'Sara vars (ib., 

135, 7). 

Arngrim Words cliaracteristic of T. re-occur in Gu^m. s., siicb 

SSiTAom as dagstæddr (above), frjalsi (140, ^g)? iUing (117,15), 

hig^'their''" or^flaug {Q(),^i, 118>3i), staddr, fixed, actual (133,5), 

lue power, ^^j^g^^^ ^^ inconvenieuce with hnportionities or the like 

(140, 33), &c., but in a manner that betrays only loose 

familiarity Avith their real power in T., and gives the 

impression that they are, like most of the adoptions from 

T., introduced as uncritical imitative adornments of style. 

In the case of ^ dagstætt ' and the phrase ' gera sinn 

veg ' — to mention no more — the thoughtlessness of the 

imitator shows itself, in the former.instance, by foisting 

an adverbial sense on a participle, and forcing it in 

where it is not wanted at all, in the latter, by using in 

the absolute sense of iter facere the phrase " gera sinn 

veg," which T. never introduces without construing it 

with the local adverbs of motion frá or fram, &;c. ; this 

phrase, too, Arngrim thrusts into a sentence where it 

is not in the least required to make sense, but figures 

as the veriest piece of imitative pedantry. 

He uses On the other hand Arngrim uses a test word, ölmusa 

* ölmusa in . . , . , . 

a sense in alms, frequently in a sense m which it never occurs in 

which It . . 

never occurs T., though it is met with there over and over again, 
in the sense, namely, of alms-person, alms-people (46, 7, 
105, 40, 143, 18, 144, 13, &c.). If Arngrim was the author 
of T., we submit that he could not have escaped leaving 
behind him the evidence of that fact in this use of 

and 'god- olmusa. Gó'Sfysi, devotion, another word of exceed- 

lysi ma j ' j 

like manner, ingly frequent occuiTcnce in T., Arngrim, on the other 
hand, shuns, though not altogether. It occurs in two 
places in his saga : 28, 13, where it is a direct quotation 
from T., and 15, 3, in the sentence : altaris embætti^ 


sjálft ílutti hann ok framdi me^ svá mikilli gæzku ok 
gó^fýsi af guShræzlu, where it is evident that Arngrim 
had no clear notion at all as to the real meaning of 
gó^fýsi ; it was for him an archaism thrown in from 
memory at haphazard. 

To sum up then. ArnoTÍm set to work writino- Gud- Reasons 

Hffiiiiist) his 

mund's saga for the express purpose of establishing as being the 
complete a parallelism between his hero and Thomas 
of Canterbury, as he could. For this reason, or from 
the love of the subject, he had made himself so familiar 
with the language of Thomas saga, that he wrote in it 
as in an acquired dialect. In the first half of Gudmund's 
saga his reminiscences abound in great number ; in the 
second they become much more scarce, and the two 
dialects of Gudm. s. and T. diverge perceptibly. As a 
natural consequence Arngi'im uses the phraseology 
of T. in the manner of an imitator. To him T. is a 
Ciceronian classic whom he strives to rival, but whom 
he fails to reach, because his ideal itself is an imitation 
of Latin, and thus Arngrim's native idiom asserts itself 
now and again, even where the reminiscences come 
thickest, whereby his language is rendered uneven 
throughout, but especially in the first part of the saga. 
He uses in forced senses and constructions the terms 
he admires in his original. He uses words commonly 
occurring in T. in peculiar senses of his own, entirely 
foreign to T. Where he is least fettered by his ideal, 
his language, in spite of sustained straining at the 
opposite qualities, manifests clearly that tenuity and 
absence of dignity which characterise the 14th century 
literature. Beyond the superficial resemblance of the 
style there is no ground on which Arngrim's author- 
ship of T. could be established. He cannot possibly be 
the author of the recension T. 



T. collated, 
not neces- 
sarily to 
actual, but 
to existing 

Dates of 
porary bio- 
fixed in 
order to 
make the 
more intel- 

V. Collation. 

We have already indicated in the history of Thomas 
sao-a, how various records relatino^ to Thomas of Canter- 
bury found, at various times, their way to Iceland ; most of 
them indeed at an early period. The earliest arrivals vrere, 
undoubtedly, the contemporary biographies ; later fol- 
lowed contemporary and other chroniclers. Out of these 
authorities the saga grew into its present shape, covering 
at last a period of 50 years after the death of the arch- 
bishop ; for, as it now^ stands, it terminates with the trans- 
lation and enshrinement in 1220. It is, at this time of 
day, a hopeless task to trace the successive stages of this 
growth. The only alternative left us is ,to show, how 
and where T. agrees with existing sources. But in order 
to save space we must conduct the collation on general 
lines, except in the more important and characteristic 
portions of the narrative. We must also have it under- 
stood that, in pointing out similarity to, or agreement 
wdth, this or that source, we do not thereby always indi- 
cate a direct dependence of T. on such originals. Our 
duty is fulfilled Vvdien the references to existing sources 
are given. For convenience sake the j'eferences to the 
Latin authorities are given from Canon Robertson's 
' Materials for the history of Thomas Becket,* in this 

But in order to place the collation in a clearer light, — 
having regard especially to those readers, wdio may be 
supposed to be less familiar with, or have less easy access 
to, the sources of T., — we deem it right and necessary to 
introduce it with notices on the known contemporary 
writers, the chief aim of which shall be to fix, as far as 
can be done, the date at which each respective biography 
was written. This is a matter of great importance, not 
only because it has not been done before, but because it 
is the keystone of a critical treatment of the contempo- 
rary Lives, in which, as might be expected, very numerous 

PílEFACE. Ixxi 

cases of inter-dependence are observable. Thus, speak- fiic bio- 

. . , praphers 

incr crenerally, it is quite clear that Garnier, the so-called fail into two 

° ^ . . . . main groups. 

Roger de Pontigny and Grim form a distinct group by 
themselves. In the earlier part of the story there is a 
close agreement between these three biographers, both 
as to arrangement and treatment of the subject. All 
three mention facts on which other authorities are silent, 
and, as a rule, an event mentioned by one is mentioned by 
all. All three, too, make a special point of professing their 
utmost care in making their narratives absolutely truth- 
ful. The rest of the biographers deal with the story, in 
the main, on independent grounds, when we except 
William of Canterbury, who appears here and there to 
fall in with the manner and method of the afore-named 

From evidence supplied by the contemporary bio- 
gTaphers themselves we are led to infer that they wrote 
their several contributions in about the following' 

1. Benedict of Peterborough, so styled, because i^^'isoiis for 
after having been prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, Benedict of 
from 1175, he became abbot of Peterboroiiofh in 1177, i?^^?"sii 
in which office he spent the rest of his life, ob. 1193. 
We place him the first in the series from the following 

At the end of his life Fitzstephen introduces the fol- F'tz- 

ci t ^ . T . • i T Stephens 

lowing notice : — "Sed de miraculis ejus m Anglia, sacer- evicieuce. 
" dotorum et bonoruin virorum testimonio declaratis, et 
" in capitulo Cantuariensis ecclesiæ publico recitatis, 
" codex conscriptus exstat, præter alia quæ longe lateque 
" in Gallia, in Hibernia, et ubique terrarum operatus est 
" sanctus Thomas, qui bus memoriæ commendandis defuit 
" qui scriberet." Here we have two distinct facts at- 
tested to ; first, that at this time a codex existed at Can- 
terbury containing the record of the miracles which had 
taken place in England ; secondly, that other miracles, 
chiefly foreign, were already collected, but no one had 

Ixxii niEFACE. 

been found as yet to edit them properly. They existed, 

on slips, we may infer, in the rough state of the first 

delivery from'the devout pilgrims' lips. These two points 

we have to consider separately. 

Two persons Firstly, then, we know, that only two persons, connected 

with Canter- with Canterbury, wrote " Miracles," namely, Benedict 

'3iiracies.' and William of Canterbury. One of the two must have 

been the author of the " magnus codex " in question, and it 

is easy to show that, beyond doubt, that one was Benedict. 

Benedict's Several MSS. of his miracula terminate with the fourth 

of the book of Canon Robertson's edition,^ which the learned 

contained Editor accepts as proof that orio-inally Benedict's own 

only three . . 

books. work probably terminated with that book. But we go 
boolSdded further, and say that, '' finally," it terminated with the 
authorf ^ fourtli book, whicli is manifestly a later addition, though 
by the same writer, subjoined to the preceding three 
books with a new preface, and deals with occurrences of 
later dates, embodying foreign as well as home miracles. 
This fourth book is written after 1177, as is clear from a 
iireat fire which in that year occurred at Rochester, beinof 

The miracles ' o 

of the first referred to. With the first three books the matter is 

three books ^ n i • i 

au refer to different. Here all the mn*acles, with not one excep- 

England. . . ■*- 

tion, occur in England, and, as far as they are amenable 

to chronological tests, all refer to the first year after the 

Distinction murdcr. This is the main distinction between Benedict 


Benedict's and William, who mixes up throughout Ene'lish and 

and WÚ- ^ ' ... 

liam's foreio-n, particularly Irish, miracles, with no special 

miracles. o ' i J ' ' ^ i 

regard to chronology at all. Benedict's '' miracula " 
therefore must be meant by that " codex magnus " which 
Fitzstephen mentions. 
Time of Secondly, to what time does this notice of Fitz- 

' Stephen refer, and what is it that is pointed out by the 
words, " præter alia . . . quibus memoriæ commendandis 
" defuit qui scriberet " ? In his glorification of the mul- 
tiplicity of the cures effected by the great " leech " at Can- 

Kobertson, Materials, II., xxvii. 


terbuiy, Fitzstephen makes one allusion to time which, 
though proving directly nothing, is yet not without its 
indirect importance. He says, "Leprosi septem infra 
" primum annum ibi sunt mundati." He would hardly 
have mentioned the first year only, if he had written 
several or many years after the murder ; in that case 
such an allusion would have been somewhat inane. 
But if he wrote a year or so after the murder, the ex- 
pression would be quite natural. We shall now approach 
this question more closely. 

In the epistle dedicatory by the chapter of Canterbury 
to Henry II., prefixed to the volume of miracles edited 
by William of Canterbury, the following account is ren- 
dered of that writer's labours in connection with the 
compilation of the volume : — " evolutis a passione decem 
" circiter et septem mensibus, tertia visione monitus, 
" tandem fratri qui circa hæc operam dederat a principio 
'' cooperator et coadjutor accessit. Cum enim vires ejus 
" res incepta videretur excedere, et emergentia miracula 
'' frater ille solus audire non sufficeret et scribere, . . . 
" mane vero, congregatis fratribus et conquerentibus 
" quod minus sollicita diligentia miraculis audiendis ad- 
" hiberetur ... ex decreto communi injunctum est et 
" huic partes suas interponere." The monk then, who 
had been charged, from the date of the death of the 
Archbishop, with taking down stories of miracles brought 
by arriving pilgrims, had been able, for seventeen months, 
alone to discharge this duty ; but from that point of time 
the multiplicity of the miracles rendered a coadjutor 
necessary, and for that post William was chosen, who 
then steps in the appointed editor of the miracles. This 
becomes still clearer from his preface to his own Life 
of Thomas : " Vivensque in cœlo nihilominus servo suo 
*' tenetur ex promisso. Nam cum miracula ejus, quæ in 
" schedulis occultabat incorrecta et imperfecta, rogaretur 
" a fratribus exponere transcribenda, ait ei, &;c." A col- 
lection of miracles, therefore, jotted down on slips of 


parchment, had been aceamulated, and this accumulation 
William was appointed, in July 1172, to reduce to a 
properly edited whole. It is evident that Fitzstephen's, 
" præter alia, quæ longe lateque in Gallia, in Hibernia, 
" et ubique terrarum operatus est sanctus Thomas," 
can refer to nothing but to that, which is meant by 
William's " miracula quæ in schedulis occultabat in- 
" correcta et imperfecta." Equally clear is it that Fitz- 
stephen's " quibus memoriæ commendandis defuit qui 
scriberet," resolves itself, at a later moment, into the in- 
junction of the chapter, " injunctum est et huic partes 
" suas interponere," and William's "... rogaretur a 
" fratribus exponere transcribenda." It then follows, that 
Benedict's miracles, in their original shape, were written 
before Fitzstephen wrote ; that he wrote before seventeen 
months had elapsed from the murder ; and further that, 
fr-om that date, WiUiam begins to edit the book of 
miracles which goes by his name. 
Another We are able to adduce another, and an important evi- 

timeof dence in suj)port of the early date to which we assign the 
' compilation of Benedict's " Miracula." As paragraph LII. 
of that work he introduces a letter written to him by 
Robert of Cricklade, prior of St. Frideswide's, Oxford, 
wherein the latter sets forth, how he was cured by the 
water of St. Thomas of a hurt in his leg received by an 
accident out in Sicily. Robert begins his letter by stating 
that he had come by the mishap, " præteritis jam ferme 
" duodecim nnnis aut eo amplius ^ ;" and by the Icelandic 
translation, which proceeds from a fuller original than 
that which is preserved in the now extant MSS. of 
Benedict, we are informed that he was out in Italy on 
an errand which he would rather not mention publicly. 
What this errand was we learn from the " Register" 
of St. Frideswide's, preserved in the library of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, No. clx., which contains, among 

' Mat., II. 97. 


other documents relating to that priory (p. 23G), a con- 
firmation by Pope Hadrian IV. of its privileges and 
properties.^ The document is a most minute list of all 
things belonging to the institution, evidently framed by 
one thoroughly acquainted with the matter even to the 
utmost detail; that is, indeed, by the prior himself. 
After the heading, "Confirmatio Adriani Papæ," it 
begins : " Adrianus episcopus dilectis filiis, Roberto 
" priori ecclesiæ Sanctæ Frideswidæ de Oxonia," &;c. 
Though not included in the editions of the privilegia 
of this pope, nor mentioned by Jaffe in his Regesta 
Pontificum Romanorum, there is no reason to doubt 
its authenticity. The business, on which Prior Robert 
was out in Italy was, therefore, to obtain papal con- 
firmation of the privileges of St. Frideswide's. Now 
Pope Hadrian IV. reigned 1154-59. Prior Robert 
could therefore not have obtained from him this con- 
firmation later than the year 1158-59. Writing, as he 
himself says, 12 years or more afterwards, fixes the date 
of his letter to Benedict, and, at the same time, of 
Benedict's Miracula, to the year 1171-72 ; which tallies 
exactly with the conclusion we have come to from 
Fitzstephen s evidence. 

Thus, then, we have a certain date ascertained for the Benedict's 
compilation of the miracles. But Benedict wrote a 
passion too, and, according to the opinion of some scho- 
lars, a " Life " as well. As to this latter point T. states 
expressly, that he wrote " many and beautiful things of 
" the laudable life, departure (passion), and miracles of 
'* the archbishop."- No doubt this statement is a faithful contem- 
reproduction of a contemporary original, yet other con- TmS ^^^* 
temporary authorities gainsay it. Roger de Pontigny iuuini 
mentions that, when he wrote, Benedict, then a prior of life of 
Canterbury, had only written " de his quibus post mor- 

1 Dugdale, ed. Caley, &c., vol. ] - T., II., 44. 
ii., 147. I 


" tern Dominus sanctum suum mirificavit."^ Grim, how- 
ever, also writing at the time, says, that he wrote both 
" martyrium and miracula." ^ Neither authority knows 
anything of his having written a Life of the Archbishop. 
A later, yet contemporary, author, Elias of Evesham, 
states distinctly : " Benedictus enim abbas Burgi de fine 
" tantum et de his quæ post finem contigerant, scripsit.'^ " 
These authorities seem also borne out by the fact, that 
Benedict's work is first laid under contribution by the 
compiler of the Quadrilognis, when the story comes to 
deal with the events which were immediately connected 
The value with the murder. None of these authorities, however, were 
evidence, dh^ectly connected with Canterbury. None of them knew 
either a Life which certainly was in existence when they 
Avi'ote, namely Fitzstephen's, Elias of Evesham not even 
the Life by Grim, which makes us hesitate to take 
their evidence as conclusive. Now, in a passage, derived 
Probability from Benedict's passion and inserted in the Quadrilogus 
ins written prior, wc read : " In finibus enim transmarinis adhuc 

a Life of ^ \ 

the^Arch- <' positus, duobus abbatibus, Pontiniaci scilicet et Yallis 
" Lucentis, sicut irrœscvipsimus, passurum se esse mar- 
" tyrium et in ecclesia occidendum manifeste prædix- 
" erat."^ It is supposed that the words, ''sicut præ- 
" scripsimus," are inserted by the compiler of the Quad- 
rilogus. It is possible that such may be the case, though 
we should not have expected him to express himself 
so personally ; sicut antea scriptum est, or some such 
neutral statement, would have been more natural, and 
more true. Besides, the compiler is very careful not to 
add anything of his own. But granting that the words 
are due to the compiler of the Quadrilogus, we have be- 
fore us a sentence which does not yet seem quite natural. 
At the time, when Benedict wrote, there probably was as 
yet no Life of Thomas in existence. But this notice 

1 Mat., IV. 2. I s Mat., IV. 425. 

- Mat., II. 448. I ^ Matt., II. 12 ; IV. 395. 


baldly introducing two unknown abbots, to whom the 
Archbishop foretold his death, obviously has its reason 
d'etre in the supposition, that the reader was familiar with 
the real background of the prediction, the very vision by 
which it was caused, and from which it derived its true 
significance. This familiarity, on the part of the reader, 
could not be presumed by the writer, unless he knew 
that a Life, containing the story of the vision, was in 
circulation, which it was certainl}^ not at the time, the 
two authors who mention it, William of Canterbury and 
Herbert of Bosham, both writing later than Benedict ; 
or else, bore in his mind that he had set it forth in 
writing himself, which means, that he had written a 
life of Thomas. 

In the Icelandic saga only two authors of Lives of 
Thomas are mentioned by name, namely, Benedict and 
Robert of Cricklade. The more we examine that saga, 
the more we are inclined to the opinion, that some con- 
fusion in the names of these two authors may have 
taken place. It seems, for instance, somewhat strange, 
that an inmate of St. Frideswide's, Oxford, should have 
been so familiar with the personal relations between 
archdeacon Thomas and archbishop Theobald, as the 
passage betrays which in T. (I., 36) is ascribed to prior 
Robert. The same observation also applies to the notice 
of the secret purpose which guided archbishop Theobald 
in introducing his archdeacon to king Henry (T. L, 
44-46), and to the description given of the first cause 
of the dissent, which is peculiar to the Icelandic saga, 
yet, ,as we show in the collation, probably the most 
coiTect, of all the accounts given of that matter in the 
contemporary Lives (T. I., 138). In all these points 
the author betrays personal acquaintance with the actors, 
and special insight into the secrets of the archiepiscopal 
entourage. These, not to mention others, are matters 
on which we might expect an inmate of Canterbury to 
speak with that certainty which T. betrays ; but which 

K541. f 



we could hardly expect an Oxonian, collecting biographical 
material after the Archbishop's death second hand, to have 
written about so positively. We cannot withhold the 
opinion that in T. the subject-matter must be chiefly 
divided between Benedict and Robert of Cricklade, and 
that by some confusion on the part of the Icelanders 
they ascribed to the latter what was really due to the 
pen of the former. So much is certain, that the contri- 
butions of both authors were among the earliest impor- 
tations to Iceland of Thomas literature, and that the 
miracles written by these authors were fused together 
perhaps as early as A.D. 1200. 
Fitzstephen. 2. WiLLiAM FiTZSTEPHEN (filius Stephani) was One of 
the trusted and confidential servants of Thomas, both as 
chancellor and Archbishop. He describes his relations 
to him in these words : — " Ipsius boni archipræsulis et 
martyris Thomæ vitam et passionem ego Willelmus, 
filius Stephani, scribere curavi : ejusdem domini mei 
concivis, clericus, et convictor ; et ad partem sollicitu- 
dinis ejus oris ipsius invitatus alloquio, fai in can- 
cellaria ejus dictator; in capella, eo celebrante, sub- 
diaconus ; sedente eo ad cognitionem causarum, 
epistolarum et instrumentorum quæ offerebantur lec- 
tor, et aliquarum, eo quandoque jubente, causarum 
patronus. Concilio Northamptoniæ habito, ubi maxi- 
mum fuit rerum momentum, cum ipso interfui ; 
passionem ejus Cantuariæ inspexi ; cætera plurima, 
quæ hie scribuntur, oculis vidi, auribus audivi ; quæ- 
dam a consciis didici relatoribus." ^ He was one of 
the three who, out of all the followers of the Archbishop, 
did not fly away panic-stricken from him in his last 
The.«iateof moments.^ His Life of the Archbishop which, as we 
have proved already, was written within seventeen months 
after the death of the latter, is one of the most valuable 
contributions to the literature on the murdered prelate, 

1 Mat., III. 1-2. 

2 Mat. ib. 139. 


and shows the author to have been really superior to 
the other writers in the true instincts of a biogi'aphical 
chronicler. It is a remarkable fact, that his life, quite 
as favourable to the Archbishop as any of the rest, and 
quite as unfavourable to the King, should not be referred 
to by any contemporary biographer, nor Fitzstephen's 
name be even mentioned once. 

To this day this has been a puzzle to the historians I'l^o^abie 

•^ ^ reasons why 

of Thomas. It has been sugo-ested, that the reason of^is,^®^\8 

oo ' unknown to 

this silence might be, that Fitzstephen had offended the comem- 

o r poraries. 

partisans of the Archbishop, by taking too lukewarm an 
interest in the cause of the church. But after their 
hero's death nothing could have been more welcome to a 
party so offended than Fitzstephen's thorough-going and 
unmistakeably whole-hearted glorification of him. 

In our opinion this silence is to be accounted for by a 
different theory. The obvious suggestion is, that the 
contemporary writers did not know of the existence of 
this Life ; that its author had his own reasons for not 
allowing it to pass into public circulation, until the 
time had passed, within which the contemporary Lives 
were written. It was composed at a time, when the 
passions of both parties ran at their highest, and by 
an author, who was so peculiarly circumstanced, that 
the publication of it would certainly be detrimental, if 
not altogether fatal, to his personal interests. He shows 
himself to have been a polished man of the world, and 
an easy courtier. He, an official of the Chancery and 
an avowed partisan of the archbishop, succeeded by a 
scholarly addi'ess to king Henry, besides other means, 
no doubt, to 'purchase peace and grace for himself at 
a time, when the rest of the archbishop's friends were 
persecuted and banished without mercy. Now Fitz- 
stephen is identified by a very learned authoiity with a 
person of that name who, in the first year after the murder, 
was appointed sheriff of Gloucestershire, and afterwards 
acted as judge itinerant, probably to his death, which 

f 2 



John of 

His friend- 
ship with 
and rela- 
tions to 
Thou as. 

"Why he is 
placed the 
third in the 

is stated to have occurred in 1191.^ In such circum- 
stances reasons of common prudence would naturall}^ 
suggest to the author the risk he might run of giving 
offence in high quarters by allowing the biography to 
be published. What more natural then, than that 
during king Henry II.'s lifetime (till 1189) he should 
have withheld it from publication ? If so, it could not 
have been known to any of the other biographers, the 
last of whom, Herbert, finished his Life in 1186-87. 

3. JoHX OF Salisbury, bishop of Chartres 1176- 
1180, universally regarded by his contemporaries as 
the most eminent English man of letters of the time, 
studied in France under Abelard and other famous 
teachers and, returning to England, became secretary 
to archbishop Theobald of Canterbury. On Thomas's 
entering the service of that prelate, an attachment was 
formed between him and the secretary, which lasted to 
the former's hour of death unbroken, although John of 
Salisbury did not hesitate, on given occasion, frankly 
to remonstrate with him on his wilful impetuosity and 
want of tact,- or to warn him against unwholesome 
studies in ecclesiastical law."^ We place this author the 
third in the series, because Hoger de Pontigny, in the 
preface to his Life, mentions him, beside Benedict as, 
apparently, the only other author he knew of a Life of' 
Thomas : — " porro aliqua de beati viri vita et actibus 
" pretiosæque mortis ejus triumpho vir illustris Johannes 
" Saresberiensis claro quidem et fideli, sed admodum 
" succincto edidit eloquio."-:^ Not only is the author 
not yet a bishop, but Benedict is prior of Canterbur}^ 
at the time : — " De his autem quibus post moixem 
" Dominus sanctum suum mirificavit, vir venerabilis 
*' Benedictus, Cantuariensis ecclesiæ prior, copiosam 

» E. Foss., Judges of England, 
Biogr. Jurid. p. 270. 
- Benedict, Mat., II. 9. 

^ Ep. 138, J oh. Sarisb. opera, 
ed. Giles, vol. i. p. 196. 
4 Mat., IV. 2. 


" texuit relationem." ^ John of Salisbury having been 
appointed bishop in 1176 and Benedict prior of Can- 
terbury in 1175, it follows, that John of Salisbuiy could 
not have written his " succinctum eloquium " later than 
1175-76. When he wrote, he himself states, however, 
that many and voluminous writings on the subject were 
already in existence : — ''■ nam gestorum ejus seriem nosse 
" si cui forte in voto est, a magnis, quæ ah illo et de 
" illo scripta sunt, voluminibus erit mutuanda."^ It is The brevity 

■^ . . .01 his narra- 

noticeable that this author's brevity gave a certain ti^e dis- 

•^ ^ appointed 

umbraöje to his contemporaries. Thus Roo-er de Pon- thecontem- 

^ ^ ° ^ poranes, 

tigny, who undoubtedly reflects general opinion on the 
subject, says, continuing the above quotation, " in quo, 
" etsi devotioni fidelium plurimum profuit, ad plenum 
" tarn en minime satisfecit, compendiario (ut ipse asserit) 
" utens sermone, ne ilia scilicet quæ tunc temporis 
" notissima et vulgata habebantur diffusius et expres- 
" sius prosequens, non tarn necessarius quam superfluus 
'' videretur. Sane si hoc eidem Johanni facere placu- 
" isset, nullus proculdubio utilius vel melius illo id 
" efficere potuisset, cui et dicendi facultas erat incom- 
" parabilis, et rerum gestarum certissima inerat no- 
" titia."^ 

4. Edward Grim was a secular clerk of Cambridge, Edward 
who happened to be on a visit to Canterbury at the p^^nt at 
time of the murder,^ and was the only person present on * ^ ^^^ ^^' 
the occasion who made any show of manly courage, with 
the exception of the Archbishop himself. In warding 
ofl the first blow aimed at the Archbishop he had his 
arm severely wounded. His Life, which bears strong His Ufe 
resemblance to those of Garnier and Roger de Pontig-ny, that of Gar- 
was finished after Benedict's promotion to the priorate of Roger de 
Christ Church, as we learn from a story he tells at the Date of ' * 


1 ]yiat. VI. 2. 1 Cantcrbun's having left written 

o -., XT -,^^ mi • • xi- 1 1 memoirs of his own life. 

2 Mat., II. 302. This is the only j 3 ^^^^^ ^^ ^ 

mention we know of Thomas of 4 ^^^^ m ^ 139^ 49g^ .529-30. 

Ixxxii PEEFACE. 

end of his biography,^ setting forth how, through 
Thomas's intercession, in a dream Benedict, who had 
fallen into disfavour at court, was restored to royal 
grace. In this story Benedict is thus referred to : — 
" antequam prioratum Cantuariæ suscepisset, dominus 
" Benedictus offensam regis incurrit ;" and again, — " igi- 
" tur, ut prior aflfuit, exponitur visio ; " and further, — 
" beatus igitur Thomas, cujus martyrium et miracula 
" vir iste de quo loquimur eleganti stylo transmisit ad 
" posteros/'^ The nature of the story would require that 
Grim should have alluded to Benedict as abbot of Peter- 
borough, if he really was so at the time, when this was 
written ; but the fact that no allusion is made to him as 
such, is a negative proof of Grim's having composed his 
life during Benedict's priorate of Christchurch, that is, 
before 1177. That he composed it after 1174 is evident 
from the manner in which he alludes to king Henry's 
penance at the martyr's tomb in that year.^ The date of 
this life, therefore, must be between 1175-1177. When 
^ , ^ , Herbert wrote his " Catalo2:us eruditorum Thomæ," in 

Died before ° 

1186-87. 1186-87, he mentions Grim as "jam a rebus humanis 
" exemptus."^ 

Of his manner as editor Grim, stronsfly remindinpf of 

Hiseditorial ^ . „ . ^. "^ . . ® 

procedure. Gamier, makes the profession : — '* Pie igitur parere 
cupientes quorundam devotioni, . . . quæ ad nos- 
tram pervenere notitiam, illorum scilicet relatu, qui 
viventi familiarius adhæserunt, vel nos ipsi perspexi- 
mus, ipsius de quo loquimur patrocinantibus mentis 
stilo perstringere satagemus, præmonentes lectorem, 
minime consonare veritati quicquid hinc alii vel scrip- 
serunt vel scrip turi sunt, quod huic narrationi nostræ 
probe tur esse contrarium."^ 
Roger de 5. RoGER DE PoNTiGNY. — By this name we quote 

"Anonyiius the life, which Canon Bobertson, on ^'rounds of insuffi- 

I." Identity ' =■ 

xincertain. ~ 

1 Mat., II. 448. 

2 ikiat., II. 448-449. 

3 Mat., II. 447. 

4 Mat., III. 530. 
s Mat., II. 355. 




cient identification of the author, ascribes to " Anonymus 
" I." The author professes to have ministered to the 
archbishop during his exile, and to have been ordained 
by him.^ In Thomas of Froimont's composite life of 
the Archbishop, a monk, named Roger, is stated to have 
been the holy man's minister, while an exile for Christ 
at Pontigny.^ This is all the evidence on which the 
identification of the author, as Roger de Pontiguy, 
rests. But this Life having for a long time been quoted 
in the name of this author, we do it also, more for the 
sake of convenience than from conviction. That he Probably 
was at Pontigny, when the archbishop was there, is with Pon- 
certain ; that he was of Pontigny, not unlikely. In de- 
scribing the archbishop's arrival at that monastery the 
author speaks of the joy of the monks, as if he were 
not one of their number at the time.^ Afterwards, 
speaking from the point of time when he was writing 
the Life, he refers to them as his brethren, which 
would seem to mean that then he was a member of 
their brotherhood.* 

It may be noticed, that in Thomas Froymont's com- Hisnation- 
posite Life of the Archbishop there are several passages 
introduced under the name of ' Rogerus,' ^ doubtless the 
same person as the author with whom we are dealing, 
and among these occurs one, describing the Archbishop's 
dislodgment from Pontigny, in a much more circum- 

1 Mat., IV. 2. 

2 Giles. S. Thorn. Cant., II. 52. 

3 Mat., IV. 64. Pontiniacences 
vero de adventu tanti hospitis supra 
modum gavisi sunt, gratias agentes 
ei quod ad eos declinasset, maxime 
autem domino papæ, qui eos tanto 
hospite honorari dignatus fuerit. 

4 Mat., IV. 64 : Ipse vero vir re- 
verendissimus, quam sancte, quam 
religiose, se ibidem habuerit referre 
supersedemus, ne et fratribus nos- 
tris notam (nota) ingeramus, et 
brevitatis metas excedamus. We 

doubt not that " nota," well known 
matters, is the right reading ; " no- 
tam,'* a stamp of discredit, is out 
of question. The " am " in notam 
is evidently a reflex of " am " in 
** ingeramus." 

5 Anecdota Bedae. Ed. J. A. 
Giles, London. 1851, pp. 248-263. 
In ascribing this compilation to 
Thomas Froymont, and not to Philip 
of Liege, as Dr. Giles has done, I 
follow the authority of Canon Ro- 
bertson, Mat., IV., xi., footnote '-. 

Ixxxiv PREFACE. 

stantial manner than is the case with any other biogra- 
pher referring to that subject. This, too, might, perhaps, 
serve as an evidence of probability of his being a 
monk of Pontigny. But besides this there are also 
passages in this Life which would seem to prove him 
to have been a foreigner. In describing the first cause 
of dissent between king and archbishop, he introduces 
the subject in the following manner : — " Erat consuetudo 
" in partibus illis, ut rex, ad abundantiorem cautelam 
" et custodian! regni sui, per singulos comitatus regni 
" vicecomitem unum de fidelibus suis constitueret ; con- 
" sueverantque comites et barones eidem vicecomiti, 
" regio videlicet ministro, duos solidos de singulis di- 
" mensionibus terræ suæ, quas patrio nomine hydas 
" vocant, annuatim ab hominibus suis facere dari, &c." ^ 
It is difficult to see, how a native Englishman could 
write in this way, unless, indeed, we suppose he was 
living abroad, and was writing for foreigners from a 
foreigner's standpoint. But even this supposition meets 
a .strong check in the fact, that the source of the pas- 
sage just quoted is apparently Garnier : — 

" Kar en Engleterre ad une kustume mise, 

" Ke I'Aide al Yeskunte est par les kuntez prise, 

" Si est par dubles soud par les hides assise, fcc./'^ 

where the author of the Latin life paraphrases Engle- 
terre by "partibus illis," and sees necessar}^ to explain 
that " hides " was a thing so called " patrio nomine.'* 
In one instance, it would seem, he inadvertently made a 
French slip in his Latin, giving the adjective of Lon- 
doniæ, which is his form of the name, the form Lun- 
drensis for London iensis.^ Not that we urge it as a 
strong point, because the passage is evidently a trans- 
lation from Garnier, whose " Lundreis " "* might have 
been the cause of the slip. 

1 Mat., IV. 23. I 3 Mat., IV. 8. 

2 Gamier, p. 30. | 4 Garnier, p. 9, last stanza. 



The only wi'iters on Thomas of Oanterbiu'v known to i>ate of his 

. life. 

the author are John of Salisbury, whom he mentions as 
" vir illustris," not as '' episcopus Carnotensis," and " vir 
'' venerabilis Benedictus Cantuariensis ecclesiæ prior,^ " 
which fixes the date of his Life to the year 1175-76. 

In agreement with Garnier, this author thus renders 
an account of his editorial procedure : " . . . nihil om- 
" nino inserentes nisi quod vel ipsi vidimus et audivimus,' 
" vel certissima ac fidelissima eorum qui interfuerunt 
" relatione cognovimus.- 

6. WiLLiA^r OF Caxtfrbury was a monk of Christ- wiiiiam of 
church, which society he entered during the Archbishop's 
exile.'^ On his return home the Archbishop ordained him, 
alone out of the number of those who had entered the 
monastery during his absence, deacon.* He was present 
at the scene of the murder up to the moment, when 
Fitzurse cried out : " Strike I " at which word he frankly 
confesses : — " Ego qui loquor, arbitrans me giadio pariter 
" ])ercutiendum, tanquam peccatoi'um conscius et minus 
" idoneus martyrio, celeii tergiversatione gradus ascendi 
" complodens manus."^ 

William wrote both a volume of miracles and a Life of Wrote both 
the archbishop. We have shown already that he beo-an and a Life 

-. ,• Í. ;i . 1 • ii .^ . .E^ a Of Thomas. 

the redaction 01 the miracles m the summer oi 11/2.*" Date of the 
But when he finished the work is more difficult to prove, nate of the 
It stands to reason, that too long a time should not have 
been spent in compiling a work, for which a vast popula- 
I'ity could be counted upon, especially, too, when it is 
borne in mind, that the king himself, most probably on 
the occasion of his penitential visit to Canterbury, 1174, 
had requested the chapter to supply him with the work 
when done.^ The mention by the chapter, in its epistle 

1 Mat., IV. 2. 

2 lb. 

3 Mat., I. 119. 

* Mat., 1. c. cfr. ib., p. 2. 

* Mat, ib. 133, 134. 
^ Above, p. Ixxiii-iv. 

" Hujus rei gratia dilectum fra- 
trem nostrum Giiillelmum, cum 
libello cui per aliquod tempus invi- 
gilavit, sicut postulastis, ad cclsi- 
tudiuem clementiœ vestræ trans- 
mittimus. Mat. I., 138. 

Ixxxvi PREFACE. 

dedicatoiy to the king, of the appointment of TTilliam to 
the editorship seventeen months after the death of the 
archbishop, indicates that between that date and the 
dedication no long period of time could have intervened 
After a long period not months, but yeai^s.. are referred to. 
Few events, which can be brought within chronological 
control, are of any date later than 1175 ; ^ and two years 
and a half seems a reasonable time for the redaction of 
the contents of the volume to have been got over. John 
of Salisbuiy is not refeiTed to as bishop of Chartres, 
and Benedict of Peterlx)rough seems to be alluded to as 
just appointed prior of Christchurch, on the translation of 
prior Odo to the abbey of Battle,- an allusion which canies 
with it an additional weight by being introduced just at 
the end of the volume. To judge fi'om the contents of 
the work we should suppose that, either the chapter 
themselves were not intimately familiar with them, or, 
that they presumed the king would not trouble himself 
with a close study of them, for it is not a book of pane- 
Seems, from gyrics ou the king's doings, least of all on his Irish war, in 
sympathies, the Condemnation of which William, it seems to us, dis- 
an Irishman, plays a feeling full of patriotic ardoiu', and sometimes ex- 
pressed in a manner which strikes us as eminently Irish : 
in illustration of which we may adduce one example : — 
'" Fili Hugords Roberte, nobilis Angliæ, hostile invasion e. 
" vexaveras Hyl^eiTiiam, sed rediens ab expeditione dolore 
'•' capitis peracuto vexabaris, adeoutetiam sphitus exha- 
'' latione fusum Hybemiensium sanguinem luisses, nisi 
" maiip'is sanguinem in doloris remedium tibi sump- 
" sisses in potum." ^ If William, who certainly seems to 
have been a foreigner, was not an Irishman, he was one 
of strangely ardent Irish sympathies, one who evidently 

1 "We are aware that occurrences of question that it could have taken 

are mentioned which may even be the compiler from 10 to 12 years 

referred to dates as late as 1182 or 'to complete it. 

even, perhaps, 1184. Bm knowing - Mat., I. 542. 

when the work was begun, it is out ^ ^lat.. I. 507. 


took care to have Ireland strongly represented in the 
miracles, and who was not afraid to condemn an affair 
which had the sanction and blessing even of the pope 

His Life of the saint was wiitten, if not after the 
miracles were finished, certainly after the redaction 
of them was taken in hand, as the preface to it makes 
clear : — " . . . nam cum miracula ejus quæ in schedulis 
" occultabat incor recta et imperfecta, rogaretur a fratribus 
" exponere transcribenda, ait ei in visu noctis, * Elige 
" ' tibi quod vis.' Hac audita voce misericordiam in se 
" martyris intellexit volentis laborem suum, quem ipso 
" præmonente subierat, imo donum proprium remune- 
" rare." At what particular time it may have been 
finished, we have no means of settling. But we 
may reasonably suppose that it was shortly after the 
miracles, or, about 1176. 

7. Garnier de Pont Sainte Maxence. — This Picard Gamier, 
poet wrote first a summary of the life of Thomas, appa- wrote a Life 
rently immediately after the murder, in the first fervour Soien from 
of the deep agitation which the great misdeed at Canter- ""^' 
bury created, copies of which, through the dishonesty of 
a scribe, found their way into public circulation : — 

*' Més eel primer romaunz m'unt ecrivein emble, 
" Ainceis ke jo l'éusse parfet et amende 
'* Et Tamer et le duz adulci et tempre."^ 

But finding, on further inquiry, that his work was incom- ami then 
plete, and inexact, he went to Canterbury, in 1172, to on another 

i/»T 1 ji«i». -1 more full 

gather iresh and more trustworthy information on the and accu- 


subject, with a view to embodying in his recast poem 
everything that was of a corrective and complementary 
nature. To this end he selected his informants only 
from among eye-witnesses and those who had been longest 
on terms of familiarity with the murdered prelate, prin- 

' Migne,Patrologia,tom. ccclvi,, j ^ Gamier, p. 6. 
cols. 1441w42. 

Ixxxviii PREFACE. 

cipal among whom were the archbishop's sister Mary, who 
became abbess of Barking in 1173, and the prior and the 
monks of Canterbury. After four years' labour he had, 
in 1176, finished what he calls his ''Sermun/' consisting 
of no less than 5,835 lines, written in 1167 five-line 
stanzas of the '• laisses monorimes " type. As he went 
on with the poem he was in the habit of reading it out 
to visiting pilgrims at the martyr's tomb ; such, at least, 
we take it, must be the real meaning of the opening 
stanza of his epilogue : — 

" Guarniers li clers del Punt fine-ci sun Sermun 
" Del martir saint Thomas et de sa passiun, 
" Et meinte feiz le list a la tumbe al barun. 
" Ci n'a mis un sul mot, se la verite non." ^ 
Hisedito- The author's manner of proceedino- with his conscien- 

rial pro- . t'itíit i 

cedure. tious and, in the Becket literature, perhaps, on the whole 
the most important, work, is best described in his own 
words : — 

" Se vuleiz escuter la vie al saint martyr, 

" Ci la purreiz par mei plenerement oir. 

" N'i voil rien trespasser, ne rien n'i voil mentir. 

" Quatre aunz i ai bien mis, al fere et al furnir, 

" D'oster et de remettre poi la peine sofi'rir. 
*' Primes treitai dejoie, et suvent i menti; 

" A Cantorbire alai ; la verite oi ; 

" Des amis saint Thomas la verite cuilli, 

" Et de eels ki I'aveient des I'enfance servi. 

" D'oster et de remettre le travail en sufiri.^ 
" L'an secund que li Sainz fu en I'iglise ocis 

" Commenchai cest roman, et mult m'en entremis ; 

'' Des privez saint Thomas la verite apris ; 

" Meinte fez en ostai co que jo ains escris 

'' Pur oster la men5unge, et al quart, fin i mis."^ 

We quote Garnier from C. Hippeau's edition, 8°, Paris, 

1 Gamier, p. 205. I -^ lb. p. 206. 

2Ib., p. 6. 


8. Alan of Tewkesbuey was an Englishman who, Aian. 
after having been for some time a canon of Benevento, 
returned to England in 1174, and became prior of Christ- 
church in 1179. Some ten years later he was transferred 
to the abbey of Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire, of which 
he remained the head till his death in 1202. His life is His Life a 


professedly an amplification of, and a supplement to, John g^ilsim-^'s 
of Salisbury's narative, and comprises the time and 
events from the date of the Council of Clarendon to the 
ineffective peace-meeting at Montmirail, January 25, 
1164 — Jan. 6th, 1169. It was meant by the author to 
be an introduction to the large collection of letters 
relating to the Archbishop's history, which he brought 
together, and arranged, and was not written until that 
arrangement was accomplished, as may be gathered from 
his preface : — '* cætera suis in locis epistolæ ipsæ plenius 
" prosequuntur." ^ Alan's labours were finished within its date. 
John of Salisbury's life- time, since he alludes to the latter 
as episcopus Carnotensis, without adding beatæ memo- 
riae, or the like ; and as John was bishop of Chartres 
1176-1180, Alan's work must have been finished within 
the period of those four years. His Life distinguishes Thespeeches 

PIT* T ' 1 ^ inserted 

itseli from the rest oi the biographies by the many by him •, 
speeches it contains, which are remarkable for relevancy, 
conciseness and point. It is not known that the author 
ever was personally acquainted with the Archbishop or 
present at any of the scenes he describes ; this has been 
taken as derogatory to the authenticity of the speeches 
and the historical value of Alan's work. If he was him- their 
self the first to collect these speeches, there seem to be ' 
obvious reasons, why care should have been taken to have 
them unimpeachably accurate. He was himself, accord- 
ing to contemporary testimony, a man of very high 
character. Most, if not all, of the speakers, many of 
whom would be certain to read his work, were alive 

1 Mat., II. 323. Cfr. also 351 : Hæc itaque iccirco hie posuimus, &c. 


when he wrote. In collecting the letters he was neces- 
sarily obliged to correspond with those in whose posses- 
sion they were, and might thus be reasonably supposed 
to have asked them for abstracts of their speeches on 
given occasions. But this does not account for all the 
speeches. We have already (above p. li) referred to 
the fragment of the earl of Arundel's speech preserved 
in T. (II., 268,24-33), to which nothing corresponds in Alan, 
of which, therefore, his Life could not have preserved the 
original ; and yet that fragment is just as remarkable, 
as any of the speeches introduced by Alan, for their dis- 
Aiatinottiie tinö'uishinsf o ualities. This ö'oes far to prove, that Alan 

author of , . ,« , , % ■. , . , 

the speeches, himseli was not the author 01 the speeches, certainly not 

of which , , 

there pro- of that spcech. But it Doints another way as well. It 

bably . . . 

existed a secms to US to indicate, that there existed, before Alan 

collection n • p • o i i i* i 

from an wrote, a collection of mmutes of speeches delivered by 

earlier date, •in i«in« -, 

the actors m the drama, which collection was drawn 
upon by him for the period he took in hand to record. 
That there were two renderings of the speech of the 
earl of Arundel -^ is clear ; or, if there was only one, 
then Alan did not copy it out to the end, but someone 
else did, and his work got to Iceland before Alan's report 
of the speech was known there, the fragment alluded to 
being contained in the oldest recension known of the 
saga, but Alan's rendering being preserved in T. 1. 282-84. 
Nothing is more likely than that the Archbishop should 
have taken care to have minutes taken of speeches, as 
well as of other proceedings, in the affairs he had on hand, 
to which, according as events unfolded themselves. Perhaps we are 
bab/^john here on the track to those " magna, quæ ah illo scripta 
alludes. "^ " sunt, volumina '' to which John of Salisbury alludes, 
as left behind by the Archbishop. Perhaps, too, we 
have, in this theory, the clue to the fact, that the Ice- 
landic saga abounds in verbatim reports of speeches 
beyond any other life of Thomas. 

1 Alan, Mat., II. 339-340. 


9. Herbert of Bosham, the son of an Englishman Herbert, 
who afterwards entered the church was, from the time His reia- 

' ^ , tions to the 

of Thomas's promotion to the archbishopric, his con- archbishop, 
stant attendant, secretary, instructor in holy scripture, 
and confidential agent. It would appear, that the Arch- 
bishop placed more reliance in the judgment of Herbert, 
than in that of any other of his servants, as according to 
Herbert's own account he was not only appointed the 
archbishop's spiritual adviser, but a sort of guardian of 
his fame as well, whose business it was to ascertain, how 
public opinion expressed itself on his master's proceed- 
ings. In many of the Archbishop's letters the pen of 
Herbert has left unmistakeable traces. He wrote a Life His Life of 
of the Archbishop in six books (tomi), which, for bad bishop.^' 
literary taste, irrelevancy and vanity, stands perhaps 
unrivalled in English literature, and yet is a very valu- 
able contribution to the Thomas cycle of writings for 
the historical matter it contains, the author having had 
all through exceptional facilities for knowing the truth. 
To the life he added, as a seventh book, a "cataloerus His"cata- 

. logus erudi- 

" eruditorum Thomæ " which, though short, is in taste the torum 

° . Thomæ." 

best thing he wrote relating to his master. This he fol- 
lowed up with the supremely prolix and prosy Liber 
Melorum (Book of Songs), the subject of which is a Liber 
comparison of Thomas, " martyr miles," to the Saviour, 
*' Christus imperator," interlarded with some historical 
matter relating to the ' gesta post martyrium.' A homily 
on Thomas and a copy of the customs of Clarendon com- 
plete this author's opera relating to Thomas of Canter- 
bury. Herbert's Life was begun, apparently, in 1184, as The date of 
may be inferred from a notice in its early part : — "... 
'* præsertim cum a viri hujus, de hoc mundo excessu jam 
" quartus decimus annus sit, quo scribo hæc." -^ He was 
still engaged on the work after (Aug. 19th) 1186, when 
he mentions the death of king Henry's son Geoffrey.'^ 

» Mat., III. 192. I 2 Mat, ib. 461. 


But that he had finished it before the death of Henry II. 
1189, although, as the work now stands, the king's death 
is mentioned in immediate connexion with that of his 
son,^ is obvious from the evidence of the Catalogus eru- 
ditorum, the last portion of the Life, where the author 
refers to Pope Urban III, ob. 20th Oct., 1187, as "hodie 
" totius ecclesiæ rector." The passage relating to Henr^^ 
II.'s death, therefore, must be, as Canon Robertson has 
suggested,^ a later interpolation, and the Life must thus 
have been finished between August 19th, 1180, and 
October 20th, 1187. 

crickíídÍ 10. Robert of Cricklade. We enter this writer the 
last in the catena of the contemporary authors, not be- 
cause we think he wrote last of them, but because we 
have no means of ascertaining when he wrote. This is 
the author to whom the saga refers as its chief authority 
so frequently under the name of prior Robert of Cretel. 
That Cretel is a corrupt abbreviation of Crecelade, by 
which form Cricklade is also found designated in Latin 
writings, admits of no doubt ; for the letter which Rob. 
addressed to Benedict, on the healing of his suppu- 
rated leg by Thomas's water,'^ is preserved in T., and 
there ascribed to the same prior Robert who elsewhere is 
called prior Robert of Cretel.^ 

His career This Writer, otherwise known by the name of Rober- 
" tus Canutus, is said by Leland to have been born at 
Cricklade, to have been educated there and afterwards 
in Oxford, where he joined the fraternity of St. Frides- 
wide. His studies, it would seem, were chiefly directed 
towards natural history and theology. Among his 
writings Pits mentions " Deflorationes historiæ naturalis 
Plinii," in nine books, dedicated to king Henry II. In 
theology he was a prolific writer, but as a writer on the 
life of Thomas of Canterbury he is entirely unknown to 
fame in his own country, when we except the letter to 

1 Mat., III. 461. I 3 Mat., II. 97-101. 

2 Mat., ib. xxii. I 4 x.^ jj. 92. 


Benedict, already referred to. Dugdale mentions him as 
prior of St. Frideswide's in 1154, and as chancellor of 
the university in 1159 ; Pits, as having flourished about 
1170, and Leland as having lived in the reigns of Richard 
and John. From his letter to Benedict, written not later 
than 1172, we learn that he was travellino- out in 
Sicily about 1159 ; and that he was already a prior of 
St. Frideswide's at that time, is attested by pope Ha- 
drian's confirmation of the privileges of his monastery. 
Otherwise very little seems to be known about this 
author. After his cure he was a frequent pilgTÍm to 
Canterbury,^ and apparently an assiduous collector of 

Robert is first introduced in the Icelandic sao-a, by Referred to 

1 • p . 1 . T i 1 • T ^ y in the Sara. 

name, on the occasion oi the accident which, as a youth, 
Thomas had, in narrowly escaping drowning: — Now 
concernino: the miracle which the Lord wrouoht in this 
place it is fit that the tale be told in the words and 
according to the relation of prior Robert of Cretel, who 
-svrote in Latin the life of St. Thomas.- His Life is cited 
as the original of the characteristic description of the rela- 
tion of archdeacon Thomas to archbishop Theobald f on his 
authority, too, the saga bases its statements with regard 
to the archdeacon's devotion, almsgiving and journey ings 
in the service of the church of Canterbury.^ This author 
is also referred to by name as authority for the tales told 
of the chancellor's devout life and chaste habits.'^ He is 
not referred to in the story of the life of the archbishop 
again by name, which may be merely a case of avoidance 
of repetition. In the second volume he is first introduced 
again as the author of the miracle which he relates of 
himself, and to which we have referred already. Here 
the sao'a observes that he begins first witli himself, after- 
wards passing over to miracles wrouglit on others,''' and 

» T., II. 106. 

2 T., I. 32. 

3 T., I. 3G. 

< T., I. 38. 

» T., I. 50, sqq. 

Ö T., II. 92. 

K541. (T 



The Quadri- 

Lives of 

The Older 



from that passage onwards all that is related of miracles 
is derived from Robert's collection. It is an especially 
noticeable fact, that fragment E, which represents the 
earliest recension of that portion of Thomas saga which 
deals with the " gesta post martyrium," also refers to the 
miracle which was wrought on Robert's leg,' which 
proves that Robert's Life must have been among the 
earliest importations to Iceland of records relating to 
Thomas of Canterbury. Indeed, that portion of T. II. 
which is demonstrably derived directly from him, is 
stated expressly to have been brought to Iceland by the 
men of old/^ as if it were known to have been among the 
earliest importations of Becket literature to the country.^ 
Lastly, we may briefly mention the so-called QuAD- 
RILOGUES, or composite Lives of the archbishop, of 
which there exist two, one older, Quadrilogus ])rior, 
one younger, Quadrilogus posterior. The term Quadri 
loii'us derives its orio-in from the fact that, at least 
the older is compiled, in a certain sense, from four 
special lives ; John of Salisbury's, Alan of Tewkesbury's, 
William of Canterbury's, Herbert of Bosham's, unto 
which is added the passion by Benedict of Peterborough, 
whose work the compiler does not consider in the light 
of a life, but merely as record " of the end, and of those 
" things which happened after the end." The older Quad- 
rilogus was compiled at the suggestion of abbot Henry 
of Cro^dand,^ by " E. humilis dictus monachus de Eve- 
sham," whose real name is said to have been Elias 
A-bbot Henry himself shared the editorial labour with 
the Evesham brother, and the compilation was finished 
in the 3'ear 1198-9. This work was first prepared for 
the press, from a Vatican IMS., by the Augustinian hermit. 
Christian Wolf (Lupus), who was professor of theology 
at Louvain and Doua}^ (born at Ypres in 1612, died 
1681,) but was not published till the year after his death 

1 T., II. 284. 

2 T., II. 92. 

3 See above, p. Iv. 

4 From 1191-1236. 


at Brussels, 1682. The date of publication has given to The younger 
this edition the current title of the younger Quadrilogus, 
as the publication date of the other Quadrilogus, Paris, 
1495, has secured for it the common title of Quadrilogus 
prior, which, in point of authorship, is manifestly later. 
It thus contains the legend of the oriental descent of the 
archbishop, and has passages from Lives, which were 
unknown to the compiler of the older Quadrilogus, Fitz- 
stephen's and Grim's. But otherwise these two Quadri- 
logues agree very closely as to the subject matter, when 
we except the prologues, which are totally different. 

Of the older Quadrilogus a remodelled edition was The older 
made by Roger, monk of Croyland, at the request of re"5ist! ^^^'^ 
abbot Hemy, wdiich w^as finished in 1212-13. The 
method adopted in this edition was to let the correspon- 
dence tell the tale ; hence, after the council of North- 
ampton especially, the work consists mainly of letters, 
or extracts of letters, relating to passing events. In 
its narrative parts this edition agrees substantially with 
Elias's story, but the arrangement of chapters differs 
considerably. This edition, preserved in " MS. e Museo, 
133," in the Bodleian Library, has never been printed. 

Passing now over to the collation itself, we have to Collation. 
observe that we leave unnoticed general historical re- 
marks which, by way of introduction and ' orientation ' 
of his readers^ the Icelandic editor of Thomas saga has 
deemed fit to insert in the beginning chapters of the 

The preface though, in the main, the Icelandic editor's 
original composition, bears in one particular resemblance, 
though it may be accidental, to Elias of Evesham's epistle 
dedicatory to abbot Henry of Croyland (Mat., IV. 425) : 
" nee poterat fieri quin alicui aliquid deesset quod alter 
" forte haberet " = " þat er einn setti framar ok fullkom- 
" liga, let annarr um liSa " (T., I., 2, 7). But otherwise it 
is evident that the last editor of T. has known the 

g 2 


Quadr. prior, though he has not framed the narrative on 
the basis of that work, but on the basis of the older Ice- 
landic recension or recensions of T. 

The words by which the birth of Thomas is introduced 
(T., I., p. 12, if.), come nearest to those of Roger de 
Pontigny (Mat., IV., p. 3). The first vision (T., I., 
12, i5_22) differs both from Grim (Mat., II., p. 35G), and 
Roger (1. c), and Garnier (p. 7), as it seems, on account 
of a certain reluctance on the part of the Icelandic 
translator to render in all their nakedness the words of 
Grim (1. c.) : " vidit in sinum suum universam aquam 
" Tamensis fiuminis influxisse" (a literal correspondence 
with Garnier), or those of Roger (1. c.) : " visum est ei 
" quasi Tamesis fluvius totus in ventrem suum per os 
" influeret." The interpretation does not tally with 
those of the authorities adduced, being here based on 
the words spoken by Christ to the woman of Samaria, 
John iv. 14, but by Grim and Garnier, whom the former 
translates, taken as signifying rule over many people, by 
Roger as drawing multitudes to Canterbury. Garnier, 
having stated the currently told interpretation, adds 
" Sulunc mei, vives eves en sun ventre porta," which 
undoubtedly has a near approach to the Icelandic (cfr. 
Grim, too, II., 357). The second vision (I., 12, 22-14, i_c) 
corresponds pretty closely to Grim (1. c.),'but with this 
difference, that he leaves out the interpretation, as does 
also Roger (1. c), while Garnier (1. c.) gives one that 
closely resembles the Icelandic : — 

" Vis m'est en verite 
" Tute Syon ne poet comprendre sa bunte." 

The third vision (I., 14, g_jo) answers to Grim (1. c), 
and Garnier (1. c), but the interjoretation tallies neither 
with that of the former, nor that of the latter ; these 
two being the only authorities who mention this vision. 
The fourth vision is peculiar to T. alone (I., 14, ^^-is)- 
The fifth (I., 14, is-lO, j.^g) finds its counterpart in Grim 

Preface. xcvii 

(1. c), Roger (IV., 3-4), Garni er (8), and Fitzsteplien 
(Mat., III., p. 18), but with this difference, that these 
authorities agree in making the mother see the infant 
uncovered in the cradle. The conversation between 
mother and nurse comes nearest to Fitzstephen's report 
of the same (1. c, 13-14). Chap. IV. (L, 16-18) ap- 
proaches nearly to Roger (IV., 7-8), who, to some extent, 
copies John of Salisbury (Mat., II., 302-3), but the 
matter is largely expanded in T. Chap. V. corresponds 
to nothing in the contemporary lives. This, too, as far 
as we know, is the only life of Becket, which ascribes to 
him the authority of the tAvo proses mentioned. 

Chapter VI. is peculiar to T., introduced for the 
purpose of establishing a clearer historical nexus be- 
tween the reigns of Stephen and Henry II. Chap. 

VII. opens with the statement that, when Thomas came 
back from school, had finished his education in fact, 
he was 22 years of age. This is also borne out by 
William (I., 3), who avers this to have been his age 
when he joined Richer de I'Aigie. The personal de- 
scription of Thomas (T., I., 28,9_i8) bears strong similarity 
to John of Salisbury's (II., 302) and Fitzstephen's (III., 
17) ; yet the divergencies are considerable, and the 
statement, that he stuttered somewhat, which recurs in all 
personal descriptions of Thomas in Icelandic records (see 
Cod. Stockh. No. 2, above, p. Ivii., also fragment D., Vol. 
II., 262,14, and Appendix II., Vol.11., 288,17), is borne out 
by no other contemporary author. Tke passage (Vol. I., 
28, i9-30,i_3) relating to his habits of life after leaving 
school, is peculiar to the Icelandic version. Chap. 

VIII. describes more circumstantially the sojourn 
with Richer de I'Aigle, and especially the episode 
of Thomas's miraculous escape from drowning, than 
the authors who mention these matters, Oarnier (8-9), 
Roger (IV., 6), and Grim (IL, 350-61). Yet, though 
the api)roach is nearest to Grim, that author could not 
have been the innuediate source ; he does not, any 

I . i 


more than the others, mention Richer's connexion 
with the court, AA^hich the source of the Icelandic has 
known. But the Icelandic version, on the other hand, 
knows nothing of Grim's remarkable statement, embodied 
in this paragraph of his narrative (II., 360), about the 
inherent love of truth in Thomas, which forbade him to 
utter an untruth even in jest ; a statement which, if the 
Icelandic editor had known it, he would certainly not 
have eliminated from the text. Moreover Eecket's con- 
nexion with his kinsman Osbern Witdeniers (Eight- 
penny), which the three named authorities all introduce 
into their narratives at this stage, is unknown to the 
Icelandic recension. The account of Becket's removal 
to Canterbury and advancement to the post of arch- 
deacon comes nearest to John of Salisbury's (II., 303), 
who, in agreement with Herbert (III., 167), makes 
Thomas take the step of his own accord, led by divine 
inspiration, while all the other authorities state that he 
was introduced to Theobald, some averring that it was 
done by an official of the archbishop's (Grim. II., 
361, Roger, IV., 9, Garnier, 10), but Fitzstephen (III., 
15), that it came to pass "per duos fratres Boloni- 
'' enses, Baldewinum archidiaconum et magistrum Eu- 
*' stacium, hospites plerumque patris ejus et familiares 
" archiepiscopi." The passage about his law-studies 
(T., I., 38, -ff) comes near to Roger's statement (IV., 10), 
and John of Salisbury's (II., 304), yet not in such a way 
as to warrant the assumption that either could have 
been the immediate source. Thomas's missions to Rome 
on behalf of archbishop Theobald (T. I., 38, ^^_^c) are also 
mentioned by Fitzstephen (III., 16) and Garnier (10). 
This chapter was evidently drawn from the author 
whom T. knows as Robert of Crete], who is quoted 
throughout, and to Avhom, therefore, the divergencies 
from other authorities are due. 

Chapters X. and XL (T., I., 40-44) appear to be due 
to the original Latin author, being introduced for the 


purpose of serving as historical vistas, one opening the 
view up to the coming ruler of Canterbury, the other to 
the new king of England. The probable origin of the 
misstatement about the division of England into ecclesi- 
astical provinces is pointed out in footnote 8, p. 40. 

In introducing the story, Chap. XII., of Henry II.'s 
accession to the throne, and the doubtful character of his 
advisers, T. rests on an authority we do not know now ; 
but the reasons which led archbishop Theobald to intro- 
duce Thomas to the king (T., I., p. 46) are elsewhere given 
in a similar manner, cfr. John of Salisbury (II., o04), 
with whom William of Canterbury agrees almost verba- 
tim (I., 4, 5), Roger (IV., 11, 12), wha, liowever, adds 
that the introduction was entrusted to the bishopa of 
Bayeux and Lisieux ; Grim (II., 863), who assigns as 
cause the archbishop's desire to reward Thomas's services ; 
Fitzstephen (III., 17, 18), avIio ascribes the recommenda- 
tion to the bishop of Winchester ; and Herbert (HI., 
172-73), who makes Theobald alone responsible for it. 
The underhand manner in which the recommendation 
was conducted according to T. (1. c), where it confessedly 
is of the nature of an ecclesiastical plot, is nowhere else 
mentioned. But sigoiificant statements in support of T. 
may be adduced from contemporary sources : Roger 
(IV., 12) not only avers that while Thomas was chan- 
" cellor : tutus et quietus manebat ecclesiæ status ; ipso 
" in omnibus pravam regis voluntatem et collateralium 
" ejus clandestinas machinationes cautc et quasi ex oc- 
" culto, ne suspicion! pateret, frustrante," but, on the 
occasion of his nomination by the king to the arch- 
bishopric, the same author adds this important notice 
(IV., 14) : " Thomas namque ex industria circa personas 
" et res ecclcsiasticas quasi severissimum se exhibebat, 
*' ut tali occasione omncm a se suspicionis notam excu- 
" teret, et regis voluntati, quam intime novcrat, melius 
" sub hac palliationc conveniret. Credens itaque rex 
" propositum suum adversus ecclesiam per eum potissi- 


" mum posse impleri, quippe quem sibi in omnibus fide- 
" lissimum et ad voluntates suas pronissimum expertus 
" fuerat, irrevocabiliter disposuit ut ecclesiæ Cantuari- 
" ensi præficeretur antistes." The only construction 
that can be put on this statement is, that it was an 
understood thing all along, that Thomas's conduct as 
chancellor was to be so regulated as to put the king off 
his guard, with a view to making his nomination of the 
chancellor to the eventually vacant see of Canterbury 
all the surer. This is what the statement of T. under 
discussion seems to point to as having been the real aim 
of that " holy astuteness," which from first underlay 
archbishop Theobald's plan in introducing Thomas to the 
king. According to T. (I., 40, 20-22) ^^ appears that, in 
the beginning, Thomas acted as court chamberlain, which 
is not even alluded to in any other life of him. At this 
point T. introduces the chronological statement that now 
Becket was 38 years of age, having been 15 years con- 
nected with Canterbury. A review of the chronology 
of the story thus far is therefore in place here. Our 
starting point must be his age when he left school. 
T. (I., 28, s) states it to have been 22, adding that then 
his mother was dead (I., 28, go)- Roger (lY., 8) avers 
that his mother died when he was 21 years of age, ob- 
serving : " exinde circa studia Thomas se remissius cœpit 
" habere," which evidently means that then he left off 
studying at school. William of Canterbury (I., 3) says his 
mother died, when he was 22 years of age, and Garnier 
(9) makes him " vint et un an, u plus, sulunc recort," 
when he came back from school. At this time, there- 
fore, the preponderance of the evidence goes to show 
that he was at the age of two and tAventy. As to the 
actual year, Benedict of Peterborough (II., 19) decides 
the question, saying, that when he died (1170) he was 
in his 53rd year, which means, since he was born on 
St. Thomas's day, and died on the 29th of December, 
that he was 52 years and nine days old. He was, then, 


born, not as stated (T., L, 12) in 1118, but in 1117, con- 
sequently he returned home from school in 1139. 

Next we have to account for the time which elapsed 
from this date until he joined archbishop Theobald. 
Here the records are not so conflicting as, at first sight, 
they appear to be. Grim (IL, 3 GO) says that he first 
went to Richer de TAigle, not mentioning how long- 
he remained with him ; then, that he took service with 
Osbern Witdeniers "fere per triennium" (ib., 361). 
Roger (IV. 6) agrees with Grim, with regard to de I'Aigle, 
and makes Thomas enter Osbern's service at 21 and 
remain with him " ferme per triennium " (ib. 8). Gar- 
nier (8) states distinctly that the sojourn with de I'Aigle 
lasted for half a year ('' ben demi an ensemble ") and 
that the service under Witdeniers extended to '^ ne sais 
" dous ans u treis " (9). William of Canterbury (I., 4) 
says that, after two or three years from his mother's 
death, which occurred when he was two and twenty, he 
was admitted to the household of archbishop Theobald. 
To these records corresponds the notice inT. (I,, 34, ■^.._■^^) 
that Thomas remained for two years in de TAigle's ser- 
vice, and that he was at the age of 24 when he gave 
up that manner of life. The "fere (ferme) triennium " 
of Roger and Grim, the half year + two or three, of Gar- 
nier, the two or three years of William, and the calcu- 
lation of T., all come really to one and the same thing : 
that Thomas spent more than two, but hardly fully 
three years, in secular pursuits betw^een his return from 
school and entry into archbishop Theobald's service. It 
follows then that he came to Canterbury in the course 
of the year 1142. Tacking unto this the chronological 
statement of T., mentioned above, that he was 38 years 
old when he joined the court of king Henry, it follows, 
that that event took place during the king's first regnal 
year ( = Thomas's 38t]i), ]i)th December 1154— I8tli 
December 1155, which agrees perfectly with other con- 
temporary authorities, according to whom the appoint- 


ment took place a short time after the king's accession : 
cfr. John of Salisbury (II. 304) : " post modici tempo- 
" ris intervallum cum dux Normanniæ; &c., in regnum 
" Angliæ successisset, elaboratum est ab antedicto ar- 
" chiepiscopo ut archidiaconus suus regni cancellarius 
'' eificeretur;" Fitzstephen (III., 17-18): '' Consecrato 
" igitur per manum ejusdem archiepiscopi regis f actus 
'' est Thomas cancellarius ; Herbert (III., 172) : " archi- 
" præsul Theobaldus, qui ipsum in regem unxerat, id 
^' post modicum procurat, ut Thomas hie noster, ju- 
" venis adhuc et archilevita novus, regis novi et pariter 
" adhuc juvenis, intret aulam." The calculation (T., 
I-> 46, - is), possibly due to the Icelandic editor, that 
Thomas had been 15 years connected with Canterbury 
at this time, has no chronological signification. 

The description of the chancellor's great favour at 
court and of the splendour of his daily life (T., I., 48, .^..jg) 
is in independent agreement with the narratives by 
Fitzstejohen (III., IS), and Grim (IL, 363), and Garnier 
(12) ; cfr. also William of Canterbury (I., 5), and Her- 
bert (III, 174-175). 

The stories illustrative of the chancellor's devotion 
and chastity (T., L, 50-54) are, as may be inferred from 
the Icelandic context, due to the author whom the saga 
calls Robert of Cretel ; the latter of these, however, 
is also found in William of Canterbury (I., 6), from 
whom it has been incorporated into the Quadrilogues ; 
and in Garnier (12), who seems to be the original source, 
and who is more circumstantial than William. The 
account of the chancellor's liberality (T., I., 54, ^^-56, i_^,), 
resembles what is said by contemporary writers on the 
subject, especially Garnier (11); cfr. Grim (II., 365) and 
Roger (IV. 13) none of these, however, could have been 
the direct source of T. The distinction between his 
mode of bestowing gifts on rich and poor (T., I., 54-56) 
is nowhere else mentioned. The account (T., I., oG, ^^y^ 
of the grant of a feoff to the chancellor is drawn from 

PREFACE. ciii 

an unknown source. Fitzstephen is the only contem- 
porary writer who refers to any such grant (III., 20) ; 
but he cannot be the source here. The chancellor's 
adversities at court (T,, I., 56, ^^^o^) are also referred to 
by contemporary writers, John of Salisbury (II., 304-5), 
Grim (ib. 864), Herbert (III., 177) ; but none of these 
authorities could have been the immediate source of the 
Icelandic. The statement included in the quoted pas- 
sage, that he defended the interests of the church is, 
as we have already seen, distinctly borne out by Roger 
(IV., 12), and we may here add the valuable evidence of 
Fitzstephen (III., 23) to the same effect : '* Dei omni- 
" potentis instinctu, Thomæ cancellarii suasu, dominus 
" rex vacantes episcopatus et abbatias non diu retinebat, 
" ut fisco suo patrimonia Crucifixi inferrentur ; immo 
" sine magna mora honestis illas dabat personis, et 
" secundum Deum." The short allusion to the chan- 
cellor's foreign policy and wars rests on no knoAvn 
authority ; the " book " which the Icelandic refers to 
may possibly mean Robert of Cricklade's w^ork ; Fitz- 
stephen (III., 33-35), who is explicit on these matters, 
could not possibly be the source hinted at. The pas- 
sao'e relatino- to the chancellor's w^eariness of court life 
(T., I., 58, i:-60, 1..^) bears strong resemblance to John of 
Salisbury's words to the same effect (II., 304-5), though 
evidently they could not have been the immediate 

The introductory notices to the election of the chan- 
cellor to the archbishopric of Canterbury (T., I., 60-62) 
are peculiar to the Icelandic life ; only the statement 
relating to Theobald's tenure of office is found in Her- 
bert (III., 180). But the account of the chancellor's 
interview with Henry, and the conversation between 
king and chancellor (T., I., 64) closely resembles Her- 
bert's account of the same (III., 181), with, however, an 
important difference : in the Icelandic the chancellor 
advises the selection for the post of a fitter and better 


person than himself; to this there is no aUusion in 
Herbert. What follows (T., I., 66-70), is substantially 
in agreement with Herbert (1. c), though more circum- 
stantially tolcl in T. But the passage setting forth the 
king's conviction, that Thomas would be a prop to the 
dynasty (T., I., 68, 22-'<^0, i_r,) is borne out by William of 
Canterbury (I., 6) and John of Salisbury (II., 305). 
The reflections on the situation (T., I., 68, ^_.,.,, and 70, -^.-^^) 
do not seem to be due to the Icelandic editor, but rather 
to his source, an unknown one. 

The election at Canterbury and its confirmation at 
London, Chap. XV., is not derived directly from aiiy of 
the contemporaiy lives (cfr, Herbert, III., 183-4; Fitz- 
stephen, ib. 36; Roger, IV. 16-17 ; Grim, II., 366-67; 
William of Canterbury, I., 8-9; Garnier, 15-18 ; iind 
John of Salisbury's singularly short account, II., 306). 
From the Icelandic version it appears that, because no 
agreement could be obtained from the monks at Can- 
terbury, an appeal was made to the bishops in council 
in London. This is not hinted at in the other lives, 
though the opposition of the monks is pointed out ; and 
the description of the protracted transactions in London 
is here much more detailed than in the other authorities. 

Chap. XVI. may be said to be almost wholly without 
a counterpart in the extant lives, Avhich pass over 
Thomas's release from secular obligations in very few 
sentences (cfr. Grim, II., 367 ; Fitzstephen, III., 36 ; 
Herbert, ib. 185 ; Roger, IV., 18), and make no men- 
tion of his resistance against the election after his 
acceptance of the nomination by the king. The chro- 
nological statement that he had been chancellor for 
-Qrve years, compared with what we have said before 
on the date of his appointment to the chancellorship, 
gives the correct date of the episcopal election, 1161. 
On the calculation of the saga, making the year to be 
1165, we shall have more to say at the end of this 
collation under the head of various notices. Cha}). 


XVII. begins by recording an event in Thomas's life to 
which no allusion even is made in other Lives : his 
monachal ordination at Merton abbey. Herbert, wlio 
was in his company on the occasion, does not mention 
the incident, but he does not either give any pointed re- 
ference to what is specially remarked by other contem- 
porary authorities, as William of Canterbury (I., 10), John 
of Salisbury (II., 306), namely that, after his consecra- 
tion, he took up the monachal habit having, according 
to Gamier (23), Grim (II., 368), Roger (IV., 21), been 
somewhat unceremoniously reminded by the fraternity 
of Canterbury of the propriety of appearing in a regular's 
attire in his own cathedral. The conversation (T., I., 
84, go ff.) corresponds pretty closely with Herbert's report 
of the same (III., 186). The consecration. Chap. XVIII., 
is described much as by Herbert (III., 187), difiering 
from him in adding, in conformity with Garnier (24) 
and the older Quadrilogus (IV., 281), that Adam abbot of 
Evesham was at the head of the mission sent to fetch the 
pall, cfr. Fitzstephen (III., 36). The notice (T., I., 90- 
92) of pope Alexander's troubles at Rome, showing how 
it came to pass, that he had come north over the Alps 
to Montpelier, where he bestowed the pall, is peculiar 
to this life, though Herbert (1. c.) also refers to the same 
thing, but much more briefly. 

Chap. XIX., treating of the archbishop's daily life, 
rests on an authority which differs considerably from the 
extant Lives, though a general agreement is recognisable 
with Herbert (IIL, 193-97) and William of Canterbury 
(I., 10). In the Icelandic the treatment is more matter 
of fact. But the account given of his works of humili- 
ation and mercy, as also what is said of the prelate's 
biblical studies in Chap. XXI., agrees in substance with 
Herbert (IIL, 198-207); cfr. John of Salisbury (II., 
307) : yet Herbert could not have been the immediate 
source, as his narrative contains points of interest not 
found in T., which the Icelandic translator would cer- 


tainly not have suppressed, had he known them, as, e.g., 
what he relates about the prelate's study of scripture in 
the midst of a ride through the country, and his conver- 
sation with Herbert on such occasions (ib. 206). Tlie 
description of his manner of officiating (T., I., 102-104) 
follows, in a condensed form, that of Herbert (III., 210- 
11) with, however, additions from an unknown source. 
The manner of the archbishop's table (T., I., 106) reminds 
of Herbert's description of the same (III., 225-6), but is 
here more circumstantial. It is worthy of notice, that this 
is the only life of Becket, which mentions Pope Urban III. 
as one of the archbishop's company at Canterbury. Her- 
bert, in his catalogiis eruditoritin Thomce (III., 528 29), 
-gives to understand that this acquaintance began during 
the exile, when Humbertus Lombardus, as Urban hight 
before he was pope, was archdeacon of Bourges. In the 
account of the archbishop's abstemiousness, love of sacred 
reading at table, care for the sick and the poor, &;c. (T., I., 
108-110), a substantial correspondence is recognizable 
with Jolni of Salisbury (II., 806-308) and Herbert (III., 
231-38) ; yet not close enough for either to have been the 
immediate source of T. Chap. XXII., in that portion 
which treats of Thomas's solicitude in ordinations, agrees 
pretty closely with Herbert (III., 238-539) as condensed 
in the first Quadrilogus (lY., 291-292). The portion of 
this chapter which sets forth his integrity (T., I., 
112,7-114) is in general agreement with Herbert (III., 
223), cfr. John of Salisbury (II., 307). The story, illus- 
tiative of this characteristic in the archbishop, with 
which Chap. XXII. winds up, is also found, in substance, 
in Herbert (I.e.). In this chapter the agreement with 
the mentioned authorities is only general, but none of 
them could have been the immediate source, nor yet the 
condensed narrative of the first Quadrilogus, which differs 
from the Icelandic considerably in point of arrangement. 
Cliap. XXIII. , introducing the first cause of the troubles, 
agrees substantially wdth Herbert (III. 249-53) as con- 


densed in the Quadrilogus, but is not drawn from that 
source immediately. In the Icelandic saga the matter 
arises out of the archbishop's first visitation tour, which 
seems both natural and historical, but of which there is 
no mention in other lives of Becket. Chap. XXIV., 
treating of the council of Tours deals with the subject 
much more circumstantially than the principal source in 
tlie extant lives, Herbert (III., 253). From the Icelandic 
account we learn that the real errand of the arch- 
bishop was to renew obsolete privileges of Canterbury, 
to wliich Herbert only alludes in passing at the end of 
his notices on the council. Again we cannot point to any 
direct source of Chap. XXV. among the extant lives, 
though substantial agreement is apparent with Her- 
bert (III., 255-59). The story of the archbishop's con- 
secration of a church at Westminster (T., L, 136) must 
rest on some mistake, and seems evidently to refer to 
the consecration of " Nobile illud et resale monaste- 
" rium de Redinges, in quo divæ recordationis Henri- 
" cus, quondam Anglorum rex, secundi Henrici nunc 
" illustris regis nostri avus, in mausoleo gloriose qui- 
'' escit," Herbert (III., 260). The account of the trans- 
lation of Edward the Confessor (T., 1. c.) is also men- 
tioned by Herbert (III., 261), but is not derived from 
him immediately, but from the same source as the 
previous blunder. 

Chap. XXVI., as shown in T. (I., 138, foot note"), 
difters, in its account of the impost opposed by the 
archbishop, from all the contemporary biographers. As 
the account of the tax is given by Grim (II., 373-74), 
Roger (IV., 22), William of Canterbury (I., 12), Gamier 
(30), the gist of the dispute seems only to have been, that 
what was given by English tax-payers in general (duo 
solidi per hydam) of a free will, should not be levied 
as a crown tax. Evidently the primate had no right to 
interfere in such a matter, except so far as church lands 
were concerned. There is no mention of the disputed 


tax having been called Danegeld, from which tiie church 
was exempted, but, as we shall now proceed to show, 
it was of a totally different nature. 

In Chap. XI. of Leges Edwardi Confessoris (Ancient 
Laws and Institutes of England), De Denegeldo, we read : 
'*' Denegeldi reddicio propter piratas primitus statuta 
" est. Patriam enim infest antes, vastacioni ejus pro 
" posse suo insistebant : sed ad eorum insolenciam re- 
" primendaiu, statutum est Denegeldum annuatim red- 
'' dendum : i. duodeeim denarios de una quaque hida 
" tocius patriæ, ad conducendos eos qui piratarum irrup- 
" tioni resistendo obviarent. De hoc quoque Denegeldo 
" quieta erat et libera omnis terra que de ecclesiis 
" propria et dominica erat, eciam de ecclesiis paro- 
''■ chiarum ad idem pertinentibus, et nichil in ejus re- 
'' demptione persolvebant, quia majorem fiduciam in 
" oracionibus sancte ecclesie habebant, quam in de- 
" fensionibus armor um. Et banc libertatem habuit 
" sancta ecclesia usque ad tempus Willelmi junioris, 
" qui de baronibus tocius patriæ auxilium petiit ad 
" Normanniam retinendam de fratre suo Roberto eunte 
" Jenisalem. Ipsi autem concesserunt ei iiij. sot de 
" unaquaque hida, sanctam ecclesiam non excipientes : 
" quorum dum fieret collectio, clamabat ecclesia, liber- 
" tatem suam reposcens, sed nichil sibi profuit." This 
extract is based on MS. authority as old as the 13th cen- 
tury, according to the statement of the Editors, and we 
know no reason, why its authenticity should be doubted. 
It is obvious that the tax, from which the church had for- 
merly been exempted, was not levied on her by William 
Rufus, but a new tax was imposed, of a different kind, 
and for a different pui'pose, and, indeed, exactly the very 
purpose, which the Icelandic saga says was its origin. 
This gives a natural clue to the archbishop's protest, 
which thus becomes a protest only on behalf of the 
church against, what undoubtedly must have been in the 
eyes of churchmen, an attempt at turning an accidental 


accommodation into perpetual spoliation. We have no 
doubt, that the source of the Icelandic saga here is 
Robert of Cricklade, or, as we have hinted elsewhere 
(above p. Ixxvii) Benedict of Peterborough, who has had 
a better information on the subject than the other autho- 
rities, which, it would seem, all have Garni er for a pri- 
mary source ; but he, a foreigner, might very well be 
supposed to have formed an erroneous view on a subject, 
the history of which he did not know except by hearsay 

The story (T., I., 142, i., sqq.) about the clerical homicide 
in the diocese of Salisbury is also found, but much less 
circumstantially told, in Herbert (III., 264-5) ; that of 
Philip de Brois (T., T., 144, 4 sqq.) with various degrees 
of circumstantiality, in Fitzstephen (III., 45), Herbert 
(ib. 205), Grim (II., 874-5), William (I., 12-13), Roger 
(IV., 24), Gamier (31-32), but in the Icelandic it difters 
from them all, in not stating his primary offence to 
have been manslaughter, and in other points as well. 

Chap. XXVII. contains much which is not found in 
the extant lives : 1. the opening speech cf the king ; 
2. the archbishop's exhortation to the bishops; 3. his 
reply to the king ; for the long doctrinizing sermon put 
into his mouth by Herbert (III., 208-72), could not pos- 
sibly have been the immediate origin of the considerate 
reply of the Icelandic version ; 4. the king's rejoinder to 
the archbishop. But the final reply of the archbishop is 
indirectly hinted at in Herbert (III., 273). The defec- 
tion of bishop Hilary (T., I., 454, ^_^) is also mentioned 
by Herbert (1. c.) who pointedly observes that his one 
dissonant reply, amidst the unanimous voice of sulvo 
OTcline 8U0, was bona fide. The king's final speech is 
only recorded in T. 

Chap. XXVIII., after a general introduction peculiar 
to T., proceeds to deal with the defection of the bisliops 
and introduces, in agreement with William of Canterbury 
(I., 14), the bishop of Lisieux as the author of the 

K.'541. h 


scheme, by which the split in the episcopal camp was to 
be effected (cfr. Grim, II, 377 ; Roo-er, IV, 29-30 ; Gar- 
nier, 33). For the statement (T, I, 158, 7_io), that the 
king tried repeatedly to win the archbishop over by 
friendly means, I find no authority, unless perhaps Her- 
bert (III, 276), where, however, it is not the king him- 
self, but outsiders who are interested in the matter. The 
part assigned to the earl of Winchester and the abbot of 
" Almes" (T., I, 160, 2 sqq.) corresponds with what is also 
recorded by Grim (II., 378), William (I., 15), Roger 
(lY., 31), and Garnier (34), though none of these autho- 
rities could have been the immediate source, as in the 
Latin Lives the name is Philip de Eleemosyna, and in 
Garnier, de Almosne. The place, too, where these lords 
met the archbishop with the pope's message, Tenham, is 
unknown to the Icelandic version, as is also the name of 
the place where the archbishop promised the king to 
keep the customs (T., I., 160, j^.^^), which Herbert (III., 
277) says was Oxford, Garnier (35) and Roger (IV., 
32), "Woodstock in the neighbourhood. 

Chap. XXIX. on the Council of Clarendon is, in sub- 
stance, told in T. as in most of the contemporary lives, 
Roger (IV., 33-37), Fitzstephen (HI. 46-49), Herbert 
(ib. 278-289), William (L, 16), Grim (II, 379-383), 
Garnier (36-37), John of Salisbury (II., 311); but none 
of them could have been the immediate source of the 
Icelandic, which is more circumstantial than any of the 
rest, and more pointed. It approaches nearest to the 
accounts of Grim and Roger, except the description of 
the winding-up scenes which comes closest to Grim. It 
should be noticed that the reflections on the " fall " of 
the archbishop (T., I., 164-66) remind strongly of 
similar observations on the incident by William of 
Canterbury (I., 17). 

In chap. XXX. the report of the speech of the clerk 
who rebuked the archbishop is a close rendering of an 
orio'inal which has been identical with Alan of Tewkes- 


búiy's report of the same (IL, 324-25). This speech is 
in the Icelandic life ascribed to Herbert, whereas by 
Alan it is referred to the cross-bearer/ the Welshman 
Alexander Llewellyn. The mistake of the saga is pro- 
bably due to the editor's belief that Herbert really was 
the cross-bearer, and the only one in the company who 
might presume to speak in such terms to such a prelate. 
The account of the archbishop's repentance, and of the 
mission sent to Rome, comes nearest to Herbert's relation 
(III., 292-293), but is much more circumstantially given 
in the saga. 

Chap. XXXI. seems to have no exact counterpart in 
the extant lives, except the passage (T., I., 178, ^_^-), 
which strongly reminds of John of Salisbury's words on 
the subject (II., 309-10), though by him they are linked 
into a different connexion, introduced as they are before 
John enters upon the narrative of the troubles with the 
king. The question of transferring the legatine power 
from the archbishop to some one of the king's own 
choice (T., I., 178, 20 sqqO^ is also treated by Grim (II., 
884) and William (I, 25). The flight abroad, which 
in the interval between the councils of Clarendon and 
Northampton was attempted by the archbishop (Grim, 
II., 389 ; Herbert, III., 293 ; Roger, lY., 40 ; William, 
I., 29 ; and Garnier, 49, 50), is, strangely enough, un- 
known to the Icelandic version. The king's enforcement 
of secular law against clerical offenders (T., I., 180, loir,) 
is also attested by Gamier (41-43), Roger (39), Grim 
(II., 385). The general reflections on the situation (T., 
I., 180, i6_184), are peculiar to T., with the exception of 
the decree which the archbishop was never tired of 
repeating (T., I., 182, sqq.), which is also introduced 
in support of clerical immunities by W^illiam (I., 2G). 

Chap. XXXII. follows, in substance, the more detailed 
narratives, especially that of Herbert, but varies from 
them in many ways. The first matter under discussion, 
the story of John the Marshal, which is circumstantially 

h 2 


told by Gamier (51-52), Grim (II., 390), William (I., 30), 
seems to be, as such, unknown to the Icelandic version, 
thonghthe first charge (T., I., 18G, iSqq.) evidently refers 
to the same case. In this matter T. closely follows Her- 
bert (III., 297), with Avhom Eoger (IV., 42) partly agrees, 
though he makes, apparently, two cases out of one (cfr. 
IV., 43). The fine inflicted agrees with Herbert's state- 
ment (I.e.). The archbishop's reply, however, though 
agreeing in its first part with the same source, differs 
from it towards the end. The account of the proceedings 
of the second day of this council (T., I., 186, 23-I88) 
corresponds in substance with Herbert's narrative (III., 
298-299), though not as a direct source ; it answers no 
closer to Grim (II., 391), nor Koger (IV., 42), who makes 
the 500 marks, which, according to T., the King claimed 
back as having been merely a loan, to be a fine inflicted 
for disobedience of royal summons. 

To the account of the proceedings of the third day 
(T., I., 190-200) Alan (II., 326) and Herbert (III., 
298-9) bear the nearest resemblance. It is to be noted 
that for the statement (T., I., 192,1.4), which in substance 
agrees with Alan's : " ex edicto regis seris objectis," the 
saga refers to " some books," as authority ; that is to say, 
the statement is introduced into the narrative from an 
authority other than the principal source of the saga. It 
follows therefore that even in this chapter Alan's narra- 
tive, or some narrative agreeing with Alan's in the^above 
notice, which is found in no other extant life of Becket, 
is not the main source of T. The counsel taken with the 
bishops, and their respective answers (T., I., 192-98), 
follow closely the account of the same matters by Alan 
(II., 326-28), with this difference, however, that the first 
speech of bishop Hemy of Winchester (T., I., 192, g^jc) is 
not found in Alan ; yet a clear allusion to it occurs in 
Herbert (III., 300). The continuation (in 1'.) to the end 
of the chaj^ter resembles Alan, but not closely. The 
omission of the names of the two earls whom the arch- 


bishop bade be called is common to T. (I., 198, r,) and all 
the contemporary lives but William (I., 39), who, how- 
ever, introduces them under quite different circumstances, 
and on a different occasion, yet connected with the coun- 
cil of Northampton. Chap. XXXIII. in its opening- 
passages reminds of William of Canterbury (I., 40). The 
story of the archbishop's illness, and the suspicion it 
roused (T., I., 200, 07-202, j.^j), is also related in the con- 
temporary lives, William of Canterbury (I., 32), Fitz- 
stephen (III., 56), Herbert (ib., 300-301), Alan (II, 329), 
Grim (II., 392), Roger (lY., 44). The ominous rumours 
referred to, T. (I., 202, 1-.21), are also mentioned by William 
of Canterbury (L, 32),' Roger (IV., 44), and Alan (II., 
330) ; and the advice consequent on these rumours, given 
by a monk to the Archbishop, to celebrate the mass of 
St. Stephen protomart^^r (T., I., 202, .o.oo, 206, 0^-208, ^ J, 
is also referred to by other contemporary writers, as 
Herbert (III., 304), Fitzstephen {ib., 56), Grim (11, 393), 
Alan (II., 330). The speech delivered by the archbishop 
to his brother bishops appealing to Rome (T., I., 204, 
206) is found in substance in Herbert (HI., 302-303), as 
also the counter appeal set up by the bishop of London. 

Chapter XXXI Y., dealing with the proceedings of the 
last day, agrees in substance with the description of the 
Quadrilogus of the same, which is a condensed narrative 
drawn from Herbert (III., 303-304), William (I., 36), 
Alan (II., 330-31) ; cfr. Grim (II., 394-97), Fitzstephen 
(III., 56-58), Roger (lY., 44-52). However, the speech 
of the Aixhbishop (T., I., 208, ,^.210, ,.,;) and that of the 
king (T., I., 214, (jii) seem to have no counterpart in the 
contemporary lives. 

Chap. XXXY. opens with an account of the situation, 
which closely agrees with Herbert's description of the 
same (III., 307). What then follows (T., I, 216, ...220, ,_,) 
corresponds to Alan's record (II., 331-332), though with 
this difference, that the speech of tlie earl of Arundel 
(ih., 220, ^_y^ is peculiar to T., and the interchange of 


words between that lord and the archbishop (ib., 
220, 12 ^^^•) only agrees in substance with Alan's report 
of the same (II., 331-332). 

The story of the Archbishop's withdrawiil from the 
council (T., I, 222,9-224, ^.g) is, in the form it has in T., 
peculiar to that version, though it is also referred to in 
Alan (II., 333), William of Canterbury (I., 39-40), 
Koger (IV., 51-52), who mentions the accidental stumb- 
ling of the Archbishop, Grim (II., 398-399), Herbert 
(III., 310), and Fitzstephen (ib., C8). The agreement is 
closest with Alan, who alone (I.e.) gives the congratula- 
tory address of the multitude of sick and poor who 
greeted the prelate on his escape (T., I., 222, g^.g,), and the 
Archbishop's thanksgiving address on his arrival at St. 
Andrew's (T., I., 224, g^). The interview between the 
Archbishop and the bishops of Chichester and London at 
St. Andrew's (T., L, 224,9.226, iJ, closely follows Alan's 
narrative (II., 334). The clauses introductory to the 
impending flight (T., I,, 226, 15.22) correspond loosely with 
Herbert (III., 312), the rest of this chapter, in substance, 
witli John of Salisbury's account ^(11., 313). 

In Chap. XXXVI. the opening paragraph (T., I., 
228, 20--30, 1,7), descriptive of the Archbishop's prepara- 
tion for the flight, agrees substantially with what Alan 
writes to the same eff*ect (II., 334-335). The dream (T., 
230-232) is also recorded by William of Canterbury (I., 
41-42), but is set forth in T., in far more graphic detail. 
The long explanation of it in Chap. XXXVII. is peculiar 
to T. alone. My surmise, that Valbuvg (T., I., 230, ^.^ 
might mean Walburgetone, is corrected by Canon Kobert- 
son (William of Canterbury, I., 41) who gives, as its 
equivalent, Wabridge forest in Huntingdonshire. 

The vision recorded in T. (I., 238, g.^^) is alluded to by 
Herbert (III., 313), but its interpretation (T., I.e., 17 sqq.) 
is peculiar to T. alone. The concluding passages of this 
chapter (T., I., 238, 27 sqq.) remind of Herbert (III., 322). 
Chap. XXXVIII., recounting the various stages of the 


flight of the Archbishop, comes nearest to the relation 
of Herbert (III., 318-330), with, however, the following 
variations : — 1st stage, Northampton to Grantham, 25 
miles (Herbert, III, 324; T., L, 2i2); 2nd stage, Grant- 
ham to Lincoln, 25 miles. But while Herbert (I.e.) makes 
him consummate the 3rd stage by going in a boat from 
Lincoln to Hermitorium, 40 miles, and remain in hiding- 
at the latter place for three days, T. (I.e.) makes him 
cross the river at Lincoln and then walk the distance of 
40 miles on foot to Hermitorium, and remain there three 
days or more. The account given by T. of the prelate's 
forlorn manner of life at this place resembles, but agrees 
not with, Herbert's description (I.e.). The next stage 
from Hermitorium to Boston agrees with Herbert, with 
the difference that T. makes no mention of the distance, 
" decem milliaria ; " so also the next from Boston to what 
T. calls Havelorr, and Herbert Haverolot, which Canon 
Robertson identifies with Haverholme. The last stage 
from Haverholme to Eastry is described more in detail 
by Herbert (I.e.) than by T. (I, 244). On these wander- 
ings the other lives speak with much vagueness ; cfr. 
William of Canterbury (I., 42), Gamier (73-74), Roger 
(IV., 55), Grim (II., 399). 

Here we must notice the conflicting statements of the 
biographers as to the date of the council. Fitzstephen, 
who was present at it, gives the date as octava Sancti 
Michaelis, feria tertia, i. e., Tuesday, October 6th ; and 
Herbert, also present at it, as hebdomadæ feria quinta, 
sexta ante beati Calixti natalitium, i. e., October 8th, 
Calixtus day being counted exclusive. But Herbert, 
not sure of the date, states it reservedly as " tempus, ni 
fallor," Sec. T. gives the date as pridie idus Octobris, 
i.e., Wednesday, October 14th ; while the contemporary 
chronicler Gervase gives it as either iii. idus Octobris = 
October 13th ; or, die tertia ante festum Sancti Kalixti, 
October 12th (or 11th if St. Calixtus day be counted 
exclusive). All these authorities, however, agree in 


referring the same proceedings to the same day of the 
week. It would seem that Fitzstephen and Herbert are 
really in substantial agreement. The meeting was sum- 
moned for Tuesday October 6th, Fitzstephen (III., 50) ; 
that day nothing was done, as the king was out hunting. 
Next day, Wednesday, was by the same authority (I.e.) 
apparently spent in settling an accidental grievance of 
the archbishop's^ and in the preliminary discussion on the 
case of John the Marshal. Thursday, it would seem, the 
case of John came on for judgment, and at that point of 
the proceedings Herbert's account begins. The real dif- 
ference, therefore, between T. and these authorities is that 
T. places the council a week later, but refers its proceed- 
ings otherwise to the right days respectively. As to the 
day on which the Archbishop left England, T. agrees with 
Herbert in referring it to November 2, both making the 
mistake of calling the day Tuesday, and T. committing 
further the blunder of referrino- All Saints' dav to a 
Monday. In Herbert, who also makes the mistake of 
referring All Souls' to a Tuesday, we have a further 
blunder in the statement : " qui fuit . . . quintus decimus 
" dies ab ilia tertia feria, ab illo die Martis, quo apud 
" Northamtune pugnarat ad bestias." By Herbert's own 
chronology the memorable Tuesday at Northampton was 
the 13th of October, so that the day in question was 
really the 21st after the memorable Northampton Tues- 
day. The editor of T., or his source, has, apparently, 
observed this conflict between Herbert's chronolop'ical 
statements, and, by giving primary importance to the 
words : " qui fuit quintus decimus dies, &c.," brought 
chronological harmony about by fixing the date of the 
council a week later than it really was, i. e., October 13th. 
The last Tuesday of it fell thus on October 20th, and 
from that date, counted inclusive, to the Tuesday that 
the departure from England took place, which was really 
November 3rd, also counted inclusive, we have the exact 
number of 15 days. In this way the statement of T. 


(I., 246, 3) that the archbishop departed on the loth day 
from that third day on which he was most worried at 
Northampton, tallies correctly with T.'s chronology. But 
this affords no explanation of the blunder in Herbert, 
which, w^e maintain, is not, and cannot be his own. We 
must consider it a later interpolation by some ignorant 
scribe, and w^e Avould point out that the source of it micdit 
have been a heedless construction of Frtzstephen's words, 
wdio says that the Archbishop remained in hiding in Eng- 
land " a decimo quinto die post Sancti Michaelis usque 
''• ad secundum diem Novembris." Duiing the following 
night (" nocte " as Herbert has it), w^e take it, the passage 
was effected, that is on Tuesday, November 3rd. 

The story of the passage and landing one mile from 
Gravelines (T., I., 246, 5 sqq.) agTees substantially w4th 
Herbei-t (III., 324-25), but the encounter with the 
fowding youth who suspected Thomas of being the Arch- 
bishop, goes with Alan (II., 335). The account of his 
fatigue and dexterous evasion from discovery (T., I., 248) 
resembles the similar accounts by Herbert (III., 325) 
and William (I., 42-43) as condensed in the Quadrilogus 
(IV., 329-30). The anecdote of the Archbishop being- 
recognised by the ostler at Gravelines (T., I., 248-252) 
is also found in Herbert (III., 326-328), as is also (III., 
328-29) the story of the letter sent by king Henry 
to the count of Flanders, and the causes of the enmity 
between Thomas and that count (T., I., 252-53). 

Chap. XXXIX. agrees, with some considerable varia- 
tions, wdth the first Quadrilogus (lY., 332-34) as con- 
densed from Herbert (III., 328-332), Alan (II., 336), and 
William of Canterbury (I., 43) ; cfr. also Fitzstephen 
(III, 71-72), Roger (IV., 56-57), Grim (II., 400-1), 
Gamier (74-75). 

The long and detailed story of the mission to king 
Louis, Chap. LX., has, in its introductory part, no direct 
source in the extant lives, though Ú\(i matter is mentioned 
by Grim (II., 401), William (4445), and Herbert (III., 


332). First, when the saga comes to relate, how Thomas 
sent his messengers to follow the King's legation close on 
their heels unknown to themselves, Herbert (III., 333) 
is the nearest source, and so to the end of the chapter, cfr. 
also Grim (II., 401) and William (I., 44-45) ; but none 
of these sources constitutes the immediate original of T. 
Chap. XLI., with the exception of the account of the 
interview of the Archbishop's emissaries with the pope 
(T., L, 272, 7—274, ^^), where it follows Herbert (III., 
334), but in a strongly condensed form, comes nearest to 
Alan (II , 337-340), so near, indeed, that Alan might be 
taken as the immediate source. None of the other 
extant lives could have been the source here, cfr. Grim 
(II., 402-403), William of Cant. (L, 45-46), Fitzstephen 
(III., 72-74). It is noticed already that the editor of 
fragment D. (T., II., 263-64) has known a source of these 
speeches which, in the one that it preserves of the earl 
of Arundel, differs altogether from the known authori- 
ties (see above, p. li-lii). What follows the address of 
the earl in T. (I. 284, ^^ — 280) answers, in substance, 
nearest to Herbert (III., 330-338). Among the j^ropo- 
sals put forth by the royal ambassadors, the third (T., 
I., 286, 9_ii) finds a not distant parallel in Grim (II., 

Chap. XLII. agrees substantially with Herbert (III., 
338-340), and, in that portion which describes the 
Archbishop's reception by the cardinals at Sens, with 
Alan (II., 341). Chap. XLIII., down to T., I, 294, ,,, 
answers, in a general way, to Alan's narrative (II., 341- 
42). At this stage T. (I., 294-98, cfr. I, 168, ,r,_,^) intro- 
duces first the customs of Clarendon, those nine of the 
seventeen, at least, which were the most objectionable 
from the church's point of view. In this arrangement 
T. depends upon none of the extant lives, nor are the 
customs, as given in the contemporary Lives, the direct 
source of T. : cfr. Fitzstephen (III., 47), Herbert (ib., 
280-284), and more particularly the " Causa exsilii et 


" martyrii beati Thomæ, Migne," cxc, cols. 1413-16), 
William (I., 18-23), Grim (II, 380) ; see also Lyttelton's 
life of Hemy II. (vol. iv., pp. 182-185), Stubbs' select 
Chai-ters, &e. (pp. 131-134). The story of the refutation 
by the archbishop of cardinal William of Pavia, Chap. 
XLIV., though, as stated in T., I., 300, footnote 5, it 
bears close resemblance to the account of it oiven in the 
Speculum historiale of Vincent de Beauvais, is also re- 
ferred to by the contemporary writers : William of Can- 
terbury (I., 46), Garnier (83), Grim (II., 403-4), Roger 
(IV., 61, 63). It is noticeable that Herbert, himself 
present on the occasion, does not even associate the 
name of this or any other cardinal with the discussion 
(III., 340-356). The condemnation by the Pope of the 
constitutions of Clarendon, Chap. XLV, represents a 
condensed account of Herbert's description of the final 
interview with the Pope (III., 341-43) ; the matter is 
briefly alluded to by Roger (IV., 63-64), and by William 
(I., 46). The story of the resignation of the arch- 
bishopric into the hands of the Pope corresponds with 
Alan's account of the afliair (II., 3-42-43) ; the fact is also 
mentioned by William (I, 46), Grim (II., 403), and, on 
hearsay evidence, by Fitzstephen (III., 76). Strangely 
enough, Herbert,who was with the Archbishop all through, 
does not even allude to any such resignation. The 
clauses describing the mode of the Ai'chbishop's restitu- 
tion to his see agree with Alan's account (II., 344), but 
the matter is told much more circumstantially in T. 
Closest to Alan comes also the story of the Archbishop's 
retirement to Pontigny (III., 344-45), though it is also 
mentioned at length b}^ Herbert (III., 357-58), and 
shortly referred to by Fitzstephen (III., 76), John of 
Salisbury (II., 313), Garnier (90), Grim (II., 404), Roger 
(IV., 64), and William (I., 46). The passage at the end 
of this chapter (T., I., 312, - sqq.) is peculiar to T. alone. 
The story told in Chapter XLVII., of the Cistercian 
habit; procured from the Pope himself, is based on a 


source closely allied to Alan (II., 345-40). Divergencies 
to be mentioned are, in the first instance, that T. makes 
the Pope request the archbishop to benignly accept the 
raiment on the ground that he wore such an one him- 
self, while Alan's words are : " Dicite domino Cantuari- 
" ensi, quod habitum ei misimus qualem habuimus, non 
" qualem vellemus," words which agree exactly with 
those quoted by Roger (IV., 64) and Grim (II., 345). 
In the second instance, Herbert is stated in T. to have 
been the messenger chosen to fetch the habit. This is 
mentioned in no other life of Thomas. He is further 
made to crack jokes with the archbishop about the fit 
of the dress, which in the Latin authonties in one point 
are a good deal broader than in the saga, but Alan as 
well as Grim give it clearly to be understood that the 
interlocutor was the cross-bearer, Alexander Llewellyn. 
The description of the archbishop's studious habits at 
the monastery, of his diet, illness, &c. (T., I., 316, -^_^^) 
expresses briefly what Herbert (III., 376-77) and Fitz- 
stephen (ib., 77) relate on the subject, cfr. William (I., 
49), Grim (IL, 412-13) ; but the nature of the illness as 
described by the last named authority is unknown to 
T. as well as to the other writers who mention it. The 
vision recorded in T. (I., 316-318) is given only by Fitz- 
stephen (HI., 83) and Grim (II., 419). 

Chap. XLYIII. enumerates, in a manner peculiar to 
T., the oppressive measures taken by the king on learn- 
ing, how fruitless his mission to the pope had turned 
out. Its statement, however, that the property of every 
priest who died within the diocese of Canterbury should 
be confiscated (T., L, 220, Q_y^), and that the king himself 
appointed priests to vacant churches (i6., i^_ir^, is borne 
out by William (I., 52) ; the appointment of the arch- 
bishop of York to visit the southern archi episcopal 
diocese (ih., i4_2o) 1« also testified to by William (I., 46) ; 
and the confiscation of the Archbishop's property, and 
the instalment of Ranulf de Broc into the stewardship 


of the see, is corroborated by Herbert (III., 360), Roger 
(IV, Qo), Grim (II, 404), and Gamier (91). 

At this point of the story (T, I, 322) we come upon 
the tirst of the numerous letters, portions of letters, and 
abstracts of letters, inserted into the Icelandic narrative. 
Two of the extant biographers intersperse letters, in a 
somewhat similar manner, into the story, namety,William 
and Grim ; but neither is, in this peculiarity, the source 
or type of the Icelandic. Out of the five letters which 
Grim inserts, three are found in T. (Thomas to Henry, 
I, 342-4C, Grim, II, 419-421 ; the English bishops to 
Thomas,!, 394-396, Grim, II., 408-409; and the arch- 
bishop's reply, I., 398-410). Of the letters inserted into 
William's narrative only one is found in T., namely, 
Foliot's to the Pope (T., L, 380-386, and in a fragmen- 
tary state, II., 266-268, William, I., 58-59). It is quite 
evident that for the plan of embodying these letters in 
the narrative T. does not depend upon any of the now 
extant lives of Becket. But as a composite life still 
existed in an unpublished MS., " e Museo," No. 133^ in 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford, by a monk of Croyland, 
named Roger, who re- edited the older Quadrilogus, or 
rather re-wrote a composite life on a new plan, I deemed 
it my duty to ascertain, how far that Avork might be 
the Icelander's model. The distinctive peculiarity of 
Roger's work is, that it inserts into the nan-ative a vast 
number of letters and fragments of letters throughout, 
beginning immediately after the council of Northampton 
and continuing to the end, suppressing even the narra- 
tive itself, where the information contained in the let- 
ters is considered ample enough to take the place of 
it. But it soon became evident that this recension was 
entirely unknown to the Icelandic editor ; between it 
and the saga there is no agreement but by accident. 
Equally clear is it that the Icelandic editor lias not 
known Alan's large collection of the correspondence relat- 
ing to Thomas, a fact, which goes far to prove, that T.'s 


agreement with Alan in the speeches, is really an agi-ee- 
ment with some other source, which was closely allied 
to Alan. This, too, bears out what we have advanced 
on this point above (p. xc). If such a separate collec- 
tion had been known in Iceland, it would certainly have 
been mentioned or alluded to or made use of in the 
Thomas saga ; but such is not the case. Consequently 
the letters contained in Thomas saga must have been 
embodied into the main source of that recension, that is, 
into Robert of Cricklade's or Benedict's Life of Becket ; 
and that the Icelandic editor did not depend on the 
collection of Alan of Tewkesbury, seems further evident 
from the fact that in the Icelandic version there are 
inserted letters which seem not to exist anywhere else. 
References to the Latin originals of the letters, which 
the editor has been able to verify, are given in footnotes 
in their proper places. 

Chap. XLIX. in its introductory part, though sub- 
stantially corresponding to Alan (II., 846), may be said 
to be really peculiar to T. ; thus the action attributed 
to " discurrentibus interim hinc inde nunciis ad pacis 
" reformationem," the saga ascribes to epistolary inter- 
vention of men of goodwill in France. The account of 
the negotiations between the Pope and the King (T., I., 
o2G, 12-328) finds also a parallel in Alan (I.e.), but much 
less circumstantially set forth than in T. 

Chap. L., in its description of Henry's schismatic 
plans (T., I., 830, 3.27), answers in substance to William 
(I., 52), though tha,t author could not have been the 
direct source, as he refers the overtures of king Henry 
to join the emperor's schism to a date posterior to the 
archbishop's removal from Pontigny (wherein he is fol- 
lowed by the Quadrilogues), but T. to a time anterior 
to that event. What next follows (T., I., 380, 27 to the 
end of the chapter) is a summary of the retaliatory 
measures taken by the King against the Archbishop and 
the Pope, corresponding in substance to what William 


(I., 53-55) terms " novæ constitutiones regis," which he 
inserts under 10 heads in his narrative, without, tow- 
ever, stating under what circumstances, local or other- 
wise, they were issued. But Gamier (93-95) followed, 
as usual, by Grim (II., 405-406) and Roger (IV., (jo-QQ), 
states positively that the king, '•' a Clarendone ad fet 
" sun concilie assembler,'' and there issued the oppres- 
sive enactments. It is not impossible, that such might 
have been the case ; but it appears as likely that 
the words " novæ constitutiones regis," which seem to 
have been the title given to the document, when in 
public circulation, suggested the idea, that these orders 
had been issued at the same place as the famous *' con- 
" stitutions " of 1164. The assumption was all the more 
natural, that the great assize of Clarendon took place 
the same year that these orders were issued (Stubbs' 
select Charters, pp. 134-139). 

As to the mission at this time, 1166, of the alleged 
papal legates, Gerard, a sub-deacon, and Master Vivian 
(T., I., 332, ;i6 sqq.), there is a confusion in the story 
which we shall now try to clear up. At this time no 
papal mission is mentioned by the contemporary autho- 
rities. But Herbert (III., 383-385) states that during 
1166 the Archbishop despatched, on three different occa- 
sions, messengers to the king with a view to redressing 
his wrongs. Twice a Cistercian abbot, Urban by name, 
undertook the task. His first mission must have taken 
place before the i-estoration of the legatine power to 
Thomas, that is, before the 24th of April, because, as 
Herbert says, the letters he bore were of the sweetest, 
> " supplicationem solam, correptionem \'ero, nullam vel 
" modicam, continentes," and stood in marked contrast 
to those taken out on Urban's second mission, wliich 
took place after the restoration of the legatine power : 
" cui et vice hac non adeo suavia ut prius, sed et 
" duriora legati viva voce dicenda injunxit, et littcras 
*' aliquantulum austeritatis continentes destinavit.'' 


These missions having failed utterly, a third was de- 
spatched in the person of a noted peace-maker, a tattered 
bare-foot brother named Gerard the '' shoeless,'' accom- 
panied by another person, whom Herbert does not men- 
tion. We take it, that this is the Gerard whom T. 
here introduces as a papal legate to king Henry, though 
such a confusion seems very strange. This will become 
clearer by a closer examination of the Pope's letter 
to the King, and the account of the king's dealings with 
the legates, and the part the bishop of Lisieux took in 
the negotiations, as set forth in T., chap LI. and LII. 

The letter of the Pope seems by its wording to fit into 
the current of events exactly. It announces to the King 
his resolution to restore to the Archbishop the legatine 
dignity which Alexander, at the instance of Henry, 
under certain restrictions, had conferred on the Archbishop 
of York in Feb. 1164 (Ep. Alex. III., ccxxxvii., Migne, 
cc, 285-286), thus, on that point agreeing with another 
letter from the. same authority, of date April 24th 
(Easter-day), 1166, in which the English clergy are called 
upon to yield due obedience to the Archbishop as the 
constituted papal legate to England (Fp. Alex. III., 
eccxcii., Migne, ib. 412-413). Now the letter in T. con- 
tains this significant statement : " And we refuse hereby 
" to close his mouth any longer." This refers to nothing 
that thus far has been recorded in T., but it refers 
most naturally to what the Pope might be supposed to 
have borne in mind when writing. He had, namely, by 
Peter's authority, really " closed " the archbishop's mouth, 
by warning him, in a letter dated in June, 1165 (Kp. 
Alex. III., cccli., Migne, ib. 377), to abstain until Easter 
this very year (1166) from visiting his opponents with 
ecclesiastical censure.s. At or about this very date 
(April 24th, 1166) Alexander, in a letter to the Archbishop 
removes this restriction (Ep. Alex. III., cccxciii., ib, 413). 
The letter, announcing to the English clergy the restora- 
tion of the legatine dignity to the Archbishop, was, for 


reasons which are beside the immediate question, not 
delivered in England till the 30th of June. It is obvious 
that the Pope could not make himself guilty of such a 
discourtesy as to pass the king over in utter silence on 
such an occasion. A letter addressed to the latter an- 
nouncing the change would naturally have been delivered 
at the same time, that the one to the clergy was pro- 
mulgated, and the letter in T. might represent such an 
original, as not only coming in at the right moment in the 
narrative, but bearing in the features already exhibited 
the stamp of real genuineness. Though no such letter is 
known to exist now in originali, yet portions of this 
letter, which we failed to verify, when editing the first 
volume of the Saga, we now identify as embodied in one 
of Alexander's to king Henry, (Ep. Dcxvii., Migne, cc, 
586-88) dated Beneventi, vi. Idus Maii, and rightly 
referred by all authorities to 1169, by which the Pope 
announces to the king the appointment of the mission 
headed by Gratian and Vivian. The correctness of the 
date of this letter is further corroborated by an epistle 
from Thomas tc Vivian (Ep. Thomæ clxxiii, Migne, 
cxc, 646-647), criticising his conduct as legate, in which 
we read : — '' Cæterum quod hortaris nos, ut descendamus 
" ad colloquium regum, quod habituri sunt die Dominica 
" proxima apud S. Dionysium, &c.," a meeting at S. Denis 
having only once taken place, and without any doubt 
in 1169. In T. the letter appears in a ver}^ condensed 
and a very disguised form, and the statements which 
we have just been discussing do not appear in the 
Latin letter at all. The tone of the Latin letter is 
very different from that of the Icelandic, much more 
considerate and conciliatory : cfr. ' nunc autem, quoniam 
" ex litteris postremo per nuntios tuos nobis transmissis, 
" animum tuum in his, divina inspirante dementia, no- 
" vimus leniorem, et ad id quod regis Christianissimi et 
" pii principis est, non modicum inclinatum, gaudio gau- 
" demus in Domino, etc." — The solution of the question 
K541. i 


seems to be that, in T., two letters are here fused together, 
one, treating of the restoration to Thomas of the legatine 
power in 1166, the other, dealing with the mission of 
Gratian and Vivian in 1169 ; the original author, who- 
ever he was, having satisfied himself, that both belonged 
together, and referred to two inseparable facts which 
happened in 1166 ; the interchange of the names of 
Gratian and Gerard might be an accident only, or it 
might be the result of a deliberate choice on the part of 
the author of T. or his original, taking Gerard, the archi- 
episcopal legate, to have been the Pope's legate at the 
same time, and Gratian as a variation or corruption 
of it. 

The description in Chap. LII. of king Henry's beha- 
viour towards the legates tallies, in its extreme brevit}'', 
with the account of the transactions sent to the Arch- 
bishop by a friend who was present at the proceedings, 
(Ep. Cuiusdam amici ad Thomam, Var. Epp. ccclxxxiii., 
Migne, cxc, 720-22). From that letter, too, we learn, 
that bishop Arnulf of Lisieux favoured the king's party, 
which explains the statement of T. that the king threw 
it out, as a disdainful suggestion, that the bishop of 
Lisieux might, if he liked, write an answer to the Pope 
about the transactions. The Bishop's letter, as it appears 
in T., is but a short, though faithful, precis of the original 
letter (Arnulfi Lexov. ep. Ixii., Migne, cci., 91-92). The 
account of this mission cannot be borrowed from any 
now extant life of Thomas ; the behaviour of the king, 
which in the opening passages of Chap. LII. is accen- 
tuated as " noisy " and " brawling," evidently rests on 
some such testimony as the above referred-to anonymous 
letter to Thomas, but not on Herbert's description of 
the proceedings, still less on William's. Pightl}^, all 
that which refers to this mission should come into the 
story at p. 444, where it is again referred to, but is 
dismissed with a few general sentences, without even 
the names of the legates being mentioned. 


Chap. LIIL, after some general remarks on the situa- 
tion of affairs, gives a pretty full precis of what T. intro- 
duces as the first letter of the Archbishop to the King- 
after his flight abroad. We have mentioned akeady the 
three missions from Thomas to the King during 1166, and 
the gradually increased severity of tone assumed by the 
former. We have sui^mised that the first mission of 
Urban took place before Thomas was restored to the 
legatine ofiice. A letter which, from its cordial and 
temperate tone, might be supposed to have been taken 
out on that occasion, still exists, in the salutation of 
which Thomas styles himself only " Cantuariensis eccle- 
" siæ humilis minister " (Ep. clxxviii., Migne, cxc, 649- 
51). In the present, the salutation of which is only 
preserved in the Icelandic, he styles himself " legate," so 
that in it we have probably that, ' somewhat more stern,' 
missive, which Urban took with him on his second 
mission, which, as we have pointed out above (p. cxxiii), 
took place after Easter, 1166. So that, almost certainly, 
this is not the first letter from the Archbishop to the 
King after the flight abroad. Yet T. is not the only 
authority which regards it so ; Fitzstephen (III.;, 81) 
seems to look upon it in the same light. 

Chap. LIY. introduces the banishment of the Prelate's 
kindred as a retaliatory measure resorted to by the King 
and his counsellors, on learning that the Archbishop had 
been restored to the legatine office. In no other extant 
life is such a connection put forth ; on the contrary, the 
banishment of the Archbishop's kin and partisans is una- 
nimously connected by the extant authorities with the 
failure of the negotiations of -the first mission to the 
Pope, and the sympathy with which the Archbishop was 
treated in France : cfr. Herbert (III., 373), William (I., 
47), John of Salisbury (II., 313), Gamier (91), Grim 
(II., 404), Roger (IV., 64-65). The portion of this 
chapter (T., I., 350, i^ to the end), which reviews the rela- 
tion of the King to public, particularly ecclesiastical, 

i 2 


opinion, does not seem to depend immediately on any 
of the extant lives. 

The historical matter of Chap. LV. is also found in the 
contemporary writers, but nowhere connected in the same 
manner. The Pope's departure for Italy seems to be men- 
tioned only by Alan (II., 347) ; Herbert, the Archbishop's 
constant companion, does not even allude to it, although, 
if it is historical, that the archbishop accompanied Alex- 
ander as far as Bourges (T., IL, 257, 22-2:? j Alan, 1. c), Her- 
bert must not only have been aware of it, but, in all pro- 
bability, have been in the Archbishop's suite. But at this 
time Herbert has a somewhat loose hold on the thread of 
the narrative. T. is the only Life of Thomas which puts 
the Pope's departure and the restoration of the legatine 
office in strict and correct historical connection. In T. 
(354, -_ij, it is averred, that the Pope left himself behind 
with the Archbishop, joining his authority with the archi- 
episcopal power of the latter, &;c. ; cfr. Herbert (III., 397). 
As we have already seen, the legatine power was restored 
to the Archbishop April 24th, 1166 ; about, or rather, 
immediately after that date, the departure took place, for 
there is documentary evidence to show, that on or about 
April 2Sth the Pope arrived at Bourges. The affair of 
the bishop of Salisbury (T., I., 354, 20, sqq.) is mentioned 
by Herbert (III., 391-92) and Fitzstephen'(III., 92), but 
their accounts, as to the facts of the case, do not 
tally with that of T. The letter, excommunicating the 
Bishop, agrees, substantially, with the text preserved in 
Migne, cxc, ep. cxlvii., 628, but neither with that of 
William (I., 63), nor with á third recension, now pub- 
lished in Materials, Y. 3.97-99. But the letter excom- 
municating John of Oxford (T., I., 358-60) is only 
preserved in T. The letter addressed by the Archbishop 
to king Henry at this juncture (T., I., 360-68) is a 
pretty full abstract of the original, and much more severe 
in tone than that already discussed. The salutation 
bears witness to his writing in his legatine capacity ; 


quite possibly this is the third letter which he wrote to 
the king from Pontigny, and of which "shoeless" Gerard 
was the bearer. 

The story of the Archbishop's removal from Pontigny, 
reception by king Louis, and settlement at Sens, is hei'e 
related in a more circumstantial manner than by any 
contemporary authority, cfr, Herbert (III., 397-407), 
William (I., 50-51), Koger (IV., 65), Fitzstephen (III., 
83-84), John of Salisbury (II., 313-315), Grim 
(II., 413-15), Garnier (128-138). The choice of St. Co- 
lumba's monastery, near Sens, for residence, which is 
mentioned by all these authorities, with the exception of 
John of Salisbury and William, is, however, unknown to 
T. The story of the Archbishop's dream, prognosticating 
the manner of his death, follows pretty closely Herbert's 
account of the same (III., 405-406), cfr. William (I., 51). 

The introductory remarks of Chap. LVII. seem pecu- 
liar to T. The Pope's letter to the bishop of London is 
introduced here out of date, no doubt on the ground of 
the clause (T., L, 378, ^.,_-^^) : " Now, in the third place, it 
" seemed to him a matter not to be borne with, that the 
" Archbishop should abide in quiet in Pontigny in com- 
" pany with poor Gray-monks, according to our com- 
" mand." But the original letter contains no such 
statement, and is, besides, dated Claremont, June 8th, 
1165. However, we doubt not, that the statement was 
found in the Latin original. The letter of the bishop of 
London in answer to this of the Pope is a pretty full and 
exact translation of the first half of the original. The 
earliest recension of Thomas saga must have preserved 
a close translation of the whole letter, as may be inferred 
from fragment D., (T., II., 266-68). The concluding 
sentence in which the bishop refuses to lend money to 
the Pope, has nothing corresponding in the now extant 
Latin original. The letter of the Pope to which the 
saga next alludes (T., I., 386, 17) is, no doubt, the same 
that Alexander dispatched from Gradus Mercurii, August 


22, 1165 ( see T., I., 380, foot note 14, where the mis- 
print cxc. should be corrected to cc). No other Life of 
Thomas deals with this correspondence in the way that T. 

Chap. LIX., in its introductory passages, is peculiar to T. 
The two visions it records are both found in Herbert, 
but not joined together as is the case here, nor set in the 
same frame of circumstances. The first, to which refer- 
ence is made again (T., II., 176, 2o-178) in the same cir- 
cumstances into which Herbert weaves it, is found in 
Herbert's Liber Melorum (Melus II., Migne, cxc, 1320- 
21 ; cfr. Materials, IV., 419), told, of course, with far 
greater prolixity than in T. ; the second we find intro- 
duced by Herbert (HI., 460-61) in 1170, when he brings 
the crowning of the young king (June 14) under debate. 
No extant Life could have been here the immediate 
source of matter or arrangement. It may be noticed that 
the explanation of the second vision, which is promised 
at the end of the story, never occurs ; on the contrary 
the writer supposes that Henry the younger is still alive 
in 1220 doing homage to the saint on the occasion of his 
translation (T., II., 204-206). The paragraph relating 
to the archbishop of York (T., I., 390-92) agrees in 
substance with William of Canterbury (I.,- 60), who sup- 
ports his statement by adducing the Pope's letter, to 
which the saga refers. This letter (ep. Alex. III., 
ccclxxxiv., i^Iigne, cc, 406-7 ; Materials, V., 296) is 
dated Laterani, v. kal. Feb. (January 28th), and by 
collectors rightly referred to the year 1166. It is ad- 
dressed to the bishops of England, warning them not to 
join in any violation of the rights and privileges of Can- 
terbury. It is worthy of note that, in part, the wording of 
this letter is identical with that of a letter addressed by 
the pope to the archbishop of York, peremptorily forbid- 
ding him to carry the cross through the province of Can- 
terbury. We suggested (T., I., 392, footnote 7) that this 
latter epistle, though referred by the collectors to January 


1164, (by Migne, who prints it in two places, first to 
1162, ep. Alex. III., Ixxxv., and again to 1164, 
ccxxxv., vol. cc, 161, and 282-283, resp.), must be con- 
nected with this very Lateran epistle, their actual rela- 
tion appearing obviously to be prohibition to York not 
to infringe on the rights of Canterbury, and warning to 
the bishops not to incur penalties in joining York in any 
act of disobedience of this order. Our view has now 
been corroborated by Canon Robertson's edition of this 
letter. Materials, V., 68, from MS. Claudius, B. II., Cott. 
Coll. in the British Museum, where it is dated Lateran i 
iv. Idus (10th) Decembris, seven weeks before the one to 
the bishops was penned. There are obvious difficulties 
in the way of referring it to the year 1164. During 
January in that year the Pope had written in a friendly 
tone to York to abstain from carrying the cross in the 
southern diocese until the controversy concerning the 
privilege of York in this respect should have been duly 
settled. For York to have offended against this prohibi- 
tion within the same month, and the matter to have gone 
to the Pope for decision, at the same time that Thomas 
was taken up with the preliminaries of the transactions 
of Clarendon (Jan. 25-28), seems almost out of question. 
Besides, the letter would seem to have been penned in 
consequence of the defenceless state of the province of 
Canterbury having been taken advantage of by the 
northern prelate. While therefore nothing seems to 
favour the date 1164, nothing seems to war against Dec. 
10th, 1166. 

The correspondence between the bishops of England, 
in the name of Gilbert Foliot of London, and Thomas 
(T., L, 894-410), is peculiar to this Life, to Garnier 
(111-124), and to Grim (II., 408-12), who, however, 
introduces it at a different date, aftei' the crowning of 
Henry the younger. The letters as given in T. are but 
abstracts of the originals, though to the point through- 
out. Foliot's letter is not dated, but is written early 


enough in tlic year to allow the bishops time to proceed 
to Rome and be there by Ascension day (June 2nd), 
the term fixed for the appeal by Foliot. 

Chap. LXII. (misprinted LXXII.), T., I., 410 sqq. 
introduces the mission of cardinals William and Odo 
with, various observations which do not appear in the ex- 
tant Lives. William (I, 64) says the king demanded the 
mission, on the ground, that his friends had been excom- 
municated. Of the king's secret letter to these commis- 
sioners (T., I., 412, 9_i4) he makes no mention, nor any 
other contemporary biographer. The proceedings and 
result of this mission are told by William (I., 64-65) 
substantially in the same manner as in T., except that 
Thomas's dream is not referred to by that writer : but in 
Herbert (III., 409-412), who gives a long-spun account 
of the legation, the dream is recorded in agreement 
with the account of it in T. As the account of this 
mission is rendered in T. neither of the authorities 
mentioned could have been the original source, nor yet 
the Quadrilogus ; it must depend upon an unknown 

The excommunications mentioned in Chap. LXIII. are 
not, as we wrongly indicate, (T., I., 418), those of Vezelay, 
which we supposed the Icelandic version had misplaced 
in date, but they are those of Sens, and are rightly 
referred by T. to the year 1167 (Herbert, HI, 413-414). 
It would seem that T. knew no particular narrative of 
the proceedings at Vezelay, which are graphically dealt 
with by Herbert, but confined itself only to the principal 
letters of excommunication written on that occasion. 
The passage relating to prayers for the archbishop 
having been prohibited throughout England (T., I., 
420, 4.«) agrees with Herbert (III., 360). But both 
accounts would seem only to amount to an amplifica- 
tion of some record similar to Fitzstephen's (HI., 
83) : " In capella domini regis in cantico illo festivo, 
" Christus vincit, non dicebant archiepiscopo, cum 


'•' ventum esset ad ilium versum, seel archiepisco- 
" pus, pax, salus et vita." In stating that the party 
inimical to Thomas, after the excommunications of 
Sens, appealed against him to Rome, T. seems to 
follow Herbert (III., 412-413), or, rather, some similar 
source. Herbert states that the appeal was made at 
Le Mans, which statement is also embodied in the Quad- 
rilogues, but the Icelandic knows nothing of any place 
at which it was issued. After mentioning that the 
king and his party displayed fresh activity in conse- 
quence of the excommunications of Sens, Herbert (III., 
415) goes on, in words somewhat similar to the Saga 
(I., 420, 19, sqq.), to describe the interest the French king- 
now took in the dispute ; and the result of the busy 
communications is told in the sao-a in a condensed form in 
harmony with Herbert's prolix account (III., 417-18). 
Pope Alexander's letter to the King (T., I., 422-24) has 
no place in any other life of Thomas, but is here only an 
abstract of the original (T., 1. c, footnote 10). The sub- 
stance of Chap. LXIY. (T., I., 424-26) is also found in 
Herbert (HI., 418), with the exception of the admoni- 
tion which Louis is made to administer to Henry (T., I., 
426, 7_i3). But the account of the meeting at Mont- 
mirail (T., I., 426, i8-432), which T. seems (I., 433, 03) to 
place somewhere in the neighbourhood of that place, is 
told in closest agreement with Alan's relation of the same 
(IL, 347-349) ; cfr. Herbert (IIL, 418-426), Fitzstephen 
(III., 97), William (I., 73-74). Chap. LXV., setting 
forth the estrangement of king Louis in consequence of 
the Archbishop's unyielding attitude at Montmirail (T., 
I., 432-436), agrees substantially with Herbert (IIL, 
427-437) as condensed in the Quadrilogus prior (IV., 
362-63); cfr. also Alan (IL, 349). The rest of the 
chapter (T., I., 436, .,.,-440) agrees with Alan (IL, 349-50), 
cfr. Herbert (IIL, 439-40), William (I., 75), with the 
exception of the passages which follow king Louis's 
penitential effusion (T., L, 440, io-2.j), whicli are peculiar 


to T., iDossibly the Icelander's own reflections. Chap. 
LXVI. (T., I., 440-42) is not directly drawn from any 
extant contemporary life, but is in closest agreement 
with Alan (II., 351). The precis in oratione clirecta of 
the letter written by Henry to the French king (T., I., 
442, 8-n) answers, in substance, to what Alan (1. c.) sets 
forth in narrative style. The sequel (T., I., 442, ^7-444) 
agrees with Herbert (III., 440) as to the influence 
brought to bear on the French king for the purpose of 
causing a new legatine mission to be sent out from Rome. 
But the mission itself, that of Gratian and Vivian, is 
dismissed with only a short notice to the eflect that it 
proved utterly futile (see p. cxxiii-cxxvi). The meeting 
at Montmartre is described (T., I., 444, 25-448) sub- 
stantially in the way that William deals with it (I., 75), 
but T. is more circumstantial ; the incident of the kiss 
of peace (T., I., 446, 03, sqq.) is told somewhat after the 
way of Herbert's (III., 450-51) condensed account of it 
in the Quadrilogus prior (IV., 367). 

The introductory matter of Chap. LXVII. (T., I., 
448, 21-450, i_7) is peculiar to T., and may only be the Ice- 
landic editor's own, introduced in order to show that 
the refusal of the kiss of peace at Montmartre had its 
cause in the secret plan which the king was hatching 
at the very moment, namely, of having his son crowned 
in despite of Canterbury, which also Herbert implies 
(III., 358). The account of the act itself, although 
similar to that of the Quadrilogus prior (IV., 368-369), 
difíers from all extant authorities in a marked degree ; 
cfr. William (I., 81-83), Herbert (III., 458-460), Roger 
(IV., 66-67), John of Salisbury (II., 815), Fitzstephen 
(III., 103), and Garnier (97-98), who makes it take 
place anterior to the archbishop's removal from 
ÍPontigny. T., namely (I., 450, ii_2o)> states that king- 
Henry sent ambassadors to Rome to procure an order 
from the Pope, authorising the archbishop of York to 
perform the ceremony. No other Life refers to any such 


mission on this occasion, yet in itself it is quite plausible 
that it might have been sent, considering what had 
gone before in connexion with the state poHcy, which 
was consummated on June 14th, 1170. Henry II. had 
for a lono" time entertained the idea of crownino- his 
son. Already during Thomas's chancellorship he had 
taken care to pave the way for the coronation, by em- 
. ploying the irresistible influence of his great chancellor 
to cause homage to be done to his son by the barons 
and other mighty men of England (Roger, lY., 13). The 
nomination of Thomas to the see of Canterbury was 
avowedly an act done with that view ; indeed Grim 
states positively (IL, 366) that the king sent the chan- 
cellor to England, "pro diversis negotiis et præsertim 
" ut filio suo, jam tunc coronando in regem, fideHtatem 
" et subjectionem acciperet ab universis, et juraretur in 
" regem." Probably both the last named authorities 
refer to one and the same act. But that the matter wai> 
not left altogether in abeyance from 1162-70, may be 
inferred from the letters which pope Alexander wi^ote in 
the interval to the archbishop of York, who was per- 
petually on the alert for asserting pri^dleges for his see 
at the expense of Canterbury. We conclude, namely, 
that whenever the pope finds it necessary to address 
the northern primate on this subject, rumour of impend- 
ing coronation was abroad, carrying with it sohcitations 
on the part of the Northern, and remonstrances on the 
part of the Southern Primate. Thus we find that, as 
early as July 14th, 1162, Roger of York obtained from 
the Pope the privilege of crowning kings in England 
(Materials, Y., 21) ; it was, however, revoked by the 
same authority, April 5th, 1166 (Ep. Alex. III., cccxc, 
Migne, cc, 411 ; Materials, Y., 323), on the ground that 
he had learnt that, by immemorial custom, the priWlegc 
appertained, to Canterbury. Nevertheless, May 3 1st, 
1167, at the request of the King, the Pope authorises the 
Northern Primate to crown his son (Ep. Alex. III. cdlv., 


Migne, cc, 457); but again, Feb. 26th, 1170, forbids 
the same Archbishop peremptorily, under threats of 
severe penalties, to have anything to do with the coro- 
nation ceremony (Ep. Alex. III., dcxcv., Migne, cc, 653). 
The author, that is, the Latin source, of T. has appa- 
rently known some record setting forth, how the pri- 
vilege of May 81st, 1167, was solicited, but deeming it 
powerless in the face of the prohibition of February 26th, 
1170, saved the pope's ioconsistency by only mentioning 
the latter as the outcome of a royal mission of 1167. 
Herbert (III., 458-59) states positively that the last of 
Alexander's letters was the result of remonstrances from 
Thomas ; and. while T. (I., 452, i^-ig) makes Thomas 
send letters of warning to the bishops not to proceed to 
the unlawful consecration, Herbert (III., 459) positively 
avers, that letters of the Pope's were so sent, and that 
such really was the case we learn from a papal letter 
probably of date February 26th, 1170 (Ep. Alex. III., 
Dcxcvi., Migne, cc, 653), which, following immediately 
the above-mentioned epistle of the same date, forbids 
every kind of infringement of the privileges of Can- 
terbury by the bishops of England. The reception of 
the letter is in T. (I., 452, 12-21) described in a manner 
similar to Herbert's, (1. c) ; the rest of the stovy agrees 
with William (I., 83), except the reflections attached to 
it (T., I., 454, i_if,), which are peculiar to T. alone. 

Chap. LXVIII. (T., I., 454-458, ^_y^) corresponds sub- 
stantially with the narratives of Herbert (III., 462-63) 
and William (I., 76), as woven into the Quadrilogus prior 
(IV., 369-370) ; agreeing with it even in connecting with 
the coronation, the letter of Alexander, whereby he con- 
stitutes the bishops of Rouen and Nevres commissioners 
of peace (Ep. Alex. III., Dclxxvi., Migne cc, 637-39); 
though that document is dated January 19th, more than 
four months in advance of the coronation, and does not 
refer to that act at all. In arrangement and detail there 
are such discrepancies, however, between the Quadri- 


logus and T., that the former could not on any account 
have been the immediate source of the latter. 

The latter portion of this chapter (T., I., 458, i„ — 460), 
descriptive of the transactions preliminary to the peace, 
as well as Chap. LXIX., setting forth the reconciliation, 
are in general agreement with the story as told in the 
Quadrilogus (IV., 371 — 373), which is a condensation of 
Herbert (III., 463 — 69) with one [)assage inserted from 
William (I., 84), which roughly corresponds to T. (I., 
462, 19 — 464, i_g). In agreement with Herbert (III, 466) 
T. (I., 462, 7_i^) states that the understanding between 
King and Archbishop as to the punishment of the bishops, 
who crowned the young Henry, was arrived at in private 
without witnesses ; cfr. Fitzstephen (III., 1 07 — 111) ; this 
important statement seems afterwards to have escaped 
the memory of some of the contemporaries, who would 
volunteer to act as witnesses, having heard the king 
himself agreeing to the excommunication of the bishops 
(see the letter of Theobald count of Blois, T., II., 20). 
The latter portion of this chapter (T., I., 464, .,0 — 4-68) 
still follows, substantially, the story as told in the Quad- 
rilogus prior (IV., 372-373) ; cfr. Herbert (III., 467-69). 
But it commits the singular blunder of makino- John of 
Salisbury Thomas's successor in the see of Canterbury. 
Herbert, in mentioning the mission sent by Thomas to 
the King consisting of himself and John, adds to the intro- 
duction of the name of the latter : " postea Carnotensem 
" episcopum ;" which at first sight would seem to be tlie 
original source of the blunder. But such, we take it, 
is not the case ; the Icelandic translator shows himself 
throughout far too careful to be capable of changing 
Carnotensem into Cantuariensem and episcopum into 
archiepiscopum. The blunder must have been already 
in the original from which he translated. It is again 
repeated T., II., 42, in the words : " they cleanse the 
" church of Canterbury, and choose for archbishop 
'' thereof John of Salisbury, a lawful man, who had 


'' been in exile with the blessed archbishop Thomas ;" 
and again, T., II., 184, archbishop John is made princi- 
pally instrumental in procining the canonisation of 
Thomas. It is e\ádent that thouo^h it miííht be allowed 
that the mistake was the translator's in the first instance, 
in the second and the third it must depend on the inde- 
pendent sources from which the translation was made. 

Chap. LXX follows generally the line of the narrative 
of the Quadrilogus (IV., 373-374) as condensed from 
Herbert (HI., 469-470) ; but amplifies it considerably 
with details which are either not mentioned, or else only 
alluded to in passing, b}" Herbert, such as the intro- 
ductory clauses about the differences between Henry and 
the count of Blois, and the statement that the king 
returned fi'om Chaumont into Xormandv. and there 
established a great court, even as also tlie reasons which 
the writer conjectures directed the king's coui^se at this 
juncture (T.. I., 472, ig-o]). Here, it ma}' be obseiwed, 
the translator possibly knew that his source was 
Herbert ; as, in giving the interpretation of the king's 
address, he adds : " But the master who wi'ote these 
"■ things in Latin saith that these words had called fitly 
" to mind the example of Satan vaunting his bounty on 
" the mountain." Herbert, however, sa^'s distinctly that 
the intei^iiretation was not his, but his master's, the 

Chap. LXXI. opens with a rapid review of the Ai'ch- 
bishop's stay abroad, and departure from Sens, with a 
notice inserted about Symon, archdeacon of Sens, to the 
effect that he joined the Archbishop's suite for the purpose 
of a family ^-isit to England, which is mentioned in no 
other contemporary life of Thomas, except, in different 
circumstances, Garnier's (165). The long and circum- 
stantial account of the famous carbuncle of the French 
reo^alia. how it was found, and how Thomas, fore- 
knowing that it would be his property eventually, 
asked the French king for the gift of it, is peculiar to this 


Life only. In T, II., 212-222, the story is told at great 
length, how Louis Tilth's son, Philip II., was fain to 
promise the jewel to Canterbury as a price for his being 
healed of leprosy, and how, on regTetting the bargain, 
when the saint had done his part of it, the stone jumped 
from the ring and was at once firmly set in the golden 
face of the shrine. As these stories are told in the Ice- 
landic they are due to an unknown author. Diceto (I., 
'43-233), Gervase (L, 293), Bened. Peterb. Chron. (L, 
240-2), mention that Louis on the occasion of his son's 
sickness did homage at the shrine, and bestowed lordl}^ 
e'ifts on the saint, but no mention is made of the rino-. 
Nowhere have we succeeded in finding corresponding- 
originals in other writers, though allusions to both stories 
are not wanting ; cfr. Materials, II., 298, and IV., 265. 
Louis, however, is only known elsewhere to play the 
part that in the Icelandic saga is ascribed to his son 
Philip. The thread of the narrative is again taken up, 
T., I., 478, 28, at Thomas's arrival at Whitsand, but is 
again interrupted by Chap. LXXII. (T., L, 480- 
484, i_i.2); describing the effect which the settlement 
of peace and the Archbishop's impending return 
produced in England. This portion of the chapter 
is derived directly from no extant life of Thomas. It 
may be observed that the mission of John of Salisbury 
to Canterbury, which William (I., 602) mentions first 
after the arrival at that place of the primate, is here 
inserted in better chronological order, prior to that 

The next passage (T., I., 482, i^oq) deserves a passing- 
observation. While Thomas was at Whitsand, he sent 
before him letters of suspension and excommunication to 
the archbishop of York, and the bishops of London and 
Salisbury, which letters they received according to some 
authorities at Dover ; according to others, at Canter- 
bury ; cfr. Herbert (III.,47l-72), Fitzstephen (III, 1 17), 
William (I., 89), Roger (IV., 68), Thomæ Epp. ad Alex- 
andrum papam, xxvii (Migne, cxc. 484-87). But T. 


describes the mode of the delivery of these letters to the 
archbishop of York in his own cathedral church substan- 
tially in the same manner as Fitzstephen (III., 89, 90) sets 
forth Berengar's deliver}^ to the bishop of London of the 
letter of excommunication which Thomas issued against 
him at Clairvaux, April 13th, 1169. It would almost seem 
as if William of Canterbury (1. c.) was cognisant of tiie 
mode of delivery of the letter of suspension to the arch- 
bishop of York having been effected in a manner similar 
to that described in the Icelandic saga, though differentl}' 
localized, when he says : " Dum itaque littus obsidentes 
" exspectant, ante exspectatum puer Dovram præmissus 
" litteras suspensionis in oratorio beati Petri porrexit." 
Was the " puer," whom the archbishop's enemies after 
the reading of the letters searched for in order to take 
his life, but who saved himself by flight (William, I., 95) 
that " javenis, non litteratus, periculo multo se exj)onens, 
'^ sed pro Deo mori non veritus " (Fitzstephen, III., 89), 
who so successfully took the Clairvaux fulminations to 
London and York the year before — Berengar himself 
again ? 

The latter portion of this chapter (T., I., 484-88) gives 
the story, independently of the arrangement of the 
Quadrilogus, and in substantial harmony with William 
(L, 86-87) and Herbert (IIL, 471-76). In mentioning 
Guzalin as one of the ringleaders with Ranulf de Broc 
in stirring up the country against the Archbishop, T. 
refers evidently to that " Gocelinus frater reginæ," that 
is, Joscelin of Louvain, younger brother of Adeliza the 
queen of Henry I., who afterwards, acting on the part 
of the young king, forbade the Archbishop to proceed 
on a visit to him at Winchester (Fitzstephen, III., 121- 
122 ; William, I., 112-13). In no other life is Joscelin 
associated with Ranulf in his proceedings on the arrival 
of the primate. 

Chap. LXXIIÍ. (T., I. 488-492, i_2o) traces the thread 
of the story in a general agreement with the Quadrilogus 
(lY., 376-378), which, however, is not the source of T. 


Thus the part taken by John of Oxford (T., I., 490,ic_i9), 
which the Qnadrilogus does not mention, agrees with 
William (1,100-101) and Gamier (1G4) ; cfr. John of 
Salisbury (ep. 300). In the same manner the episode of 
Symon archdeacon of Sens (T., I., 492, n-is), cfr. p. cxxxviii. 
above, is unknown to the Quadrilogus, but is related by 
William (I., 101) and Garnier (165), these two being 
the only contemporary authorities who mention these 
things. The rest of this chapter (T., I., 492, .o-494), de- 
scribing the entry of the archbishop into Canterbury, 
may be said to be peculiar to T., though a general agree- 
ment with Herbert (III., 478-79), cfr. William (I., 102), 
is observable. 

The proceedings of the fii^st day of the archbishop's 
residence at his see after the return. Chap. LXXIY. 
(T., I., 496-498, i_.2i,), are set forth in a manner peculiar to 
T. ; but recurring points of agreement are observable 
with Herbert (III., 480), William (I., 102-104), and 
Fitzstephen (III., 120-121). The remainder of the 
chapter (T., I., 498, 2,r502) follows closely the story 
as condensed in the Quadrilogus (IV., 379-381) from 
Herbert (III., 481) and William (L, 105, 122-23). 

Chap. LXXV. (T., I., 504-506,i_.2o), runs in general 
agreement with Herbert (III., 482-483). It is notice- 
able, that in mentioning the mission of Richard, abbot 
of St. Martin's (Dover), T. omits the words which now 
stand in the original : " postea in sede Cantuariensi 
" suum successorem." Had these words stood in the 
" original of the saga, it is not likely that the editor 
would have struck them out, for, as a rule, he is careful 
to embody such historical notices in his text. But 
otherwise it is in vain to speculate, how he came to 
prefer the blunder, above referred to, in the case of John 
of Salisbury, to the true statement about Richard. It 
does not appear, that the Icelandic editor knew the 
detailed account of this mission of Richard's, or its 

K 541. k 


results, as set forth by William (I., 105-111), and Fitz- 
stephen (III, 121-126). 

Chap. LXXVI. exhibits a general agreement with the 
Quadrilogns (IV., 382-385) as condensed from William 
(I., 120-29) and Herbert (III., 484-487), but its word- 
ing, except in the recapitulation of the speeches inserted, 
depends on a different source altogether. Into the 
report of the speeches of king Henry, T. inserts a pas- 
sage (L, 514, .,_J which is derived from Grim (II., 429) 
or some similar source; cfr. Garnier(175). 

In Chap. LXXVII. the passage of the Channel by the 
conspirators is told in conformity with the Quadrilogus 
(I v., 385-86), but more detailed and not immediately 
depending thereon. T. introduces into the story here 
(I, 518,19-522, i_3) rumours which came to the ears of the 
archbishop, of the intentions of the knights, while they 
remained at Saltwood, making up their plans. The circum- 
stantial narrative of these rumours, and their effect upon 
the archbishop, seem to be peculiar to T. only. Fitz- 
stephen (II 1., 130) alludes to them in general terms : " ante 
'•' adventum eorum beatus archiepiscopus de imminente 
" occisorum ejus ingressu certissime fuit edoctus." The 
passage in T., which seems to bear a distinct impress of 
genuineness, lends a feature of additional interest to the 
dreadful drama. This chapter winds up with a state- 
ment to the effect, that the four knights arrived in Can- 
terbury^ on the '' fourth " day of Christmas (Dec. 28th), 
late in the evenino- and remained in the town durinof 
the night, behaving quietl}^ after the fashion of ordinary 
travellers. Here the source of T. has followed, not the 
Quadrilogus, which states the day correctly in the words 
of Benedict, ''die Natalis Domini quinto," but Herbert 
of Bosham (III., 488), who, possibly from predilection, 
makes it " quartus Natalis Domini dies, videlicet in 
" Sanctorum Innocentium die." But while he dates the 
murder on that day, T., by making the knights rest over 



night in Canterbury, brings it over to the next, in order 
to effect chronological harmony with the next chapter, 
and to give the correct date to the murder. 

Chap. LXXVIII. runs in general agreement with 
the Quadrilogus (lY., 386-392) ; yet such are the trans- 
positions, abbreviations of some, and additions to 
others of the speeches of the interlocutors, that that 
record could not have been the immediate source of T. 
The close of this first interview w^th the kniohts, as 
described by Benedict, who is the sole authority here, 
where John of Salisbury indignantly rebukes the Arch- 
bishop for his want of tact, is not even alluded to in T. 

Chap. LXXIX. though, like the preceding, generally 
in harmony with the Quadrilogus (IV., 392-94!), as 
condensed from Benedict (II., 9-13), William (I., 131- 
133), John of Salisbury (II., 319), and Herbert (III., 
402-403), is not derived from that source immediately. 
Thus, on returning from the first interview to their 
comrades, T. alone makes the knights arm with the 
declaration that they " hold the archbishop a dead man 
" by reason of the folly which is manifest in him." The 
description of the armour of the knights does not tally 
with the Quadrilogus, which gives it first in the words 
of Benedict, and afterwards again, on their entering the 
church, in the words of William. The progress of the 
armed band into the archiepiscopal palace is more de- 
tailed in the Quadrilogus, while, on the other hand, T.'s 
statement that all the palatial chambers resounded with 
the noise of the housebreakers, and that the monks at 
their evening service in the cathedral mixed their voices 
with the terror and fear caused by these proceedings, is 
peculiar to T. Again in stating that the archbishop was 
as blithe as if the murderers had come to bid him to a 
wedding, is unknown to the Quadrilogus, but is derived 
from Grim (II., 433). In the same manner the intro- 
duction of the notice about the evensong of the monks 
(T., L, 534, i9_.,j) seems to be peculiar to T., while the 

k 2 

Cxliv PllEFACE. 

reason urged by the clerks who surrounded the arch- 
bishop (T., I., 536,^"^), that he ought to go to the cathe- 
dral to attend service, as the monks had done theirs, 
is not recorded in the Quadrilogus, but by Fitzstephen 
(III., 188), who is also the authority for the statement 
(ib., 10.12) ^^^^ ^^® archbishop went now last in the pro- 
cession. The archbishop's reply to those about him 
(ib., i7_i9) is peculiar to T. But the description of his 
reception in the cathedral by the monks (ib., i9_22) agrees 
closely with Fitzstephen (1. c), as far as it goes. The 
scene at the re-opening of the door of the church is much 
curtailed, though Benedict, apparently, is the source. In 
stating that the archbishop was ascending the grades to 
the chancel, when the knights entered the church, T. 
(I., 538, 1) does not follow the Quadrilogus, but Fitz- 
stephen (III., 138), and falls in immediately after that 
with Benedict, though without following him closely ; 
giving, for instance, the reply of the archbishop, when 
charged to come along and to consider himself a prisoner, 
at greater length than Benedict, and embodying in it 
the opening words of the speech, by which the arch- 
bishop, according to John of Salisbury, (II., 319), 
interceded, on behalf of his people. According to T. 
(I., 540,i3_i5) the knights tried to pull the archbishop 
out of the church, in order to execute their deed outside ; 
for this Grim (II., 436) is the only authority. But on 
the other hand it is unknown to T. that the archbishop 
shook de Tracy so violently that he almost fell on the 
floor, a feat which we may be sure would not have been 
eliminated from the Icelandic narrative, if the Quadrilo- 
gus had been the immediate source of T. The last pas- 
sage of this chapter (T., I., 540, i5_26) is peculiar to T. 
alone, accounting by a miracle for what Fitzstephen 
states thus : " quod poterat renitebatur, et monachi eum 
" retinebant." 

In Chapter LXXX. we still observe the same general 
agreement with the Quadrilogus (IV., 396-99), and simi- 


]ar discrepancies in important details as iu the pre- 
ceding. Thus, according to T., de Tracy begins the 
attack, woimding Grim, the only other authority for this 
being Fitzstepheu (III., 141), cfr. Gamier (194-). By the 
rest of the authorities the deed was done bv Reoinald 
Fitzurse. It is, however, noticeable that they are con- 
tradicted by William (I., 134), who declares that de 
Tracy afterwards, when at Saltwood the knights Avere 
conferring together and verifying the actual part that 
each had taken in the murder, boasted having wounded 
John of Salisburv, whom he mistook for Grim. The 
words in T. (I., 544, f,_io) '' offrandi sik lifandi fórn " recall 
Grim's : " seipsum hostiam oflerendo " (11. , 437) ; but the 
sentence, '• sem . . . sinnar " (ib., jo-i-:)? ^^^ " þröngvandi . . . 
himinrikis " (ib., 16-20)? seem peculiar to T. The outrage, 
which T. alone (I.,. 546, i^-o^), after an introduction all its 
own (ib., .vig), ascribes to Ranulf de Broc, is by Benedict 
(Quadrilogus) referred to the fourth knight, without his 
name being given; by Herbert (III., 50G) to Robert de 
Broc; but by Fitzstephen (III., 142), Grim (II., 438), 
Roger (IV., 77), and Gamier (196) to Hugh Mauclerc of 
Horsea. The imitation of the outrage by Robert de 
Broc (T., ib., oss-iq.)? ^^^^ ^^^ ditlerence that no blood or 
brains were scattered about, is based on the words in- 
serted in the Quadr. from William (I., 135), " vacuo ver- 
" tici mucronem infixit," by which in reality he describes 
Hugh Mauclerc's proceedings. These words being imme- 
diately followed in the Quadr. by Herbert's evidence in 
proof of Robert de Broc having committed the first out- 
rage (III., 506) : " ut dicebatur, de præfataiUa viperarum 
" progenie Robertus de Broc hie erat,'' this person came 
in T. to be charged with an ofience, of which the ej'e- 
witnesses make Hugh Mauclerc only guilty. This 
seems to be the only obvious way of accounting for the 
discrepancy on this point between T. and the other 
authorities. That T. had neither the Quadrilogus nor 
Herbert for immediate sources, as it gives no reference 

(xlvi PKEFACE. 

to the spearman Longinus whom both introduce as a 
parallel illustration, may be taken as granted. The 
words which Benedict puts in the mouth of the fourth 
knight, " Mortuus est ; quantocius eamus hinc/' T. di- 
vides between the two Brocs, making the first exclaim, 
" He is dead, he is dead ! " and the second, "Away hence, 
" away hence l " The behaviour of the knights (T., I., 
548, 2-7)^8 set forth in agreement witli theQuadrilogus(IY., 
898) ; but the next passage (ib., -_^^) is drawn from John 
of Salisbury's considerations on the murder (IL, 318), 
embodied in the Quadrilogus (IV., 401), and the end of 
the chapter, referring to the plunder of the j^alace, from 
the Quadril. (ib., Benedict IL, 14); on this point there 
is a general agreement between all the extant autho- 

Chap. LXXXI. departs even somewhat more than the 
preceding from the Quadrilogus. It opens with a state- 
ment (T., I., 550, 4,12) which agrees nearest with Herbert 
(III., 518) ; the additional observation, that wealthy folk 
did not choose to run the risk of royal displeasure by 
giving open vent to their grief, is not in exact agreement 
with Herbert (1. c), who merely observes, " sed ut omit- 
*•' tamus divites, soli pauperes accelei'averunt ad summi 
" imperatoris militem trucidatum sic, etc.," but seems to 
have a reminiscential leaning towards Grim (II., 439) : 
" nemo tamen palam ausus est profiteri quia malum est, 
*' metu ministrorum regis qui discuri-ebant, etc." The 
next passage (ib., j., 17) is partly derived from Grim (III., 
439) : '' Quis stupor intuentium, qui luctus, quanta fuerit 
" lamentatio intuentium, quis explicet ? " partly from an 
unknown authority. The miraculous manner in which 
T. accounts for the coagulation of the blood in cup-sha])ed 
forms, into which the stone floor sunk for its reception, 
is elsewhere unnoticed, but the description of this pheno- 
menon runs (T., I., 552, i_;>) into a reminiscence of Grim's 
words (II., 437) Avhere, giving his account of the murder, 
he says of the third knight, " grave vulnus inflixit, quo 



" ictu et gladium collisit lapidi, et coronam, quae ampla 
'' fuit, ita a capite separavit^ ut sanguis albens ex cere- 
'' bro, cerebrum nihilominus rubens ex sanguine, lilii et 
" rosæ coloribus virginis et matris ecclesiæ faciem con- 
" fessoris et martyris vita et niovte purpuraret/* The 
gathering up of the blood is in T. (ib., q_S), related in agree- 
ment with Fitzstephen (III., 148), but Benedict's much 
more detailed account (II., 15 ; Quadril. IV., 404) is quite 
unknown to the Saga, which otherwise would certainly 
not have eliminated so graphic an evidence of the eager 
devotion of the multitude. The two miraculous pheno- 
mena (T., L, 552, s-ie) are unknown to other contempo- 
rary writers ; for although there exists a " Passion " 
ascribed to Grim, in which it is related how, after havino- 
borne his wound for a year, he was miraculously cured 
by the martyrs advice (Materials, II., 288), any such 
speedy cure as T. mentions is nowhere else recorded. 
The mystical interpretation given of the fragments of 
the sword found under the body on its removal (T., I., 
552, 17.27) is based on two different notices of Benedict-: 
'^ Elevato auteui sancto corpore de terra . . . inventa 
" sunt sub eo malleolus ferreus et bisacuta (bryntröll) 
" (II., 15), and "satisque veritate congruum videtur, <&:c., 
(II., 13) ; the mystical sense which Benedict evolves out 
of these implements in his second notice — a hammer of 
evil doers — is not known to T. in this connexion, but 
occurs in T., II., 2, yy The removal of the body to a 
bier, and the adjustment of the crown to the skull, agrees 
with Herbert's statement (III., 519), but the washing of 
the face at this stage of the burial proceedings is j)eculiar 
to T. Of the account of the appearance of the face (T., I., 
^»^4, 2-7) Benedict (II., 15) is the source. But the de- 
scription of the state of the, corpse during the night 
(T. ib., -,,0) falls in with Herbert (III., 529). Tlic i-e- 
moval of the body to the crypt, and burial there (T., I., 
554, ij,.2o. 558, 10-12), is set forth in accordance with John 
of Salisbuiy (II., 322), and the reason given for the 

Cxlviii PREFACE. 

liuiTÍed burial (ib., 20 ^'^i'^-) agrees vaguely with Benedict's 
statement (II., 16-17), to which, in closer agreement, T. 
returns again (I., 5oQ, i^^j^). The discovery of the un- 
expected token of the Archbishop's sanctity, the hair- 
cloth, with its unusual length, is set forth (T. II., 
556, losqri.) ill agTeement with Benedict (II., 17) and Grim 
(III., 442). The story of the well (T., 556, -.^o) is un- 
known to all contemporary writers, and apparently no 
direct authority can be adduced older than the Poli- 
stoire, of the latter end of the 13th century ; but that it 
must be much older, and indeed a contemporary one, is 
evident from the miracles which refer to the water of 
St. Thomas, in the accounts of which it seems tacitly 
understood, that it came from the well. The great ex- 
portation of water from Canterbury which is indicated 
by Fitzstephen (III., 150) and Benedict (II., 134), would 
naturally suggest to the popular mind a holy well from 
which such healino* fluid was drawn. 

As already indicated, the contents of Vol. II. once 
upon a time constituted an independent saga, as the 
preface to it, besides other criteria, seems clearly to show. 
Originally it v^^ould seem to have consisted of two 
principal parts : the story of the gesta post martyrium, 
with Benedict's miracula interwoven (cfr. Fragment E.), 
which is now contained in T. II., 2-92 ; and a work 
of Robert of Cricklade's, chiefly on miracles, T,, II., 92- 
168, or possibly — 184. The rest is drawn from later 

After a few introductory remarks, which seem to be 
peculiar to T., the preface falls in (II. 2, ii-4, i-^) with 
John of Salisbury's considerations on the Archbishop's 
death (II., 316, 317), with which, however, the corre- 
pondences is somewhat loose, though the main points 
are caught correctly. In the parallel, drawn between 
the 'new martyr' and the Saviour (T., IL, 4, 14-6, n), 


Herbert's Liber melorum, or some similar record, seems 
to be the source, as we have pointed out in the Saga ; 
but the parallel between Thomas and the Saviour, drawn 
by John of Salisbur}^ (II., 318-19), which immediately 
foUows the source of the first portion of the preface, 
and the parallel drawn by William (I., 2), the editor of 
T. does not seem to have known. Tlie subject in T. 
is broken off here by a lacune of two leaves ; but the 
missing matter is supplied to some extent by fragment 
E., II., 274-76, which is partly drawn from Benedict's 
prologue to his Collection of Miracles (II., 23-26), partly 
from some other source which we do not know now. 
What the source of II., 6, n-lO, i_^, may be we have 
not succeeded in verifying. The account of king 
Hemy's mission to Canterbury to disavow all parti- 
cipation in the murder (T, II., 10, 5-I2, j.^-) agrees 
loosely with William (L, 124-126); cfr. Gesta post 
Martpium (IV., 409-10). In stating that some of the 
Archbishop's friends betook themselves abroad after the 
murder, in order to set forth its unheard-of atrocity be- 
fore the Pope, T. apparently refers to Alexander Llew- 
ellyn and Gunter, sent by Thomas shortly before his 
death, to France, whom the news of the murder reached 
on their way, and who were bearers of the denunciatory 
letters to the Pope. The insertion of the letters (T., II., 
122-24), which are all abstracts, more or less full, of the 
originals, is peculiar to T. alone (for references to the 
originals see the footnotes). From the letters T. goes 
over to the first of the miracles. But as we treat the 
miracles under a separate head, we refer to the para- 
graph on them at the end of the collation. In review- 
ing the relations of Kome to the state of affairs imme- 
diately after the murder T. (II., 26, n, sqq.) seems to 
be in discord with other authorities, which represent 
the pope as only too desirous of inflicting the severest 
censures on all the king's dominions ; cfr. especially a 
letter by Richard of Ilchester to Gilbert Foliot, Giles, 


S. T. C, vi, 260, 261, and a letter from the king's 
envoys, Hoveden, II., 25. 

At this point T, (II., 20, sqq.) takes up the story again 
before the murder, by referring to a letter of pope 
Alexander of Oct. 9th, 1170, by which he appointed 
the Archbishops of Sens and Rouen to interdict the King's 
cismarine dominions, if he should evince himself un- 
willing to carry out the terms of his agreement with 
the Archbishop of Canterbury. The terms of peace were 
never carried out, and when, in addition to that, the 
murder, which all people at the time laid to the guilt 
of the king, supervened, the mandate of Oct. 9th 
remained in full force, and must be fulfilled. Hence the 
action of the archbishops. William of Sens, acting 
under the terms of the mandate, singly pronounced the 
interdict in Jan. 1171. In the account of these pro- 
ceedings T. betrays reliance on Brompton's Chronicle, 
Twysden, 1064-67. In averring that king Henry wrote 
to the pope (II., 30, n) in meek words, fcc, T. seems to 
allude to a letter, still extant, in which the King, 
announcing to the Pope the death of the primate, prays 
for the medicament of the holy father's salubrious 
counsel (Variorum epp. ad Alex. III., xxxi, Migne, cc. 

In the account of the dealings of the new legates 
with the King, T. (II.) follows loosely the Gesta post 
Marty rium (Herb. III., 542-3). The vague treatment of 
events at this time observable in T. is already adverted 
to in the notes to the text. In setting forth the story 
of the settlement of peace at Avranches, T. (II., 36-38) 
differs from all extant authorities in adding to the 
shrift the flagellation which, two years later, the King 
received at Thomas' tomb at Canterbury (T., II., 174, 
sqq. ; Grim, II., 447). The manner in which the excom- 
municated bishops were again brought to the bosom of 
the Church (T., II., 38) is referred to in notes to the 
text ; and for authorities on the fate of the murderers, 


see T,, II., 40, footnote 9. The insertion into the story 
of the gesta post raartyriiim of the part taken by bishop 
Bartholomew of Exeter is peculiar to T. The letter of 
the Pope defining the bishop's mode of procedure against 
the various classes of offenders in the case is not dated, 
but seems referable only to the year 1171. The next 
historical point Avhich gleams through the miracle - 
legends, is the opening, on April 2nd, 1171, of the crypt 
to pilgrims visiting Canterbury. Here T. (II., 8G, sqcj.) 
agrees with Benedict (Mater., II., GO), but adds to the 
account various details not adduced by the latter autho- 
rity, especially the statement that the mighty lords of 
the land set up a determined resistance against those 
who would divulge or disseminate stories in evidence 
of the martyr's sanctity (T. II., 90), which finds its 
corroboration in Fitzstephen's account of the attitude 
of the de Brocs towards believers in the new miracles 
(III, 151). 

The account of the young King's sedition (T. II., 
172-180), of the father's penance at Canterbury, and of 
the termination of the revolt, though in general vague 
harmony with Herbert (Liber Melorum, mel. ii. not. 9, 
Mat., III., 544—48), depends 'evidently on some other 
record, though neither on Grim (II., 445-47), Garnier 
(209 sqq.), Gervase (I., 242), Diceto (i., 355, 373, sqq.), 
nor Brompton (1083 sqq.) This authority has dealt in 
a slipshod manner with facts and dates. Thus here 
king Philip II. of France, instead of Louis VII. his 
father, is made the principal ally of the young Henry, 
being apparently so mistaken for Philip count of 
Flanders (cfr. Gervase, I., 243 ; Diceto, i., 373.) Here 
the events are placed in 1175, instead of 1173-74. Here 
too, the most ignominious point of the sovereign's 
penance, the flagellation at Thomas's tomb, is omitted, 
although Herbert (1. c.) emphasizes it very solemnly as an 
event until then unheard-of in history. On the other 
hand, in conformity with Herbert, the vision to wliich 



we have alluded above (page cxxx.) is brought in here 
again in order to bear out its fulfilment while, how- 
ever, Herbert's observation that it had been related to 
the King and he had recognised in it a true prophetic 
vision, is not mentioned. A new vision introduced 
immediately after the King's successful issue from his 
troubles (II., 180-182), seems to be peculiar to T., 
though the eventual outcome of it, namely, the confirma- 
tion of the privileges of Christ Church, Canterbury, 
seems to refer to that charter which king Henry granted 
the monastery in 1175 (William I., 494), but which 
this latter authority represents as due to a vision of 
quite a different character, and, apparently, the same 
to which Grim (II., 448) ascribes the reconciliation of 
the King and prior Benedict. What T. next relates 
in evidence of the King's repentance and reformation 
(II., 182, ii_i<5), depends evidently on some legendary 
account of the King's last days. 

The account of the canonization of Thomas (T., II., 
184-194) is peculiar to T. alone. Here, in the first 
place, the event is placed in the year after the revolt 
of the King's sons, whereas it happened in the very year, 
when the revolt broke out, 1173. The circumstantial 
account in T. of the event follows some unknown source. 
Here the initiative comes from England, whereas it 
really came from Rome — according to the author of Vita 
Alexandri III. (Migne, cc. 38) from the church and 
people of Gaul. Pope Alexander having authorised the 
apostolic legates Theotwin and Albert to make rejoorts 
to him on the subject of the Archbishop's death, with 
a view to canonization, it was due to their informa- 
tion — " habito itaque testimonio litterarum vestrarum " 
— that, on the 21st of February,^ the act of canonization 
was performed by him ; and in the letter in which he 

^ "We must correct here an error 
■which inadvertently we committed, 
T. II., 186, footnote 19, in dating 

the canonization March 13th; the 
date should have been given as 


announces this to his legates, it seems that he studiously 
abstains from mentioning any other informants as to the 
miracles except in general terms those, " quibus fidem 
" adhibere consuevimus " (Ep. Alex. III., MxxL, Migne, 
cc. 909). The council, at which T. avers it was agreed 
upon to send messengers to E-ome to request the pope to 
canonize the new saint, was really a council holden at 
Westminster on the 3rd of June, three months and 
11 days after the canonization, for the purpose of elect- 
ing the new archbishop of Canterbury, Diceto, (i., 3C9), 
Gervase (I., 244). 

From the canonization T. skips a period of 47 years, 
to the translation, 7th July 1220 — by the peculiar 
chronology of T. dated 1224— of which it (II., 194-208) 
gives the most detailed account existing, so far as we 
know. Here the story begins by saying, that the act 
was countenanced by the Pope, and indeed Honorius III. 
authorised it by a letter dated Jan. 25th (viii. kal. 
Feb.), 1219, addressed " ad universos Christianos per 
" Angliam constitutos " (Migne, cxc. 979-980). Setting 
forth the account of the ceremony itself, T. divides it 
into three distinct acts: — 1. (T., IL, 196-202, i_2o) the 
removal from the vault in the crypt of the bones of tlie 
saint to a chest, made for the purpose, and then secretly 
put away. This ceremony took place on Saturday, June 
27th (v. kal. Jul.). 2. (T., ih., 202, ,,-208, j,,) the 
solemn ceremony of the translation proper, on Tuesday, 
July 7th. 3. (i6. 210-212) the enshrinement which, 
according to the notion of the Icelandic sagaman, took 
place some time afterwards. Among those assisting at 
the translation the sao-a mentions kins: Henrv, the son of 
Henry, evidently meaning the son of Henry II., wlio was 
crowned in Cantcrburj^'s despite in 1170, but who died 
in 1183. This must, of course, be 'due to the interpo- 
lating pen of a thoughtless scribe, who was led away by 
the reference of the original annalist to the young king 

cliv PREFACK. 

(Edward III.) devoutly assisting at the ceremoii}', and 
thought that it was the young Henry indeed, of whom 
the talk was still in 1220. As its authority in the 
description of the two first-named acts the saga mentions 
" The Master," who is an author whom we are unable to 
name ; in all probability the allusion is to Vincent de 
Beauvais' Speculum Historiale. But otherwise the ac- 
count, though far more detailed in T., corresponds to the 
description given in Annales Waverleyenses (Gale, 
Scriptores, II., 185-186), and Matthew Paris, (III., 

In the description of the third act (T. II., 212), a 
sentence occurs which must be noticed, to the effect, 
that pilgrims retuining from Canterbury reported as a 
common saying among Englishmen that never, after the 
ofierings to the shrine, had England been so rich again 
in gold. We have taken some considerable trouble in 
tracinof the source of this statement, but in vain. Un- 
doubtedly it looks as if by '"' pilgrims " were meant 
Icelandic pilgrims. What pilgrims from other countries 
returning home might have said on the subject of the 
shrine would hardly have got to Iceland, or, if it had, 
would have taken some shape different to what is really 
before us. We recognise in the sa^^ing a faithful reflec- 
tion of that sense of blank amazement with which the 
sight of the golden shrine would naturally strike a simple 
beholder coming from a goldless country like Iceland ; 
we discern in it the benighted visitor's want of percep- 
tion of what Enoiish wealth meant, as well as his icmo- 
ranee of the manner in which the Canterbury offerings 
were accumulated. His imagination, thus unguided by 
knowledge, would obviousl}^ suggest to him the idea 
that the flood of gold, which resulted in such a magnifi- 
cent object of art as the shrine, must necessarily have 
left a permanent ebb-mark behind. To us it is clear, that 
here an Icelandic pilgrim's simple fancy must have put 


tlie word in the month of Englishmen, wlxo themselves 
doubtless made a different estimate of the effect upon 
the nation's purse. 

The last chapter of the saga (II., 228-240), containing 
a mystical comparison between Elisha and Thomas of 
Canterbury, is drawn from a source which we have not 
been able to verify. 

Visions and Miracles. 

In collatinof the visions and miracles with the orioinal 
sources we content ourselves with only giving the 
bare references. We may, however, mention that what 
is now known of Benedict's work in Icelandic on 
this subject is only a small fragment in comparison 
with the original. There is no reason, why only glean- 
ings from the first 32 miracles of Benedict's work should 
have been selected for preservation, while the I'est was 
allowed to be clean forgotten. We doubt not that what 
is left of Benedict's miracles in Icelandic, is a small 
remnant of a larger work which once upon a time repre- 
sented, possibly fully, the first three books of the Latin 
original (see above, p. Ixxii.). As has already been 
pointed out, the miracles fall naturally into two groups, 
one by Benedict, the other by Robert of Cricklade. To 
the former belono- the f ollowino; : 

1. Vision of Argentan announcing 

the death of Thomas - - T., 11., 24, 278 Bened. II. 29 

2. Vision of Brother Benedict, in 

which Thomas appears to him 
holding a Hghted lantern in- 
veloped in fog - _ _ jb. 44, 27G ib. 27 

3. Vision of Bishop Bartholomew of 

Exeter ----- i7>. .50 ib. 28 

4. A person of Canterbury sees two 

wands grow up from the arch- 
bishop's armpits _ _ - ib. 60, 278 ib. 30 

5. A dead monk reveals to a living, 

how the martyr was honoured 

in heaven - - * _ ib. 279 ih. 31 

G. A monk of Canterbury hears in a 
dream a respond and verse in- 
dicative of approaching miracles ib. 64 ib. 34 

L'., i: 

L, GG 

Bened. II. 











74, 279 


76, 279 




78, 280 




82, 281 




82, 281 













clvi PREFACE. 

7. The archbishop appears to a monk 

of Canterbury indicating the 
approaching manifestations of 
his miracles - - - - 

8. A son of William of Canterbury is 

cured by the martyr's blood 

9. A woman is cured of ague - 

10. Another woman cured in a similar 

manner - - _ - _ 

1 1 . Samson of Oxford cured of dumb- 

ness _ - - - - 

12. Gofridus of Canterbury cures his 

three sons by application of the 
martyr's blood _ - _ 

13. A blind man is cured by the same 

means . - _ - - 

14. Ermelin is cured of lameness 

15. Roger archbishop of York is cured 

of ophthalmia - - - - 

16. Alditha is cured of a hurt in the 

knee - _ _ _ _ 

17. Al vena cured of curvature of the 

spine - , - - - 

To the second belong the miracles which are intro- 
duced, T. II., 92, 12-1 p ^^ having been brought out to 
Iceland by the men of old, or by former men, and have 
no counterparts in Benedict's collection. Nos. 19, 20, 
21, 32, bear a distant resemblance to William of Can- 
terbury, Mat. I, Lib. II. (3), V. (1), VI. (157), II. (44), 
respectively ; but such is the distance between these 
miracles that not even the subjects of the stories agree 
in both recensions. William of Canterbury could not 
under any circumstances have been in any one case 
the original of T. It is evident, from the manner in 
which the first of these is introduced in the name of 
Robert of Cricklade, that all the following owe their 
authorship to him : 

18. Robert of Cretel is cured of a hurt on his leg by the 

water of Thomas's well, cfr. Benedict II., 97 - II., 90, 284 

19. A mutilated man is cured by a vow to the martyr - II., 102, 283 

20. A man hanged at Perigueux kept miraculously alive 

by the Saint ------- II., 110 

21. A dead cow restored to life through a vow to Thomas II., 118 

22. The cut-off leg of a man restored to him through a 

vow II., 126 

24. A church consecrated by Thomas after his death - II., 130 

25. A mother's deformed son restored to full health - II., 134 

PREFACE. civil 

2G. A burglar rotbing the cathedral treasure betrayed 

by the intervention of the martyr _ . _ II., 1-10 

27. A falcon which had lost its eye is healed - - II., 140 

28. A mother dying from giving birth to a dead child is, 

together with it, brought to life again - - II., 148 

29. The son of knight Jordan called to life again - - II., 156 

30. A drowned child brought again to life - - - II., 162 

31. Three sons of a certain widow brought to life after 

having lain for a long time in their grave - - II., 164 

32. A page of king Henry, kicked to death by a horse, 

brought to life again - . _ _ - - II., 168 

33. The martyr appears to the king in a dream - - II., 180 

34. The famous carbuncle of the French regalia mira- 

culously attached to the shrine of the martyr - II., 212 

35. The son of a knight Robert miraculously saved from 

drowning - - - - - - - - It., 208 

VII. — Various Notices. 

1. Mariu Saga. — In the extract from Mariu saga, 
p. 198-203, given in Appendix II. (T. II., p. 284-289), 
we have an intermediate fragment of a Thomas saga 
between T. and some text which has stood in close con- 
nexion with E. The portion of the Stockholm codex 
from which this extract is derived is, in the opinion of 
Professor Unger, written in the iirst quarter of the 14th 
century. That the extract is derived from a lost 
Thomas saga becomes clear from this passage, " þegar 1 
" öskublomi, sem fyrr var greint, setti signaSr Thomas 
" gu^s moSvr Mariam sinn vakran verndarmann " : 
already in the bloom of youth, as is set forth above, 
the blessed Thomas appointed God's Mother Mary his 
watchful guardian, cfr. T. I., 1 8, ii_i2. To that, which 
is here stated to have been set forth above, there is no 
allusion made in Mariu sao-a. It becomes still more 
evident, that the passage is a scribe's or a compiler's 
thoughtless copying when, further on (T. II., 288, 2a_2,), 
we read, " Go^s moþvr Mariam elskaíSi hann vmfram 
" alia menn ok fal henni a hendi alia sina framferiS 
" nærst almatkvm o-oSi "' : God's mother Mary loved he 
beyond all men, and committed to her care all his ways 
next to Almighty God — which the author, when he 
bethought himself of giving a picture of Thomas's per- 

K .541. 1 



sonal cliaracteristics, copied^ forgetting that he had 
ah'eadv alluded to it. 

This extract bears in parts a strong resemblance to 
the preface of T. II., and comes still closer to the cor- 
responding portion of fragment E. From the miracle 
in Paris the author passes over to the fulfilment of it, 
and from that to the deserts of the Archbishop, in a 
manner which shows that, beside the life book, he had 
before him the story of the gesta post martyrium, 
beginning in a similar way to that which is now pre- 
served in T., as this comparison makes clear : — 

T. II., 2. 

Alt sitt lif leiddi hann stóruui 
heilagliga, hreiun ok grandvarr á 
siiin likanL Erkibyskup rar hanu 
at tign ok vigslu, primas allrar 
Englauds kristne, ok þarme'Sposto- 
ligs saetis legatiis. Var þat vel 
veröugt {)TÍ at alia tima firnst 
haun verit hafa hinn rettvisasti 
domare, er hvorki halla'Si rettum 
dome fyrir fémútur né mauna-muu. 
Sva sterkr ok stöíSugi' me'S kirkj- 
unne, a'S hann veik af rettri reglu 
hvorki fyrii" blitt ue stritt, sva rétt- 
vislega harör vi^' ómildan lyð, at 
hann má |)eira hegna'Sarhamarr 
vel kallast. Enn fátæki'a manna 
ok harm|irunginna var hann hinn 
háleitasti huggari. . . Nú ef sökin 
gerir mann go^an í Gu'Ss augliti, 
sem einginn efar vitr mab'r, {)á 
finst bans sok eingi réttvísari, |)vá 
at haun striddi í mote GuSs dviuum, 
er roe's öllu vildu fyrirkoma kirkj- 
unnar rettendnm. En hva'S e^a 
me^S hverjuin hætti hann let sitt 
blezaSa lif, er öllum kunnigt, at 
hann var drepinn iyiir Gu'Ss moSur 
altari í höfutS kii'kju Englands af 
sjálfs sins andiegum sonum. 

Appendix II., 286. 

Fylldiz ok siþan einkar fagrliga 
þat, er þe<si kistill spaíSi fyrir, |)viat 
þessi gvSs ma^r Thoujas enski son 
Gillibertz ok Moalldar ötta^V ok 
föddr i Lvndvnum var'S si|)an Kant- 
variensis erkibyskup ok allz Eug- 
landz primas ok postoligs sötis legatvs 
vm allt England. Ok er {)at vel 
verSuct þviat hann h^i, sitt lif 
storvm heilagliga ok finnz alia gotv 
verit hafa enn rettvisazti, er hvarki 
halla^'e nökkvrn tima rettvm domi 
fyrir femvtvm ne manna mvu, 
Sva var hann sterkr ok stöSvgi* me'5 
kirkivnni moti Heinreki kon^ugi 
ok bans ratSvneyti, at hann veik 
ser huarki af rettri reglv fyrir 
konvnofsins blibV ne striSv hotvm 
ne bar's indvm. Sva var hann 
rettvisliga bar Sr vi'S hina omilldari, 
at uel matti hann þeira begnaSar- 
bamarr heita, enn fatökra manna 
ok harmþrvnginna var hann hinn 
baleitazti hvggaii. Nv ef sokin, 
sem engi vitr matSr efar, gerii- mann- 
inu go'San i gvíJs avghti, |)a finnz 
bans sok ekki rettvisligra ; J)viat 
hann striddi moti gvSs ouinvm, er 
kirkivnni ok hennar rettindum 
villdu me'S öllu fyrirkoma me^ 
siuvm bolwSum ovönvm . . . 



287, g : En hvar e^a Die's hverivm 
hötti hann let lif sitt, |)a er þat 
öllvm kunnict, at hanu var drepinii 
i heilagri höfut kirkiv allz Eng- 
landz, þeiri sem öllvm öíSrvm er 
tignari, h^ri ok haleitari. Her me'5 
var hann pindr af sinvm vndir- 
mönnvm ok andligum sonvm. 

On further comparison we find that the recension, 
from which the Extract in Mariu saga was made, was 
closely allied to, possibly a copy of that represented by 
fragment E. : — 

E. T. II,, 270,;. 

allrar kristninnar, ok fyrir þvi er 
hann sannliga pislarvatr, litt aa ^v 
vigslvpallinn ok er hann hiun 
æzti erkibyskvp ok legatvs, ok maa 
hann fjrir þvi sannliga heita postoli. 
leita f)v at liflazstvndinni ok hittiz 
ball's drottinsligs bvr'Sar, vir'S |)v 
dav'Sasta^inn, ok er {)at havfvt- 
kirkian i Anglia. Hverir erv dav'Sa- 
menn hans, eigi gy^ingar eigi hei^- 
ingiar, helldr hans vndirmenn ok 
eignarsynir. Nv af f)essa hins helga 
mannz dyr^ ok iartegnagior'S fagni 
mær ok mo^ir nyian Abel dyr'S 
hafa avSIaz af bro^vr drapi, fagni 
hvn ok nyian Jakob legstan fra 
bro'Svrligv hatri, fagni h\Ti ok 
nyian Joseph frelstan af bræ'Sra 
avfvnd ok nv rikiandi i himneskri 
havll. i'essi hinn haleiti gv'Ss þionn 
Thomas erkibyskup gaf sitt lif 
fyrir gv'Ss savk a fior^a ari hins. 
xii. hvndra^s fra holligvm gv^s 
getnaiSi. Eptir Dionysivm m.° c.° 
Ixx. iiij. kalendas Janvarij. a þri'Sia 
degi vikv aa elliptv ti^ dags at 
likamlligri Krists bvr'Sarti^, honvni 
til erfvi^is ok piningar, f)at yr'Si 
þessum til hvilldar ok haleitrar 
dyr'Sar, til þeirar lei"Si oss allzvalld- 
andi gv^ sa er bæ'Si er vpphaf ok 

Appendix II., 288, 32. 

allrar kristninnar, fyrir |)vi er hann 
sannr pislarvattr. Lit a vigslu 
pallinn ok er hann hinu özti byskup 
ok allz Englands primass ok posto- 
ligs sötis legatvs, ok ma hann af 
|)vi sannliga heita postoli. Leita 
at liflatz stvndinni, ok hittiz a 
hati'S drottinligs bvr^ar. Vir'S 
dav^asta'Sinn, ok er höfv'Skirkian 
i Englandi. Hverir vorv dau^a- 
menn hans ? Eigi giö'Singiar, helldr 
vndirmenn hans ok andligir synir. 
Nv af f)essa mannz dyr^ ok iartegn- 
vm fagni heilög kristni, m^r ok 
mo^ir dyi"S hafa ö'Slaz af drapi 
bro'Svrligu. Eagni hon ok Joseph 
selldan af brö^ra sinna ofvnd ok nv 
rikianda i himinrikis höll. Enn 
|)essi hinn haleiti ok hinn göfugligi 
gv'Ss vin Thomas Cantuariensis 
erchiby skvp ok allz Englands primas 
ok postoligs sötis legatvs var pindr 
a |)vi ari, er li'Sin voro fra vars herra 
holldgan m. ara c. ok Ixx. ok eitt, 
a fimtögimda ári ok þri'Sia sealfs 
sins alldrs, fiorda kalendas Janvarii, 
þri'Sia dag vikv, a elliptv ti'S dags, 
fimta dag iola, at vars herra likara- 
lig bvr^arti'S, honom til erfi'Sis, 
yr^i J^eim til huilldar ok haleitrar 
dyrSai-. Til þeirar hinnar sömv 

1 2 


endir allz bins gotSa, ok þo Ufir ok leiöi oss varr lavarSr Jesus Kristr, 
rikir an enda. sa sem böSe er upphaf ok endir, 

me^ fetSr ok helgvm anda lifir ok 
rikir einn gvS i {)renningu vm allar 
alldir verallda. 

The personal description of Thomas which precedes 
these reflections and historical notices corresponds ahnost 
word for word to T. L, 2S,g_i:.. We may, therefore, 
infer that, wlien the extract was made, probably in the 
beginning of the 14th century, Thomas saga existed in 
a form similar to that which is now presented in T. 

2. The Chronology of Thomas Saga. — In one 
respect our saga proves itself utterty independent of all 
other records relating to the life of Thomas of Canter- 
bury, viz., in its chionology. The oldest fragment E., 
and the latest recension, that is, the present text, both 
agi'ee in dating events, when referred to calendar years, 
four years after their real date. No authority is adduced 
in support of this method of computation, but so much 
is certain, that the Icelandic translators could not pos- 
sibly have been left in any doubt as to the cln-onology 
adopted by the Latin biographers. Without going into 
any lengthy argument in supj^orb of this particular point, 
it is enoucrh to refer to Benedict's statement, averrino- 
that the archbishop died " anno ab incarnatione Domini 
millisimo centesimo septuagesimo," which E. renders : ' a 
fiorSa ari [bins atta tigar, or possibly : bins, viii*^ tigar] 
bins. xii. ljvndra-(Ss fra holligvm gv^s getnaiSi ' = in the 
foui*th year of the eighth decade of the twelfth hundred 
from the incarnation of God. The words in l>rackets 
are supplied by us, having evidently been missed out in 
E. by a scribal oversight. But to this sentence E. adds 
immediately: — " Eptir Dionysium m^.c^. . Ixx*^" '^.e., ac- 
cording to Dionysius 1170. — Now it is evident, that the 
author of E. gives in the first chronological statement 
the really correct time as he considered it ; in the second 
he gives it as he knows it to be commonly accepted ; for 


Dionysius here can only refer to Dion^^sius Exigiius, the 
author of the æra vulp-aris, or Christian time-reckonino-. 
This contrasting of the two methods of computation 
shows, that the Icelandic author took his stand by the 
first, on grounds that to him were of sufficient autboritv 
tc prove the incorrectness of the second, which he ad- 
duces merely as a computistic fact. 

The same chronology is also observed in the priest's 
saga of bishop Gudmund, which makes Beda responsible 
for it/ a charge on that author which is not so utterly 
void of foundation as editors have hitherto supposed. 
But Beda's authority alone is not sufficient to account 
for the whole difference. The Icelandic clerks of the 
12th and 13th centuries must have come to this chrono- 
logical conclusion by some comparative method of in- 
quiry, and as we take it, they could have arrived at it 
only by comparing Beda with the chronological state- 
ments of Josephus in his account of the reign of Herod 
the Great, and by collating the result thus obtained with 
the declarations of the gospels. 

The long established fact that the Dionysian era begins 
too late by four years, may be said to rest almost en- 
tirely on the chronological statements contained in Fla- 
vins Josephus's account of the reign of Herod tlie Great, 
embodied in his Antiquitates Judaicæ and his history 
De bello Judiaco. That this writer was known to Ice- 
landic scholars of the 13th century at least is evident from 
the Gydingasögur of Brand Jonsson, abbot of Ver and 
afterwards bishop of Holar, 1263-64, in which he is not 
only cited as a special authority for a special statement,- 
but is the very source from which the chronological locus 
classicus in question, the account, namely, of the last ill- 
ness of Herod and his death is derived.^ That this author 
was known in Iceland a long time before ma}^ fairly be 

* Biskupasögur, I., 415. 
2 Gydiiigasögur, ed. G. Þorlak':- 
son. Copenh., 1881, p. 59. 

3 Il>,, cli. xxxi, 

clxii PREFACE. 

assumed. Briefly stated, the chronological statements of 
Josephus amount to this : Herod was nominated king of 
Judæa in the 184th Olympiade, in the year of the con- 
sulate of C. Domitius Calvinus and C. Asinius Pollio, 
that is, anno urbis 714.^ But he did not obtain a secure 
enjoyment of his throne until he had overthrown and 
slain the actuai ruler, the last Asamonean Antigonus, 
which event took place during the consulate of Agrippa 
and Caninius Gallus, a. u. 717.^ Herod reigned for 87 
years from the date of his nomination, and died 84 years 
after the overthrow of Antigonus, that is a. u. 750.^ To 
these chronological landmarks Josephus adds yet one of 
paramount importance, at least for modern research. 
During Herod's last illness there occurred the sedition 
of Matthias the high priest whom he overcame, and with 
his accomplices caused to be burnt alive. " That very 
night,'' says the historian, there occurred an eclipse of 
the moon.* This eclipse it has been ascertained occurred 
at 1.48^ in the morning of the 18th of March, in the year 
of the Julian era 4710, corresponding to a. u. 750. It is 
not necessary to assume that the Icelanders of the 13th 
century knew how astronomically to control this eclipse ; 
the other dates were quite sufficient for their purpose. 

From their study of history these islanders knew well 
enough, as did all the mediæval chronologists, Beda their 
chief included, that Dionysius Exiguus began his era in 
the year of Rome 754. They also knew that Beda did 
not agree with this time-reckoning, who not only dis- 
tinctly says that Dionysius began it in the second year of 
his era,^ but who also, in common with the early fathers, 
placed the birth of Christ in a. u. 752 : '^anno Cæsaris 

1 Antiqu., 1. XIV., ch. xiv., § 5. 

2 lb., XIV., ch. xvi., § 4. 

dominicæ incarnationis annum in 
capite pónendo manifeste docuit se- 

3 lb., XVII., ch. viii., § 1 ; De : cundum sui circuli annum ipsum 

bello Jud., I., ch. xxxiii., §8. 

4 Antiqu., XVII., ch. vi., § 4. 

•5 Qui in primo suo circulo quin- 
gentesimum tricesimum secundum 

esse, quo ejusdem sacrosanctæ in- 
carnationis mysterium cœpit. De 
temp, latione, ch. XLVII. 



August! XLII., a morte vero Cleopatræ et Antonii 
quanclo et Egyptus in provinciam versa est, anno xxvii./ 
Olympindis cxciv. anno tertio, ab urbe autem condita 
anno dcclii., . . . Jesus Christus Filius Dei sextum mun- 
di ætatem suo consecravit adventu." ^ Here then Beda 
was to the chronological inquirer a distinct authority for 
the vulgar era of Dionysius beiug wrong by at least 
three years, removing its commencement back from a. u. 
754 to 751. By Josephus' evidence on the death of 
ITerod it must be removed further back by a year at 
least, since by.the testimony of the Evangelists Christ was 
certainly born before the death of that king. Thus the 
statement, that Beda was the authority for the time- 
reckoning observed in Thomas saga, is to a great extent 
correct as, no doubt, he was the principal source by the 
aid of which the Icelandic clerks came to that chrono- 
logical result. 

3. LiTTERA FRATERXITATIS, concessa Wytfrido luarii 
filio de Insula de Island, Appendix lY. (T. II., pp. 

Besides the Icelanders mentioned above as havino- 
been in England during the 12th century, we may here 
mention two visits to Canterbury, which took place in 
the early years of the loth, within a short period of each 

Bjorn Einarsson, a wealthy^ chieftain (ob. 1415) of 
Vatnsfjöi'Sr in the west of Iceland, in one of his many 
extensive travels visited " the holy Thomas" of Canter- 
bury, 1410 ; but of this visit nothing is knoAvn beyond 
the bare fact, that it took place ; as Bjorns itinerary, with 
the exception of an alleged quotation from it in the 
Greenland Annals (Grænlands Annálar) by the peasant 
annalist Bjorn of Skai^sa, of doubtful genuineness (cfi-. 
K. Maurer, Skí"Saríma, page 37), is now wholly lost. 

Five years after Bjorn Wy tfridus luarii filius de Insula 

^ A clear clerical blunder for 
xxviii., as all trustworthy autho- 
rities have it. 

2 De temp, ratioue, ch. LXVI., 
sexta æt!i«i. 

clxív PREFACE. 

de Island, i.e., Vigfús Ivarsson Hólrar, went to Canter- 
bury on the pious errand explained in the littera frater- 
nitatis. The difference between tlie name Wytfridus and 
Vigfus may be accounted for by the following fact. This 
same Yigfús had in 1402 obtained from " frater Augus- 
" tinus de Undinis, ordiuis S. Benedicti, Apostolicæ Sedis 
" Nuntius," at the court of Queen Margaret of Denmark, 
a letter of indulgence for one hundred persons in Norway, 
chiefly his own relatives, no doubt, where his name is 
spelt Wichfridus (Deplomat. Norveg, v. No. 415). This 
letter undoubtedly was Vigfus's chief credential to the 
chapter of Canterbury, and from it the name was copied 
into the littera fraternitatis as Wytfridus, c being read as 
t by a common mistake. De Insula is evidently a transla- 
tion of Holmr, Engl, holme, island. The identity of Vigfus 
Ivarsson with the person mentioned in the letter is borne 
out absolutely by the other names mentioned in it. This 
Vigfus belonged to a Norway-Icelandic family,^ members 
of which frequently occupied prominent posts in Iceland 
from 1307-cir. 1432. When first appearing on the scene, 
we find these Holms allied by marriage to the two noblest 
and most influential families of southern Iceland : the 
men of Oddi, descendants of Sæmund Sigfusson the 
learned, on one side, and the men of Hawkdale;^ the pro- 
geny of Isleif Gizurarson, the first bishop of Skalholt, 
on the other. Ivar Jonsson Holmr, the earliest mentioned 
representative of the family in Iceland, arrived there, 
apparently for the first time, in 1307, the bearer of royal 
mandates, by which one half of the royal tax of the 
country was conceded to the king's bailiffs^. In 1312 he 

^ A relative of this person, we ] tal og lögmanna, Safn til Sögu 

Islands, II., 55. Espolin, I., 21, 
and r, Jonsson Hist. Eccl. I., 426, 
make this Ivar a son of Vigfus, 
and identical with that Ivar who 
first appears in 1345, though later 
Espol. doubts their identity, I„ 79, 

take it, was that Vigfus I^■arsson 
who died during king Hakon Ha- 
konsson's expedition to the " West- 
ern Isles," in 1262. Fornmanna 
Sögur, VIII., 125. 

2 Islenzkir. Annálar, 1307, cfr. 
Jon Sigur'Ssson in Lögsögumanna- 



appears again, but with the title of Herra, which shows 
that, in the interval, he had been knighted.^ He married 
in Iceland a lad}^ by name Asta,^ whose relationship to the 
above-mentioned families appears from this table : — 

Isleifr Gizurarson, bp. of Skalholt. Sæmundr the learned. 


^ I 




Jon ; his daughter : 
Solveig ; her son 
rorlákr ; his daughter 

Klængr marr. Þorger^r. 
' -v ' 


Asta m. to Ivar Jonsson Hólmr. 
From 1312 no mention is made of the family until 
1345, when an Ivar Vigfusson Holrar, uncertain what 
actual relation to the foregoing, makes his appearance in 
the annals, apparently as a royal commissary or governor 
of the island.^ Again he is referred to in 1351 as being- 
entrusted with high official functions, and in 1354 (or, 
according to others, in 1352), when the annals state that 
he arrived in Iceland with the startling news, that he had 
fai'med the revenue of the whole country for three years, 
being at the same time appointed to the post of royal 
coDimissary.'* In 1358 he acts as a representative of the 
laity of Iceland in certain disputes which at that time 
strained the friendly relations between the church and 

' Isl. Ann. 1312; Laurontius sacra 
in Biskupa Sögur, I., 825 (886). 

2 Espolin, I., 21, Isl. Ann. 1. c. 
Jon Sigurdsson, 1. c. Hist. Eccl. 1, c. 

^ Espolin, I., 79. 

-* Isl. Ann. 1301, 13.V2, 1353, 
1354; Espolin, I., 82, 84; Hist. 
Eccl. I., 426. 



the lay community.^ In 1365, in the capacity of royal 
commissary, he comes forward at the althing summoning 
to the king's presence certain leading persons among the 
laity.^ And in the same year he undertakes, on behalf 
of the papal legate Guido de Cruce, to collect the papal 
revenues of Iceland.-^ Some authorities aver that he held 
this commission still in 1369.* He died in 1371.^ 

In 1389 we find the Canterbury pilgrim mentioned 
for the first time, and in the capacity of governor of the 
country.^ It seems likely, though there is no direct 
evidence to show it, that he was a son of the foregoing. 
In 1393 he is connected Avith an important constitutional 
incident, being commissioned by Queen Margaret of 
Denmark to attempt the enforcement of new taxes on 
the people of Iceland by the aid and consent of the repre- 
sentative assembly, and his popularity is attested by the 
attitude of the diet, who '' for the sake of Vigf us " con- 
sented to give a certain amount once for all, on condition 
that it should not be called a tax nor ever be demanded 
again.'^ He appears as arbitrator in a blood-suit in 
1394.8 In 1397 (April 27th) a still existing charter 
(Arnamagnæan Coll. Fasc. v. 20) bears witness to his 
having declared his wife, Gu'Sri'Sr Ingimnndar dottir, 
to be possessed, in her own right, of property, in Ice- 
land and Norway, amounting in value to " five hundred 
hundreds." Consequently he had been married before 
this date, and the statement of the annals, that he 
brought his wife with him, apparently for the first time, 
to Iceland in 1403, then presumably just married, since 
her age at that date is given as fifteen, muse depend 
on some confusion. In 1402 we find him at Roskild, 
as has been said before, in treaty with " Augustinus de 

1 Hist. Eccl. I., 528. 

2 Hist. Eccl. II., 213. 

3 Diplomat. Noru. III., No. 339. 
1 Isl. Ann. 1369. 

5 Isl. Ann. 1371 ; Hist. Eccl. L, 
426; Espolin, I., 99. 

6 Isl. Ann. 1390; Hist. Eccl. I., 
441; EspoHn, T, 110. 

7 Isl. Ann. 1393. 

s Isl. Ann. 1394 ; Hist. Eccl. 
1. c. Espolin, I., 119 ; Jon Sigurös- 
son, 1. c. 75, 76. 

PREFACE. Clxvii 

Undinis." lu 1405 and 1408 he figures as high steward, 
or master of the ceremonies, at two of those grand social 
banquets which form such a striking feature of that 
age.^ In 1409 (July 2nd) he is acting at the althing, 
and on the 7th of the same month at an island called 
rerney, in his official capacity as governor of the 
country, vindicating certain commercial prerogatives 
vested in the crown.- Again, in 1413, he figures as 
one of the signataries to a deed drawn up by the 
bisliop of Skálholt, conferring certain privileges on the 
mouastery of Yi^ey.^ This same year, in the capacity 
of governor, he enforces upon a certain English trader, 
named Richard, some restrictive provisions regarding 
his choice of market station, apparently in favour of 
the bishop of Skálholt.^ In 1415 king Eric of Pome- 
rania invested the then bishop of Skálholt, Arni 
Olafsson, with the governorship of all Iceland.^ On 
learnino* this Yis^fus Ivarsson Holmr, in the summer of 
the same year, betook himself on board one of six 
English tradei^ then lying in the harbour of Hafnar- 
fjorSr, and sailed with 60 " lasts " of fish and a great 
quantity of precious things away to England.^ On the 
7th of the following October we find him, as the littera 
fraternitatis testifies, on his pious errand at Canter- 
bury. We have no means of confirming or refuting the 
statement of the littera, that Vigfus was related to 
Thomas Becket — ex cujus propagacionis hnea se asserit 
descendisse — though we have made a somewhat diligent 
search with that view ; but that Yigfus himself believed 
it is evident, and his character and career seem to pre- 
clude the idea of any intentional fraud on his part. It 
might perhaps be possible, if search were made in 
Norway, to bring some light on this obscure 2:)oint. 

1 Isl. Ami. 1405, 1408 ; Espo- 
liu, II., 3, 4. 

' Jon SigurSssou, I. c. 170, 171. 
^ Espolin, XL, 8. 

^ Isl. Ann., 1413. 
5 Espolin, II., 10, 11, 
•^ Espolin, II., 11. 

Clxviii PREFACE. 

All Vigfús's immediate family connexions mentioned 
in the letter tally correctly with what we learn about 
them from Icelandic records, as far as they go. His 
mother's name was Margi-et, she was the daughter of 
Össui*, and is supposed by Icelandic genealogists to have 
been of Norwegian descent.^ His wife's name was 
Gu^rfór (=Gutreda), the daughter of one Ingimund, 
probably of Norwegian origin.- Of their children 
only three seem to be kno^vn in Icelandic records: 
Ivar, who married Sophia, daughter of the greatest 
north country nobleman of the time, Lopt the Mighty 
of Mo^ruvellir.'^ This Ivar must have been a man 
of great promise, for in 1431 (on June 14th) we lind 
his name first among the signataries to the oath of 
allegiance to king Eric of Pomerania.'* As the story 
goes, he was slain by the attendants of that epis- 
copal miscreant Jon Gerriksson*^ who, after having 
plundered the archiepiscopal see of Upsala, and been 
deposed by papal authority,^ was rewarded by king 
Eric with the see of Skálholt, where the Icelanders soon 
lost patience with him, and put an end to his career in 
a sack sunk down in a* river, 148o.' Another of 
Yigfus's children was Margret (Margarita), of whom the 
story goes, that she refused the hand of Magnus, the 
above-named bishop's butler who. in revenge for the 
slio-ht, slew her brother and set fire to the house. 
Escaping from the burning house, she is said to have 
made her way to Mö^ruvelhr, and to have vowed that 
she would marrv whomsoever that wrouo-ht revenoe 
for her injuries. Thorvald, son of Lopt, accepted the 
challenge, having himself sufifered great indignities at 

1 Espoliii, I., 107. 

- Espolin, I., 110, 120. 

3 Espolin, II., 33. 

^ Jon Sigurdsson in Lögsögu- 
manua tal og lögmanna, Safn til 
Sogu Islands, II., 176. 

^ In Swedish records called Jo- 
hannes Jerechini. 

6 Espolin, II., 24, 25 ; Lange- 
beck, Script. Eer. Dan. VI., 236 ; 
Upsala Ai'kestifts herdaminne, Up- 
sala, 1842, I., 7. 

7 Espolin, n., 29-33. 

PREFACE. clxix 

the bishop's hands, and wrought the revenge as ahead}' 
stated.^ A third child of Ivar's, Erlendr (Ellendrus), 
is also named in Icelandic records. The rest of the 
children mentioned in the document are unknown in 
Iceland; their names are all genuine or current Ice- 
landic names, except Edmundus, which is a transforma- 
tion of Ingimundr, clue, no doubt, to the scribe of the 
chapter taking the former as an English equivalent for 
the latter ; the son thus named in the Latin document 
was evidently named after his maternal grandfather, 

It is evident that this Canterbury document is per- 
fectly genuine. As such it settles a hitherto vexed 
question in the history of the Canterbury pilgrim. 
There exists, namely, in the i^rna-Magnæun Collection 
(No. 238, 4to. fol. 24b) a document of the following 
tenor : 


Þad giore e^ gvdridvr ingemundzdotter ollvm godvm 
monnvm kvnnigtt med þesso mino opnv brefi . at ec 
gef^' j heidvr med gvd &l hans signada modir Marie til 
æverndiligx bæna haldz til videyar stadar jordina sem 
holar heita med viii. kvisfilldum sem lio;^ i orimsnesi 
fyri sal vigfvsar jvarsonar »fc hans sonar, ellendz, sem gvd 
þeirra sal frelsi til æfverndiligrar eignar, med ollvm 
beim ooonnvm &; o'ædvm sem til hennar lio-avr & leioit 

■too o oo o 

hefvr fra fornv & nyiv & avngvv undann ski lid v, svo 
framt sem ec matte framast med loovm hana eicjnazt, 

O O ' 

samþyckte minn sonvr jvar, þessa mina giord med mier, 
og til sanninda hier vm setti ec mitt innsigle fyiir þetta 
bref er giortt var j bravtarhollti jn die sancti Mngni 
martiris anno domini mcd\ij. 

1 Espolin, II., no. 


Deed for Holar in Grtmsnes. 

I, Gudi'id, daughter of Ingimund, make known unto 
all good men by this my open letter, that I give, in 
honour of God and His Blessed Mother Mary, for per- 
petual offering up of prayers, to the monastery of Videy, 
the farm which is called Holar, with a stock of viii. 
" cow-gilds" (= farm-stock of the value of eight cows), 
within Grimsnes, for the souls- of Yigfus Ivarsson and 
his son Ellend — on whose souls may God be merciful — 
in perpetual possession, with all commodities and ad- 
vantages thereunto belonging and having belonged from 
of old and from of late, with nothing exempted, all as 
fully as I might the same by fullest right in law have 
acquired. To this my deed gave consent my son, Ivar, 
with me conjointly, and in witness thereof I put my 
seal to this letter, which was done at Brautarhoit in die 
Sancti Magni martiris (16th April) Anno Domini mcdvij. 

In the light of the Canterbury document it is clear 
that here we have to deal with a deed the spuriousness 
of which now becomes obvious, at least as the date of it 
stands. The wording of it indicates that both father 
and son must be considered as dead when it pretends to 
have been drawn up. But the Hist. Eccl.. positively 
affirms (lY., 170) : certum est Vigfusum Ivari filium 
Islandia exiisse anno 1429 et in illo intinere obiisse. 
Moreover, amoug the estates belonging to the monastery, 
at the time of the dissolution, Holar is not mentioned at 
all, cfr. Hist. Eccl. IV., 94-96. 

4. Editorial. — In reproducing the text of T. it was 
out of question, that the authorities of the Royal Library 
of Copenhagen could be expected to lend over to England 
the unique MS. containing this important contribution 
to English history. To me, as librarian, it seemed so 
unreasonable to make even a request for the loan of the 
MS. that I chose rather to advance no solicitation to that 
effect at all, There was, too, all the less reason to do 

PREFACE. clxxi 

this, that the object of the publication was in the main 
historical, and Professor Unger had reproduced, letter 
for letter, the text of the MS. in his edition of Thomas 
saga, Christiana, 1869. My duty was, then, to examine 
the printed text carefully, and, where any point of 
doubtful grammar or questionable style presented itself, 
to ascertain the reading of the MS. This I have done. 
In every case Professor Unger's reading has proved correct. 
The not inconsiderable number of text alterations found 
in the present edition are therefore independent of the 
readings of the MS. Conjectures, however, have been 
indulged in only in cases where the change is self-evi- 
dent. I may here add a few more : Vol. I., 128, g, after 
Englands there ought to be added probably, konungs ; 
p. 164,1, after segja, the word hann seems to be a repe- 
tition of hann in the same line, I have now no doubt 
that it ought to be altered to þat ; p. 308, jg, satt, 
neuter of sattr, " at peace with,'' is hardly the right 
reading, a better, though not quite satisfactory, would 
be satt, neut. of sannr, true, reliable, settled ; Vol. II., 
16,7, Þeini altered to þeirra gives better sense ; p. 42, lo, 
at must go out; p. 54,22, sina, "his," seems to be a 
scribe's blunder for syna, " manifest ;" p. 98, 93, ok should 
probably be at; p. 86,5, bræ'Si, "anger," should read 
bræ-Sr, " brethren," the sentence being a translation 
of an original which must have agreed more or less 
closely with Benedict's : " opinionem nostram minui 
" ajebant qui talentum nobis creditum videremus ab- 
" scondere" (Mat. II, 60). 

In the appendices the spelling of the MS. has been 
retained ; in the main text it has been normalised, the 
MS. spelling being indicated in the footnotes. Syste- 
matic deviations from the MS. spelling are : enn in all 
its senses for en, ft for pt where kindred languages 
have preserved ft in the root, and framm for fram. As 
to enn, this spelling of the word in all its senses is not 
only borne out by the oldest vellums, such as the Ehici- 

clxxii PREFACE. 

dariiis, one of the oldest, if not the very oldest Icelandic 
vellum book in existence, but also by the alliterative 
rhymes of the poets, which are an irrefragable evidence of 
the correctness of the spelling. Scholars seem inclined 
to doubt the fact, that enn, in the sense of hut, ever, 
except by a mere accident, is sounded by the poets in 
the manner here stated, and some maintain that it is an 
enclitic particle, thus ascribing to it a phonetic element 
which is utterly foreign to the Icelandic language. In 
the poems it not only bears in hundreds of cases the 
weight of the first syllable in Drottkvæ^r hattr, which 
is invariably long, a function entirely impossible for an 
enclitic particle, but in addition to that bears the allite- 
rative stress of a verse in no end of instances as well, e.g., 

'Knn varS eigi en min'^a. 

Ætt-skarS þat er hjó BarSi,' Hei'Sarvíga saga. Isl. 
Sog. II., 390. 

Enn þótt ellri iinnisk. Grettla, 23. 

Enn re's orSskvi^ ssLnnSb, ih. 32. 

Enn fyr mækis mu^ini, Gisla saga, C7, 154, 167. 

Enn ek mun me^ svi^mum, Sturl. Vigfusson's ed. 
II., 220. 

Enn (printed en) í mot fyri m'67in\xm, ih. 321. 

Enn (printed en) eld-broti U7i7?ar, ih. 

Enn ef aptr koma ^unnsæ., ih, I., 164. 

Enn er mót-fór ma?i7ia, ih. 261. 

Enn þptt ófri'S sun^ian, Erringar Steinn, Edda, I., 
440. ' 

Enn herskipum hran'/iir, ValgarSr, ih. 500, &c. &;c. 

With regard to the spelling of ft for the customary 
pt of the editions, it is enough to observe that p in Ice- 
landic before the hard dental muta has always been 
pronounced f, even where p is the thematic exponent of 
the sound. No Icelander pronounces, unless he be 
trained to it, pt otherwise than as ft. The old Icelandic 
clerks, to whom the Latin language was the main ortho- 
graphic guide, were led involuntary to the spelling pt 

PREFACE. Clxxiii 

for ft, from the fact, that, the Latin did not possess the 
combination ft, but abounded in pt. It is acknowledo-ed 
on all hands, that the spelling adopted here is the right 
one, cfr. Cleasby's Dictionary, 137a: ''the spelling with 
" pt in such words as aptan, evening, aptr, after (see, 
" however, article aptr, 2.3a), &;c. is against the sense 
" and etjnnology, and is an imitation of Latin MSS." 
As to the phonetic value of pt, see Konrad Gislason Old- 
nordisk formlære, § 75. 

The spelling of framm for fi-am is not only borne out 
by the modern pronunciation, but by ancient use as well, 

hv&mmsi, þaz ek berk fra'jnryi. Edda, I., 412. 
fra,mm mot lagar gla77i77ii. (Snorri) ih. 630. 

Should it be objected that this word also rhymes with 
gram in ' 

gu^r vox um um gra7'/i 
gramr sotti fra77i, 

we -answer that it is not proved, that m in gTam was 
sounded as a soft m (English m in came) ; elsewhere at 
least it rhymes with undoubted mm : — 

grams und arnar hramr/ia ; even in the case, 

Sva for þat fram 

at flestr of nam, we think it is doubtful 
whether nam was not pronoimced namm, cfr. Danish 
nemme. Consistently we ought to have spelt lunm, not 
um, in which word the feeling of the hard m was so 
strong of old that very frequently it is found in the 
vellums spelt umb, and to this day it is pronounced by 
every Icelander as umm. 

5. Note. — In T., I., 364, i5_i9, we read: Ozias, frægr 
Juda konungT af mörgum sigri, er Gu^ gaf honum, hofst 
Í kennimanns þjónustu fórn at færa, því var hann 
líkþrá lostinn ok or kirkju rekinn ok do í því. This, 
in the Icelandic rendering, corresponds to the following 
in the Latin text of the letter : — Oza quoque, etsi rex 

K 541. Ill 

Clxxiv PREFACE. 

non esset, quoniam arcam Domini tetigit, et tenuit 
nutantem ad præcipitium bobus recalcitrantibus, quia 
ad eum non pertinebat, sed ad templi ministros, indig- 
natione Divina percussus, juxta arcam Domini corruit 
mortuus (Mat. V. 274). In the first instance we have to 
correct Hosiah to Uzziah, son of Amaziah, king of Juda, 
for it is evident that he is the king meant in the text. 
His example, as set forth in II. Chron. XXVI. 16-21, 
seems to be exactly that which was wanted to give 
point to the Archbishop's argument, while the illustra- 
tion adduced from the incident of the driver Uzziah, as 
recorded in II. Sam. VI. 3-7 and I. Chron. XIII. 7-10, 
seems really to miss the point altogether. We cannot 
help thinking that here the Icelandic text repi'esents the 
original letter faithfully, but the Latin passage a later 

Finally, it is my duty to acknowledge the kind 
assistance I have received in the execution of my work. 
First to the memory of the great Jon Sigurd sson I 
owe to state that, besides affording me his unreserved 
assistance whenever I appealed to him on doubtful points, 
it is largely due to his liberality in admitting me to his 
rich collections, that the matter contained in the preface 
xxviii.-xxxv. is due. To the renowned editor of the laws 
of the Icelandic Commonwealth, Dr. Vilhjálmr Finsen, 
Judge in the Supreme Court of Judicatm^e at Copenhagen, 
I am indebted for untiring kindness and valuable assist- 
ance, especially in matters connected with the littera 
fraternitatis. To Dr. Jon Thorkelsson, for steadfast 
friendship and instructive correspondence, I gladly offer 
my grateful acknowledgments; and here. I take the 
opportunity of stating that I received in a letter from 
him a conjecture on the difficult passage, Vol. I., 94, j.,, 
identical with my own, but too late to refer to it in 
the note. To the Arna-Magnæan stipendiary, Mr. Gu^- 
mund rorláksson, are due the new readings in Frag- 
ment B., Appendix I., pp. 248-252. And to him and 


Mr. Finnr Jonsson of the University of Copenhagen, I 
owe kind and valuable replies to queries relating to the 
history of Thomas saga. I acknowledge last, though by 
no means as least, the unvarying kindness and generous 
interest which my learned chief, Mr. Bradshaw, has 
so readily extended to me on every arising occasion. 

EmíKK Magnússon. 
Cambridge, June 18S8. 




Ix, footnote, xxx. read ***. 

Vol. I. 

, 8 




g, eingin read einginn. 

16, prior read priorr. 

23, framsett read frammsett. 

15sizt read K^sist. 
s, Eptir read Eftii'. 

11, siálfr read sjálfr. 

footnote 3, uonndur 7'ead uonnduz. 

g, prior read priorr. 

5, i*vi er, read því er 

c, |)esssk<5 la read |)ess skdla. 

15, brast read brást. 

i3> ^^g^'^S^ read lágliga. 

1, |)arfnist read f)arnist. 

1, furthurance read furtherance. 

15, silkiklædi read silkiklæSi. 

le, kanaka read kanúka. 

19, Adríanus read Adrianus. 

20, Roma read Roma. 

22, |)raungslir read þröugslir. 
o, honumm read honum. 

9, liflat read líflát. 

4, for^ast read for^azt. 

9, i read i. 

23, lagst read lagzt. 

23, biskup read byskup. 

footnote ^, coneilum, read concilium. 

19, snarast read snarazt. 

26, dirfist read dirfizt. 

footnote 1, nefnDega read neiniliga. 

2s, at, read at 

12, snarist read snarizt. 
ig, har-ma read harm-a. 

24, klerkunun read klerkunum. 
22, saurr read saur. 

4, konum read honum. 

ERRATA. clxxvii 

Vol. I., 182,23, veral dligum read veraldligum. 
24, kirkjunar read kirkjunnar. 
198, 12, erkbyskupinum read erkibyskupinum. 

204. 8, brigzlandi stundum read brigzlandi, stuudum. 
24, heftist read heftizt. 

210.9, okk read ok. 

212, 26, feg-jalda read fégjalda. 

220. 19, öíiruvís read ö^ruvíss. 
23, eingin read einginn. 

224. 17, bli'Skast read blitSkast. 

230. 6, laundyrr read laundyr. 
8, klekr read klerkr. 

14, þyss read þys. 

234. 20, konuugsmannua read konungsmauna. 

250. 18, gle^ist read gle^izt. 

254. 3, bonorö read boner's. 
256, ly, komust read komuzt. 
292, 12, hitt read hit. 

296. 16, ley fa read leifa. 

308.21, sviptist read sviftist. 

330. 19, fyjara read fylgjara. 

334. 17, snarist read snarizt. 
336, 11, me^, read me^ 
340, 26, ek read ok. 

380, footnote 7, 377-379 read 877-879. 

384.22, ér read er. 

394. 18, For'Sist read Fordizt. 

396.4, astutS read ástú'S. 

398. 20, óttist read óttizt. 

402.5, vansæmi read vansami. 

footnote ^3j Icelanders read Icelander's, 
affiixit read afflixit. 
404, 4, |)er read þér. 

g, skildast read skyldast. 
18, en read enn. 

406. 23, eptir read eftir. 
410, 3, LXXII. read LXII. 

414.24, tapast reaíí tapazt. 

418.24, ^^read'^^. 

424, 14, streingir read strengir. 

426. 3, lesist read lesizt. 

430. 25, leyf «1 read leifSi. 

432. 21, stalS read sta'S, er. 

436, margin, St. Louis read King Louis. 

442. 7, fekkst read f ékkst. 

444, 23, Ileiurekr read Ileinreks. 

466. 4, huersu read hversu. 
20) \}^^' i^'cad J)ér. 

Clxxviii ERRATA. 

Vol. I., 466, oo, annsuör read annsvör. 
492, ic her read her. 

1-, engi read eingi. 
494, 2Q, öngvann read öngvan. 
.500, 10, heist read helzt. 

21, rettindavald read rettindavald. 
.504. ig, engiiiu read eÍQginn. 

24, flekkast read flekkazt. 
548,24? maundráp read manndráp. 
554, 9, fögur read fögr. 
Vol. II., 2, 12, postolegs read postoligs, 
18, 2, brixluS read brigzlu'5. 

12, Vpp 7-ead Upp. 
44, ig, si|)au read si^an. 
52, 3, flytiz read flytist. 
64, margin, responsoy 7'ead respond. 
68, 23, þikkiz 7-ead þikkist. 

80. 13, Hæc read Hæe est. 

88. 14, hár read hárr. 

92, 23, priorinn I'ead pridrrinn. 

93, CXI. read XCI. 

100.3, Frani 7-ead Framm. 

134, footnote -", hörmuligan read hörmulegan. 
156, 4, sém 7'ead sem. 

162. 4, gammall read gamall. 
172, !(,, grepta'Sr read grefta^r. 

1 84, marginal note, canonise read canonize. 

204. 4, vuder j-ead under. 
206, g, folkslus read folksins. 
208, 20» byrinn 7ead byrrinu. 
220, 2s, unnder 7-ead under. 
224, 1J-, seigist read segist. 
226, 1-, vitkazt read vitkast. 
234, 29, gudomlig read gu^domlig. 
236, 15, Því read því. 

252, 12 redi read r^di. 

35, þafinn read pafinn. 
253, 4, glesi- read gl^si-. 

, 8> farselldar read fars^lldar. 
255, 29, lausa 7-ead lausu. 
259, ig, hafvm read havfum. 
260, 9, allu 7-ead avllu. 

264, 9, dafan ok mallasan read davfan ok mallav«an. 
265,24, ardvelligarr read avdvelligarr. 
266, 14, Lvudva read Lvndvua. 

267. 5, þa 7-ead þav. 
1^,354 read 384. 

11, trath rerti/ travtt. 

ERRATA. clxxi 

Vol. II., 268, 2, va read sva. 

269, 32) clii'Slig[vm] read dav'Siig[vm], 

270, -, 1 read 2. 

279, 2, dr^'S read dyr'5. 

291,27, ^P^^^ clæmi 7-ead eptir-dæmi. 



K541. Wt. B1275. 


on the 


Blezaðr sé sá Gu^ himneskr, er sér ^ valde þvílík- 
an 2 )?jón, sem nú er hér ^ greftra'Sr ; J?ví at kosningr 
heilagrar speki skein yfir honum ]?egar í æskublómi ^ ^ 
ok fyrr enn hann væri^ fæddr.^ Hér^ er leiddr log 
brandrinn, sá er mó^ir lians Mailld leit^ me^ háfum 
eldi stand a upp í lofti^, því at nú hefir ástarhite 
lifanda Gu'Ss hafi^ hann upp af jar^ríki. Alt sitt líf 
leiddi harm stórum heilagiega, hreinn ok grandvarr á 10 
sinn líkam. Erkibyskup var hann afS tign ok vígslu^ 
prímas allrar Englands kristne, ok far me'S postolegs 
sætis ^ legatus. Var fat vel ver^ugt, því at alia tíma 
finst ^^ haim verit hafa hinn réttvísasti ^^ dómare; er 
hvorki halla'Si réttum ^- dome fyrir fémútur ^^ né 15 
iQanna ^^ mun, svá sterkui' ^^ ok stö^ugr me^ kirkjunne, 
a'S hann veik af réttri ^^ reglu livorki fyrir blítt né 
strítt/'^ svá réttvíslega ^^ har^r vi^ ómildan ^^ If^, at 
hann má feira hegna^arhamarr ^ vel kallast. Enn 
fátækra manna ok harmþrunginna var hann liinn 20 
háleitasti huggari. Ekki finst hans life bjartara, J?ví 

1 sier, T. 

^^ riettuisazti, T. 

" þuilikann, T. 

12 riettum, T. 

3 hier, T. 

13 fiemutur, T. 

■* qskuhlomi, T. 

i^ manna added by Prof. Unger. 

5 u^ri, T. 

13 So, T. 

6 Mdr, T. 

16 riettri, T. 

' Heir, T. 

1' sír/(/í, T. 

** So altered by 


editor ; 


i^ riettvislega, T. 


19 omilldann, T. 

ö sqtis, T. 

20 hegnadarhamar, T. 

»0 finz, T. 


Blessed be that heavenly God, who chose for his 
servant such an one as him who now lieth here buried ; 
for election by Holy Wisdom shone over him in the 
bloom of his youth, yea and before he was born. Here 
is now entombed that burning brand which appeared 
to his mother with high flames issuing aloft therefrom, 
for now the heat of the living God's love hath lifted him 
up from the realms of earth. All his life he led in a 
right holy fashion being pure and heedful of his body. 
He was archbishop by dignity and ordination, the 
primate of the whole church of England, and thereby 
the legate of the apostolic see. And right worthy it 
was, for he is found to have been at all times the most 
rightwise of judges, and one who never allowed a right 
judgment to be swayed by bribes or respect of per- 
sons ; and in so firm and steadfast a manner he stood by 
the church, that no means, soft or severe, ever brought 
him to depart from a right rule ; so rightwisely stern 
towards wicked people, that he may well be called their 
hammer of revenge. But to the poor and afflicted he was 
the most exalted comforter. Than his life nothing may 

A 2 


1171. at hann fyrirleit^ alia heimsins fegr"S, fostrland ok 
fjarhlute, frændr ^ ok vine, takandi fyrir Gu^s ast bæ^i ^ 
á sigpk sina frændr ^ fátæktar ^ útleg'S ine^ svá myklum ^ 
ok margháttu^um ineinger"Sum. Sex ár þoldi hann 
útleg^ me^ svá myklum hugarkrafti, at hann líktist ^ 5 
sjálfum Gu^s postolum í sinne sta^festi. Nu ef 
sökin ^ gerir mann go^an í Gu^s augiiti, sem einginn 
efar vitr ma^r, þá finst *^ hans sök^ eingi réttvísari,^ 
því at hann striddi í mote Gu'Ss ovinum, er me'S ollu 
vildu fyrirkoma kirkjunnar rettendum.-^^ Enn hva^ 10 
e-Sa me'S hverjum hætti^^ hann let^^ sitt bleza^a lif, 
er ollum kunnigt, at hann var drepinn fyrir Gu^s 
mo'Sur ^^ altare í höfu'Skirkju ^^ Engiands af sjalfs ^^ sins 
andligum sonum. Ok J^au lof er rettliga-^^ renna at 
hans líílæti ^^ eru frábær^^ í frumtignum, )?á er limr- 15 
inn likist ^^ höf^ino í mörgum ^^ greinum. Hver 
heilagra manna samvinnandist ^^ framar sjálfri Gu^s 
pínu enn ];essi Thomas ? Lit a þat, er fylgir, ok munt 
þú sanna svo verit hafa. Hvortveggi for^a^i sér-^ 
um stund fyrir óvina valdi, ]?ar til ^ inn gekk ^"^ fyrir- 20 
ætlu-S^^ ti-S af sjálfum Gu'Se. Ok bá'Sir fyrir sögSu^^ 
sína písl, fyr enn framm kæmi.;^^ bá^ir mót runnu 
sínum banamönnum me^ líku or^taki, ok báöir ]?águ 
fri^ sínu fólki. Hvartveggi bar svá hógværliga^ 

^ Tor fyrir liet ( = fyrirlét), from 
fyrirláta, to forgo ? 
^ frqndr, T, 
3 h^di, T. 
^* fatqktar, T. 
5 SoT. 
ö liktiz, T. 
7 saukiji, T. 
^ finz, T. 
^ riettuisariy T. 
^^ riettendum, T. 
" ^^ííz, T. 

12 /zeí, T. 

13 moí/r, T. 

i^ haufudkirkju, T. 
15 So U, ; sialf, T. 
i^ rietUiya T. 
17 Zz/Í^íi, T. ; liflati, U. 

18 /m6^r, T. 

19 likiz, T. 

20 manrgum, T. 

21 Prof. Unger reads : er samvinn- 
andizt, which gives hardly satis- 
factory grammar or sense. I am 
inclined to think that samtvinna^ist 
may represent the original reading: 
what saint's martyrdom was more 
entwined with = more closely re- 
sembling, &c. 

22 sier, T. 

23 Prof. Unger adds er after til. 

24 gieck, T. 

2' fyrir^tlvd, T. 
2^ sauydu, T. 

27 k^mi, T. 

28 hogu^rliga, T. 


be found brighter, for he scorned all this world's glitter, 
even his native land and wealth, kinsmen and friends ; 
taking, from love of God, upon himself and his kinsfolk 
the poverty of exile, together with great and manifold 
hardships. For six years he endured banishment in such 
firmness of mind, that he resembled the very apostles of 
God in his steadfastness. Now, if the very cause maketh 
a man good in the sight of God, the which no wise man 
misdoubteth, then no cause may be found more just than 
his was, for he struggled against the enemies of God, 
whose aim was to bring utterly to nought the rights of 
the church. But by what cause, and in what manner he 
lost his blessed life, is known unto all men, inasmuch as 
he was slain before the altar of God's mother in the 
cathedral church of all England by his own spiritual 
sons. And the praises which rightfully appertain to his 
death are the most rarely met with among the merits of 
martyrs, and only when the limb resembleth the head in 
many ways. Who among saints hath gone through ^ 
passion more closely resembling the very passion of God 
than this Thomas ? Consider what now followeth here- 
after, and thou wilt find, how truly it hath been so. 
Both saved themselves for a while from the power of the 
enemy, until the season came by which bad been ordained 
before by God himself Both foretold their passion 
before it came to pass ; both went forward to meet their 
banesmen with a similar address, and both prayed for 
peace for those about them. Both bore in so lowly a 




sjalfan píslarpálminn, at lambinu liktusfc bá'Sir, því at 
]7essi ágætisma^r,^ erkibyskupinn, bar eigi bond ^ e'Sr 
klæ'Si^ sér til hlífSar, eigi heyr^i anclvarp eSr styn 
af bans brjoste, heldr sofna^i bann sva sætliga,^ sem 
bans dau^i dyrkast eilííliga.^ Bá^ir leifSu ]7eir fe- 5 
muni sinum kveljörum ok bvartveggi leiddist í 
nýrre^ steinþró af sínum hug^armönnum. Svá fylgir 
]?jónn berra sínum, signa'Sr Thomas Lausnara varum, 
er um langan tíma ofíra^i sig bfandi fórn Gu'Si 
sjálfum me^ margbátto^um gæzkuverkum,^ lerkandi 10 
sinn likam frá lýtum ok löstum me^ bár^ .... 

tion caused 
at the news 
of the arch- 


. . . . ma rettliga, at einskis ^ manns ^^ or^færi ^^ 
skýrir ]?at me^ fuUu, bver uggr ok otti, börmung ok 15 
bræzla ^^ kom yfir alt folk ^^ í Englandi bæ'Si ^^ lær^a ^^ 
ok leika ok almúg fyrir dráp ok dau'Sa Tbóme erki- 
byskups, því líkt sem fólkit væri^^ lagt at jöröu ok 
eingi lyfti upp sínu böföi, me'San nýjast var um 
sagöa börmung.^^ Sem marka má af oröum eins 20 
byskups, þami tíma sem einn af klerkum kom fyrir 
bann bi'Sjandi fulltings á sínu máli, segir sig ^^ mis- 
baldinn viS einn konungsmann bæöi^^ m'e'ð ran ok 
" annarri vanvir^u. Byskupinn svarar : " Hvat megum 
" ver ]?er gjora ? HirSir várr ok höfu'S, binn bæsti ^^26 

1 agi^tismadr, T. 

i. notulæ 8-26, Migne, cxc. 1295- 

2 haimd, T. 


3 kl^di, T. 

4 s§tliga, T. 

^ eilifigha, T. 

9 einkis, T. 

10 manz, T. 

" ordf^ri, T. 
12 hrezla, T. 

^ nt/re, T. 

7 gi§zkuuerkumy T. 

13 folk added in U. 
1" b^dii T. 

^ Here is a lacune of two leaves 

15 l^rda, T. 

in T. The comparison made here 

1^ uqri, T. 

between the passion of Christ and 

1-^ haur^nung, T. 

that of the martyr is derived, in a 

1^ sigh, T. 

strongly condensed form, from Her- 

I'-' b^di, T. 

bert of Bosham's Liber Melorum, 

-0 h^zti, T. 


fashion the very palm of passion, that they resembled a 
lamb ; for this glorious man, the archbishop, bore forth 
neither hand nor raiment in defence of himself ; not a sigh 
nor a groan was heard to escape his breast, nay rather 
fell he so sweetly asleep as the perennial \\'orship of his 
death sheweth. Both left things of value to their tor- 
mentors, and both were entombed in a new stone 
sepulchre by their loving friends. In this wise the 
servant followeth his master, the blessed Thomas our 
Saviour, he who for a lono^ time offered himself a livinir 
sacrifice unfco God with manifold works of mercy, wean- 
ing his body from sin and vice with hair. . . 


. , . may rightfully, that no man's manner 
of speech can fully explain, what terror and awe, what 
sorrow and fright fell upon all folk in England, learned 
and layfolk alike, as well as npon the commonalty, from 
the slaughter and death of archbishop Thomas ; indeed 
it appeared as if the people were smitten down to earth, 
and no one durst lift up his head while the said affliction 
was at its freshest. This may be inferred from the 
words of a certain bishop, when once upon a time one 
of the clergy appeared before him praying him for aid 
in a certain case, which he said was one of unfair deal- 
ings by one of the king's men, who had both I'obbed him 
and brought other shame upon him. The bishop 
answered : " What may we afford to do for you ? Our 
" shepherd and head, the highest bishop in the whole land, 


1171. « byskup Í ollu ^ landinu er drepinn ok deyddr ^ í sínum 
" erkistóli ok mó^urkvi^i alls Englands, er drottnins: 
" ma rettliga kallast annarra ^ kirkna. Af hverjum 
" skulum ver nu fullting fa, hvar er traust vart, sto"S 
" eSr styrkr ? Byskuparnir em drepnir í kirkjunum, ^ 
" heilagir sta^ir era svivir^ir ok saurga^ir, goSir menn 
" fóttro'Snii^ enn glæpamenn ^ tigna^ir/' pviligt var at 
heyra, ok J?ó meir í bvísli enn hámæli/ því at sumir 
konungsmenn váro sva grjotligir í sínu brjósti, at 
þeira ofsi ok ^rfirgirnd gekk upp til afarkosta yx6 10 
lærdóminn^ fyrir slik ódæmi/ sem syndist í þeim sta^, 
sem konungsma^r ^ atti malum at skifta vi^S einn 
klerk. Ok sem ])á greindi mjög ^ a, tala'Si bann sva : 
" Yeizt J)ú eigi," sag^i bann, " at oss, konungsmönnum ^^ 
" er nú kent at raka kruniir klerkanna ?" Ma af sliku 15 
marka, bversu bátt illmennit geisa'Si því er sam- 
kvæmt-^^ sitr milli • bofu^s -^ ok ber^ar, )?at er at skilja 
Heinrekr konungr gamli ok bans hir^. pvi at þar birt- 
ist meir begomlig '^ dýr^ ok bræsni ^^ fyrir mönnum ^^ 
enn kristiligr barmr j^eiiTar ^^ gratligrar óbæfu/^ sem 20 
Ijost ma ver'Sa í )?vi sem fylgir. pvi at )?ær ^^ bækr,^^ er 
The kins framast fylgja Heim^eki gamla, setja ]?at í fja^stu eftir 
archbishop's and] at erkibyskups, at ranfengi J^at er honum fluttist 
proper .^ ^^ Kantúaría léti ^^ bann flest aftr færa.-^ Enn )?at 

segir -- eingi ^^ bok, at bann feny tti ^^ ser -^ eigi nokku^ 25 
af. Her-^ meS fer "þat, at sva sem bann hefir frett 

» auUu,T. 
« dauddr, T. 
3 annara, T. 
* gl^pamenn, T. 
« hamuli, T. 
^^ l^rdominn, T. 

7 od^nii, T. 

8 So altered by Prof. Unger 
konunyr, T. 

9 Z7«05r^, T. 

^0 ko?iu?igsmaunnum, T. 
1^ samku^mty T. 
^' haufuds, T. 
^^ hiegomligh, T. 

14 Ar^snz, T. 
1^ maunnum, T. 

16 So T. 

17 oAf/M, T. 

18 )>fr, T. 

20 /«eii, T. 

* f^ra, T. 

-■^ seigir, T. 

2-^ en^i, T. 

2^ fienijtti, T. 

-' s?er, T. 

26 i/ier, T. 


" is smitten and killed in his arch-see, in the mother- 
" womb of all England, that may rightly be called the 
" queen of other churches. From whom may we now 
'' get aid ? where is our trust, stay, or strength ? The 
" bishops are slain in the churches, holy places are filled 
'' with abomination and uncleanliness, the good are trod 
" under foot, but the wicked are honoured." 

Things of this kind were now to be heard, uttered 
though they were in whispers rather than in loud words, 
for some of the king's men were of such stony hearts, 
that their fierce insolence, by reason of their hearts' 
unexampled wickedness, grew even into overbearing 
deeds against the learned men, as came to pass in a 
certain place, where a king's man and a clerk had some 
dealings together. On their disagreement growing 
earnest, the former spoke in this way : " Dost thou not 
" know that we, the king's men, are now taught how to 
" shave the crowns of the clerks ? " From this it may 
be seen, how wantonly wicked people, that is to say, 
king Henry the old and his court, gave reins to the 
thing which hath its seat between head and shoulder.^ 
For they showed forth rather vainglory and hypocrisy 
before man, than any christian soitow for this grievous 
abomination, as will be clear from what follows here- 
after. For the books that favour king Henry the old 
the most record it among the first things done by him 
after the death of the archbishop, that of the wrongfully 
begotten goods which were brought to him from 
Canterbury he let most be brought back again. But 
no book averreth that he did not turn some of tliem to 
his own use. And herewith went also this, that on 

^ This obscure passage from: gave | the tongue, i.e. the language held by 
reins, &c. seems to be an allusion to I King Henry and his party. 




sent to Can- 
terbury to 
the king. 

fall erkibyskupsins fyrir vopnum sinna manna, lætr^ 
hann li'Sa nokkura daga, á^r hann gerir klerka sina 
me^ brefuin til Englands, at þeir fegri bans mál fyrir 
capitulo Kantuariensis. 

Ok feir frammkomnir ^ kalla bræ^r ^ samt me^ 5 
J/viliku orSfelli : " Ver '* erum sendir til y^ar,^ bræ^r,^ 
" af Heinreki konungi gamla þess erindis, at afsaka 
" fyrir ySr bans meinleysi, at einginn grunr leggist til 
" bans af þeiri óbamingju, sem bér me^ ySr befir at 
" borizt. pvi at konungrinn fell ^ í sára bryg"S, svá sem 1 
" bann spurSi ]?at ferliga verk, sva at þrjá daga bélt^ 
" bann sik ut af beilagri kirkju me^ því har^lífi, at 
" bann ]7arna^ist alia fæ^u^ utan kendi liti^ af kjarna- 
" mjolk, bafSi einvistir utan alia gle^i, því at bonum 
" syndist fær^-*^^ a sitt riki mikil ófræg^/-'^ ok vaiia vildi 15 
^' bann skilja sik me^ öllu blutlausan af ];essii verki, 
" in est fyrir þann ótta, er margar meingerSir erkiby- 
" skups befSi bræit-^"-^ hann til nokkurrar^^ ]?eirar^^ 
" bræ^i/^ at vondir ogiftumenn befSi tekit í sitt framm- 
" bleypi. pvi at ];ungbær^^ var su meinger^, er 20 
" hé"San,^' fluttist frá y^r, at ben-a væri ^^ bannsettr ok 
" allir er vi'S vigslu sonar bans váro. Var su örin ^^ 
" þar fyrir bættlig.-^ at bon flaug at óvöru,^^ því at kon- 
" ungrinn bug^i allan óþokka ni'Srsettan a þeim fundi, 
" er fi.i'Sr formera^ist i Franz milium bans ok Tbomam 25 
" erkibyskups. Nu þóttust þeir, er glæpinn^ unno 
'' befna konungsins meinger^a a ];eim manne, er bonum 
" átti bezt at ömbuna ^^ fyrir margfaldan ^^ soma. Enn 

^ ktr, T. 

2 framkomnir, T. 

3 hr^dr, T. 

4 Vier.T. 

5 yduar^ T. 

6 brqdr, T. 

7 fiell, T. 

8 hiellt, T. 

9 f^du; T. 

" ofr^gd, T. 
^- hr^rt, T. 

^3 nockurar, T. 

14 So U. ; Yeira, T. 

15 hr^di, T. 

16 \>unghqr, T. 
'' hicdan, T. 
1^ Mere,'T. 

19 aurinn, T. 
-0 hgltngh, T. 
-1 ouauru, T. . 
2" gl^piim, T. 
-2 mimhuna, T. 
^4 margfaldann^ T. 


hearing of the archbishop having fallen before the 
weapons of his own men, he allowed several days to pass 
by or ever he sent his clerks with letters to England 
to put a fair face upon his affairs before the chapter of 

And having arrived, they summoned the brethren 
together, with words framed in the manner followinor : 
" We are sent to you, brethren, from king Henry the 
" old, with a commission to bear witness to his innocence 
" before you, so that no suspicion may fall on him for 
" the grievous mishap which hath come to pass here 
^' among you. For the king fell into sore tribulation as 
" soon as he heard the news of that fell deed ; so much 
" so, that for three days he kept away from holy church, 
" doing penance even to the extent of abstaining from 
" all food, taking only little almond-milk, and abiding 
" in solitude, reft of all joy ; for it seemed to him, that 
" a great dishonour had been brought upon his realm ; 
*' withal he would scarcely deem himself without share 
" in this work, chiefly from fear, lest the many hurt- 
" ful deeds of the archbishop might have moved him 
*' to some such vent of anger as might have spurred 
" wicked men on to reckless actions. For sore, indeed^ 
" was the provocation which was bruited abroad from 
" you here, to the effect that the lord king was excom- 
" municated together with all those who had been 
" present at the coronation of his son. That ari'ow was 
" even therefore a dangerous one, because it came flying 
" unawares, while the kinsr thouo^ht that all ill-will had 
" been allayed at that meeting whereat peace was 
" settled in France between him and archbishop Thomas. 
" Now, those who wrought the wicked deed deemed 
'' they wreaked thereby the injury done to the king on 
" the man who had most to requite to him for mani- 
'* fold honours received. But so far removed from any 




" sva var konungrinn fjarri þeira fjrirætlan,^ at þann 
" tíma, er glæprinn ^ geröist, hug^i hann )?á vera á sínum 
" garöi. Bölfa^^ verk er vor^it ok svá óheyriligfc, at 
" æfinlega '^ mun í minnum haft ok aldri um aldr gleym- 
'' ast. Enn því Ijótara sem ]7at prófast, hæfir ^ )7ví 5 
" sí^r undirmönnum ^ konungsins at ætla ^ honum 
"■ nokkura samvitand, e^r vilja þar af. Enn ef nokkur 
" ílekkr í ]?essu male hefir honum færzt ^ fyrir eins- 
" hverja bræ^i/ hæfir/^ at hann af máist meS y^varri 
" bæn ^^ ok gó^fýse. Sýnir hann konungrinn sína mýkt, 10 
" at eigi ofsækir^"^ hann frammli'Sinn,^^ beldr gjarna 
" fyrirlætr^* sálunni þat, er hann misgerSi. pví bý^r 
" hann, at þér -"^ grefti'S Thómam svo sæmiliga ^^ hjá 
" sínum forf e^rum, erkibyskupunum hér ^^ í Kancia, sem 
" eingin sturlan um aldr hefSi hrært -^^ bans lífdaga."^^ 15 
Nú þótt Heinrekr konungr ger^i sér þvílíka skrök- 
semd,-^ lina^ist eigi barmr þeira vi^ slíkt, er fyrir 
^tiíttle"^^ váru, beldr veljast til nokkurir af ástvinum erki- 
byskups, at fara or landi ok framm ^^ til Róms, at þeir 
ílyti berra páfanum me"S fullum sannendum svá mikil 20 
hörmungarefni.^ pessir sækja ^^ upp í Franz ok finna 

sent from 

news to 

^ fyrir^tlan, T. 

2 gl^prinn, T. 

3 Baulfad, T. 
^ ^finliga, T. 

= h^fir, T. 

^ undirmaunmim, T. 

7 ^tla, T. 

8 f^rdz, T. 

9 br^di, T. 

10 h^fir, T. 

11 b^7l, T. 

12 ofs^kir, T. 

1^ framlidinn, T. 

14 fyrirlqtr, T. 

15 )>ier, T. 

1^ sqmiliga, T. 

17 hier, T. 

18 hrqrt, T. 

1^ The message delivered to the 
chapter of Canterbury agrees sub- 

stantially with the Latin text of the 
same in the Gesta post Martyrium. 
But one of a number of discrepan- 
cies between them must be noted 
here, namely this, that here Henry 
is represented as being unaware of 
the departure of the murderers at 
the very time when the murder 
took place, for that is what the Ice- 
landic text must be supposed to 
imply, while in the Gesta he is 
represented to have taken measures 
for guarding the coasts of Nor- 
mandy, in order to prevent the 
murderers effecting their purpose. 

20 skrauksemd, T. 

21 fram, T. 

22 haurmungarefniy T. 

23 s^kja, T. 



" knowledge of their intention was the king that, at the 
" time when the crime was committed, he believed they 
" were indeed at his court. An accursed deed has been 
" done, and one so unheard of, that for ever it will be 
" remembered, nor in any age be forgotten. But the more 
" wicked it proves, the less it beseemeth the king's 
" subjects to hold him guilty of any complicity therein 
" or connivance thereat. But should he, by reason of 
" some angry behaviour, not be utterly spotless in this 
" matter, it behoveth that such a spot be wiped off by 
" 3^our prayers and goodwill. For the king showeth his 
" heart softened inasmuch as he persecuteth not the 
*' departed one, but pardoneth readily his soul all that 
" he did amiss. He therefore ordereth you to bury 
" Thomas among his departed forefathers of Canterbury, 
" as honourably as if no trouble had ever befallen to 
'' disturb his life-days." Now, although king Henry put 
on this feigned guise, the grief of those who were there 
gathered together was allayed none the more ; and, this 
notwithstanding, some of the well beloved fiiends of the 
archbishop joined together, betaking themselves abroad 
and proceeding to Rome in order to bring to the lord 
pope true news of the gTcat cause of their grief These 




Lodvis konung. Profast þeim, sem var von, at ólíkr 
var hann Heinreki konungi, því at jrfir lífláte Thome 
erkibyskups hefir Frakka konungr tarligan harm ok 
trega. Ok hann skrifar me^ ]?eim til herra páfans þat 
bréf, er svo byrjar : 5 

King Louis 
writes to 
the Pope. 


Bréf Frakka Konungs.^ 

Hinum helgasta fe^r ok æzta- byskupi Alexandro 
pafa sendir kve^ju Lofvis konungr af Franz. Sá son 
er saurgar mæ& ^ sina svivii-Sir mjök manneskjuna, ok IQ 
brytr löo:málit^ hæ^ileoja,^ úminnioT^ velgerninofs várs 
Lausnara. Aiimr er sa ma^r, er ser lætr ^ öngrar ^ 
hrygSar fa, hverja skamm e^r ska'Sa sem fær ^ heilög 
kristni í frammhleypi -"^^ Gu-Ss ovina. 'Nú, ef ollum 
kristnum mömium ^^ er rettliga gratandi harmr kristn- 15 
innar, kallar su skylda myklu hærra-*^^ til ySar-^^ enn 
nokkurs annars. Nu er nyjung^^ grimmleiks^^ ok 
ofse údæma ^^ inn leidd, |7vi at nu hefir aumlig ^'^ upp 
risit ok dau^lig^^ illska-^^ moti ástvinum Gu'Ss, ok 
svei-^i lagt Í sjáldr Kiists, slökkvandi Ijós ok lampa 20 
Englands kristni, svo mjog -^ Ijotliga sem gTÍmmliga.-^ 
Hvert kallar þetta et meinlausa bló^ til hegningar, 
utan upp á ySr ? pvi vakni^ vi-S, heilagr fa-Sir, ok upp- 

1 This letter, beginning, "Ab 
*' humanæ pietatis lege recedit filius, 
" qui matrem deturbat,"' is inserted 
among Variorum Kpistolæ ad Alex- 
drum III. in Migne's Patrologia, 
cc, col. 1378. But as we have it 
there, it could not have formed the 
original to our text, which contains 
pointed sentences not occurring in 
the Latin recension as we now 
have it. 

2 qzta, T. 
' m^dr, T. 

■* laugmalit, T. 
» h^diliga, T. 
* vmÍTmigr, T. 

' ktr, T. 

^ aungrar, T. 

' Ár, T. 

10 framhleypi, T. 

11 vmunnum,T. 
1- h^rra, T. 

13 yduar, T. 
1* nyung, T. 
'•^ grimleiks, T. 
1Ö ud§ma, T. 
17 aumliga, T. 
1^ daudligh, T. 
19 ilhska, T. 
^ miogh, T. 
"1 grinUigaj T. 


men wended their way into France to have a meeting 
with king Louis ; and, as might be looked for, he proveth 
himself to them right unlike unto king Henry, for the 
king of the French falleth into tearful grief and sorrow 
at the death of archbishop Thomas, and writeth with 
them a letter to the lord pope which beginneth thus : 


The Letter of the King of the French. 

To the holiest father and highest bishop, Alexander, 
Louis the king of the French, sendeth greeting. He 
who detileth his mother shameth sorely humanity, and 
breaketh the law mockingly, forgetful of the benefits of 
our Saviour. And wretched, in sooth, is the man who 
is not moved to sorrow at any shame or hurt which the 
insolence of God's enemies bringeth upon the holy church. 
Now if all men have a rightful cause to grieve for the 
affliction of the church, the duty so to do calleth louder 
to you than to anyone else. Now a novel cruelty and 
insolence unexampled has been brought about, for now 
a wretched and deadly wickedness hath been raised 
up against God's own beloved, the sword having been 
thrust into the very pupil of Christ's own eye, slaking 
the light and lamp of England's church in a fell no less 
than a cruel manner. Unto whom crieth this innocent 
blood for revenge, but to you ? Awake, therefore, holy 
father, and arise in just chastisement. Draw from the 



1171. risit til rettrar ^ refsingar. Dragit or sli"Srum sver'Sit 
bins heilaga Petri, ok hoggvit ^ framm ^ til hefndar 
eftir svá heilagan ^ mann, því at bans dreyri ok dauSi 
hljo^ar hatt um alia kristni. Nú þeir menn er bref 
bera,^ ok sins forstjora dyrligs ^ bafa svo börmoliga 5 
misst/ mega ySr inniliga greina allan^ batt ok efni 
];essara stórtí^enda, ok trui'S ]?eim or'Sum sva sem 
vorum. Valete. 

Margir höfSingjar í Franz skrifu'Su til lierra pafans, 
)?ótt þar af sé ^ fair nefndir. Enn þat er Ijost af 10 
letrum, at næst-^^ Frakka konungi skrifar Vilbjálmr 
erkibyskup af Sainz ok Tbeoballdus af Blesis, er fyr 
var nefndr. Erkibyskups bref befir |?at form, sem 
her^^ ma beyra:^^ 
The arch- Alexandro, Gu^s vin, binum æzta ^^ byskupi sendir 15 
Scniwites kve^ju Vilhjálmr, lagr jTJonn Sennonis kristni, me^ 
ope. g^^i'^gj^j^ bly'Sni. Y'Svarri postoligri tign er band- 
fengi^ vald a bimni ok jör^u,^* ok y^r í bendi leikr 
tvieggjat sver'S til beilagrar begningar, yfirsettr allar 
)?jó^ir ok riki, sva at þér megi^ konunga i ^ötri læsa/^ 20 
ok ríkismenn í rekendur keyra.^*^ pví er y^r alitanda, 
bversu vingar^rinn Gu^s er nu gey mdr, nær^^ því sem 
Davi^ sag'Si, því at göltr ^^ af skógi ok önnur ^*-^ villisvín 
hafa bann biti'S,*'^^ ok eti'S Kantarabyrgis kristni, ok 
enn beldr almennilig ^^ mó^ir sitr ok drýpí me^ hörm- 25 
ung^^ ok gráti, fellir tár bló'Si blandat í y^ru augliti, 

^ riettrar, T. 
2 huoguity T. 
2 fram, T. 
'* heilayann, T. 
5 her a added in U. 
^ dyrieigs, T. 
7 mist, T. 
^ allann, T. 

9 sie, T. 

10 7l^St, T. 

11 hier, T. 

1^ This letter, beginning, " Vestro 
*' apostolatui, Pater sancte, data 
" est omnis potestas in eœlo et in 

" terra," Migne, ib., col. 1430, is 
here given in a very condensed 

13 ^zsta, T. 

14 Cfr. Matth. xxviii. 18. 

15 l^sa, T. 

16 Cfr. Ps. cxlix. 6-8. 

17 w^r, T. 

18 gaultr, T. 
1^ aunnur, T. 

2« Cfr. Ps. Ixxx. 8, 13. 
-' ahnenniUcfh, T. 
2^' haurmu7ig, T. 


sheath the sword of the holy Peter, and march forward 
dealing blows of revenge for such a holy man ; for his 
blood and death cry aloud throughout all Christendom. 
Now the men who carry this letter, and have had to 
forego their ruler in such a sorrowful manner, may 
set forth to you in all fulness the whole mannei' and 
matter of these great tidings, and we pray that you 
believe in their words as in our own. Valete. 

Many lords in France wrote to the lord pope, although 
few of them are named by name. But books on the 
subject make it clear, that next to the king of the French 
writeth William, archbishop of Sens, as well as Theobald 
of Blois, who has been mentioned before. The arch- 
bishop's letter was framed in the form that here may be 
heard : — 

To Alexander, God's beloved, the chief among bishops, 
William, humble servant of the church of Sens, in 
devoted obedience, sendeth greeting. Into the hands 
of your apostolic highness is delivered power in heaven 
and on earth, and in your hand playeth a two-edged 
sword for holy chastisement, you being set over all 
nations and kingdoms, for the purpose of clasping kings 
in fetters, and putting in chains the mighty ones. It 
behoveth you, therefore, to consider, how the guarding 
of God's vineyard now accordeth with the words of 
David, inasmuch as the boar from the wood and other 
wild swine have eaten it up, and devoured the church 
of Canterbury ; aye, and still more, the catholic churcli 
sitteth drooping in affliction and weeping, shedding tears 
blended with blood before your face ; and is set up like 

K541. B 




og^ er sva sett sem teinn í bakka ok höf5 at skot- 
spæni,^ brixluð af sínum kunningjum,^ er skaka sin 
höfu^ at lienne * ok segja : Hvar er nu Gu^ þeira ? ^ 
Enn liiin stynr mot ba^i þeira ok drepr ni^r böM, 
kallandi til y^ar.^ Heyri'S bennar rodd,^ beilagr fa^ir, 5 
ok befniö bló^s sonar ySvars ok Gu^s pislarvotts,® erki- 
byskups af Kancia, er nu liggr drepinn sem krossfestr 
sakir verndar beilagrar kirkju. OguiiigT blutr ok 
ódæmilig ^ ilska me'S gu^rækiligum '^^ glæp ^^ er voröin 
á vorura dögum, svá at öllum gnestr í eyrum/^ 10 
úbejrrt ^^ me'S hei'Singjum, ok eigi finst -^* getl^ slíkra 
údæma ^^ meS sjálfum Gyöingum. Vpp er nú risinn 
annarr^^ Heródis, er illger^amenn sendi af sinni sí^u, 
er eigi skömmu^ust ^^ at berja ok sverSum særa ^^ krism- 
a'Sa kórónu erkibyskupsins í musteri Drottins. Nú 15 
at vitnisbm^^ ritninganna ok eigi sí^r gó'Sra manna, 
ger'Sist þessi ma'Sr sannr píslarvottur ^^ hærSi ^^ fyrir sök ^^ 
ok sárleik, fyrir lífit lofsamligt ok sjálft lífláti'S. Nú rísit 
upp, beilagr fa'Sir, me'ð strí'Su kristiligs rettar,^^ ok 
fremit begning gu'Sligra laga eftir ]?ann, er lögunum ^^ 20 
fylgdi ok fyrir þeira soma er ^^ gaf sik í dau^a. Seti^ 
lækning ^^ lignum blutum ok gefit forsjó úkomnum. 
Hverr ^^ sta^r er nú traustr ? Hræ'Siligr ^^ úfri'Sr bló%- 

. ' ogh, T. 
- skotsp^ni, T. Cfr. Lam. iii. 12. 

3 Cfr. Ps. xxxi. 11. 

4 Cfr. Lam. ii. 15. 

5 Cfr. Ps. cxv. 2. 
^ yduar, T. 

"t raudd, T. 
^ píslaruotz, T. 
^ odqmilig, T. 
^° gtí^r^kiligumf T. 

'' 9kP, T. 

^- gnestr i eyruni, Prof. Unger, 
correctly ; cfr. *' tinnient ambæ 
" aures ejus," a quotation from 
1 Sam. iii. 11 ; gnistr i aurum, T. 

^^ vheyrtyT. 

14 fijiz, T. 

/5 ud^ma, T. 

1^ annar, T. 

1^ skaummuduz, T. 

18 s^ra,T. 

19 So T. 

20 b^di, T. 

21 sank, T. 

22 riettar, T. 

23 laugumim, T. 

2'i Prof. Unger suppresses er ; but 
it is retained here as correctly 
serving a rhetorical purpose. 

25 l^kning, T. 

26 /iuer, T. 

27 hrqdiligr, T. 


a pole at butts, and is had for a target, being a reproach 
to her acquaintances, who wag their heads at her, sa\áng, 
" Where is now their God ? " But she o'roaneth at their 
mockery, and droojDeth her head while raising her cries 
unto you. Listen to her voice, holy father, and avenge the 
blood of your son and God's martyr, archbishop Thomas 
of Canterbury, who now lieth slain, as crucified, because 
of his defence of holy church. A horrible thing, and an 
unexampled wickedness, together with a godless crime 
hath befallen in our days, one that rendeth the ears of all 
men, an unheard-of thing among heathens, a heinousness 
not found mentioned even among Jews. A second 
Herod is now arisen, who has sent out on his behalf 
evil-doers that were not ashamed to go warring, and with 
swords to wound the anointed crown of the archbishop 
in the temple of the Lord. Now, by the testimony of 
Scripture no less than by the witness of good men, this 
man was a true martyr both as to his cause, and his 
penances, his laudable life, and his very death. Arise now, 
holy father, with the stern authority of christian right, 
and wreak the chastisement of divine law for him, who 
always walked in the law, and gave himself in death 
for the honour thereof. Supply healing for the things 
which have come to pass, and warning for things to 
come. Where is now a place of safety? A dire trouble 

B 2 




Theobald of 
Blois writes 
to the Pope. 

ar kirkjurnar^ ok dregr í daii'Sa hina hæstu ^ stolpa 
kristninnar. Vakni gu^ligr rettr,^ ok væpnist * login ^ 
til frammgongu ^ at hefna blo^s ok bana þessa manns/ 
er af Englandi kallar sva hátt. at skelfr undir eigi at 
eins jör^in, heldr jafnvel himnarner. Gefit |^au heil- 5 
ræ'Si ^ liarmi varum, at }^varri ^ tign se ^^ til frægöar/^ 
enn lieilagri kirkju til hjálpar ok uppreistar. Valete. 

Herra Theoballdus ^"^ skrifar sva fallit lierra pafanum 
af sama efni : ^^ 

Alexandro me^ Gu'Ss myskunn hinum liæsta-^^ byskupi 10 
sendir kve^ju^^ Theoballdus jarl me^ drottinligri hly'Sni. 
Y-Svarri^ tign, heilagr faöir, sýndist betr at semja ok 
fri^ gera milium Englands konungs ok Thomam erki- 
byskups. Ok á þeirn fundi var ek eftir ^^ ySru bo's!, ok 
ek sa Heinrek konung taka Thomam erkibyskup í 15 
fri-S, ok játaöi J?at saraa fyrir alia sina menn. Erkiby- 
skup kærSi ^" bæSi ^** á konuug ok bj^skupa ura a.flagliga 
vígsluger"S vi'S Heinrek unga, enn konungr gafst-^^ í 
vald um þat alt bæ'Si-^ fyrir sina hönd^^ ok byskup- 
anna ; gekk- me'S, at o%ert var, ok erkibyskup me^ y^ru 20 
rá"Si leggr J?ar -^ upp á J^vílika sk3^n, sem honum sýndist. 
Hér ^ var ek nær,^^ ok l^at mætta ^^ ek me"S ei^i sanna. 
Lýsist hé^an-'^ ]?ví framar, hversu afskapligt er, ef 

^ kirkiunnary T. 

2 hqstu, T. 

3 riettr, T. 
^ n§pniz, T. 
^ laugin, T. 

* framgaungUf T. 

7 manz, T. 

8 heilr^di, T. 
^ yduarij T. 
1° sie, T. 

" fr^ffdar, T. 

^- Theobald count of Blois. 

^^ This letter is found among Va- 
riorum epistoicB ad Alexandrum 
III., No. 89, beginning : " Vestræ 
" placuit majestati, ut inter domi- 
" num Cantuariensem archiepisco- 
'' pum et regem Anglorum pax 

" reformaretur, et integra firmare- 
" tur Concordia." Migne, Patro- 
logia, cc, col. 1447-48. 

1^ h^sia, T. 

1^ quediu, T. 

16 eptir, T. 

1' k^'.di, T. 

>3 b§di, T. 

19 gafz, T. 

20 b^di, T. 

21 kaund,T. 

22 gieck, T. 

23 So altered by the editor ; þat, 

2^ Hier,T. 

25 7i^r, T. 

26 mqtta.T. 

27 hiedan, T. 


covereth the churches with blood, and dragsreth into 
death the main-stays of the church. Let God's right 
awaken ; let the law put armour on, and proceed to 
revenge this man's blood and death which cry so loud 
from England, that not only trembleth again the earth, 
but also the very heavens. Give to our grief such 
wholesome counsel as may redound to your highness* 
glory, and to the help and restoration of holy church. 

Lord Theobald writeth to the lord pope on the same 
matter in the manner following : 

To Alexander, by the grace of God, the chief of all 
bishops, earl Theobald in humble obedience sendeth greet- 
ing : It seemed good to your highness, holy father, to 
frame and settle peace between the king of England and 
archbishop Thomas. And by your order I was present at 
that meeting, and I saw king Henry receive archbishop 
Thomas into peace, the which he also agreed to on 
behalf of all his men. At the meeting archbishop 
Thomas accused both king Henry and the bishops of 
having unlawfully performed the coronation of king 
Henry the young ; but the king delivered himself into 
the archbishop's power as concerning all such matters, 
and did the same on behalf of the bishops, confessing 
that it was a deed of presumption, and agreeing that by 
your counsel it should be left to the archbishop to treat 
the matter as should seem good unto him. I was present 
thereat, and to this I could testify by oath. Hence it 
beconieth the more apparent, how abominable it is, if 



1171. hirting byskupanna me^ y^varri skipan eftir^ lögun- 
um^ skyldi gefast í sök^ ok sættarrof* erkibyskup- 
inum. NÚ at samdri sætt ^ ok fri'Su^u mali milium 
]?eira, sneri sá Gu'Ss inaör óttalauss ^ ok öruggr ^ heim 
til sinnar kirkju þess erendis, sem nú er öHum Ijóst, 5 
at gefa sitt höfu'S^ undir högg^ ok píslarvætti.^^ 
petta et saklausa lamb fórnfær^ist ^^ í musteri Guös a 
næsta^^ dag^^ eftir^* píslartí'S saklausra sveina í þeim 
gta^S, sem fórnfærist -^^ várs Herra bló^ allri kristni til 
hjalpar, Gaf hann gla^r sitt bló^ í frelsi kirkjunnar. 10 
Konungsins menn hinir kærustu/^ e'Sa^^ heldr hundar 
af bans böU/^ ger^u sig^^ verkreka fjandans ok unnu 
sva Ijotan ni^ingskap, sem úbeyr^r er amiarr^^ þvílíkr. 
Enn ef ek tala langt af tilfor^^ ok efni þessarra^^ 
údæma,^^ má vera, at mér vir^ist til rogs ok fjandskapar, 15 
ok J?vi kys ek, at þeir birti y^r framar, er brefit bera, 
því at af þeirra ^^ or'Sum fáe þér ^^ skilt, hversu údæmi- 
ligr ^^ harmr, nau-S ok áfelli vor^in ^^ eru allri kristni 
í ]?essa manns^^ drápi ok dau^a,^^ J?ó at erkistólinum 
í Kancia liggi næst ^^ ok í mestu rúmi svá börmuligt 20 
fráfall síns herra ok böf^ingja. pví má hin rómverska 
mó^ir eigi lengi^^ J^egja^^ yfir slíkum hlutum, svo at 
henne sé lýtalaust, því at hver skömm ^^ e^r ska^i sem 

1 eptir, T. 

2 laugunum, T. 

3 sauk, T. 

•* s^ttarrof, T. 

? s§tt, T. 

^ ottalans, T. 

7 So U. ; orauggr, T. 

^ haufiid, T. 

'•^ haugg, T. 

^° p{slaru§tti, T. 

11 fornf^rdiz, T. 

12 ngsta, T. 
1-^ dagk,T. 
» eptir, T. 

i^ fornf^riz, T. 

16 ki^ruztu, T. 

17 e>a, T. 

18 /iaw//, T. 
13 sigh, T. 
"" annaVj T. 

21 iiZ/awr, T. 

22 þessara, T. 

23 ud^ma, T. 

24 So T. 

25 þier, T. 

26 ud^miligr, T. 

27 uordinn, T. 

28 manz, T. 

25 So altered by Prof. Unger; 
daudi, T. 

30 w^si, T. 

31 leingiy T. 

32 þeigia, T. 

33 skaum, T. 


the chastisement inflicted upon the bishops by your 
command, and according to law, should be made a cause 
for breaking the peace made with the archbishop. Now 
when agreement had been framed, and peace had been 
brought about in their aíFairs, the man of God returned 
without fear and misgivings home to his church, but on 
an errand, which now hath become manifest to all folk, 
namely to deliver his head up to blows, and himself to 
martyrdom. This innocent lamb was sacrificed in the 
temple of God the very next day after the martyrdom of 
the Innocents in the very place, where the blood of our 
Lord is sacrificed for the salvation of all Christendom. 
He gave his blood cheerfully for the freedom of the 
church. The kino's dearest friends, or rather the dosfs of 
his court, made themselves the workers of the deeds of 
the devil, and wrought such a lewd deed of shame that 
the like thereof hath never been heard of. But lest I 
should be charged with malice and enmity, if I should 
speak at length about the things which led up to the 
perpetration of these unexampled things, I rather prefer 
that the bearers of this letter should make the matter 
further known unto you ; for from their words you 
may understand, what an unexampled grief, misery, and 
affliction hath befallen the whole of Christendom in the 
slaying and the death of this man, although it cometh 
most home to the arch-see of Canterbury, and that see 
must needs take most to heart such a sorrowful end of its 
ruler and lord. The Roman mother cannot therefore 
without blame abide long silent concerning these 
things, for every shame and hurt which may be done 
to the daughter becomes a dishonour which reflecteth 


1T71. ger er dotturinni, dreifist su svivirSing alt til mæ^r- 
innar,^ ok eigi er mo^ur há'ðungarlaust, ef dóttir hennar 
er hertekin. Til y^ar ^ kallar, heilags fö^ur,^ dreyri 
ok dauSi ]?essa lieilaga manns,* ok bi^r hefndar eftir^ 
sig. Enn y^r se nær ^ ok samra^r alsvoldugr Gu^, 5 
leggjandi allan'' hefndarhug lögligrar^ strí^u upp a 
y^vart brjost me'S ]?eirri frammkvæmd,^ at heilog kirkja 
frelsist af Ijotri svivir^ingu ok endrbætist -^^ til fegri 
ásjónu. Yalete. 

NÚ hafa lesin verit l7rjú bréf ]?riggja höf^ingja af 10 
Franz, er oil gera minning af ]?eiri rödd/^ er dreyri 
vir^uligs Thome GuSs pislarvotts sendi til himna, þá 
er hann krúna'Sist undir vopnum sinna undirmanna. 
pvi synist vel fallit, at su birting, er samhljó^ar^- þess 
háttar efni, setist næst-"^ bréfum þessum svá sem styrkt- 15 
ar innsigli.-^^ 
a?Ai5entan ^ þeim sta'S, er Argentheus heitir, bar fyrir einn 
aícbblshop^ virSuligan mann í sveíhi á næstu ^^ nótt, á^r þar 
auuoimced kæmi ^^ tí^enda sögn^'' af erkibyskups láti. Honum 

heyr^ist upp í lofti'S/^ sem ein rödd ^^ kalla'Si me^ svá 20 
miklu megni: " S.é hér," sag'Si lion, "bló^ miki'S kallar 
" af jörSu til Gu^s, framar enn bló^ Abel for^um, er 
*' í "uppliafi heims var drepinn af bró'Sur ^^ sínum." Sá 
ma'Sr íhugar drauminn ok segir eftir^^ um daginn 
félögum ^^ sínum, sem þeir tala milium sin um ýmis- 25 
liga hluti. Öllum ^ sýndist fyrirburSrinn merkiligr, 

þótt þeim væri-^ þá enn eigi 

1 m§drinnar, T. 
* yduar, T. 
3 faudr, T. 
^ manz^ T. 

5 eptir, T. 

6 np', T. 

<" allann, T. 

^ laugligrar, T. 

^ framku^md, T. 

10 endrb^tiz, T. 

" raudd, T. 

1- After snmhljó^ar T. adds þeiri. 

" n^st, 1\ 

Ijós þý^ingin. Enn litlu 

^ innzsigli, T. 

5 n^sUi, T. 

6 k^mi, T. 
saugn, T. 

s loptid, T. 
9 mwdí/, T. 

20 Sie,T. 

21 5roc?r, T. 

22 eptir, T. 

2^ fielaugum, T 

24 Aullum, T. 

25 M^rt, T. 


upon the mother ; and the mother is surely not without 
shame, if her daughter be taken captive. Unto you, 
holy father, crieth the blood and the death of this holy 
man, praying for revenge. And we beseach that God 
almighty may be with you, and that His counsel may be 
your counsel, and that He imbue your heart with a 
spirit of revenge for lawful chastisement which may 
have tbe effect of holy church being freed from fell dis- 
honour and reformed so as to shew forth a fairer coun- 
tenance afterwards. Valete. 

Now have been read three letters from three lords in 
France, all of which make mention. of the voice which 
the blood of the worthy God's martyr raised to heaven, 
when the crown of his head was cut off by the weapons 
of his underlings. It seemeth therefore well fitting that 
a certain vision bearing out this matter be brought in 
next to these letters as a corroborating seal to them. 

In a certain place called Argentheus a certain worthy 
man had a vision in sleep the night before the news of 
the archbishop's death arrived there. It seemed to him 
as if he heard, up in the air, a voice cryiog in a right 
mighty manner : — " Behold,"' it said, '' much blood crieth 
'' from earth unto God, louder even than the blood of 
" Á bel in days of yore, who in the world's beginning was 
" slain by his brother." The man considering the dream, 
related it the next day to his comrades, as they happened 
to be discoursing together on sundry matters. And unto 
all of them it seemed, that the vision was one of weighty 
import, although the meaning thereof was not yet clear 



1171. si^ar gengr inn at þeim sá, er segir drap ok dau^a 
Thomas erkibyskups. Einn af þeim talar þá : " Sé nú, 
" félagi/ " sag^i hann, " hér er nú þat kall, sem þú 
" heyrSir í nótt, því at utan ef kallar þetta hit ^ mein- 
'^ lausa bló^ hátt ok hvelt til lifanda Gu^s. Fljótvirk 5 
" ok lifandi er sjá rödd ^ ok gagnfærri * hverju sver^i 
" fvíeggju'Su, ok engi rödd^ er ]?essi samKk, at svá 
" skjótt hafi flutzt^ ok fyllt allar álfur heimsÍDS kristn- 
*' innar, ]?vi at hennar dfr^arhljómi snara^i ^ út á 
" hvert jar^arskaut, eigi minnr enn af bló^i Abels 10 
" fyrsts^ píslarvotts."^ Enn þó at ^^ loft^^ fyUist me« 
píningarrödd ^^ heilags Thóme, heyra þat eigi því 


Heinrekr konungr 

rerc?a?c7' ^öldr kardinales í Eóm e^r 

upTiS^Sse g^^li^ 6r fleygir svá margan flutning ok fiorinn ^^ 

of the 

í eyrun á ];eim, at þar af daufeyrast þeir margir, 15 
ok snúa frá vandlæti ^^ G\v6s ok laganna, sljófandi svá 
eggteininn hins heilaga Petri, at ]>sly fyrir fær-^^ herra 
páfinn stórligt ámæli^^ af morgum^^ manne, því at 
allr hinn heitasti bruni, er svara átti ]?vílíkum ódæm- 
Thepopeat um,^^ bræ^ist ^^ fyrir honum. Enn bó ver^r l7at í 20 

last consents . „ . on i - v f /v 

sí^ustu dregit fyrir bæn-^ ok bref goora manna, at 

' fielagi, T. 

2 hitt, T. 

3 raudd, T. 
gagnf^ri, T. 

5 raudd, T. 

7 So altered by the editor ; sua- 
radi, T., -which gives no meaDÍng. 

s fystz, T. 

3 The story of this vision agrees 
closely with the same told in Bene- 
dict's Miracula, lib. i. 2. But the 
words here put into the mouth of 
an acquaintance of the visionary of 
Argentan as being called forth by 
a discussion of his vision, " Fljót- 
" virk . . . tvieggju'Su " occur in 
Benedict's Miracula, in a commen- 
tary on a vision of Bartholomew, 
bishop of Exeter, immediately pre- 

ceding that of Argentan : " Viva 
" est enim vox eju^ et efficax et 
" penetrabilior omni gladio anci- 
" piti." Robertson, Materials for 
the History of Thomas Becket, ii. 
28, 29. The Icelandic story comes, 
therefore, in aU probability, from 
an original of a different recension 
to that which we know now. 

So altered in U. ; et, T. 

lopt, T. 
- pining arraudd, T. 
^ florunn, T. 
* uannlqti, T. 

^ am§U, T. 
' maurgum, T. 
^ od§inum, T. 
9 br^diz,T. 
^ hqn, T. 


to them. But shortly afterwards stepped in to them 
one who told them of the slaying and the death of arch- 
bishop Thomas. Whereupon one of them spake, saying : 
" Behold now, good fellow, here is the cry which you 
" heard last night, for without doubt this innocent blood 
" crieth loudly and clearly unto the living God. Swiftly 
" acting and living indeed is that voice, and more pene- 
" trating than any two-edged sword, and no voice is like 
*' unto this one, in so swiftly having been borne abroad 
" and filling all quarters of Christendom in the world ; 
" for the glorious sound thereof shot out into every the 
" outermost corner of the earth, no less than that of the 
" blood of Abel the first among martyrs." Yet, although 
the air was filled with the cry of the passion of the holy 
Thomas, the cardinals at Rome heard it none the more 
therefore, or king Henry the old either, who hurled into 
their ears so many remonstrances and promises of money, 
that many of them gave a deaf ear thereto, and turned 
away from the face of God and from the law, thereby 
blunting the edge of the sword of the holy Peter, so that 
the lord pope received mighty reproach therefore from 
many a man, while all the hottest ardour with which 
such abomination ought to have been met dwindled away 
in him. But at last, by the prayers and letters of 



. 1171. herra páfinn sendir þann bo'Sskap Vilhjalmi byskupi 
interdict on af Sainz ok byskupinum af Ru'Suborg, at stórmæla * 
marine alt ríki Heinreks konunsjs fyrir sunnan sio. Ok sa 

dominions n t ' t-.,,.. , ^ 

of king sem iramar lylgir erendmu til hirtingar, skal me^ 

Henry. . . o ' 

öllu einlítr til frammfer^ar,^ ]?ótt annarr ^ hallist or 5 
fyrir vild eSr vanmegn,^ 

The arch- 
bishop of 
Sens sum- 
mons the 
king to a 

The arch- 
bishop of 
inclines to 



Sem bref herra pafans koma til erkibyskups í Sainz, 
tekr hann svo j^eira skilning, at enn skal hann fyrri ^10 
gera or^ Heinreki konungi ok bjó"Sa honum samtal 
til yfirbotar a sinn fund, beldr enn steypa stórmæli ^ 
yfir riki bans. Ok sva gerir erkibyskup, at hann 
skrifar til Heinreks konungs í þann skilning, at hann 
kjose, hvárt hann vill, sættast ^ e'Sr storm ælast.^ 15 
Heinrekr konungr tekr ]?etta upp, at hann sækir^^ 
framm ^^ til Sainnz m.e6 mörgu stórmenni, bæ'Si ^^ bysk- 
upiim, klerkum ok leikmönnum. Ok er skjótt at 
greina, hversu sá fundr for, at þar skorti eigi vi'S 
slæg^ir,^^ undanfærslur ^* ok sakverndir,^^ svá at byskup 20 
af RúSulDorg viknar fyrir, segist heldr skulu sækja^^ 
páfann sem fyrst, enn stórmæla ^'' Heinrek konung me'S 
þvílikri vörn,^^ sem hann lei^ir málit. Enn herra Vil- 

1 storm§la, T. 

2 framferdar, T. 

3 anvar, T. 

^ The letter here referred to is 
chronologically misplaced by the 
Icelandic Sagaman, it having been 
issued Anagniæ on the 9th of Oct. 
1170, enjoining the archbishops of 
Sens and Rouen to lay the French 
dominions of king Henry under in- 
terdict, if within thirty days from 
its communication he should not 
have complied with the terms of 
peace arranged between him and 
Thomas. Alexandri Epist.,DCclxix, 
Migne, 200, col. 708. 

5 skriptir, T. 

6 fyri, T. 

7 storm^U, T. 

8 s^ttaz, T. 

9 storm^laz, T. 

sqkir, T. 

1 franiy T. 

2 bqdi, T. 

3 sl^gdir, T. 

4 vndanf^rzlur ^ T. 
^ sakvendir, T. 

* s^kia, T. 
' storm^la, T. 
^ vaurriy T. 


good men, it was brought about that the lord pope des- 
patched an injunction to William bishop of Sens, and 
to the bishop of Rouen, to put under interdict the whole 
of king Henry's realm south beyond sea. And he pro- 
vided that he who should execute the commission so as 
to carry out the chastisement, should be thoroughly 
competent to do so alone, even should the other recede 
either from obsequiousness or infirmity. 


How KING Henry was shrived. 

As soon as the letters of the lord pope came to the 
archbishop of Sens he interpreted their purport to be, 
that first he must needs once more send word to king 
Henry, to ofifer him a parley for the purpose of doing 
penance before plunging his realm into an interdict. And 
this the archbishop doeth, writing to king Henry, ofifer- 
ing him the choice between peace and interdict. King 
Henry resolveth to proceed to Sens with a large and 
lordly company both of bishops, clerks and lay -folk. And 
it is soon told, how that meeting went off, for there were 
wanting neither wiles, evasions, nor shifts, unto which 
the bishop of Rouen yielded at length, declaring that he 
would rather go and see the pope first, before pronounc- 
ing an interdict on king Henry, after the defence he 
had brought forward in the case. But lord William 



But the 
of Sens 
acts single- 
handed and 
imposes the 

Eling Henry 
his proceed- 

and re- 
quests the 
Pope to send 
legates to 
treat with. 

Two legates 
are autho- 
rised to 
settle all 
arising out 
of the 

hjalmr öruggar ^ sik því framar me^ sam]?ykkt sins 
kapítulí, far me^ byskupa í Franz ok annarra ^ lær^ra ^ 
manna, sva at hann fellir et sterkasta* forbo"S yfir 
alt riki Heinreks konungs fyrir sunnan sjo, bjo^andi 
far meö erkibyskupum ok Ijo^byskupum undir valdi 5 
Roma kirkju, at J?eir haldi ok haldast láti þessar álögur,^ 
þar til sjálfr herra páfinn ley sir fær ^ Toae^ sinni rök- 
semd.^ Heinreki konungi fikkir nú at fröngva,^ enn 
sakir fess, at Villijálmr hefir framit me^ öllu sitt mál 
ok vald í þessu máli, viU konungrinn honum öugva^lO 
lotning veita, heldr skrifar hann nu af nýju til páfans 
me'S mjúkum orSum framar enn fyr, sem i^randa 
manni heyrir, þeim er sik viU betra ok Gu^s mys- 
kunnar leita. Her me^ bi'Sr hann, at herra páfinn 
sendi til bans af sínu valdi tvo legatos, at þeir geri 15 
honum alia skyldu me^ lausn ok likn allra hluta, er 
þeir sjá hann í flekka^an."^ VerSr herra páíinn fessu 
har-Sla feginn, kjósandi tvo kardinales i þetta eyrendi, 
þá er hann treystir bezt at standa fjrrir konunginum 
me'S lögum ^^ ok réttlæti.^^ pessir taka nú fuUt vald út 20 
af kúría me^ öllum greinum, er at lúta því hrygSar- 
máli, sem heyrir erkibyskups lífláti, svá bverjum 
skrifta ^^ meira manni ok minna, sem þeim sýnist log ^* 
til bera.^^ 

Sem þessir legátar koma til Englands, .finna þeir 25 
Heinrek konung í þeim sta'S, er beiter^Doram.^^ Kon- 

1 auruggaTf T. 

2 annara, T. 

3 l§rdra, T. 

■^ sterkazstaf T. 
5 alauguTy T. 

7 rauksemdy T. 
" jyraungua, T. 
^ au7igua, T. 
^*' Jleckadann, T. 
^^ laugwn, T. 
12 riettlqti, T. 
12 skripta, T. 

" laug, T. 

15 The legates here alluded to 
were cardinals Theotwin of St. Vi- 
talis, afterwards bishop of Portus, 
and Albert of St. Lawrence in 
Lucina (afterwards pope Gregory 
VIII.), chancellor of the Koman 
see. Gesta post Martyriunif Lu- 
pus, p. 147 ; Mansi, xxii. 137, 138. 

1^ The place to which the Ice- 
landic text gives the name of Do- 
ram, evidently on the supposition 
that it was Durham in England, 


showeth himself all the more firm, being backed therein 
by his chapter, and the French bishops, and other learned 
men, and so inilicteth the severest interdict on the 
whole of king Henry's kingdom south beyond sea, com- 
manding at the same time, under the power of the church 
of Rome, archbishops and suffragans to hold themselves, 
and let be holden, these impositions, until the lord pope 
himself should remove them with his authority. King 
Henry deemed that now in sooth his affairs were grow- 
ing straiter, but because William had executed his 
errand and used his power entirely alone, the king 
refused to yield him any obedience, but wrote once again 
to the pope in meeker words than ever heretofore, even 
as it behoved a penitent person to write, desirous of 
mending his ways and seeking God's mercy. At the 
same time he prayed that the lord pope would send 
by his own authority two legates to him, in order that 
they might dictate to him all things that it behoved 
him to do, both as to absolution and indulgence, in all 
matters wherein they might find him guilty. At this 
the lord pope was much rejoiced, and chose for this com- 
mission two cardinals such as he trusted best to abide 
by law and right before the king. These men now 
received full power from the curia in all matters which 
appertained to the sad affair which concerned the death 
of the archbishop, and to shrive every one, high and 
low, as should seem to them right and lawful. 

Now when these legates come to England they meet 
king Henry in a certain place called Doram. The king 



The king 
refuses to 
abide oa 
oath by 
their deci- 
sions, and 
goes away 
to Ireland- 

ungrinn tjar sik bli^an í J?eira tilkvomu, enn þann 
tíma sem þeir leiSast framm ^ í málagreinii', ok kardi- 
uales bjo^a konunginuin ei^S vinna eftir^ lögum '^ at 
standa a þeira dómi, á'Sr hann væri ^ leystr, bregzt hann 
sva styggr vi'S, at hann byst þegar til bruttrei'Sar. 5 
Ok sem hann er buinn í veg, talar hann sva til kar- 
dinales : " Nau^sun ^ rikis vars krefr oss at koma til 
" Irlands fljott í j^essum tima, viljum vær,^ at J?ér bí^it 

was really the castle of Gorham 
(^Gesta post Martyrium, Lupus, p. 
147), now Goron, situated on the 
banks of the river Colmont, in 
Mayenne in Normandy, (Stanley, 
Memorials of Canterbury, p. 87, 
and note 6). The statement that 
the legates had come to England at 
this time to treat with king Henry, 
shows a misconception of the chro- 
nology of passing events, due, as it 
seems, to the Icelandic translator 
having attempted to tack unto 
Gervase's notice of the event that 
of the Gesta post Martyrium. 
Gervase says : " Decrevit et hoc 
" Romana curia ut duo legati ad 
" cognoscendam causam ecclesiæ 
" mitterentur in Nonnanniam, et 
" ad ultionem de morte Sancti 
*' Thomæ inferendam. Quod cum 
*' regi innotuisset citissime trans- 
" fretavit in Argliam." Gervase, 
1419. The passage of the Gesta 
runs: "Rexautemet legati primo 
" convenerunt apud Gorham die 
" Martis ante Rogationes, ubi invi- 
" cem recepti sunt in osculo pacis. 
" In crastino venenint Saviniacum, 
" ubi archiepiscopus Rothomagen- 
" sis et multi episcopi et proceres 
" convenerunt. Quumque ibidem 
" de pace Domini tractatum esset, 
" quam rex secundum mandata 
" eorum absolute jurare renuit, rex 
" ab eis cum indignatione rccessit 
" in hoc verba: Redeo in Hiber- 

" niam, ubi multa mihi incumbunt. 
" Vos autem in pace ite per terram 
" meam ubi vobis placuerit. Et 
" agite legationem sicut vobis in- 
" junctum est." If king Henry 
really did use these words on this 
occasion, which seems likely enough 
from the legate's letter to the 
archbishop of Sens describing the 
proceedings — " Quum autem non 
" possemus in omnibus convenire, 
" recessit ipse a nobis velut in An- 
" gliam profecturus," — they could 
only have been meant as a threat, 
for he certainly did not act upon 
them. According to the chroni- 
clers, who are remarkably circum- 
stantial on the proceedings of king 
Henry from the time he left Nor- 
mandy and came to England, on 
his way to Ireland, on the 6th of 
August 1171, tin his return to 
Normandy in 1172, it is evident 
that the legates never were in Eng- 
land during that time ; moreover 
they expressly state that the legates 
waited for the king in Normandy. 
See Diceto, ed. Stubbs, i. 347-351 ; 
Gervase, 1419-21 ;Brompton, 1069- 
80 ; Epist. Fol. ed. Giles, No. 387, 
vol. ii., p. 122-125. 

1 fram, T. 

2 eptir, T. 

' laugum, T. 
■* u^ri, T. 
^ Naudzsun, T. 
^ u^r, T. 



showeth himself right blithe to them on their arrival, but 
when they came to treat of the matter of their mission, and 
the cardinals demanded of the king that he should swear 
an oath, according to law, to abide by their judgment, before 
beinor absolved, he started thereat in such anger that 
forthwith he prepared to ride off, and being ready to go 
away spake to the cardinals saying : — " The need of 
" our realm requireth that we should go to Ireland with 
*' all speed, as at this time, and we desire that you abide 

K541. C 



1171-2. '' }i^QY i landi, ]7ar til ver komum aftr.^ Ok ei bonnum 
" ver, at ]>ev hafit framm^ heiTa páfans bo^skap vi^ 
" þá menn, sem hly-^a vilja y^ni vakli." Legatarnir 
taka ];at ráfS, at þeir skipa í ferS me^ konunginum 
tvo góífúsa menn, bysknp Pictavensem ok erkidjakn 5 
King Henry Sariboriensem,^ bjóöandi ]/eim af herra páfans álfu, at 
goes - j^^^^^ \q{^[ konunginn til mýktar, hvat er þeir mega 
me^ sinum fortolum/^ Ok ];at verSr sva, at konungr- 
inn ver^r víkjanligi^ ]m er hann kemr aftr ^ or 
Irlandsferöinni.^ Finnast þeii^ ]?á í þeim sta^, er 10 


1 apir, T. 

2 /ram, T. 

^ According to the Gesta post 
Martyrium, the persons charged 
by the legates to biing king Henry 
to terms ■were Amulf, bishop of 
Lissieux, and the archdeacons of 
Poitier and Salisbury. Lupus, 147. 

"^ fortaulum, T. 

5 aptr, T. 

* Again the mistake pointed out 
p. 30, note 16, is here repeated. 
The time that passed from the first 
meeting at Goron, to the delivery 
of the king's oath at Avranches, is 
thus given in the Gesta post Mar- 
tyrium : " Rex autem et legati primo 
" convenerunt apud Gorham die 
" Martis ante Rogationes," i.e. 
Tuesday, May 11th. "In crastino 
" venerunt Saviniacum," i.e. "Wed- 
nesday, May 12. "Tunc cardina- 
" les arctiori consilio revocarunt 
" episcopum Lexoviensem et archi- 
" diaconum Pictaviensem et archi- 
" diaconum Saresberiensem " (see 
note 3), " et per eos laboratum est, 
" quod sexta feria sequenti rex et 
" cardinales apud Abrincas conve- 
" nerunt," i.e. Saturday, May 20th; 
and then the text goes on : " Sed 
" quia rex filium suum voluit ad- 
" esse, ut quæ pater permitteret, 
" ille etiam asseveraret, terminus ei 

'•' dilatus est usque ad sequentem 
" Domi?iicam proximam, videlicet 
" Ascensionis Domini. Tunc in 
" publica audientia rex manu sua 
" tactis sacrosanctis Evangeliis ju- 
" ravit," &c. That by the sequen- 
tem Dominicam proximam must be 
meant Rogation Sunday, 5th after 
Easter, May 21st, is evident from 
the letter of the legates to the 
archbishop of Sens, describing the 
proceedings between them and the 
king : " ad prædictam processimus 
" civitatem " (i.e. Abrincas), " ad 
" quam Dominica, qua cantatur 
" Vocem jocunditatis, convenimus 
" cum personis plurimis et ipse 
" nobiscum," &c. . The words "Vo- 
" cem jocunditatis " decide the date, 
being the beginning words of the 
Introit for Rogation Sunday. Con- 
sequently, the date on which king 
Henry came to terms of peace with 
the church, is Rogation Sunday, 
May 21, 1172. The inscription to 
be read on the one pillar still re- 
maining of the whilom great Xor- 
man cathedral of Avranches, which, 
in modern French, avers that the 
reconciliation of the king to the 
church took place " le Dimanche, 
" xxii. Mai MCLXxn.," brings all the 
less authority to bear upon the im- 
portant question of the actual date 


" here in the land until we return. Nor forbid we you 
'' to execute the commission of the lord pope on such 
" people as are willing to obey your power." The legates 
then resolve to order two men of good- will, the bishop of 
Poitiers, to wit, and the archdeacon of Salisbury, to 
accompany the king, commanding them, on behalf of 
the lord pope, to bring the king into meeker mood, all 
that their persuasions may avail. And thus it came to 
pass, that the king showed himself more pliable, on 
returning from the journey to Ireland. So they met 

c 2 


1171. Brinchas beitir. Sver þá konungrinn, at hann skal 

lialda allar þær^ skiiftir,^ er kardinales setja honum. 

Meeting at pat stendr ok Í hans ei^staf, at hvarki bau^ hann ne 

Avranches. -^ , , 

n72 ^^^ girntist, at erkibyskupinn væri ^ drepinn f enn meS |7vi 
gengr hann, at hann hafSi kært ^ fyrir vinum sinum, 5 
svo sem erkibyskujDÍnn væri ^ einn af hans mein- 
ger^armonnum. Eftir '^ er6 unninn fara þeir framm í 
skriftabo"S ^ vi^ konunginn, ok hafa þat upphaf, at hann 
skal ganga klæ^lauss^ fyrir J?á kirkju, sem þeu' nefna 
til, ok þar skal hann frammfallinn ^^ þola opinbera 10 
hú^stroku. Svá sem j^eir stand a fyrir me^ lima, enn 
hann gengr at framm ^^ me^ nöktum^^ líkama, segir 
hann sva : " Herrar minir," segir hann, " Kkamr minn 
" er Í y^ru valdi, ok þó at ]>ev bjó"Sit mér at fara til 
" Jorsalalands e^a^^ í annan sta-S til frelsis heilaori 15 
'^ kirkju ok kristninni, skal ek )?at gjama gera." Sem 
konungr hefir tekit ra^ningina, er þat upphaf á skrift- 
um^^ hans frammleiöis/^ at allar skipanir, sem hann 
hafSi sett vi-S Clarendun moti frelsi kirkjunnar, skal 
hann e}^a ok aftr -^^ kalla, ok allar a'Srar úvenjur, er a 20 
hans dögum^^ váro innleiddar,-^^ enn þeir landsvanar sem 
fyrir honum váro, skulu sva lagfærast -^^ ok betrast, sem 
herra páfinn leggr rá^ á. Her me^ skal konungrinn 
halda heilaga Jorsalalandi til starfs tvö hundrat ridd- 
ara me^ sva dyran kost, at hverr riddari hafi eigi 25 

of this peace, that it is an impossi- ! ^ k^rt, T. 

ble one, the 22nd . of May 1172 
falling on a Monday, and not on a 
Sunday. It is strange that both 
Gervase, 1422, and Brompton, 1080, 
should agree in dating the peace 
" V. kal. Octobris," Sept. 27, while 
Diceto refers the act to a date ante- 
rior to Pentecost : " promisit, qu:>d 
" ab instanti festo Pentecostes us- 
** que in annum tantam pecuniam 
" daret," &c. 

' Hr, T. 

2 skriptir, T. 

4 drefinn, T. 

^ u^rij T. 

7 Eptir, T. 

^ skriptabod, T. 

9 Medians, T. 

10 framfallinn, T. 
" fram, T. 

1' nauktuniy T. 
13 e>a, T. 
1* skriptum, T. 
1^ framleidis, T. 

16 aptr, T. 

17 daugum, T. 

1^ After innleiddar T. adds ok inn- 

19 lagferaz, T. 


in a' place called Avranches, where the king swore 
to hold to all shrifts which the cardinals misfht die- 
tate to him. In the words of his oath it was also 
expressed that he neither ordered nor desired the murder 
of the archbishop ; but he confessed having complained to 
his friends of the archbishop as being a man who wrought 
harm ao-ainst him. The oath havinir been sworn, 
they proceed to dictate the shrift to the king, whereof 
the beginning was, that he should walk stripped of his 
clothes to a certain stated church, where he should kneel 
down and suffer a public flagellation. Now as they 
stood there before him whilst he walked alone: himself 
with his body naked, he spoke thus, saying : — " My lords, 
" my body is in your power, yea, and though you should 
" order me to go to Jerusalem, or to any other place for 
"the freedom of holy church and Christendom, I shall be 
" ready to do so." Having received the flagellation, the 
king shriveth afresh, and commenceth by binding him- 
self to annul and repeal all the constitutions of Claren- 
don, which were framed against the freedom of the church, 
as well as all other abuses which had been introduced 
in his day ; but the customs which prevailed before him 
in the country were to be amended and improved accord- 
ing as the lord pope might deign to direct. Besides this 
the king was to maintain for service in the holy 
land of Jerusalem two hundred knights at an expense 



1172. minna goz enn ]?rjú hundrat gullpenninga. Her me^ 
leggia þeir honum kárínu samfasta me^ bænahaldi.-^ 
Játar konungr þessu öllu- blíMga. Her me^ bjó'Sa 
kardinales, at Heinrekr konunoT unoji skal srano^a í 
borgan allrar skriftarinnar,^ at hann frammkvænii ^ 5 
hverja grein, ef fa'Sir hans þrotnar.^ 
The Legates Greindir legati leysa byskupana þrjá, Robert, Gilli- 
tain bishops bert, Jocelin.^ Báru þeir lano-a pínu eiæpa ^ sinna, 

and others. , . . ^ o 1 ö 1 _^ 

1171. því at ]7eir aftignoSust byskupsdom ok heilögu embætti 

jafDan sí^an, ok þó hallaSist at þeim meiri J^ungi 10 
sumum, sem enn mun síSar geti^ ver^a. Kardinales 
taka ok fjóra riddara, er drepit höfSu sælan^ Thómam, 
me^ ]7eiri lausn ok skrift/^ a^ þeir skulu fara til 
Jórsalalands. Ok ]?at lialda þrír af þeim roe^ iSran 
ok góSvilja, enn Vilhjálmr af Traz, er fyrstr vann á 15 
erkibyskupinnm, ver^r svikinn af illra manna fortöl- 

1 h^nahalldi^ T. 

2 auUu, T. 

3 skriptarin7iar, T. 
^ framku§mi, T. 

5 This account of the peace be- 
tween the king and the churcli 
agrees virtually with that of the 
Gesta post Martyrium, Lupus, 148, 
but with the essential diflFerence that 
here the king is made to undergo 
flagellation on his naked body, 
while in the Gesta the fact is dis- 
tinctly denied : " non tamen exutis 
" vestibus, neque verberibus appo- 
" sitis." The penance which took 
place two years later at Canterbury 
seems to be mixed here up with the 
absolution of Avranches. 

6 By a mandate dated Tusculani, 
April 22, 1171, (Brompton, 1068, 
Folioi, Ep. 336,) pope Alexander 
had authorised the archbishop of 
Bourges and the bishop of Nivers 
to absolve the bishops of London 
and Salisbury from their excom- 
munication. A similar mandate, 

dated ib., Oct. 23, had been made 
to the archbishop of Eouen and the 
bishop of Amiens for the absolution 
of archbishop Iloger of York, Avho 
was absolved, according to Diceto, 
348, on the feast of St. Nicolas, 
Dec. 6th, 1171, and restored to his 
episcopal office. The bishop of 
Loudon was absolved by the bishop 
of Nivers and him of Beauvais, in 
company with the abbat of Pon- 
tigny, in the beginning of August 
1171, Diceto, i. 347; but he re- 
mained still suspended from office 
till May 1st, 1172, when he was 
finally restored to his episcopal dig- 
nity at Aumale by the archbishop 
of Rouen and the bishop of Amiens. 
Diceto, i. 351. About Jocelin of 
Salisbury all authorities are silent. 
^ gkpa, T. 

8 emh^tt'i, T. 

9 s^lan, T. 
w skript, T. 
" aí/í, T. 


of no less than three hundred golden pieces each. Over 
and above this they dictated him an unbroken fast of 
forty days with prayer. Unto all this the king consent- 
ed meekly. And here withal the cardinals ordered king 
Henry the young to enter a bail for the shriving, so that 
he should fulfil every clause therein, in case his father 
should fail to do so. 

The said legates absolved the three bishops, Robert, 
Gilbert, and Jocelin. A long pain they bore for their 
crimes, inasmuch as they were stripped of their bishop- 
dom and holy office ever afterwards, and yet greater 
heaviness fell upon some of them, as will be related here- 
in-after. The cardinals also received the four kniohts, who 
had murdered the blessed Thomas, in absolution, im- 
posing upon them the penance of going out to Jerusalem. 
This three of them performed in repentance and good- 
will, but William de Tracy, who had been the first to 
deal the archbishop a blow, was begiiiled by the per- 



um/ svá at hann sitr eftir.- Ok því fær ^ hann 
guSliga liefnd, sva at hann fiina^i kvikr, ok baSar 
hendr leysti brutt af honum í axlarli^unum. Syndi 
hann í J?essum kvolum ^ sanna i^ran, ok sagSist trua, at 
heilagi Thomas byskup mundi honuca likna mega meS 5 
sinni bæn^ fyrir Gu^i. Ok J?ótt hann hafi myskunn 
fengit, var þó nytsamligt, at sva mikill glæpr ^ væri '^ 
opinberliga hegndr af GuSi, ö^rum^ til vi^sjonar,^ Lika 
for ^^ fengu margh', at í ]?eira föruneyti ^^ höfSu fremstir 
verit, at skjotr ok skammr varS )7eira endn\ Sumir 10 
nrSu bráí)dauSir an jatning ok þjónustu, sumir ofverkj- 
Tim lostnir, sva a"S ^- þeir bitu af ser fingr eSa tung- 
una or hofSinu. Sumh' funu^u lifandi, sva til dau^a 
færSir,^^ einir vitlausir, a'Srir djöfulóSir, sýnandi sva 
hver ódæmi -^^ ];eir hofSu^^ framit í föSurdrápe^^ me^ 15 
fylgd ok sam]7ykki. Enn ]7rir riddarar fyr greindir 
foru þvT betr. at þeir börSast^" fyrir Jórsalalandi ok 
feUu^^ far. 

Enn allar þær -^^ skriftir -^ í England!, sem varr 
herra tok eigi til sin me^ bráSri hefnd, skipa kardi- 20 
nales upp í sýslur byskupanna, sem hlotnast, ok ber 
)7á Bartholomeus Exoniensis í ]?vi mali hæsta -^ raust, 
|7vi at hann haf^i skrifat til herra páfans, hversu 
skrifta'-- skyldi j^ess háttar mönnum, er a nokkum 

1 fortauhim, T. 

2 eptir, T. 

4 kuaulum, T. 

5 b§u, T. 

6 gl^pr, T, 
" u§ri, T. 

^ audrum, T. 

5 The account of the fate of the 
murderers of the archbishop agrees 
substantially with the Gesta post 
Martyrium. The story of Tracy is 
taken from Herbert's Liber Melo- 
rum, ■who avers to have it from the 
bishop of Cosenza in Sicily, Tracy's 
confessor in his last illness. Migne, 
exc. 1306. For a more trustworthy 

accoimt of the fate of the murderers 
see Dean Stanley's Memorials of 
CaJiterhiirg, pp. 78-86. 

10 faur, T. 

11 faurxinauti, T. 

12 ath, T. 

13 fqrdir, T. 
1 * od^mi, T. 
15 haufdu, T. 

1^ faudr drape, T. 
1' baurduz, T. 
18 fiellu, T. 
^^ Hr, T. 
-0 skriptir, T. 

21 h^stu, T. 

22 skripta, T. 


suasions of evil persons to sit behind. And therefore 
he fell under God's revenge, inasmuch as he rotted alive, 
and both his arras were dissolved from his body in the 
shoulder-joint. Under these torments he showed true 
repentance, uttering his belief in the power of the holy 
Thomas to avail him for mercy before God. And al- 
though he may have found that mercy, yet it was neces- 
sary, that so great a crime should be openly avenged by 
God, for the warning of others. In a similar manner 
fared many who had been the foremost among the 
followers of the knights, their end being short and 
sudden. Some died a sudden death without confession, 
or the last rites ; some wei'e smitten with sudden fits, 
so as to bite off their fingers or the tongue out of their 
head. Some rotted alive and were thus brought to their 
death ; some went mad, others became possessed by the 
devil, tlius showing what abomination they had worked 
in giving their aid or consent to the murder of the father. 
But the three knights aforenamed fared better, inasmuch 
as they fought for the land of Jerusalem and there 

But all penances in England, which our Lord did not 
inflict himself by sudden revenge, the cardinals prescribed 
throughout the dioceses of the bishops according to what 
was due to each ; in which afíair the voice of Bartholo- 
mew of Exeter is most chiefly heard, for he had written 
to the lord pope counselling, how such men should be 
shrived, who had in any way partaken in the heinous 


hátt hafói samlagazt þeim há^uliga glæp/ er var^ í 
drápi erkibyskups, hvort sem þat væri ^ fyrir rán e^a 
róg,^ meS fylgd e"Sa ^ samþykkt.^ Ok hér ^ í mót 
hafSi herra páfinn skrifat honum bréf, sem sí^ar mun 
ver^a nokkuru Ijósara, því at nú fyr er me^ lykt 5 
álítanda, liversu )?essir kardinales ok postoligs sætis^ 
legati voru nytsamligir Englands kristni í sinne til- 
kvomu. peir leystu byskupana, ]?á sem dregit liöf^u 
Thómam erkibyskup undir dóm me^ veraldar höf'Singj- 
um,^ liér me^ svarit konunginum at bans fordæmdar ^ 10 
villur ok si'Sleysur, ok sta^it í vígsluger^ sonar bans 
bæ^i ^^ til smánar erkibyskupi ok lögunum.^^ Hér me'S 
breinsa ]?eir kirkjuna í Kancia ok kjósa til erkibyskups 
ineistara Jón af Sarisber, lögiigan^- mann, er bafSi í 
útleg^S^^ verit^^ me^ sælum^^ Thómasi erkibyskupi.^^ 1 5 
peir leysa ok ríki Heinreks konungs af stórmælum/^ 
ok eftir-^^ ]?at venda ]?eir signa^ir aftr^^ í Róm. 


Merkilig vitran er bar FYRIR EIRN BRÓ^UR^^ í 

Cancia. 20 


A vision. Nú sem Heinrekr konungi- gamli ok sjálfir mann- 

drápsmenn vir^uligs berra erkibyskupsins eru settir af 
sjálfiim Gu^i e^a'^^ kirkjimnar lögum^^ bér.á jaröríki 

- gkp. T. 

2 u^ri, T. 

3 rogh, T. 
■* e>úí, T. 

5 samþi/kt, T. 

6 hier, T. 

7 setis, T. 
^ haufdingjum, T. 
9 ford^mdar, T. 
'0 hqdi,T. 
11 laugunum, T. 
1- laugliyan, T. 
13 nthlegd, T. 

i^ verit added by Prof, linger. 
■'^ sqhun, T. I -^1 e\>a, T. 

i""' Here the mistake made about I -- laugum, T 

the successor of archbishop Thomas 
in vol. i,, p. 466, 6 (note 3), is re- 
peated, evidently from a written 
source, and not, as has been sug- 
gested, from a mere interchange of 
Carnothum for Cantuaria. The le- 
gates, besides, took but a very 
passive part in the election of arch- 
bishop Richard. Gervase, 1423- 
25 ; Diceto, 368-69. 

1'^ stornii^lum, T. 

13 eptir, T. 

'-^ aptr, T. 

-0 brodr,T. 


crime, which was committed in the murder of the arch- 
bishop, whether by robbing or slandering, or by aid or 
assent. In answer thereto the lord pope had written to 
him a letter, which hereafter will be set forth in a clearer 
manner, because now it behoveth first to review unto 
end the manner in which these cardinals and legates 
of the apostolic see proved useful to the church of Eng- 
land by their visit. They absolved the bishops, who had 
dragged archbishop Thomas under the judgment of 
worldly lords, and had also sworn before the king to 
hold his condemned errors and abuses, and had been 
present at the coronation ceremony of his son for the 
purpose of bringing to shame both the archbishop and 
the laws of the church. Besides this they cleansed the 
church of Canterbury, and choose for archbishop thereof 
John of Salisbiuy, a lawful man, who had been in exile 
with the blessed archbishop Thomas. They also absolved 
the realm of king Henry from interdict, and after that 
these blessed messengers returned back to Rome. 



Now that king Henry the old and the very murderers of 
the worthy lord archbishop were brought to repentance 
either by God himself or by the laws of the church here on 



1171. undir i"Sran, ma heyriliga segjast í þá liking, sem þat 
náttmyi'kr léttist-^ nokkuS, er lagSist jut Englands 
kristni, þá er Thomas erkibyskup var saklauss'^ drep- 
inn Í höfuSkirkjunni.'^ Enn nú má sýnast, sem yfir 
landinii liggi þungi ok ]?okufall mikit, me^an "* margir 5 
af þeim ganga enn ohegndir, er sambundnir váro 
J?essi Gu^s rei^e, me^ hverjum tildrætti^ fyr e^a 
si^ar, innan lands e^a utan J^at hefir vorSit. pessir 
allir höfSii tapaS rettlætis^ birti, ok því standa ]?eir 
rettliga " merktir fyrir dimma )?oku, er oftliga ^ felur ^ 10 
sjálfa sólina me"S sínum fordrætti.-^^ Svá skyggja þessir 
óbættir^^ þat skæra^- Ijós, er nú leynist í Kantarabyrgi 
fagrt ok göfugligt-^^ fjrir hæsta-^'^ Guöi, pessa skýring 
vottar vitran sú, er ]?ar var^ at erkistólinum í Kancia. 
Benedict, Eiiin af bræ^rum,^^ snildarma-Sr ok klerkr mikiU, var 15 

abbot of l?ar milli annarra/^ er-^' síþan^^ samdi möror letr ok 

Peter- • ^ . 

boroueh,has fógr ^^ af lofsamligu lífi sæls -^ Thórae, frammför -^ ok 
jarteignum erkibyskups. Honum sýndist nm nátt, sem 
hinn heilagi Thomas erkibyskup væri^^ ski'ýddr ok 
albúinn til þjónustugjör'Sar Jmr í höfu"Skirkjnnne. 20 
Hann var rjó^r í ásjónu ok har^Ia bjartr, sem ma^r 

I liettiz, T. 

- saklaJis, T. 

3 haufutkirJijunni, T. 

•* 7neþan, T. 

5 tildr^tti, T. 

6 riettlqtis, T. 
" riettiliga, T. 

3 So Prof. Unger ; ojliga, T. 

9 SoT. 

10 fordr^tti, T. 

II obettir, T. 

12 skiera, T. 

13 gaufugligt, T. 

14 hqsta, T. 

1* br^drum, T. 
16 annara, T. 

1' So altered by Prof. Unger; 
etiTiy T. 

13 si)>an, T. 

19 faugr, T. 

-0 sqh, T. 

-1 framfaur, T. The brother here 
alluded to is Benedict, after- 
wards prior of Canterbury, 1175, 
and eventually abbat of Peter- 
borough from 1177, the well-known 
author of a Passion and a book of 
miracles of St. Thomas. It is no- 
ticeable that he is described here 
as an author of a Life as distinct 
from a Passion and the Miracles of 
St. Thomas. I have not succeeded 
in tracing the authority from which 
the Icelandic statement is derived, 
but the context leaves no doubt 
about its resting on some authority 
not the translator's own. 

=2 u^riy T. 


earth, it may fitly be said, speaking by way of simili- 
tude, that somewhat lighter grew the night-darkness 
which fell on England's church, when archbishop 
Thomas was slain sackless in the chief temple. But still 
it might seem as if heavy mist and mighty fog lay over 
the country, while some persons still roamed at large 
unpunished, who were accomplices in this work worthy 
of God's anger, no matter by whatsoever causes, or how 
soon or late, inland or abroad, they might have become 
partakers therein. All these men had lost the bright- 
ness of righteousness, and therefore they stood as fit 
types of dim fog, which often hideth the very sun by 
its veil. Even so these unreformed men obscured the 
bright light which now hid itself at Canterbury fair 
and noble before the highest God. This interpretation 
is borne out by a vision which happened at the very 
arch-see of Canterbury. 

Among the rest of the brethren there was a man of 
parts, and a great clerk, and one, moreover, who com- 
posed many writings and fair of the laudable life of the 
blessed Thomas, of the death and the miracles of the 
archbishop. One night it seemed to him, as if the holy 
archbishop Thomas stood robed and ready to perform 
service in the cathedral church. He was ruddy of face, 
and right bright of countenance, and looked as one of 



1171. ma þekkiligastr ^ vera. Bro^urinn lysti at sja upp a 
hann, enn synin var at sinne eigi lengri, J?vi at her 
vaknar hann. Ok enn a^ra nott ber fyrir hann á 
allan ^ sama hatt. Hann hugiei^ir nu me^ ser,^ hvat 
þetta raune ]?ý^a, ok tekr ]?ann skilning, at honmn 5 
mun gefit færi,^ ef hann vill spyrja nokkurs, gengr 
nær ^ meir erkibyskupinum ok bei'Sist blezonar. Her 
me'S talar hann svo : " Bi8 ek þik, herra minn, at yör 
" mislíki eigi, ]7Ótt ek spyri nokkurs." " Tala )?ú/' 
sagSi hann. " Ert ]?ú ei frammli^inn ^ ok dau^r ? " 10 
sag^i bro^irinn. " Erkibyskupinn svara^i : " Ek var 
" dau^r, ok nu upprisinn." Munkrinn svarar : " Ef 
" þú reist '' upp samvinnandi pislarvottum, sem vær ^ 
" truum, hvi synir þú eigi heilagleik ]7Ínn fyrir monn- 
" um?"^ Hann svara^i : " Ek ber fagrt Ijos í hendi, 15 
" enn þat fær ^^ eigi sýnzt fyrir þoku þeire, er at 
" þreyngvir." Munkrinn skilur ^^ eigi, hvat þetta 
merkir. '* Yilt ]>ú sjá skýringina ? " sag"Si erkibyskup. 
" Vil ek gjarna," sag^i bró^erinn. Heilagr Thomas 
breg'Sr þá upp skri^ljóse myklu me^ brennanda kerti : 20 
" Hygg nú at," sag^i hann, " hvat þreyngvir Ijósinu." 
Munkrinn sér, at þoka svá þykk legst umbergis hjá 
ok at skri'Sljósinu, at Ijósit hylur^^ ok felur^^ me^ 
öllu. Bró^erinn skilur ^^ þá sýnina, at verk hans gó^ 
ok dýr'Slig raætti ^^ birtast fyrir mönnum, ef eigi stæ^i ^^ 25 
fyrir óhegnd iUskuþoka hans ófri'Sarmanna. Hér eftir ^ '' 
gengr erkibyskup til altaris ok setr skri^ljósit annan 
veg-^^ hjá altarino fyrir grá'Sunum. B3rrjast )?á messa 
utar í kórinn tónlaust me^ ]?ví upphafi : Letare Jeru- 
salem}^ Herra erkibyskup segir til j^eira, er messuna 30 

^ þekkiligazsti-, T. 

'^ allann, T. 

^ sieTy T. 

' f<^ri, T. 

5 ngr, T. 

^ /ramlidinn, T. 

7 So altered by Prof. Unger; 
reis, T. 

8 u§r, T. 

3 maunnum^ T. 

10 /f, T. 

11 So T. 

1- ni^tti, T. 
13 st^di, I'. 
1^ eptir, T. 
1^ uegk,T. 
If' Introit for Mid-Lent Sunda)-, 


the goodliest presence. The brother would fain behold 
him, but at this time the vision endured no longer, for 
hereat he awoke. 

Again, another night, the same vision appeared to 
him. And he pondered, what this might betoken, and 
deemed that it must be meant for a hint for him to take 
the occasion thus offered him to put forth a question if he 
felt inclined, and so he drew nearer to the archbishop, and 
prayed him for a blessing, speaking thus at the same time : 
" I pray you, ray lord, that it may not mislike you, if I 
" put a question to you." " Speak thou," said he. " Art 
" thou not departed and dead ? '* said the brother. The 
archbishop answered, " I was dead, but am now arisen 
" again." The monk answered : " If thou hast arisen to 
''' be the fellow worker with other martyrs, as we believe, 
*' why showest thou not thy holiness before men ? " He 
said : '' I carry a fair light in my hand, but it may not 
" be seen because of that fog that lieth heavily over all." 
The monk understandeth not what this may import. 
*^ Desirest thou to see the interpretation ? " says the 
archbishop. '' Fain I would," says the brother. The 
holy Thomas then showeth forth a great lantern with a 
burning candle : " Behold now, what it is, that obscureth 
" the light." The monk then perceiveth that such a thick 
fog surroundeth the lantern from all sides, that it hideth 
and obscureth the lio-ht thereof altoo-ether. The brother 
then understandeth the vision to mean, that the arch- 
bishop's good and glorious works might be revealed 
to man, if the fog of the unchastened wickedness of his 
enemies did not stand in the way. After this the arch- 
bishop goeth to the altar and placeth the lantern on one 
side of it before the grades ; whereat there beginneth out 
in the chancel a mass, not intoned, with the words : 
"Letare Jerusalem." The lord archbishop then speak- 




byrja, at hann vill heldr hafa annat messunnar upphaf, 
]>vi at Letare Jerusaleon merkist fyrir fagna'S. pvi 
hefsfc upp lagliga '^ hormungar ^ officiiim Exsurge quare 
ohdormis.^ SiSan ^ vaknar broSirinn ok hugsar eink- ' 
auliga ^ þau or^in, er erkibyskup sag^ist dau^r verit 5 
hafa ok nu upprisinn. Ok þat skilr hann svá, at 
upprisan er bans lif nu í Gu'Si, þótt hann ^ se framm- 
li^inn ^ at manndoms e^li.^ Nu er Ijoss vottr lesinn 
yfir skyring þoku þeirar, er fyrr var set.^ Enn þat 
niá undra, ef fljott er a litiS, hvi lægri ^^ menn fóru 10 
óleystir, me'S því at sjálfr konungrinn ok hinir mestu 
manndraparar váro undirlag'Sir. Enn j^essarri ^^ undran 
latum svara Yilhjálm af Traz, ef hann var^ svikinn 
meS fortölum/^ er fyrst sær^i ^^ erkibyskupinn, hvat 
raun )?á hinum li^a, er sekr manndrápsmaÖr eftir ^^15 
lagadome Hggr undir harSýögi sjálfs^^ sins ok svikligum 
fortolum^^ vondra manna, at hann se -^^ saklauss meö 
ölKi/^ J>ví at eigi váro enn svæf'Sir^^ öfundarmenn ^'^ 
Thome erkibyskups í Engiandi, þótt hann væri^^ af- 
sleginn veröldinni. Enn hversu marga sjálfr herra 20 
pafinn dæmir ^^ manndrápsmenn hafa vor^it í bans 
dau^a, mun birtast þessu næst ^^ í sjálfs hans bréíi.^* 

^ lagligha, T. 

2 haurmungar, T. 
• 3 Introit for Sexagesima. 

4 Siþan,T. 

^ einkannlega, T. 

^ hann added hy Prof. Unger. 

7 framlidinn, T. 

^ This vision agrees closely with 
the vision which Benedict himself 
says he had on the night of the 
martyrdom of the archbishop, and 
with which the first book of his 
miracles opens : " Aspiciebam in 
" visu noctis martyrii ejus " — 
" quia etsi mortuus est ex infirmi- 
" tate, sed vivit ex virtute Dei." 
Materials for the History of Tho- 
mas Becket, ed. Robertson, vol. ii., 
pp. 27-28 

9 siet, T. 
*" kgri, T. 
1^ þessari, T. 
^- fortaulum, T. 

13 s^rdi, T. 

14 eptir, T. 

15 So altered by Prof. Unger 
sialf T. 

16 sie, T. 

17 saklaus, T. 

18 aullu, T. 

19 suefdir,T. 

-'' aufundarmenn, T. 

21 n^ri, T. 

22 d^mir, T. 

23 n^st, T. 

24 brefui, T. 


eth to those who began the mass, signifying his desire, 
that a mass with some other beginning should be chosen, 
for Letare Jerusalem signitieth joy. And therefore they 
commence, in a low voice, the sorrowful service " Exsurge, 
" quare obdormis ? " Thereupon the brother awaketh, 
and pondereth with himself over the words, wherein 
the archbishop said, that he had been dead but was 
now arisen. And he understandeth this to mean, that 
his resurrection is his life now in God, although he 
was dead after the nature of man. Now a clear testi- 
mony hath been read concerning the interpretation of 
that fog which was seen before. But it may be mar- 
velled how it came about, that inferior persons should 
go at large unabsolved, while the king himself and the 
greatest mui^derers were included in absolution. But 
let William de Traci give answer to this wonder ; for 
if he was beguiled by persuasions, he who was the 
first to wound the archbishop ; what then must have 
been the case of others, when one, who is a guilty mur- 
derer according to the judgment of the lavv^, remaineth 
in his own hardness of heart, and abideth by the deceitful 
persuasions of wicked men, who make him believe that 
he be perfectly sackless ? for as yet they were not all 
dead in England who bore archbishop Thomas malice, 
although he himself had been cut off from the world. 
But how many the lord pope deemed guilty of murder 
through the death of [the archbishop] will now appear 
from his own letter. 





1171. Bartholomeus Exoniensis harma^i einkanlÍ2;a mest 

XT'a' ( 

Barthoio- af byskupum fráfall bins lieilaga Thome, sva at sorglig 
of Exeter, hryg^ tok liann meS öllu. par af sýnist honum eina 5 
nott, sem ma^r gengi at sænginni ^ ine'S ]?essum or'Sum : 
" Hvat Lryggvir ];ik ? " sag^i hann. Byskup þóttist 
svara : '• Líflát míns vir^uligs herra Thome erki- 
" byskups." Draumma^rinn talar : " Sannliga er hann 
" frammfarinn ^ af ]7essi veröid, enn þó lifa me'S ySr 10 
*' armar bans ok bendr." Eftir^ þat vaknar byskup 
ok skilur^ sva synina, at armar muni J^y'Sast fyrir 
befnd öfundarmanna ^ ok ofri^ar, enn bendr til jar- 
teigna ok beilagleiks, þegar giæpi ^ vándra manna 
rymdi sva fra, at þær ^ mætti ^ opinberliga skina.-^^ ] 5 
pvi befir byskupinn sig nu framm^^ me^ brefi berra 
páfans/^ at bjálpa fólkino, lei^andi -^^ ];á til i^ranar sem 
saka^ir varo, eftir ^^ því formi sem bréíit vottar, þótt 
mörgum ^^ þætti ^^ þungt undir at búa, þeim er á'Sr váro 
kaldir frá öllum krafti ^^ gó^ra verka. pat berra páfans 20 
bréf byrjar svá : 
Pope Alex- Alexander ^^ þjónn ]7Jóna Gu'Ss sendir vir'Suligum 
directs how bró'Sur ^^ Bartbolomeo byskupi Exoniensi . kveöiu -^ ok 

to deal with ;_ ^ "^ 

the guilty. 

1 skript, T. 

2 senginni, T. 

3 framfarinriy T. 
^ Eptir, T. 

5 SoT. 

^ aufundarmajina, T. 

7 gl^pir, T. 

8 þ^r, T. 

9 m§ttí, T. 

^o This vision follows in Bene- 
dict's Miracula immediately after 
his own : " Sicut et episcopo Exo- 
" niensi Bartholomæo, de morte 
" ejus graviter dolenti " — " vivunt 

et manus ejus ad operandum et 20 quediu T. 

" brachia ejus ad vindicandum." 
Materials, ib., pp. 28, 29. 

11 /ram, T. 

^- So altered by Prof, linger; 
pafanum, T. 

^'^ leiþandi, T. 

1^ eptir, T. 

^^ maurgum, T. 

1^ Htti, T. 

17 krapti,T. 

^^ This letter is found among iJpp. 
Gilherti Foliot, ed. Giles, No. 356, 
ii., pp. 80-84 : " Sicut dignum 
•" est." Migne, cc. col. 894-96. 

1^ brodr, T. 



Of the letter of the Lord Pope when he 

ORDAINED shriving. 

Among the bishops Bartholomew of Exeter mourned 
most chiefly for the death of the holy Thomas, so much so 
even that he was seized by an utter giief. Being in this 
state it seemed to him, one night, as if a man came up 
to his bed with these words : "What grievest thou ? " said 
he. The bishop thought he answered : " The death of 
" the worthy lord archbishop Thomas." The dream- 
man then said : " In sooth he hath departed from this 
" world, yet his hands and arms are still living among 
" you." After this the bishop awaking, understand- 
eth the vision to import that arms must needs be- 
. token revenge on people who bore him malice and 
enmity, but the hands must point to miracles and 
saintly deeds, when the crimes of the wicked shoukl be 
so far removed as to allow such deeds to shine openly. 
The bishop therefore bestirreth himself, according to a 
letter from the lord pope, for the salvation of the people, 
leading to repentance those who were accused of guilt; 
according to the form prescribed in the letter, hard 
though many a man found to abide thereunder who had 
already been bereft of all power to do good works. This 
letter of the lord pope beginneth thus : 

Alexander, the servant of the servants of God, to tho 
venerable brother Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, sendeth 

D 2 


1171. postoliga blezan. Sva sem J?at er makligt^ ok sam- 
tengt- allri skynsemd, at vandamal í kristnum rétt^ 
flytiz undir prof postoligs sætis,* svo skyldumst ver 
af J?jónu stilt ekjunnar ahyggju at leysa ]?ær^ sömo ^ 
questiones, sem Gu^ gefr oss at skilja, svarandi ser- 5 
hverjum,^ er várt rá^ vilja sækja,^ at forsjá rómverskrar 
kiistni,^ er höf^ingskap ^^ heldr í allri veröld, sem 
Drottinn skipa^i, lysi j^at er leynist, at efasemd fiiTÍst 
hjörtu sérhverra. Vitra ]?ín skrifa^i til vár af þeim 
hörmungargreinum/^ er at lúta Kfláti heilags Thome ok 10 
vii^uligs mamis ^ forSum Kautuariensis erkibyskups, ok 
þótt ver höldiim ^^ J?at efalaust, at J?ú ert bæ^i -^* forsjáll 
ok vel læ'Sr ^^ á beilaga bók, viljum ver annsvara ser- 
hverju-^^ me^ várri skynsemd ok skilning laganna. 
Setjum vér í f}n;stu, sem þér er kminigt, at réttvísum^'' 15 
dómara eru sex hlutir bugsandi ok vir^andi í bverju 
máli, þat er aldr ok vizka/^ kyn ok tegund, stund ok 
sta'Sr. Eftir^^ þessum atvikum ok tilrás eiga dómar 
retta forman, enn eigi eftir-^^ ásjónu ok vexti last- 
anna, því at oftliga -^ kann svá veröa, at í sama glæp -^ 20 
eru eigi allir me'S einum bætti -- sakbitnir, J?ó at 
margir þjóni til bans a sama tíma. Sjáum nú í fyrstu 
þá vonda menn, sem bertu -^ konungsins bug me^ 
röngmn ^^ fortölum -^ í batr bins beilaga Tbóme, þá er 
Ijóst af lögum,-*^ at 'peir eru pínandi meö bar^ri strí^u, 25 
ok J^ó eigi svá framt, at þat gangi allt í banoi'Sssök -^ 

1 So Prof. Unger ; makUt, T. 
" sajnteingt, T. 

3 riett, T. 

4 s^tis, T. 
' )>^, T. 

^ saumo, T. 

' sierhuerium, T. 

8 sqkia, T. 

9 So Prof. Unger; kristi, T. 
^^ liaufdingskap, T. 

^^ haurmunyaryreinum, T. 
^2 manz, T. 
^^ haxddum, T. 
» b^di, T. 

^5 Iqrdr, T. 
^^ sierhueriu, T. 
^' riettuisum, T. 
^^ uizska, T. 
19 epiir, T. 
^ optliga, T. 

21 ^/f;j, T. 

22 h^tti, T. 

23 Acr«M, T. 

-^ rauugum, T. 
2^ fortöhim, T. 

26 laugum, T. 

27 banordzsauk, T. 


greeting and apostolic blessing. It being proper, and con- 
sistent with all reason, that all grave cases under canon 
law should be brought to trial before the apostolic see, we 
are in duty bound by the solicitude incumbent upon us in 
pursuance of our office, to solve the same questions accord- 
ing to the understanding given unto us by God, answering 
each one, who desireth to seek our counsel, that the fore- 
sight of the Eoman church, to which appertaineth the pri- 
macy throughout all the world according to the command 
of the Lord, bringeth to light that which is hidden, in 
order that doubt may be removed from the heart of every 
one. Thy wisdom wrote to us referring those sorrowful 
things which concern the murder of the holy Thomas, 
that venerable man, aforetime archbishop of Canterbury ; 
and although we have no doubt, that thou art both pru- 
dent and well learned in holy writ, we will yet answer to 
every clause according to our reason and the provisions of 
the law. And first we lay down the rule which is known 
unto thee, that a rightful judge must weigh and consider 
six things in every case : age and knowledge, sex and 
condition, hour and place. According to the concurrence of 
these accidents, judgments must receive their due framing, 
but not from the outer appearance and fashion of the crime 
itself; for it may often happen, that all bear not an equal 
share of guilt in the same crime, although many may 
have a share in it at one and the same time. Let us first 
look at the wicked men, who with wrongful persuasions 
hardened the heart of the king into hatred against the 
holy Thomas ; now it appeareth clearly from the law, 
that they are worthy of being punished with a severe 
chastisement, yet one which should not be carried so fiir 




erkibyskupsins, nema "þeira róg^ haíi geisat svá gu^- 
rækiliga,^ at beriim or^um liafi þeir provocerat kon- 
unginn upp á líf ok líkam þess heilaga manns/'^ Ok 
ef )7eir eignasfc pyngvi grein af þessum tveimr, eru ]7eir 
sekir sannliga J^ess meinlausa dreyra. Hér næst * 5 
eru samhleypismenn ];eira fjögra, er upphaíliga níddust 
á sínum herra. Ok ef svá grimt var þeira föruneyti,^ 
at ]7eir bu'Sust at grípa, slá e'Sa ^ herdraga erkibyskup- 
inn framm "^ undir dau^a sver^, þá eru ]?eir nálega 
svá pínandi, sem þeir er hann sær'Su.^ Enn ]?ó er 10 
betr, at þeir finni fyrir líkn, ef ];eir ger^u eigi svá 
illa, sem þeir hugso^u. Hér næst^ eru þeir raenn, 
er sér völdu^^ ]?á^^ bölfo^u^^^ ]?jónustu at bera fólk- 
vopn ok herfórur í vafning e^r rökkum-^^ upp á garS 
erkibyskupsins. Sannliga dikta þeim login ^^ fulltekna 15 
manndrápssök ^^ fyrir há^uliga leynd ck undirhyggju,^^ 
ef þeir váro svá aldrs komnir, at þeir sto^u meÖ or'Si 
ok ei^i. Hér fylgja þeir ríkismenn, er fyrir nálæg'^^^ 
ok visso máttu stö^va^^ glæpinn ^^ ok jafnvel vernda 
byskupinn, enn ger^u hvarki, utan ^^ heldr efldu^^ 20 
þeir svá manndráparann, at hann skyldi me^ friálsu 
fara í sína Gu^s [rei^i. pessum glæpámönnum ^^ fellr 
í höfu^ ^^ sú ritning, er svá segir : Qui potuit homi- 
nem liherare a morte et non liherauit, ii^sum occidit. 

1 rogh, T. 

2 gudrekiliga, T. 

3 manz, T. 

4 n^st, T. 

5 fauruneyti, T. 

6 e)>a, T. 

7 fram, T. 

8 s^rdu, T. 

9 TígSÍ, T. 

ío iía?í/t/?í, T. 

i^ So altered by the editor ; síia, 
T.. which is quite correct, if the 
adjectÍA'e hölfodu is changed into its 
weak form bölfafSa; sua is much 
more likely to be a repetition of 
sua before ilia in the preceding line 

than haulfodu is to be the original 
author's bad grammar. 

12 haulfodu, T. 

13 raukkum, T. 
1^ laugin, T. 

15 manndrapssauk, T. 
1^ undirhiyggiu, T. 
17 So Prof. linger ; TiaZ^rf, T. 
13 staudfa, T. 
1*-' gl^pinn, T. 
-0 y/an, T. 

"1 So altered by Prof. Unger 
elfdu, T. 

'2 gl^pamaunnum, T. 

23 )iaM/Mí/, T. 


as to be a punishment for the crime of having murdered 
the archbishop, unless they by their slander should be 
proven to have raged in so god-forsaken a fashion as 
in clear words to have provoked the king against the 
life and body of the holy mar . But if they happen to 
be in the gTaver one of these two cases, they are in truth 
guilty of that innocent blood. Next to these stand the 
men who joined in the conspiracy of the four who 
committed the deed of shame on their lord. And if their 
company was of so cruel a mind as to offer to seize or 
to smite or to drag the archbishop prisoner under the 
sword of death, these abettors are to be punished with 
almost the same punishment as those who wounded 
him. Yet it is better that they should meet with 
mercy in case they did not act as wickedly as they 
thought. Next to these come the people who lent them- 
selves to such an accursed service as to carry weapons 
and armour in wrappings or rugs up into the archbishop's 
court. In truth the laws tax such with the full guilt 
of manslaughter for such a heinous concealment and 
treachery, if they had already arrived to an age of dis- 
cretion, so as to understand the importance of words and 
oaths. Next to these follow the lords, who by their pre- 
sence might have stayed the crime, and even defended the 
archbishop, yet doing neither, on the contrary egged the 
murderer on, so that he should of his free will fall into 
God's anger. Upon the head of these criminals falleth the 
award of scripture which saith : Qui potuit homincm libe- 
rare a morte et non liberavit, ipsum occidit. Which being 




pat er sva Ijosara, at sá drepr manninn, er hann ma 
vernda vit dau^a, enn veitir honum öngva^ hjálp. 
Nú er til "þeira at tala, er samneytuSust - J?vi rani, 
er maundraparar veittu kirkjunnar gozi, erkibyskups- 
ins frammfarins ^ e^a* lians jTJÓDUstumanna.^ pessir 5 
eru pinandi, at peir skipi aftr^ me-S skilriki hvem 
þann penning, er þeir tóku, ok þótt þeir verndi sig 
me^ þeiri ásjónu, at ]?at sama góz liaíi þeir gefit fá- 
tækum ^ fyrir sál erkibyskiipsins, er sá hlíf ^arlitr eigi 
lögligr,^ því at svá segir ok vottar heilög bók, at várr ^ 10 
Herra þiggr eigi ran í sína fórn. Enn J?ó, ef ]?eir finn- 
ast, at svá hafi me^ farit, viljum vér, at hafi álögur^*^ 
minni, pví at eigi au^guSust þeir af kirkjunnar gózi, 
enn eru þar me'S, sem vér ætlnm ^^ hlutlausa hafa 
verit af drápi, sí^an^'^ þeir voru þar hvergi nærri.^^ 15 
peir eru enn einir í landinu, er spiUzt hafa me^ sam- 
neyti bannsettra, bæ^i ^* manndrápara ok ránsmanna. 
Er þat prófanda í )7eira máli, hvárt þeir samneyttu 
fyrir ótta e^a ^^ elsku, vitandi e^a ^^ óvitandi, þar eftir ^^ 
eru þeira skriftir ^^ temprandi. Sí^ast allra setjum vér 20 
þá vansignu^u klerka, er me^ fylgd ok rá^um kvomu 
væpntir ^^ til þvílíkra glæpa.^^ Er þat í fyrstu ]?eira 
pína, at allan ^^ lífstima dirfist einginn ]?eira alltaris- 

^ auvgua, T. 

2 So T. Prof. Unger pro])Oses to 
read samnetjvfSust, from samnetjast, 
whicli is the common word in Tho- 
mas Saga for communicare ; but 
samneyta occurs frequently as well 
as an equivalent for samnetjast; 
cfr. samneyti bannsettra and 
sameyttu below í but the reflexive 
form of T. is wholly illegitimate, 
and may be due either to the in- 
fluence of the reflexive samnetjast^ 
or it may be a later scribe's sub- 
stitution ; but I dare not eliminate 
it from the text. 

^ framfarins, T. 

4 eþa, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; þionustumon- 
num, T. 

6 aptr, T. 

7 fat^kum, T. 
^ laugligr, T. 
^ uar, T. 

'^ alaugr, T. 
^ §tlum, T. 
^ siþan, T. 
^ nqrri, T. 
^ b^di, T. 
5 e\>a, T. 
^ eptir, T. 
7 skriptir, T. 
uqpntir, T. 
9 gkpa, T. 
20 allann, T. 


interpreted meaneth : — he slayeth a man who, when he 
might save him from death, afFordeth him no help. Now 
turning to those who sliared in the murderers' spoliation 
of the goods of the church, those of the departed 
archbishop, or of his servants, they must be punished 
by returning honestly every penny they took ; yea, 
although they might defend themselves with the plea 
of having given the same to poor people for the 
soul of the archbishop, that colour of defence is by no 
means lawful ; for the holy book saith and testifieth, 
that our Lord accepteth not robbery for oft'ering. Yet 
should any be found who should have dealt with the 
goods after this fashion, we desire that they may be fined 
less, inasmuch as they did not enrich themselves with 
the goods of the church, and that they be counted among 
those whom we judge as innocent of the murder, since 
they were nowhere present at it. Further there are those 
in the land who have become contaminated by commu- 
nion with excommunicates, murderers as well as robbers. 
Now in their case it must he ascertained whether they 
did so from fear or from love, knowledge or ignorance, 
and in accordance therewith their shrivings have to be 
regulated. Last of all we place those wretched clerks, who 
with the weapons of aid and counsel came to be mixed up 
with these misdeeds. Their first penance is, that through- 
out their lifetime not one of them shall presume to perform 


1171. þjónustu fremja, heldr skyldar lögmálit ^ meö kristnum 
rett,^ at ef sva ma vera, þröngvist^ )7eir allir undir 
æfinligt* regluhald^ munka e^a^ kanunka, þó sva, 
at um fimm ár e'Sa ^ sjau se þeir sífelt utan kirkju. 
Enn eftir ^ þat li'Sit hafi ]?eir ]?á minnÍDg eftir ^ reglu, 5 
at eingi ^ j^eira lesi leccionein e'Sa ^ frammi syngi nokk- 
urn hlut, heldr standi J^eir lágt í lítilæti ^ me^ sálm- 
um ^^ ok heilögum bænum,^^ bi^jandi líknar fyrir 
sína glæpi,-^^ svá lengi sem þeir lifa. Huglei'S J^at, 
bró^ir, í þínum dómum ok skriftabo^um,^^ at flestar 10 
af J^essum greinum J^yngir bæ'Si ^"^ stund ok sta'Sr. 
The bishops ]S[ú er l?at levst, sem fyr var til vikit, at me^ svá 

act on these j ./ ? j 7 

directions. "berurD bo'Sskap ok skilning lierra páfans hafa b3^skup- 

ar sig framm ^^ eftir ^^ megni at prédika líkn ok 15 
lausn lierteknum, lei'Sandi ^'^ burt af villistigum aftr ^^ 
í fa^m lieilagrar kristni ]?á, sem á^r höfSu sínum 
mannkostum ok si^fer^i hörmuliga^^ tapa^ rue's hlýöni 
vi'S óvinenn ok sínar rangar girndir. par þynnist nú 
sú synda]7oka, er á^r ^^ var greind, svá at Gu^s mys- 20 
kunn nálægist ^^ fólkit dag ^^ af degi, at }^at megi 
njótanda veröa ]:>ess hins bleza'Sa ávaxtar, er upp kann 
at renna afþví hveitikorni, er lifanda f éll ^^ í jör^ina ok 
enn liggr lukt innan ^^ kirkju í Kancia. pví stendr vel 
þessu næst,^^ at vær ~^ heyrura sýn^^ )7á, er skýrir ávöxt- 25 

^ laugmalit^ T. 

2 riett, T. 

2 þraunguiz, T. 

4 ^finligt, T. 

5 The halld in regluhald supplied 
by Prof. Unger. 

fi e\>a, T. 

7 eptir, T. 

^ engi, T. 

*J Util^ti, T. 

1" spalmum, T. 

^i h^num, T. 

1-^ gkpi, T. 

i^ skriptahodum, T. 

i^ ^>^rf/, T. 

'5 fram, T. 

^6 epízr, T. 

^' leiþandi, T. 

18 apír, T. 

i'-' haurmulega, T. 

2>í aþr, T. 

21 nal§giz, T. 

22 rfa^A, T. 

23 _^eZ/, T. 

2^ innann, T. 

25 WfSÍ, T. 

26 ?/gr, T. 

27 sýn added by the editor. 


the service of the altar ; but laws and canon-right make it 
a duty, that if so it must be, they must all of them be 
forced under perpetual rule of monks or canons, yet in 
such wise that for five or seven years they keep out of 
church. But when that time is passed, let them still be 
reminded of the rule, so that none of them ever read 
the lessons or ever stand forth singing, but let them stand 
low in humility with psalms and holy prayers, praying 
mercy for their crimes as long as they live. Consider, 
however, brother, in your judgments and shrivings, that 
most of these penalties are to be made more severe ac- 
cording to hour and place. Yalete. 

Now it is shown, as was hinted at formerly, how 
through this peremptory command and reasoning of the 
lord pope the bishops laid themselves out, by all means 
in their power, to preach mercy and absolution to those 
in bondage, leading them back from, the paths of error into 
the bosom of holy church, who had already sadly lost 
their virtue and morals through obedience to the enemy 
and their evil passions. Thereby that fog of sin of 
which we spoke before groweth thinner, so that God's 
mercy approacheth nearer to the people day by day, that 
they may partake of the blessed fruit which is to spring 
up from that corn of wheat which fell living into the earth, 
and still lieth concealed within the church of Canterbury. 
It is well fit, therefore, next to these things, to hear, as 


1171. inn,^ hver hans uppras verSr e^r hver hæö ^ í 
heilagri Gu^s kristni. 


Merkiligar vitranir. 

A truthful Svo syndist sannor^um manne, sem hann væri ^ 5 
CaSberbury komiiin Í kór Kantuariensis kirkju. par stó-S mikill 
Wnds grow mannQöldi bæ^i^ lærSra ^ ok ólær'ðra^ ýmissa stéttaJ 
archbishop's Her me'S svnist honum sem yfir háaltari^ ligTffi framm- 

armpits . * 

li^enn ^ Thomas erkibyskup, skryddr silkiklæ"Sum ^ 
blo^rau^um. A^ir^uligur ^^ ma^r í munkabúningi sitr 10 
undir liöfSi hans ok sty^r sinni hendi hvárn veg at ^^ 
hofSinu. Enn erkibyskup halla'Sist á þann silki-kodda 
rau^an, er liggr yfir hne-'^^ bro'Surins. pvi næst -"^^ renna 
upp vendir tveir blomga^ir, serhvorr ^^ af sinum hand- 
veg,^^ me^ svo fljotum vexti, sem þeir vili upp í gegnum 15 
]?ekjuræírit.-^^ Allir í kórnum undra J^etta mjok, á"Sr 
int^rpreta- munkriun talar svo til þeira : " Hví standi "per, bræ^r/^ 
vision. " sem undrandi sýn þessa ? fái ]?er ^^ eigi skilt, at vendir 
" þessir merkja fræg^ ^^ ok dýr^ þessa bins heilaga píslar- 
" votts ? Svá sem vendir leita til bimins, svá munu 20 
'' vaxa ok margfaldast hans dyrSarlof -^ fyrir Drottni. 
'' Vaxa muno þeir okútbrei^a sínar limar yfir alia jör^, 
" ok J?eira lengdar -^ mun eingi ^ endir." pessir signo'Su 
vendir merkja ^^ þat sama, sem for'Sum birtist fru 
Mailld. Hygg at, hversu likzt ^^ hefir þröngleiki ^^ kirkj 25 

1 aauaiLxtiniiy T. 

2 h^d, T. 

^ u^riy T. 

4 b^di, T. 

5 l§rdra, T. 
^ ol^rdra, T. 
7 stietta, T. 

^ frawlidenn, T. 

9 silkikl§dum, T. 

10 So T. 

" So altered by the editor ; af, T. 

12 y^n^■e, T. 

13 n^st, T. 

14 sierhuor, T. 

15 handuegh, T. 

16 þekiur§frit, T. 

17 6r^i/r, T. 
IS þier, T. 
'^ fr^gd, T. 

20 dyrþarlof, T. 

21 leitigdar, T. 

22 ený^, T. 

23 merkir, U. 

24 Zi/iiz, T. 

25 \>raungleiki, T. 


the fruit becometh brighter, what be the manner of its 
growth or how high it reareth itself in God's church. 


Rei^iarkable visions. 

To a certain truthful person it seemed as if he was 
within the chancel of the church of Canterbury, where 
there was standing together a great multitude of peo- 
ple, learned as well as lay folk of sundry stations. At the 
same time it seemed to him as if archbishop Thomas lay 
dead on the high altar, decked in robes of silk of a blood- 
red hue. A certain reverend person in the garb of a 
monk sitteth under his head, and with both hands stayeth 
the head on either side. But the archbishop reclined on 
the red silk cushion which lay across the lap of the 
brother. Then, next, he seeth, how two wands spring 
up, each from either armpit, with such a quick growth as 
if they would shoot through the roof. All those in the 
choir marvel much at this until the monk speaketh to 
them thus : 

" Why stand ye, brethren, as in wonder at this sight ? 
may ye not understand that these wands betoken the 
fame and glory of this holy martyr ? for even as the 
wands aim heavenward, so, in a similar manner, shall 
the praise of his glory multiply before the Lord. Yea, 
they shall wax, and spread their limbs over all the earth, 
and of the length of their limbs there shall be no end. 
These blessed wands betoken even the same thing as the 
vision which aforetime appeared to lady Maild. Observe, 
how the church, being too small to compass their growth 



1171. unnar, at taka þeira vöxt ok uppruna, fordyri^ a 
Kristskirkju í Lundúnum,^ er kvi^ug Mailld matti 
eigi innganga. Sér^ )?ú ok í ö^ru* lagi, liversu eitt 
hefir at )?ý^a ^ lengd ok vi^erni limanna, eftir ^ 
skyring bro^urins, ok J?at pell hit væDa/ er roddin^S 
kva^^ for^um ollu^*^ Englandi vi^ara.^-*^ Her upp yfir 
talar meistarinn : Mikill pislarvottr reis upp me^ oss, 
ok sannliga mun hann liefjast ok mjök háleitr ver^a, 
því at jörS rQun fyllast me^ hans lofi, ok heimsbygS 
mun sja mega, at Drottinn mikla"Si hann í augiiti 10 
konunga. Ok ]?at er verSugt/^ því at sa mun eigi 
finnast, at glaSari gengi fyiir Gu^s naihi undir dau^a 
kvol/^ sem bæSi birtist sama dags me^ or^um hans ok 
verkum. Ok er Ijost, hvat til bar. I fyrstu sa ástar- 
hiti, er hann hafSi til Skaparans bæ^i-^* at pinast fyrir 15 
hans réttlæti^^ stundliga ok at vera me'S honum 
si'San^^ eiliiliga. Her me^ var nátturuligt, at ]?eim 
manni, er sva kvaldi sig ok sinn likam sifelt me^ 
hárklæöi^^ ok hu^strokum, ]?ótti einskis vert, hvat 
hann ]?oldi litla stund, at hann mætti ^^ sva æskiiiga -^^ 20 
lúka sínum meinlætum.-^ pví var ]?essi sál gu^dóm- 
inum harbla J?ekk, ok J?ar fyrir skunda^i sjálfr 
Drottimi at lei'Sa sinn vin út af ranglátri veröld, at 
fagna^r skyldi ver^a af hans sigri bæ^i ~^ Gu'Ss engl- 
um á himne ok svá þeiri kristni, er nú" sat ^^ me^ 25 
sorg ok harmi.^ 

1 So altered by 

the editor 


13 kuaul,T. 

dyr, T. 

i^ b^di, T. 

- Sundunum, T. 

15 riettl^ti, T, 

3 Sier, T. 

16 si\>an, T. 

^ au]>ru, T. 

17 harhl^di, T. 

' i>l/\>a, T. 

'8 m§tti, T. 

6 eptir, T. 

" ^skiliga,T. 

7 u^na, T. 

20 meinl^twn, T. 

^ rauddin, T. 

21 b^di, T. 

9 quad,T. 

22 sath, T. 

1" auUu, T. 

23 This vision is the same that 

" uiþara, T. 

Benedict records in the 3rd chapter 

12 uerþugkf T. 

of his fiist book of miracles. But 


and spread, resembleth the door of Christschurch in 
London through which the pregnant Maild might not 
enter. Again understand, on the other hand, how the 
length and the wide spread of the limbs signifieth, in 
the interpretation of the brother, one and the same 
thing as the fair pall which aforetime the voice said was 
wider even than all Enoiand. Conceniing this matter 
the Master speaketh thus : A gTeat martyr hath arisen 
among us, and in sooth he shall be raised up, and be 
much exalted, for the earth shall be filled with his praise, 
and the nations of the world shall be made to see, that 
the Lord mao'nified him before the face of kinoes. And 
rio-ht worthv it is, for the man will not be found who 
in a more rejoicing manner ever underwent the torment 
of death for the name of God, as was manifested on the 
very day [of his death] by his words and deeds. And full 
clearly the reason thereof is manifested : in the first place, 
in that fervid love, which he bore to his Creator in suffer- 
ing passion for his righteousness in the flesh, to abide 
with him afterwards for ever. And secondly, it was 
natural that the man who so tortured himself as he did 
ceaselessly with haircloth and flagellations, should deem 
it as worth nothing, what he had to suffer for but a brief 
space in order that he might end his life of penance in 
such a desirable manner. Therefore this soul was right 
acceptable to the Divine being, and even therefore, too, 
the Lord himself made haste to lead his friend out of the 
wicked world, in order that liis victory shoiúd give joy 
both to the angels of God in heaven, and the church, 
which now sat in sorrow and grief. 


1171. Ok hverso nálægist ^ hennar gie^i til bloms ok dyrSar 

Canterbury heilagi'a jartegna, birtist svo einum bro^ur - í Kan- 

"sponsoy" túaría. Hann munkrinn þóttist koma í kórinn þar 

predicative heiina, ok sér samankomiiin mikinn fjölda lær&a ^ 

ing miracles, manna at syngja óttusöng.^ Ok sem út gengr yfir 5 

fjor^u Leccionem, ver^r fall á tí'Sinni um eina stund, 

á^r einn ungr ma"Sr forkunnar vænn ^ riss ^ upp, byrj- 

andi meS sætustu ^ rodd ^ ok sönghljó^um ^ ]?at sama 

responsorium, er svo stendr í upplesnum oi'Sum : 

Ex^^ summa rerum leticia ■'^ 

Sur)imus Jit '^^ planctus in ecclesia 

De tanti^- patroni ahsencla, 

Seel cum redeunt^^ rairacula, 

Redit 'popido leticia. 
Her fylgir versit : -'■^ 

Concurrit turha langmdorum 
Et conseqibituT graciam^^ heneficiorum. 
petta ma svo norræna : ^^ 

Af hæstu^^ gle^i hlutanna 

VerSr hæsta ^^ sút '^'^ milli kristinna manna 20 

I frávero svá mikils forstjóra, 

Enn j^á er jarteignir til koma, 

Kemr ok gle^in til kirkjunnar sona. 

there are discrepancies between the | the fourth Lesson in the matins 
two, especially in the moral attri- j sernce for St. Thomas of Canter- 
buted to " the Master," which show bury ; the verse belonging also to 
that the Icelandic translator must the same Lesson. In some service- 
have had before him a much more I books the Respond begins : Tu7ic ex 
wordy rendering of the vision than &c. ; while in the verse plurimorum 
any we know now. Cfr. Materials^ is inserted before languidorum, and 
ii., pp. 30, 31. i remediorum stands for beneficiorum. 

1 nal§giz, T. 

2 brodr, T. 

3 lerdra, T. 

■* otiusming, T. 
^ u^nn, T. 

6 m, T. 

7 sqtuztu, T. 
^ raudd, T. 

^ saunyhliodum, T. 

^^ This is the fourth Kespoud to 

" So altered by the editor ; sit, T. 

12 taiito, T. 

^2 So Prof. Unger ; reddeu7it, T. 

1-* Gracia, T. U. The translation 
of consequitur, þigyja, shows that 
gracia is a blunder for graciam. 

1^ nor^na, T. 

i'5 hqstu, T. 

1' suth, T. 


And how her joy approacheth its blooming in the 
glory of holy miracles, was thus manifested to a certain 
brother in Canterbury. The monk dreamt that he came 
into the choir of the church, and saw there a great mul- 
titude of learned men together singing matÍDs. Now, 
when the fourth lesson came to an end, there followed a 
pause in the service for a while, until a certain young 
man of wondrous goodliness of look rose up, beginning 
in the sweetest voice singing the very responsorium 
which being read out sounded thus : 

Ex summa rerum lætitia 
Summus fit planctus in ecclesia 
De tanti patroni absentia ; 
Sed cum redeunt miracula, 
Red it populo lætitia. 

Here followed the verse : 

Concurrit turba languidorura 

Et consequitur graciam beneficiorum. 

Which may thus be done into Northern tongue : 
Af hæstu gle^i hlutanna verSr hæsta sút milli 
kristinna manna í fráveru svo mikils forstjora enn þá 
er jarteignir til koma, kemr ok gle^in til kirkjunnar 

K 541. E 



]i7i. Saman koma sveitir sjukra fegna 

Ok þiggja myskunn hans jartegna. 
Her eftir^ vaknar munkrinn ok man vel sönginn^ 
bæSi'^ at or^um ok hljo^um. Enn er hann segir 
bræSrum ^ synina, bregSr þeim ýmislega vit, j^ví at 5 
sumir vakna til vonar, enn öSrum ^ aukr ^ harm ok 
endrnfjar til aminningar, hversu bleza^an ^ fö^ur ^ 
þeir höfSu láti^.^ Nú er sýnt af þessum englasöng,^^ at 
myskunn himnakonungs vænir^^ fólki sínu, at jartegna- 
blóm hins virSuliga Thóme píslarvotts, er hvilir í 10 
Kancia, mun brátt nálægjast/- ok liversn J?at fyllist 
eftir ^^ Gu^s fyrirætlan/^ stendr vel ákveSnum^^ tíma 
forsögn^^ sjáEs Thóme erkibyskups, sem nú skal 
The arch- Sá var einn af bræ^iTim ^'^ í Kancia, at svá píndist 1 5 
appears to í harmi ok hugarangri eftir ^^ erkibyskup, at sumir 
Canterbury, menn ætluöu ^^ lífit kosta, því at liann mátti öngva ^^ 
gle^i fá, petta ]?olir eigi lengr hinn mildasti faSir 
erkibyskupinn, heldr kemr harm ok vitjar svá mjúk- 
liga l^essa, sem hryggr var, sera mó^ir huggar barn 20 
sitt, snúandi harmi í huggan ok angri^^ í andligan 
fagnaS. Hann bleza^r ok signa^r birtist honum í 
svefni me^ því upphaíi, at hann byrjar psálminn 
Miserere ok býör bró^urnum at lesa me^ sér eftir ^^ 
versaskifti.^^ Enn er psálminum ^^ lí^r, fiiTÍst erki- 25 
byskupinn nokkut lítt sem hótandi bruttferS sinni. 
Munkrinn andvarpar )?á sárliga ok bi^r me^ tárum, 

1 eptir, T. 

2 saunginn, T. 

3 hqdi, T. 

"* hr^drum, T. 

5 audruvi, T. 

^ For awAr = eykr, 3 pers. síng. 
ind. impers., Prof. linger proposes 
an impossible aukar. 

7 blezaþann, T. 

8 faudr, T. 

^ This same vision is recorded in 
Benedict's Miracula. See Mate- 
rials, ii., pp. 33-34. 

^° englasaung, T. 

^^ u^nir, T. 
^2 nal^gaz, T. 
13 eptir, T. 
1^ fyrirqtlan, T. 
1^ aquednum, T. 
i*"' forsaiign, T. 
17 br^drum, T. 
15 ^tludu, T. 

aungua, T. 

So altered by the editor ; angr. 

-^ uersaskipti, T. 

" So U. ; spalminvm, T. 


Saman koma sveitir sjukra þegna 
Ok þyggja myskunn bans jartegna. 

After this the monk awaketh, and remembereth the 
song well, both as to words and tune. But when he 
telleth the vision to the brethren, they are variously 
affected thereat, for while in some it awaketh hope, in 
others, it increaseth sorrow and refresheth the memory 
of the blessed father they had lost. Now from this 
angelic song it is manifest that the mercy of the King of 
heaven imbueth his people with the hope, that the 
miracles of the worthy martyr St. Thomas, who resteth 
in Canterbury, may soon bud into bloom, and how that 
cometh to be fulfilled, according to the will of God, 
it suiteth Avell that the time appointed therefore be 
indicated by a prophecy of archbishop Thomas himself, 
as now shall be related. 

There was a certain brother in Canterbury, who was 
so overcome with grief and sorrow for the archbishop, that 
some folk thought it would cost him his very life ; for 
he might have no joy whatsoever. This the most com- 
passionate father, the archbishop, may endure no longer, 
but cometh to visit the one thus smitten with sorrow, 
as sweetly as a mother who comforteth her child, turning 
grief into consolation and sadness into spiritual rejoicing. 
The blessed Thomas appeareth to him in sleep, making 
towards him by beginning to sing the Psalm Misererey 
and bidding the brother to read it with him according 
to the division of the verses therein. But as the psalm 
weareth on the archbisliop retireth somewhat, as if 
threatening to take his departure. The monk then 
sigheth sorely, and prayeth him with tears not to leave 

E 2 


1171. at hann fyrirlati hann eigi. Sá bleza"Sr fa"Sir snýr )?á 
aftr ^ til bans sem hrærör ^ af harmi sonarins, ok 
talar sva : " Hvat hiyggvir þik, son minn ? tempra 
*' þinn harm ok lei^ inn til þín hugganarefni, því at 
" litill timi mun a^r li^a, enn þú heyrir ]?at flytjast,^ 5 
" er þik mun gie^ja. pvi vert me^ styi'kum hug, at 
" nálægt ^ er mjok, at þú fair huggan." Eftir ^ sva 
talat hverfr hann ^ brutt af syn bro^urius. Enn bans 
fyrirheit brast eigi, því at vitran )7essi gjör^ist um 
varit litlu fyiir páskir í sama árgang, sem hann 10 
kruna^ist, ok a ]?eiri páskatí^ birti Drottinn sina 
dyrS yfir heilagleik ástvinar sins me'S því upphafi, at 
sja hinn signa'Si Thomas birtir^ 1 syn, me^ hverri 
atfei-S táknin skulu gerast. ^ 


A son of a Ma^r hét ^ Vilhiálmr, einn go^r húsbóndi 1 Kan- 

certain %) ^ o 

William of túaría, hann atti un^^an son, er tok kverkamein hætt- 

Canterbury o -' 

is cured by Hat ^^ me^ ö^rum^^ siúkdómi likamligum. Hans mein 

the blood of ^ . . -^ ^ J=> 

the martyr, þyngir svo mjök, at um fimmtán ^- daga liggT hann 20 
nálægr^'^ dau^a, ok at hann mætti^^ myskunn fa 
eftir ^^ gu^ligri fyrirsjó, svá sem léttir-^^ var skipaSr 
hans meini, þiggT hann þá vitran, at hann þikkiz 
kominn í höfutkirkjuna/^ ok ser enn heilaga Thoraam 
erkibyskup fyrir altari í gu^iigu embætti ^^ me^ svo 25 
tiguligri JTJónustu ýmissra stétta/^ sem aldri sá liann 
fyri. Honum |7Íkkir sem erkibyskup sjáist um ok 
renni þangat aug-um, sem hann er. Annan veg hjá 
altarinu sér hann, at stendr einn munkr me^ kalek. 

1 a-ptr, T. 

2 hr^rdr, T. 
^ fliytazy T. 
'' nalqgt, T. 
^ eptir, T. 

6 hann added by Prof, linger. 

' hirttiz, T. 

^ This vision is found in Bene- 
dict's Miracula in the same order 
as here. Materials^ ii., pp. 34, 35. 

9 Met, T. 

h§ttligt, T. 

1 audrum, T. 
■^ fimtan, T. 

3 nal^gr, T. 

4 m§tti, T. 
' eptir, T. 

6 liettir, T. 

" haufutkirkjuna, T. 

s anb^tti, T. 

9 stietta, T. 


him. The blessed father then returneth to him as if 
moved by the sorrow of his son, and speaketh : " What 
" grieves t thou, my son ? still thy grief, and be of good 
" cheer, for ere a short while passeth away thou wilt 
" hear of things which will bring gladness unto thee. 
" Fortify thy heart, therefore, because the comfort which 
" is to come to thee approach eth apace." Having 
spoken thus he departeth out of the brother's sight. 
But his promise failed not, inasmuch as this vision took 
place in the spring shortly before Easter, within a year 
of liis being crowned with martyrdom, while at Easter- 
tide the Lord manifested His glory in the holiness of his 
beloved friend with such a beginning that the blessed 
Thomas revealeth in a vision in what manner the 
miracles were to begin to operate. 


There was a certain person called William, a well-to- 
do citizen of Canterbury, who had a young son, that was 
brought down by some sorely dangerous malady of the 
throat, together with other disorders of his body. Hjs 
illness grew so heavy, that for fifteen days he lieth anigh 
to death's door. Now that he might have some ease 
from his suffering according to divine dispensation, which 
had so ruled it that he should be relieved from his 
heaviness, he hath a vision, dreaming that he had 
come to the cathedral church and saw the holy arch- 
bishop Thomas before the altar doing holy service with 
such a stately administration of various orders of men 
as he had never seen before. He thoui^ht he saw the 
archbishop turn his eyes towards the place where he 
was. But on the other side of the altar it seemed to 
him a monk had his station with a chalice in his hand. 



1171. Hinn sjúki skilr þat, at sa kalekr hefir at lialda 
bleza^an^ dreyra heilags Thome erkibyskups, ok |7at 
vottar heilagr Thomas, ]>vi at þessu næst ^ talar hann 
sva til munksins : " Gef ]?eim sjúka ^ piltinum af blo^i, 
'^ ok mun honum bætast."^ Ok hann hug^ist drekka, 5 
ok kenndist sva sætt ^ sem hunang væri.^ Ok af 
þeim sætleik/ er hann þóttist kenna um alt sitt lif í 
þeim bleza'Sa ^ drykk, vaknar hann bratt aftrdreginn ^ 
Í allan sinn sjúkdóm. Hann segir fo^ur ^^ siniim 
vitran þessa ok kvezt hafa styrka von sinnar heilsu, 10 
ef hann öSla^ist-^^ í sinn drykk einn dropa af blo^i 
erkibyskups. FaSir hans dvelr at reyna bræ'Sr ^^ ]7ar 
um, þótti ok fyrsta manni raikit áræ'Si^^ at byi^ja þat, 
sem einginn ^^ hafSi a^r gjört, J?ví at enn í a^ra grein 
la yfir otti bæSi^^ af konungs alfu ok hans rikismanna, 15 
ef Thomas erkibyskup er hafinn til heilagleiks ok 
jartegna. Enn í þeiri dvöl ^^ gengr í svá óbæriligan ^'^ 
vöxt ^^ krankdómr unga sveins,-^^ at hans kvi'Sr þrútnar 
svá, at mönnum ]7Ótti þess von, at hann mætti ^^ eigi 
ósprunginn bera. Hér meö tapar hann málit af kverka- 20 
meininu. Fa'Sir hans þoiir nú eigi lengr þrautina, 
fer til bræ^ra^^ kirkjunnar, segir ]7eim sýnina ok bi^r 
þá fyrir Gu^s ^^ skyld, at þeir veiti honum leyniliga 
einn blóSdropa, ok þat fékkst^^ um sí^ir. Enn ]?egar 
sem piltrinn berg^i J>ann drykk,^^ er dreyrinn var í 25 
dreypt, læg'Sist ^^ kvi^blástrinn, enn kverkr mýktust, 
svá at litlu sí'Sar þiggr hann aftr ^^ fulla heilsu í alia 

1 blezaþa7if T. 

2 n^st, T. 

^ So altered by Prof. Unger 
siukia, T. 

4 hqtaz, T. 

5 sqtt, T. 

6 u^ri, T. 

7 sqtleik, T. 

8 hleza)>a, T. 

'•^ aptrdreginn, T. 

10 fcmdur, T. 

11 audlaþiz,T. , 

12 br^þr, T. 

13 ar^di, T. 

1* engiun, T. 

15 bgdi, T. 

16 duaul, T. 

17 obqriligan, T. 
1^ uauxt^ T. 

1^ So Prof. Unger ; suens, T. 
2« w^ííz, T. 

21 br^dra, T. 

22 So Prof. Unger ; gud, T. 

23 fiekz, T. 
2^ dryk, T. 

25 /f Í/Æ2, T. 

26 a/)<r, T. 


The patient understood that this chalice contained the 
blessed blood of archbishop Thomas, and to that the 
holy Thomas testified by next talking thus to the monk : 
" Give the sick man to taste of the blood, and he will 
" be whole." He thought he drank thereof, and found 
the taste to be as sweet as the taste of honey. But from 
the sweetness which he thought he perceived from that 
blessed potion pervading all his body he awaketh to find 
himself sunk into all his former ailment. He now 
teUeth his father of this vision, saying that he has a 
firm hope of recovering his health, if he could only 
obtain one drop of the blood of the archbishop to mingle 
with his drink. His father hesitated importuning the 
brethren in this matter, and it seemed to him a great 
venture to be the first to try what none had done before 
him, because, on the other hand, there stiU lay on the 
people heavy fear of the anger of the king and his lords, 
if an attempt should be made to elevate archbishop 
Thomas into sainthood as the worker of miracles. But 
while the father hang^eth thus back, the illness of the 
youth taketh such an unendurable turn, that his beUy 
swelleth to an extent that people doubted that he might 
bear it without bursting. At the same time he loseth 
his speech from the throat-malady. His father can bear 
no longer the trial, but goeth to the brethren of the 
church, telling them of the vision, and praying them in 
the name of God that they would give him secretly one 
drop of the blood, which prayer they at last granted him. 
But no sooner had the young man tasted the diink 
whereinto the blood had been dropped, than the swelling 
of the belly abated, and the throat softened so that in a 
short time he was fully restored to his wonted health in 




A woman 
is cured of 

sta'Si, lofandi Gu^ ok j?at dyr^arsamligt vinber, er 
honum gaf þvílíkan heilsudrykk sins ver'Sleiks ok 

NÚ sem einn haf"Si ö^lazt ^ þvílíka myskunn, þó at 
lagt færi ^ í íyrstu, var eigi langt, á'Sr hverr * sag^i 5 
ö^rum,^ svo at sjukir menn me'S ýmso kyni sækja ^ 
kirkjuna í Kancia. Milli hverra kom ein kona riöusjúk. 
Hun gengT at munkinum, er var sakrista ^ kirkjunnar 
ok geymdi dreyra erkibyskups milli annarra^ lielgra 
doma, bi^jandi^ litilatliga fyrir nafn Gu^s ok kristiliga 10 
elsku, at harm gefi henne blo^dropa heilags Thome til 
heilsubotar, ok hann hneigist^^ til myskunnar yfir hennar 
vesöld, milskandi blo^dropann me^ vatn ok gefr henni ^^ 
at bergja. Ok þegar í sta'S leggr GuÖ henni svá au^- 
velda mildi fyrir me^algöngu ^^ sins ástvinar, at sottin 15 
Ayr ok hörundit ^^ aftr ^^ skipast í allan ^^ sinn lit ok 
náttúru, sem fulltekenni mannsins-^^ heilsu er fylgju- 
samr.^^ Enn hverjar lofgjor^ir hon veitti varum Herra 
ok bans virktavin, fáum vér eigi skrifat, ]?vi at upp 

^ This miracle is here connected 
■with the last recorded vision, as 
being the first among the miracles 
wrought by the blood of the Saint. 
The vision, says the Icelandic au- 
thority, occurred shortly before 
Easter 1171, and the miracle which 
follows it is stated by Benedict, 
who also records it, to have occurred 
on Thursday before Easter. But 
the connection here established be- 
tween the last of the visions and 
the first of the blood-miracles is 
lost in Benedict, who also differs 
from the Icelandic in giving the 
name of William to the son, not 
to the father, and in omitting all 
mention of the father's hesitation to 
act on his dream. Benedict himself 
goes from visions over to miracles 
(not wrought with the martyr's 

blood) as early as Dec. 31, 1170. 
Materials, ii., p. 37, and cfr. p. 55. 

2 audlazy T. 

' Ari, T. 

4 huer, T. 

^ audruni, T. 

6 sqkia, T. 

7 So Prof. Unger ; sakristia, T. 
^ annara, T. 

^ biþiandi, T. 

^^ So altered by the editor ; n^giz, 

^^ So altered by Prof. Unger ; 
honuvi, T. 

^2 medalgaungu, T. 

^3 haurundit, T. 

" aptr, T. 

15 allann, T. 

1Ö manzsins, T. 

17 Aiitv fylgjusamr T. adds er. 


every way, praising God and that glorious vine-berry 
which gave him this health-bringing potion of his wor- 
thiness and of the fruit thereof. 

Now when one person had received so great a mercy, 
although at first it was only talked of in a whisper, no 
long time wore away till each told the other thereof, 
so that sick people of both sexes seek the church of 
Canterbury. Among the rest there came also a certain 
woman suffering from ague. She goeth to the monk 
who was the sacristan of the church, and together with 
other holy things had also in his keeping the blood of 
the archbishop, praying him humbly, in the name of God 
and of Christian love, to give her for her health a drop 
of the blood of Saint Thomas. He was moved to com- 
passion over her ailing, and mixing one drop with water 
gave it to her to drink. And forthwith God granted 
her such free mercy for the mediation of his beloved 
friend, that the fever departed and the skin resumed 
again all its natural hue and property such as goeth with 
a fully established health of man. But all the praises 
she gave to our Lord and his venerable friend we may 



1171. hé^an^ margfaldast svá mjök þakklætin,^ sem jar- 
teignir fjolgast ; ^ ei f>vi ólíkast, sem þá er dau^voni 
ma'Sr þiggr málit, ok kviknar þat dag^ frá degi. 
Hverju váro ]?eir líkari enn dairSvona manni, er lágu 
Í sorg ok sút,'^ tárum ok trega nótt ok dag,* sva at 5 
lífsháski la vi^, sem af munkinum var litlu lesit. Nu 
lifnar hann ok margir a'Srir, væntandi^ emi framm- 
leiöis ^ meira fagna'Sar, ok sva var^. pvi at nott 
snerist í blí^an dag ok harmandi sút í signa^a hátí^ 
andligrar ^ gie^i. Lofa'Sr se ^ sá Gu^, er einn gefr 1Ö 
ollum liuggan eftir^^ gi'át, því at nú munuj^á sömo ^^ 
allar ];jó^ir sæla^^ kalla, er á^r ]7Óttu eymdarfullir, því 
at Drottinn, sá er máttugr er, gjör^i þeim m^^kla liluti. 
Me'S^^ líkum hætti-^^ mátti önnur^^ kona lof varum 

*V \JXHCbLL __. , , /»• -1-1 ^ 1 * 1 ^ I 1 (* n * ♦'l^ 

cured by ^ Drottm syngja, er.ryrir sömo ^^ paskir let ■^*' iiytja sig ií> 
blood. til Kanciam me^ hörmuligan^^ krankdóm, at kviSrinn 
hljóp me^ ofverkjum í óbæriligan^^ þrota, svá at alt 
lífit sýktist af upp ok ni^r. Enn jamframm^^ sem 
hon ö^laöist '•^^ at bergja þá milsku, er í dýr^ligum 
dauSa Thóme erkibyskups var sætliga -^ blezut af 20 
Heilögum Anda, mýktist meinit svá íljótt, at fullkomin 


lieilsa lao'^ist benni aftr 

22 í 

alia sta'Si.2^ 

1 hieþa7i, T. 

2 þackl^tin, T. 

3 The miracle here recorded seems 
to be the same that Benedict re- 
lates of a certain Audrey (Athel- 
drida) of Canterbury, suffering from 
quartanæ = a quartan ague. The 
monk -who in the Icelandic text is 
called a sacristan or sexton, is by 
Benedict called " custos mausolei 
" martyris." The order of these 
last two miracles is in Benedict the 
reverse of that in the Icelandic 
Saga. Materials^ ii., p. 54. 

■1 dagh, T. 

5 suth, T. 

6 u^ntandi, T. 

' franileidis, T. 
^ anndligrary T. 

9 sie, T. 

10 eptir, T. 

11 saumo, T. 

12 s^la, T. 

13 meþ, T. 
" h^tti,T. 

15 aunnr, T. 

16 liet, T. 

17 haurmuligaii, T, 
1^ ob^riliganriy T. 
1^ jamfram, T. 

20 audladiz, T. 
12 s^ttliga, T. 

22 aptr, T. 

23 Possibly this miracle is the 
same that Benedict relates of Sax- 
eva, a woman from Dover, who had 
been suffering from Christmas uiito 
Easier, Materials, ii., p. 74. 


now record nowise, for thanksgivings become now hence- 
forward as manifold as the miracles multiply ; not unlike 
the case of a man, who at death's door receiveth his speech 
that quickeneth thenceforth day by day. For unto what 
more fitly than unto a dying man might those be likened 
who lay in sorrow and sadness, tears and grief, by 
day and by night, their very life being in peril, even as 
we read a short while ago concerning the monk ? Now 
he reviveth, and with him many others, living in the 
hope of a still greater joy, a hope in the end fulfilled. 
For night was turned into a mild day, and grieving 
sorrow into a blessed festival of spiritual joyance. Praise 
be to God, who alone giveth unto all comfort after 
weeping, for even now the very folk shall be called 
blessed by all nations who were deemed wretched before, 
for the Lord who is mighty hath done great things unto 

In a similar manner another woman, had occasion to 
sing praise unto our Lord : she had caused herself to be 
brought to Canterbury even before this very Easter-tide, 
suffering from a grievous disorder, by which her belly, 
with exceeding sore pain, had swollen in a manner not 
to be endured, and the bowels had become affected 
altogether. But as soon as she had the good luck to 
taste the mixture which in the glorious death of arch- 
bishop Thomas was sweetly blessed by the Holy Ghost, 
the pains abated so quickly that she was restored to 
perfect health in every way. 



Samson of 
cured of 



Páskadaginn sjálfan, er kóróna má vel kallast ann- 
arra^ Gu^s hátí^a, vann várr^ Drottinn í Kancia 
yfirbæriligt ^ verk á )?eim signa^a degi. pangat sotti ^ 
mállauss* ma'Sr, ok litlu si'Sar enn hann kom í kirkj- 
una, fellr hann ni^r ok bryzt um fast, sva fro^a 
flaut framm ^ or munninum. Enn eftir ^ þat li^it ^ 
sezt hann upp ok hefir fengit mál sitt, þó í fyrstu 
nokkut óskýrt. Enn J?at verSr skilt af hans or^um, ^^ 
at hann J?yrsti, og^ ba^ gefa ser drekka. Enn þótt 
kirkjan væri ^ a^r meö litlu folki, var eigi langt, abr 
fyrir ];essi ti^endi at fjolmenni skortir eigi. Hverr^^ 
at öörum ti^ast spyrr ^^ ]?ann saluga mann, hveJT ^^ 
eöa hva'San hann væri,^ enn honum ver^r mæöusamt ^^ 1 5 
at svara morgum,^^ því at malit var bæ^i ^* seint ok 
vanmegnt at sva komnu, ok var^ oft ^^ at endrbeiöa, ef 
skiljast mætti.-^^ pó kemr þar, at hann segist vera af 
byskupsdæmi ^^ Oxinfjord, segist hafa sofnat úti fyrir 
fimmtan ^^ árverum ^^ óvarliga ok vaknat rae^ því mál- 20 
leysi, sem hann bar allan ^^ tíma síöan ^^ til þessa dags. 
Samson kvezt hann heita gó"Srar samvizku ok haf'Si 
jafnaa verit me'S skjrrum mönnum, ok húsbóndi hans 
var þar nærr ^^ samtféa. pessi Samson færSi ^^ kirkjunni 

' annara, T. 

2 uar, T. 

3 yfirhqiiligt, T. 
'^ mallaus, T. 

^ fram, T, 

6 eptir, T. 

7 li\>it, T. 

8 ogK T. 
^ ^i^ri, T. 
10 Huer,T. 
H spyr, T. 

12 m§dusamt, T. 

13 maurgum, T. 
" 6^í/í, T. 

15 opí, T. 

16 w^^í<^•, T. 

1' byskupsdqmi, T. 

18 ^wto?i, T. 

i^ So T., which, though possibly 
a blunder for arum, which Prof. 
Unger substitutes, may be the 
author's translation of ennium in 
quinquennium, (^fimmtán being pro- 
bably a scribe's blunder). 

20 allann, T. 

21 si\>an, T. 

22 n^rr, T. 

23 f^rdi, T. 




A Miracle of Thomas, 

On the very Easter day, which may well be called the 
crown of God's other festivals, our Lord wrougrht in 
Canterbury a surpassing miracle on that blessed day. 
A certain dumb man having come to the place, shortly 
after entering the church, falleth down and writheth hard 
about, so that froth oozetli out of the mouth of him. This 
having passed over he sitteth up, having now recovered 
his speech, though at first it was somewhat indistinct. 
But so much could be understood of his words that he 
thirsted, and prayed that drink might be given him. 
Now, although there were but few people in the church 
before, yet ere long there was no lack of people thronging 
together there through the very tidings of this occurrence. 
One after the other they ask eagerly the wretched man 
who he was and whence he came, but it wearieth him to 
answer so many, the speech being as yet both slow and 
feeble, and so he had to be asked over and over again be- 
fore he could be understood. But at last the matter pro- 
ceeded so far that he said he was of the diocese of Oxford ; 
said that, fifteen years ago, he had heedlessly fallen asleep 
out in the open, and had awakened with that dumbness 
from which he had suffered ever since unto this day. 
On coming to he said his name was Samson, and that he 
had always been with trustworthy people ; and withal 
his master happened to be present there at the same 
time. This Samson brou^iht unto the church of Canter- 



1171. Í Kancia fagrt offr, ]?vi at me^ skilrikum vottum syndi 
hann kórsbræSrum ^ bjartan ^ heilagleik Thome erki- 
byskups. Hann sagSi tvo dýrSliga menn hafa vitra^ 
ser ^ Í svefni, at hann skyldi fara til Kanciani ok 
sækja^ heim me^ go^u hjarta þann nýja píslarvott, er 5 
þar hvílir, ok ef hann bæ^i^ ser myskunnar me^ 
au^mjúku hjarta efalauss ^ í heilagleik þess gó'Sa 
manns/ mundi hann p'iggja mál sitt. pat lag*Si hann 
til af orSum himneskra sendibo^a, at sá væri^ nú 
eingi ^ sta^r í veröld, at sjúkir menn myndi skjótara 10 
bót ö^last^^ enn Kancia. Svá for J?essi Samson þa^an 
í brutt, at harm lofa^i GuÖ bæ'Si ^^ af hjarta ok 

Enn dýi'kast sami páskadagT me^ annarri^^ jartegn 
dýr^ligii, er svá byrjar. Gofridus het ma"Sr, hann var 15 
by appijóng nótarius í Kancía ok átti þriá sonu, alia me'S uno-um 

the martyr s . . . . 

blood. aldri. Svá lagSist mikit á hans afkvæmi/^ at allir 
synir hans váro sjukir samtí^a, þó me^ þeiri sundr- 
grein, at tveir af þeim höfSu lengi kvalizt í þeim sjúk- 
dóm, er menn kalla ri^usótt. pat mein er fult me'S 20 
spilling ok sífelldum skjálfta.^^ Enn einn piUtrinn 
hafSi nýliga fengit hættligan^^ krankdóm, svá at fjóra 
mána^i lá hann í rekkjo, ok á þenna páskadag leiddr 
at andláti, drykklauss -^^ um þrjá daga, mállauss ^^ ok 
dau^r í limunum. Fa^ir hans huglei^ir ^^ um piltinn^ 25 
Jjann tima sem hann er í höfu^kirkjunni ok þjónustast, 

Grofridus of 
cures his 
three sons 

1 korsbr^þrunif T. 

2 biartanriy T. 
^ sier^ T. 

^ s^kia, T. 
5 h\>i, T. 
^ efalauSy T. 
7 manz, T. 
^ u^ri, T. 
^ engi, T. 
10 audlaz, T. 
" h^di, T. 

1- This miracle is also recorded 
by Benedict, first in his second 

book of the Miracula, but is told 
by him much more circimistantially 
than here, especially as to the 
manner employed to extort from 
Samson the truth about his dumb- 
ness. Materials, ii. 57, 58. 

13 annari, T. 

14 afku^mi, T. 

15 So U. ; skalfta, T. 

16 h§ttUgan, T. 

17 drycklaus, T. 
1^ mallaus, T. 

I!' So U. ; huglidir, T. 


bury an offering, a fair one indeed, inasmuch as through 
upright witnesses he showed forth to the canons the 
bright holiness of archbishop Thomas. He said that two 
wise men had revealed it to him in sleep, that he ought 
to go to Canterbury and visit with a confiding heart the 
new martyr who rested there, and that if he prayed for 
mercy for himself in a humble heart, nothing doubting 
'the holiness of that good man, he would regain his 
speech. He also added, in the words of these heavenly 
messengers, that there was now no place in the wide 
world, where sick people would get more speedily re- 
stored to health than at Canterbury. In such manner 
this Samson departed thence, that he praised God not 
only with his heart but with his mouth also. 

This same Easter day was still further glorified by a 
glorious miracle, of which the story beginneth thus : — 
There was a certain man, Gofrid by name, who was a 
notary in Canterbury, and had three sons, all of young 
age. Such hard lot befell his family, that all his sons 
fell ill at the same time ; yet with this difference, that 
two of them had long been tormented with the disease 
which is called ague, a disorder which is full of corrup- 
tion and ceaseless shivering. But one of the youths had 
lately fallen into a dangerous illness, so that for four 
months he had been bedridden, and was this Easter day 
even at death's door, having taken no drink for three 
days, and being speechless, and torpid in all his limbs. 
The father, thinking of the boy as he happened to be 
in the cathedral church, while the sacrament was being 


1171. bi-Sjandi ^ sacristam gefa ser orlof at bregma einum 
linskauta í bló^ Thomas erkibyskups. Ok sem hann 
hefir þat J^egit, vitjar hann piltsins sem fljótast, leggr 
skautann í vatn, ok )?at bland meS signo^u blóSi 
erkibyskups ber hann at piltmum sva frammkomn- 5 
um,- sem a-Sr var gi^eint. Ok þegar sem nalgast munn- 
inum, kennir hann kraftinn,^ breg^r upp augat annat, 
tekr málit í sta^ ok talar svá : ^' Skal ek J?etta drekka, 
" fafc minn ? " Ok þegar hann hefir bergt J?ann 
dyr^liga drykk, sezt hann upp, ok tekr fæ^u/ styrk- 10 
ist sva sama dags, at hann riss ^ upp af rekkju ok 
klæ^ist ^ at marki til leiks me^ ö^rum ^ piltum. Enn 
er notarius ser )?at haleita tákn, er piltinum veittist^ 
me^ sva mikilli íljótvirkt, rennr hann framm ^ til 
hofu^kirkjunnar bo^andi kórsbræ^rum ^^ sinn fagna^. 15 
Ok sva mikil gie^i var^ a J?eim dyi^ardegi af þessum 
tveimr stórtáknum, er nú hafa verit lesin, at korinn i 
Kancia matti vel syngja me^ sælum ^^ psalmista i^^ Hœc 
dies qiuim fecit Dominvis, exulteonus et Icetemur in ea. 
NÚ sva go^a raun sem linskautinn erkibyskups haf^i gefib 20 
einum pilti syni Gofridi, hugleiSir ^^ hann frammlei"Sis -^^ 
til þeira tveggja, er ri^usjukir váro. Renni^ honum ]?at 
rá'S til hugar me'S Gu-Ss tilvisan, at hann sni"Sr sundr 
skautann ok bindr sinn hlut upp um hals hvorum 
piltinum, ok þegar an dvöP^ fylgir sa kraftr^^ umband- 25 
inu, at þeir ver^a bá^ir heilir. Li^r sva út heill 
manner. Enn eftir ^^ þat lystir þess nótaríum til profs, 
at taka bui't umbandit af öSrum ^^ piltinum. Er þá 
eigi langt, á^r sótt ok skjálfti hristir þat auma lif nú 
sem fyrr. Hvar fyrir bans fó^ur^^ er J?at annast at 


biþiandi, T. 

2 framkomnum, T. 

3 kraptin7i, T. 

■^ ris, T. 

6 kl^diz, T. 

7 audrum, T. 

8 So U. ; uittiz, T. 
» fram, T. 

^ korsbr§þrum, T. 

11 s^lum, T. 

^' So Prof. Unger ; spalmista, T. 
Cfr. Ps. cxviii. 24, Hæc est dies, &c. 
13 hugleiþir,T. 
i^ franúeidis, T. 

15 duaul, T. 

16 kraptr, T. 

17 eptir, T. 

1^ audrum, T. 
19 faudur, T. 


administered to him, he prayetli the sacristan to allow 
him to dip the corner of a clout of lÍDen into the blood of 
archbishop Thomas. Having done this, he goeth at his 
speediest back to see the boy, and layeth the linen into 
water, and the mixture made of the water and the blessed 
blood of the archbishop he applieth to the boy, thus far 
gone as was said before. And forthwith, as it is brought 
near to his mouth, the boy perceiveth the power thereof, 
and lifting up one eye, and resuming forthwith his 
speech, he speaketh thus : " Shall I drink this, father ? " 
And when he had tasted that glorious drink, he sitteth 
up and taketh food, and gaineth such strength that very 
day, that he riseth from his bed and dresseth moreover 
to go and play with other boys. But when the notary 
sees this exalted token, which manifested itself in the 
boy with such speedy workÍDg, he runneth forth to the 
cathedral church notifying unto the canons his great joy. 
And so great was the gladness on that glorious day from 
these two great miracles, of which we have just read, 
that the choir in Canterbury might well sing with the 
blessed Psalmist : '' Hæc dies quam fecit Dominus, ex- 
" ultemus et lætemur in ea." Now Godfrey, seeing that 
the linen rag of the archbishop had done to the one boy 
his son such good service, thinketh of the other two, 
who were suffering from ague. And by God's dispensation 
he conceiveth in his mind the idea of cutting the rag 
in sunder and tying the pieces round the neck of each 
boy ; and without delay there proceeded such liealing 
power from the bandage, that they became whole, both 
of them. In such manner a whole month passeth away. 
But after that the notary desireth to undo the bandage 
of one of the boys. No long time weareth away, how- 
ever, ere sickness and trembling shaketh his suffering 
body just as much as before. Wherefore the father 

K 541. 




tirra hann eigi sinni hjálp. Ok jafnframm ^ sem 
heilagr domrinn kemr aftr ^ yfir hálsinn a honum, 
fann hann fullkomna heilsu.^ 
A blind man Ma þat vel skilja eftir^ líkendum, hversu ]7vílík 
tákn mundu vekja sjúka menn at sækja ^ Tbómam 5 
erkibyskup meir ok meir. Milli liverra kom einn 
blindr ma'Sr fátækr ^ ok hrummr, er fyrir tveimr árum 
hafSi sýnar mist, ok nú leiddr af húsfreyjo sinni e^a syni 
til allra nau^synja. Ok er hann heyrir, hversu [bló^- 
dropar erkibyskups birta sig me'S dýr^ ok jarteignum, 10 
sækir^ hann í Kanciam ok J^iggr fyrir Gu^s nafn 
nokkurn dropa af þeim dýrmæta ^ dreyra. par af 
gerir bann sem smurning augunum, ok sem hann hefir 
borit yíir augasta'Sinn þá bleza^a^ samtempran, ber 
"þat til samtí'Sa/^ at ungr piltr, er hann átti, kve^r vi^ 15 
hátt ok fellr í hjá honura. Gamli ma^r gieymir ];á 
sakir elsku vi^ barnit, livat liann hafSi á^r gert, ok 
skundar til at hjálpa piltinum, ok fyrr enn hann tæki ^^ 
sveininn liöndum/^ sér hann giöggt ^^ bá^um augum, 
hvar hann lá. Er þat vel trúanda, at eigi lægi ^^ hónum 20 
]7á í minna rumi, hverjar lofgjöi-^ir hann var skyldugr 
Thóma erkibyskupi, enn reisa barnit af jöröu.^^ 

pvílíkum þakklætisger'Sum ^^ vi'S sjálfan Gu^ samlag- 
ast sömum ^^ páskum su kona, er Ermilin hét. Hon 
hafSi borit fótarmein um fjögur ár me'S svá miklum 25 
óhægindum/^ at hnýtti ok krepti fótinn í hnéli'Snura, 

cured of 

2 aptr, T. 

3 This miracle is also recorded 
by Benedict, who designates the 
father as a baker (pistor) of Can- 
terbury. It is to be noticed that 
the words, " Hæc dies," &c. are in 
all MSS. of Benedict's Miracula 
found at the end of the story of 
Samson of Oxford, which, with 
other things, proves how different 
must have been the recension of 
the miracles which the Icelandic 
translator had before him, from that 
in which we now know them. 

^* eptir, T. 

5 s^kia, T. 

6 fatqkr, T. 
" sqkir, T. 

^ dyrmqta, T. 
9 hleza\>a,T. 
i*^ samtiþa, T. 
11 t^ki, T. 
1- liaundum, T. 

13 glaugt, T. 

14 kgi, T. 

15 This story is also told by Bene- 
dict of a certain Manwin of Can- 
terbury. Materials, ii., p. 59. 

i** ]pakkl§tisgerdu7n, T. 
17 saumuni, T. 
1^ oh^gindum, T. 


taketli good heed not to deprive him of his help. And 
as soon as the holy relic is done round his neck again he 
gaineth his health fully. 

It may well be understood, that it stood to reason, 
how such miracles must needs urge sick persons to go 
to Canterbury and to visit the holy Thomas more and 
more. Among others there came thither a certain blind 
and decrepit man, who had lost his sight two years 
before, and was now led by his wife or son wherever he 
wanted to go. And when he heareth, how drops of the 
blood of the archbishop manifest themselves in glorious 
miracles, he goeth to Canterbury and receiveth for God's 
sake a drop of that precious blood. Out of this he 
maketh a sort of ointment for the eyes, and as soon as 
he did on the eye this blessed ointment it befell, even at 
the very time, that a young boy, a son of his, yelled out 
aloud, having had a fall close beside him. The old 
man, out of love to the child forgetting what he had 
done already, hieth to help the boy, and before touch- 
ing the youth with his hands seeth clearly with both 
eyes where he lay fallen on the ground. And it may 
well be believed indeed, that in that moment it lay no 
less on his heart to give due praise to archbishop Thomas, 
than to raise the child up from the ground. 

In similar praises to God Himself joineth this very 
Eastertide a certain woman hicrht Ermilin. For four 
whole years she had borne on a hurt in her leg ac- 
companied by such rigidity that the leg became knit 
and drawn up in the knee-joint, and to such a degree 

F '1 




sva at eigi tok jöi^, ok því mátti hon ekki spor ganga 
staflaust. po ilyzt hon a einnhvem hátt til lieilagrar 
kirkju Í Kancia, ok í ];eim sta^ fellr hon til jar^ar svo 
sem Í ovit e^a umbrot, er fyrr hafSi legit Samson 
mállausi. Hé^an ^ ríss - hún upp me^ réttum ^ fótum 5 
ok sterkri göngu ^ lofandi Gu^, er dásamligr birtist í 
sínum vevkuni ^ meS heilögum Thómasi erkibyskupi 
ok ö^rum^ sínum ástvinum.'^ 


Af jarteigxagerdum hixs heilaga Thóme. 


The miracles 
begin on 

pessa páskatíö enu næstu^ eftir^ dýr^aifult pislar- 
vætti ^^ heilags Thome erkibyskups, bar svá í kalen- 
dario, at upprisudagr várs Drottins Jesú Krists stó^ 
fimmta -^^ Kalendas dag ^- Aprilis mána'Sar.-^^ pá bar 
bo^imartíö Gabrielis til várrar frú GuSs mó^ur ^^ upp 1 5 
á skii^dag.-^^ Ok því setjum vér )?etta svá til gTeinar, at 
bækrnar '^^ hljó^a jarteignagjörS signa^a Thóme á J^ann 
dýi'Sai'dag b^ajazt hafa, sem lausnari vor hóf hina 
dýr^ligstu upprás lausnar vorrar me^ óumræ'Siligu ^^ 
stórmerki sinnar holdganar f}TÍr skínanda brjósfci Marie 20 
meyjar, ok )?at samj>ykkist vel me^ vináttu várrar frú 
ok hins heilaga Thome, at '^^ J?au liefSi bæ^i -^^. me^ nokk- 
urum hætti -^ sömo -^ tí^, at oil -- heimsbyg^in kynni 
J?ví framar at frægja^^ þeira tign. Lofsamligt er þetta 

1 HieþaJi,T. 

- ris, T. 

3 riettum, T. 

'* gaungu, T. 

^ verkum added by the editor. 

^ audrum, T. 

^ Benedict calls the woman Eme- 
line, and his story differs consider- 
ably from ours. Materials, ii., p. 

8 nqstu, T. 

9 eptir, T. 

10 pislaru§tti, T. 

11 fimta, T. 
1- dagk, T. 

13 i.e., March 28th, 1171. 

14 modr, T. 

15 March 2.5th. 

16 b^krnar, T. 

17 oumr^diligu, T. 

18 aíA, T. 

19 6gííi, T. 

20 h^tti, T. 
-1 saumo, T. 
22 aw//, T. 
23/r^^ia, T. 


that she might not even touch the ground, wherefore 
she could not walk one step without a crutch. Yet 
somehow she was brought to the holy church of Canter- 
bury, where she falleth on the earth as in a fit or spasm, 
on the very spot where Samson the dumb had formerly 
fallen. Hence she ariseth with both legs straight and 
a vigorous walk, praising God who manifesteth Himself 
in his works through holy Thomas no less than by his 
other beloved friends. 


Concerning the miracles of St. Thomas. 

This Eastertide, the next after the glorious martyr- 
dom of the holy archbishop Thomas, the calendar showed 
that the day of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus 
Christ fell on the fifth calends of the month of April. 
Then, also, the feast of the Annunciation by Gabriel to 
our Lady, the mother of God, fell on Maundy-Thursday. 
These things we set forth in this detailed manner, 
because the books testify that the working of the 
miracles of the blessed Thomas began on that glorious 
day, when our Saviour began the work of our salvation 
by the unspeakable miracle of His incarnation neath 
the beaming breast of the Virgin Mary ; and well it 
accordeth with the friendship between our Lady and the 
holy Thomas that, in some sense, they both should have 
the same anniversary, in order that all the world might 
extol their glory all the more. Laudable indeed is this 



1171. hvorttveggja ^ upphaf : annat til lifs ok lausnar lieimin- 

um, enn annat til hjálpar ok huggunar sjúkum mönn- 

um. NÚ bii'tist svá páskavikan í blómi jarteigna, at 

Pilgrims to pílagrímar sækjancli ^ vilja eigi lengr ^ þola, at skript 

demand fi-ee lieilao's Tliome sé "* afti' ^ streno'd,^ seo-ia óheyrilÍQ-t, at 5 

access to the ^ . . 

martyr's bræ^i '^ læsi ^ hans legsta'S ok lialdi me^ leynd, sem 
jar^folgit fe/ pat-'^ er maSr ann ongum ^^ njota, segja 
betr standa eftir^- Gu'Ss retti^^ ok kristiligTÍ skyldu, 
at tmandi menn djrki J^ann meö mjúklæti -^^ her a 
jar^ríki, sem várr Drottinn sæmir ^^ himneskri dýr^ í 10 
sínu ríki. petta samþykkja formenn kirkjunnar, at 
skript ok stíikur upp lúkast á sétta dag páskaviku 
qnarto nonas Aprilis ^*^ me^ auSfærum ^^ veg^^ til graft- 
ar^^ GnSs ástvinar. Hvern dag mátti J?ar sjá vit hans 
steinþró nokkut einkanligt-^ dýr^artákn.^^ Hér má nú 15 
sjá npplokinn brunn DavíSs konnngs til hreinsanar ok 
heilsubótar bæ'Si ^^ sál ok líkama. Hingat stígr nú 
Gu^s engill niSr af himni at hræra ^^ tjörnina í Hierú- 
salem,-^ eigi einum sárum e^a -^ sjiikum til fagna^ar,^*^ 
heldr ótalliga mörgum.^^ Hér mátti sjá akrinn Axæ -^ 20 

I huorhieggiu, T. 
- s^kiandi, T. 

3 leÍ7igr, T. 

4 sie, T. 

5 aptr, T. 

^ streingd, T. 

^ br^tU, T. 

s Igsi, T. 

jee, T. 

10 So U. ; þar, T. 

II aungum, T. 
1- eptir, T. 

13 rietti, T. 

i^ miuklqti, T. 

i^ s^mir, T. 

i*"' z.e. 2nd April 1171. 

17 audf^runiy T. 

15 Mc^/í, T. 

1"-* graptar, T. 

20 einkannligth, T. 

-1 dyrþartakn, T. 

-- 6f>í, T. 

23 Arf m, T. 

2^ Heirusalem, T. 

25 eþa, T. 

26 fagnaþar, T. 
2'' maurguni, T. 

-5 Editor's alteration; a.rc, T.and. 
U., as if it were not a proper 
name ; and axe daugguadan meant 
ear-bedewed, with the ear of its 
com covered by dew ; and, possi- 
bly this may have been the scribe's 
conception of the context. But it 
is hardly possible to admit that it 
could have been the original trans- 
lator's mistake, who, as it seems, 
undoubtedly knew his Latin too 
well to imagine Lat. axis to mean 
Icel. ax = ear of corn = spica. The 
rendering of palea by ax, Thorn. 
S., vol. i., p. 158, 1. 27, and note 9, 


beginning in either ease : in the one for the life and the 
salvation of the world ; in the other for the cure and 
the comfort of disease-stricken people. Now the Pas- 
chal week shone so forth in the bloom of miracles, that 
pilgrims visiting will no longer suffer that the crypt 
of the holy Thomas should remain shut and bolted ; 
saying that it is a matter not to be tolerated, that ill- 
will should keep his tomb shut, and guard it as secretly 
hidden as a treasure buried in the earth, the enjoyment 
of which is grudged to everyone ; saying further that it 
accords better with the right of God and christian duty 
that the believers should humbly worship him here on 
earth, whom our Lord honoureth with heavenly glory in 
his kingdom. 

This the rulers of the church consent to, so that the 
crj^pt and the chapels are opened on the sixth day of the 
Paschal week, the fourth of the nones of April, an easy 
access being opened to the grave of God's beloved friend. 

Every day there might now be seen some wondrous 
token of his glory. Here therefore might be seen the 
open fountain of king David for the purification and 
restoration to health both of soul and body. Hither now 
descendeth from heaven the angel of God to trouble the 
fountain in Jerusalem, not for the joy of one person only 
smitten with sores and sickness, butfor the joy of an un- 
told multitude of people. Here was to be seen the field of 




döggvaSan ^ ok blomga'San ^ bæ^i^ ofan ok ne'San,^ því 
at sumum ]7ar gratandum likams mein veittist heilsa, 
ok öörum^ sýtandum andar sár gefst líkn ok lei^rétta.^ 
Her matti sjá oleum óþrotnanda ^ in lechito,^ þat er 
feit ^ ok frjósöm ^^ milska í ver^leikum Thome erki- 5 
byskups. Her^^ ma nú sjá, hversu kerin ^^ mörg at 
tölii ^^ ílytjast litlo oleo framm ^^ fyrir Heliseum, því at 
þanniginn flytjast margir, er mist höfSu sinnar heilsu. 
Enn fyrir Gu^s almátt ok me^algöngu ^^ heilags Thóme, 
"þiggja ]?eir í Kancia nógligt oleum, ]?ví at þeir kvomu 10 
]7ar hungrandi meö heilsuleysi, enn sneru burt albeilir 
ok fullir meö faguaSi. Hér me^ endrlifnuSu andir 
lær^ra^^ manna sem vakendr me'S Jacob af þungum 
svefni, því at stigi hár meö stórmerkjum var reistr til 
himna. Enn þó at gröf -^^ þessa píslarvotts prýddist 15 
dagliga ýmissum veizlum himnakonungs, varo eigi ]>vi 
heldi' alvarliga ^^ hreinsut þau iUgirndarlijörtu, er meö 
gamalli öfund^^ höf^u grimmazt móti heilögum Thóm- 

proves notliing. It is also safe to 
assume that the original translator 
knew his Bible well enough to be 
aware of this being a biblical quo- 
tation. The sentence Her matti . . 
. . lei^retta is a translation after a 
sort of : " Videres Axæ" (probably 
written, as in all now known MSS. 
of Benedict's Miracula, axe) " con- 
*' ferri qnotidie irriguum tarn supe- 
" rius quam inferius, his infirmi- 
" tates corporum, illis animarum 
" suarum vulnera deflentibus," Be- 
nedict, Materials, ii. 61, and is, as 
Canon Robertson has shown, an 
allusion to Caleb's gift to his 
daughter Achsah : " Dedit ei " 
(e.e. Axæ) " Caleb irriguum supe- 
" rius et inferius," Josh. xv. (16-) 
19, Judges i. (12-)15, probably 
originating, as Canon Robertson 
points out. Materials, i., p. 11, note 
1, in St. Gregory's interpretation 
of the cited places, Dialog., iii. 34. 

^ daugguadann, T. 

- blojngaþa7i, T. 

3 b^þi, T. 

■* neþan, T. 

5 andrum, T. 

^ leiþrietta, T. 

" o\>rottnanda, T. 

^ i.e. lecytho, from the Greek 
X-hKvQos. Cfr. III. Reg,, Vulg., 
xvii, 14, and " lecythus olei non est 
'' imminutus," ib. 16. 

9 feitt, T. 

^0 friosaum, T. 

» Hier, T. 

*^ kierinn, T. 

i=i taulu, T. 

14 fraiii, T. 

1' medalgaungUy T. 

16 krdra;T. 

17 grauf, T. 

1^ aluarliyha, T. 
19 aufund, T. 


Achsah bedewed, and decked with flowers up and down, 
for unto some of those, who were weeping there over 
their bodily hurts was granted health, and unto others, 
grieving over the sores of their soul, was given ease and 
help. Here might be seen the oil, that failed not in 
the cruse, being the fat and fruitful balsam of the merits 
of archbishop Thomas. Here may now be seen, how the 
vessels, many in number, were brought with little oil in 
them before Elisha, for even so are many brought here 
who had lost their health. But by the omnipotence of 
God, and the mediation of holy Thomas, they receive in 
Canterbury plentiful oil, inasmuch as they come there 
hungering and out of health, but turn away whole and 
full of joy. Now, too, were reawakened from heavy 
slumber the minds of learned men, resembling the watches 
about Jacob, for a high ladder of miracles was reared 
even up to the very heavens. But daily decked with 
various gifts from the King of heaven as was the grave 
of this martyr, yet none the more did those malicious 
hearts receive any sincere cleansing, who in old envy 
had pursued deeds of hatred against the holy Thomas. 

90 thó:mas saga erkibyskups. 

nn ase. pví at rikismenn í laadinu sjá konungsins 
to^thebSief skemmd æ-^ því feiiigri, sem þeir liafa betra mann at 
bishop?'' ' hatri haft ok saklausan- ofsóttan alt til lífláts. HéSan-^ 
leiSir, at hinir hæstu^ liöf^ingjar^ í landinu setja bann 
fyrir me^ ognan lifs ok lima, ef nokkurr ^ kallar 5 
Thómam erkibyskup helgan e^a^ pislarvott. Enn 
hversu ^ ]?etta gekk ut, \dr^ist vitrTim monnum ^ æ^ra ^^ 
•flestum jarteignum, því at livat er konungsvaldit 
kann ogna folkinu, ákafast sókn því meir til graftar ^^ 
erkibyskups, sva at alb vegr milium Lundima ok 10 
Kantúaría, íimmtigi ^^ mílna, var ]?akinn af tilfaranda 
fólki ok burtfaranda. Enn af þvílíkri trúfesti fólksins 
þurni hot, enn þróaSist umbót, því at jamvel konung- 
ar, jallar ok aörir liöfSingjar ^^ sóttu margir um haf 
sunnan ^^ me^ mikilli gó^fýst. Hér meS fer þat, at 15 
þeir sjálfir. er mesta heitan ok barSmæli-^^ höfSu lagi; 
á píslar vætti ^^ erkibyskups, ki'júpa nú til fóta honum 
heldr uggendr enn ógnendr, knú^ir me^ vanheilsu e^a^^ 
ótta ýmissa atbur^a. Hvert er dásamligra verk, enn 
at heimrinn tigni pann í dag, er í gær ^^ fyrirleit hann, 20 
sæki ^^ )?ann heim í dag meo mjúkum knéföllum,-^ er í 
gær-^^ flýíi hann, bi(5i "þann fulltings í dag sinni öndu-^ 
ok líkama fyrir augliti Gu^s, sem í gær^^ fyrirleit 
hann me^ ótta veraldi£js -- valds e^a ^^ eiginlioTÍ illsku 
Roger of sekrar samvizku ? Hé^an-^ af er svá skrifat eitt milli 25 
of blindness, annara, at Rodgeir erkibyskup af Jork f ékk -^ svá 

- saklausann, T. 

3 Hieþan,T. 

4 h^stu, T. 

^ haufdingiar, T. 
^ nockur^ T. 
7 eþa, T. 
s huerssu, T. 
^ maunnum, T. 

10 ^dra, T. 

11 graptar, T. 
1- fimtigi, T. 

13 haufdingiar, T. 

1"* sunnann, T. 
1' hardm^U, T. 
i^ pislaru^ttíj T. 
1" eþa, T. 

18 gi^r, T. 

19 s^ki, T. 

'0 knefaullum, T. 
-1 aunduj T. 
-- ueralUgs, T. 
-3 eþa, T. 
24 Hieþan, T. 
-5 Jceck, T. 


For the mighty men in the country now see that the king's 
shame is all the more keenly felt, the better the man was 
whom they had beset with hatred, and whom, although 
innocent, they had persecuted even unto death. Hence 
it cometh, that the highest lords of the land forbid, under 
peril of life and limbs, any one to call archbishop 
Thomas a holy man or even a martyr. But the outcome 
of this seemeth unto learned men even to surpass most 
miracles, for threaten the people with all its might as 
the king's power would, the pilgrimages to the arch- 
bishop's grave multiply all the more, so much so, that 
the whole road from London to Canterbury, fifty miles, 
was crowded by people coming to and going fro. On 
account of this true faith of the people the threats left 
oif, but a reforming spirit manifested itself, for even 
kings, earls, and other lords came, many of them from 
south over sea, with great devotion. Herewith it now 
also cometh to pass, that even those who had used most 
threats, and had spoken most fiercely against the mar- 
tyrdom of the archbishop, now kneel down at his feet, 
fearing far rather than threatening, being forced into this 
condition either by ill health or by fear caused by various 
visitations. What can be more glorious than this that 
the world should worship him to-day whom it despised 
yesterday? should throng to fall on its knees meekly 
to-day before him from whom it fled yesterday, should 
to-day pray him to be of avail for their souls and bodies 
before the face of God, upon whom it heaped yesterday 
the contumely of the threats of worldly power, or despised 
with the inward malice of a guilty conscience. Concern- 
ing this it is written amongst other things that arch- 
bishop Eoger of York got so violent a pain in his eyes 



stri^an augnaverk, at hann varS blindr báSum augum 
ok vi'S þetta áfelli skiftir ^ hann skapi ok lieitir - á 
sælan^ Thómam erkibyskup sér til heilsubótar. Her 
meS sækir^ hann til Kantúaríam me'S mjúklátri bæn ^ 
ok frammfalli,^ ok hann fær^ þegar myskunn me'S svá 5 
mikilli gjöf, at hann þiggr bæ"Si ^ aftr ^ syn ok fulla 
heilsu sinna augna. Snerist hann si^an^^ til heilags 
Thomam me'S ástú^ fyrir áleitni, ok mikilli vir^ing^^ 
fyrir margfaldan ^^ motgang.-^'^ Nú svá mikla næg^ -^^ 
sem almáttigr Gu^ lag's! upp a jarteignagerð sins vir^u- 10 
ligs píslarvotts Thóme, megum vér eigi meira skrifa 
þar af til líkingar at tala enn nokkura smádropa, er 
hingat fluttust af fyrrum mönnum,^^ hvat er svá byrjast 
í nafni Gu'Ss. 



Sá ma^r er vel hug^i at öndver^ri^^ sögunni,^'' heyrSi 

Robert of 


relates how p ^ i'i r, iq • ^/-r>ix 

hewascurecineindan ^^ oitar ^^ enn um smn prior Kobert, er marga 
w^te/of hluti hefir skrifat í latínu sælum -^ Thómasi til virSing- 


ar, ok þar af skal í fyrstu setja ]7at, er hann bo bar af 20 
sjálfum sér, ok lætr ^^ þa^aa -"^ dreifast til annarra ^^ 
manna, þat er bin himneska myskunn veittx fyrir erki- 
byskupsins ver^leika. pat efni byrjar príórinn me^ 
kve'Sjusending þeim bró^ur,^* er Benedictus hét.-^ Sá 

1 skiftir, T. 

2 heitr, T. 

3 So Prof. Unger ; sglam, T. 

4 s§kir, T. 
- b§n, T. 

« framfalli, T. 
' Ar, T. 
« bq\>i, T. 
3 aptr, T. 

10 si\>an, T. 

11 uirþing, T. 

12 margfaUþan, T. 

i^ Neither by William of Canter- 
"burj, nor by Benedict of Peter- 

borough, is any allusion made to 
this miracle. 

14 Tl^gd, T. 
1' maunnum, T. 
1^ aunduerdri, T. 
17 saugunni, T. 
1^ nefnþan, T. 

19 opiar, T. 

20 s^/wm, T. 

21 l^tr, T. 

22 þa>an, T. 

23 annara, T. 
2* éro^r, T. 
25 Aíeí, T. 


that he grew blind on both, in consequence of which 
affliction he turned his mind and made vows to holy 
Thomas for the healing of his hurt. Hereupon he proceeded 
to Canterbury, where he uttered sweet prayers, humbly 
kneeling, and forthwith he was mercifully heard, and 
on him was bestowed the great boon that the sight and 
the full health of his eyes was restored to him. Hence- 
forth he turned towards the holy Thomas with love 
instead of persecution, and great worship instead of 
manifold contrariety. Now of all the abundance of 
miracles which God Almighty bestowed on his worthy 
martyr Thomas we may write no more thereof, speaking 
by way of similitude, than a few drops, which were 
brought hither by persons in former days ; and, in the 
name of God, we begin thus. 


Miracle of the holy Thomas. 

He who gave good heed to the beginning of the story, 
must have heard mentioned, more than once, prior 
Robert, who hath written in Latin many things to 
the glory of the blessed Thomas. Now of these 
things must be set down, in the first place, what he an- 
nounceth as concerning himself, and even that which, 
as he eketh out the story, toucheth the heavenly 
mercy gTanted through the merits of the archbishop. 
These matters the prior beginneth with a salutation to 
a certain brother, hight Benedict. This Benedict had 


Benedictus hafSi heyrt a því or^ mikit, at lieilagr 
Thomas hefSi unnit prior Rodbert fagra jarteign á þann 
hátt, at hann. hefSi grætt -^ fotarinein þat undarligt, er 
príórinn haföi lengi óhægliga^ borit. Ok til sannrar 
vissu J?ar um, skrifar bro^ir Benedictus til priors, at 5 
hann geii lionum rue's letri fulla grein, hversu ^ taknit 
gerSist, ok þat fær "^ hann me"S þviliku formi. 


Príórr^ Robert, minnsti þræll^ Gu'Ss þjóna, sendir 
bro^ur ^ Benedicto ]?á kve^ju ^ at lifa me^ Gu'Si. Sva 10 
sem ]?ú beiddir mik meS astarafli, ger^i ek eftir ^ 
megni, ok þó minnr vel enn ek vildi, því at klerkdómr^ 
vannst mer eigi, at skrifa þat miraculum me^ sva 
fagrligum hætti,^^ sem skyldan by^r ok krefr mik, 
Gu'Si til tignar ok sælum ^^ Thómasi. Hef ek þar þess 15 
háttar efni, sem ek var staddr, nú fyrir tólf árum, allt 
út í Sikiley. Enn fyrir hverja sök ^^ ek var ]?ar 
kominn svá langt hé'San ^^ af mínu fóstrlandi, sé ek eigi 
nau'Ssunligt -^* at skrifa í J>essu máli, ok þvi læt ^^ ek 
þat um lí^a. Enn þar bar svá til, sem ek ger^i minn 20 
veg frá borg Cattania,-^^ at ek ætla-Si^^ framm^^ til 
Síracúsam, veik svá vi'S leiSinni,^^ at sá sjór sem heitir 
Mare Adriaticum var mér til vinstri handar.^^ pat 
heíir þú bæ'Si ^^ heyrt ok lesit, at sá sjór er grimmrar ^^ 
náttúru me"S straum ok stórri bylgju, einkanliga ^^ 25 

1 gr^tt, T. 

2 oh§gliga, T. 

3 huerssu, T. 

5 Prior, T. 

7 6roþí>, T. 
^ quediu, T. 

9 eptir, T. 

10 k^tti, T. 
^i sqluni, T. 
12 söm/í, T. 

13 he\>an, T. 
i"! naudzsunligt, T. 
i^ /?í, T. 

i^ So corrected by Prof. Unger 
tattharia, T. 

17 ^í/arfz, T. 

18 /ram, T. 

1^ leiþinni, T. 

20 hanndar, T. 

21 ^>^>^, T. 

22 grimrar, T. 

23 einkannliga, T. 


heard great rumour gone abroad as to how the holy 
Thomas had wrought a beautiful miracle on prior Kobert, 
inasmuch as he had cured a certain hurt of his leer which 
the prior had borne long with great trouble. And for 
the sooth certainty thereof brother Benedict wrote to 
the prior praying him to set forth in a full manner in 
writing, how the miracle came to pass, which writing 
he received in the following form. 


Prior Robert, the least slave among the servants of 
God, to brother Benedict sendeth the greeting that he 
may live with God. What thou didst ask of me in the 
strength of thy love, I have now done to the best of my 
power, though failing to do it as well as I should have 
wished, inasmuch as my clerkship sufficed not to write 
the miracle in such a fair fashion as duty demandeth and 
exacteth of me, for the honour of God and the blessed 
Thomas. Now I begin the matter when as, twelve years 
ago, I happened to be all the way out in Sicily. But for 
what cause I had come there so far away from my native 
country, I see no reason to set forth in this writing, 
wherefore I let that pass by. Now it so happened, as I 
was making my journey from the town of Catania, being 
minded to proceed to Syracuse, that the road along 
which I was travelling turned such way, that the sea, 
called the Adriatic, was on the left hand of me. Thou 
hast both heard and read how that sea is of a boisterous 
nature, both as to tide and huge surf, most chiefly so if a 



mest, ef sterkr sunnanvindr æsir ^ hann at landinn, 
sva at kemr bæ'Si ^ bra^r vo'Si mönimm ok skipi, ef í 
]?ann sjó rekr í )>ess hattar storm i. Svo gengr ok 
bylgjufall me'S brimi upp a ströndina;"^ ok allt er buit 
til brots,^ er fyrir verSr at óvöru,^ því at þat sjófar- 5 
kyn er undarliga í akvomu, sem ek fann a sjalfum 
mer, því at rett sem minn vegr la me'S öllu ^ framm ^ 
vit sjoinn, gaf ein alda í atfallinu ^ sva har'San ^ slag • 
utan a lærit ^^ ok legginn ni'Sr frá hné, at þegar sló 
þrota^^ í lioldit, enn illsligum ro^a utan á hörundit.-^^ 10 
pó kvomumst ek framm ^ til Síracúsam, ok leita'Sa ^^ 
ek fætinum ^^ léttis ^^ á hverja lund, er ek kunni, rue's 
rá'Si gó'Sra manna, ok svá skipa'Sist þá fyst ^^ vit plástr 
ok annan^^ lækidóm,^^ at þrotinn svina'Si, ok ek þótt- 
umst náliga heill. Svo snera ek heimlei'Sis aftr^^ í 15 
Róm. Ok sem ek dvaldist þar nokkurar nætr,^*^ þótti 
niér enn framar létta ^^ fætiniim,^^ svá at heim hingat 
í England í öllum ^^ veg ^^ var mér meinlætalaust.^^ 
Enn litlu sí^ar minntist aftr^^ þrotinn, ok "þó eigi svá 
verkmikiU sem í fyrstu. Bar ek þetta svá níu ár, at 20 
ek starfa'Si vi'S minn fót me^ bló"Slátum, plástrum, nær- 
ingum,^^ srayrslum ok ýmisligum lækningum.-^ Enn 
eftir^^ )?etta li^it þyngir svá meinit, at mín umleitan 
vinnr ekki. Grefr þá lærit^^ ok fótinn me"S munnum 

^ ^sir, T. 

2 b^þi, T. 

^ straundina, T. 

4 brottz, T. 

* ouauru, T, 

« aullu, T. 

7 fram, T. 

^ attfallinu, T. 

^ kardann, T. 

10 /^yzí, T. 

» þrotta, T. 

12 haurunditf T. 

13 tótoþa, T. 

14 f^tinum, T. 

15 Zie«ís, T. 

16 So Prof, linger ; /msí, T. 

17 annann^ T. 

18 l^kidom, T. 

19 apír, T. 

20 n^tr, T. 

21 /teíto, T. 

22 fqtinum, T. 

23 aulluin, T. 

24 we^Æ, T. 

25 meinl^talaust, T. 

26 aptr.T. 

27 n^ringum, T. 

28 l§kingum, T. 

29 €ptir,T. 

30 /fr^•í, T. 


strong south wind urge it on unto the land, so that speedy 
danger awaiteth both men and ships that may happen to 
drift into that sea in such a storm. In such manner 
breakers tumble against the shore with great surf, that 
ever3rthing is in risk of being wrecked which happeneth 
to be taken imawares, for the nature of that sea is mar- 
vellous strange when it toucheth aught, as I found out, 
concerning myself; for just as my way lay close along 
the very sea, a billow travelling against the shore smote 
me so hard outside on the thigh and the leg down below 
the knee, that the flesh swelled forthwith, and the skin 
was smitten with malignant redness. Yet I found my 
way unto Syracuse, and I sought for my leg every kind 
of ease I could think of, according to the advice of good 
men, and at first a change was brought on througli 
plasters and other medicines, so that the swelling went 
down, and I thought I was well nigh whole again. Then 
I returned on my way back to Rome, and for the several 
nio-hts I dwelt there I thouo'ht the leoj was still more 
relieved, so that all the way home to England I was 
free from pain. But shortly afterwards the swelling made 
itself felt again, yet not so painful as it had been in the 
first case. And this I bore for nine years, endeavouring 
to cm-e my leg by bleeding, by plasters, nourishment, 
ointment, and sundry medicines. But all these things 
having been tried, the hurt grew so heavy that all at 
tempts were of no avail. Whereupon the thigh and the 

K 541. Í' 



ok vogföllum ^ bæ'Si - uppi ok ni'Sri, enn j^rotinn sva 
geystr, at liann vav eigi lægri ^ enn lærit '^ sjalft nndir. 
Enn )?ar sem fotrinn sýndist slettari ^ ok minnr bias- 
inn, )?utu upp^ smábólur me^ óvera, enn sumsta^ar 
blö^rur^ stórar me"S vatni ok sYÍ"Sa. GjurSist nú náliga 5 
allr fotrinn graiinn me^ hoi ok þeim sárleik, at ek 
mátti varla ])ola klæSi ^ af lagt e"Sa ^ yiir. Ok sva 
sog'Su '^^ phisici, at ek hef^i efalaust fengit þat mein, er 
morbus kronicus lieti/^ ok aldri ma manns ^- hendi 
grætt ver'Sa. Enn ]}ó gaf Gu"S mer J^ann styrk, at ek 10 
bar mik jafnan til heilagrar kirkju ; enn J^at er ek leysti 
sk^^ldunnar minnar/^ var-5 ek allt sitjandi ^^ at gera, 
eigi si'Sr þótt ek ger^i sermonem fyrir staSarfolki váro. 
Ok Í ]?eim srSasta^"" argang, er ek bar J^enna sjúkdóm, 
J73^ngdi mer sva mjök móti páskum, at ek felP*^ í hug- 15 
arangr, ef ek skyldi öngva^^ J^jónustu gjöra mega hvarki 
Drottins viirs pinu ne ^^ dýrðligri upprisu. Ok hvat 
meira ehv leno-ra, ek ba^ liknar Drottin mvskumisam- 
an,^^ ok bann heyr^i mig sj^ndugan, veitandi mer þá 
hupo-an fra skirdegi ok framm ~^ um fior^a dao- paska, 20 
at þat embætti •^■^ mátti ek allt fremja innan kirkju, 
sem framast laut at mimii skyldu. Enn he^an — upp i 
fra laust aftr'-^ verk ok minni vesöld framar enn fyrr, 
ef ]mt mátti. Kom ]?at nú í hjarta, sem ek heyr^i 
dagiiga ])Sl\i blezobu takn, er heilagr Thomas erkibysk- 25 
up vann i Kantúaría, at ek munda sækja -^ legsta^ 
bans, hvat sem mik kostaiSi. Ok J^at tok ek ra^s, at 

^ uogfaullum, T. 

2 6fþ/, T. 

3 Iqgri, T. 
-* Iqrit, T. 

^ sliettari, T. 
^ So Prof, linger 
" hlaudrur, T. 
5 kl^di, T. 
9 eþa, T. 
'^^ saugdu, T. 
" hieti, T. 
12 vianz, T. 

ypp, T. 

miliar, T. 

So Prof, linger ; sitafidij T. 
siþazta, T. 
Jieil, T. 
aungua, T. 
nie, T. 

myskunsamann, T. 
fra7n, T. 
emb^tti, T. 
hieþan, T. 
aptr, T. 
s^kia, T. 


leg iilcemted with open sores and matter issuing therefrom 
both np and down, the very swelling growing as high even 
as was the thickness of the thigh itself But where the 
leg seemed smoother and less sw^ollen, there small boils 
would burst out with itching, while in other places large 
blains blew up filled with water and smarting sorely. 
And now the leo- became nearly all hollow with o-atherino- 
matter, accompanied by such pain that I might scarcely 
endure any covering laid thereon or lifted thereoff. And 
the phj^sicians said that I had, without doubt, caught the 
disease which is called onorhus chronicus, and is not to be 
healed by the hand of man. Yet God gave me such strength 
withal, that I could always get to holy church, but when- 
ever I ministered to my duties, I had to do all things a- 
sitting, yea, even when I preached sermons befcDre the 
people of our city. And during the last year that I bore 
this ilhiess, the hurt grew so sore on me towards Easter- 
tide that I fell into heaviness of mind, lest I should not 
be able to minister to any service at our Lord's Passion 
or His glorious Resurrection. What more or further ? I 
prayed the gracious Lord for His mercy, and He listened to 
me^a sinner, granting me the comfort that from Maundy 
Thursday even unto the fourth day after Easter, I might 
do all service within the church which it was chiefly my 
duty to perform. But after this my hurt grew painful 
anew, even more so than before, if more it could be. It 
now entered my heart, on hearing dail}^ reports of the 
blessed miracles which the holy archbishop Thomas was 
working at Canterbur}^, that I had better visit his grave, 
whatever it might cost me. Having made up my mind. 

G 2 



ek hrærSa^ inik heiman, ok framm- fékk^ ek 
komizfc til Kantúaríam mæddr "^ af vecrarlenofd ok 
laminn af meinlætum ^ mins sjúkna^ar. Fram fell ^ 
ek til grafar GuSs pislarvotts, bi^jandi liknar ok lækn- 
ingar ' í hans árna^aror^i yí^ vám Herra. Ok svá 5 
reis ek ]?a^an ^ upp, at ek haf^i meira ^ þegit, enn 
mer væri ^^ þá enn kunnigt. Fékk ^^ ek mer vatn liins 
sigTiaSa Thome, ok bar ek a fotinn, á^r ek for at sofa. 
Ok sva geriSa ek þrjú kveld hvert eftir^- annat. Sem 
ek veik aftr^^ í veg, skipaSist nú annan veg^^ vi^ 10 
rekstrinn enn fyr, )?vi at nii letti ^^ dag ^^ fra degi, sva 
at fotr var alheill, er ek kom heim, sva at livergi sa 
mark e^a^^ munna, blöSru^^ né-^'^ bólu, at harm hef^i 
sjúkr verit. Máttu ]?a sja ok skilja, minn kærasti -° 
bro^ir, hver lof ok J;akklæti-^ }?eir mimdu gjalda Gu^i 15 
ok hans virSuligiim piningarvott, er se^-- hofSu minn 
langan vanmatt. Ok )?at segi ek þinni elsku, at til 
allrar aflraunar -^ er sa fotr minn miklu önio^grari -^ enn 
sa annarr,-^ er aldri syktist. Nii er úti meS sannend- 
um )7etta efni. Geymi þik Gu^, minn góöi vin, ok 20 
efli Jntt bro-Semi til sinna bo'Soi'Sa.-^ 

^ hr^rda, T. 

- fram, T. 

3 Jieck, T. 

■* 7n(ddr, T. 

^ meinlqtum, T. 

c fiell, T. 

" l^hiingaTy T. 

s þaþöw, T. 

° So Prof. Unger ; mer a, T. 

10 u^ri, T. 

11 Fieck, T. 
1- eptir,T. 
13 aptr, T. 
1-^ uegh, T. 

15 Uetti, T. 

16 da^h T. 
1' c]>„ T. 

IS blauþrn, T. 

19 nie, T. 

20 hiqrazti, T. 
-1 þackl^ti\ T. 
-- s/ci/, T. 

-3 So Prof. Unger ; alfni7i7iar, T. 

-"• auruggariy T. 

-5 annar, T. 

-•^ Tliis letter is found among 
Benedict's Mii-acula, Materials, ii,, 
pp. 97-101, as addi-essed, at Bene- 
diet's request, to himself. But the 
differences between the two texts 
are so great, that the Latin text of 
the letter, as we have it now, could 
not hare been the Icelandic trans- 
lator's original. See Preface. 


I betook me from home, and worked my way to Canter- 
bury, weary with the long journey and sorely smitten 
with the hurt of my sickness. I knelt down at the grave 
of God's martyr praying for mercy and healing through 
his word of intercession with our Lord. And up I rose 
from that place in such a manner that I had received 
more than at the time I was aware of. Now I got the 
water (from the w^ell) of St. Thomas, wherein I bathed 
the leg before I went to sleep ; the which I did for three 
nights running. When I turned back on my way home, 
the disease took a different turn at my attempts at 
driving it out, for now I grew easier day by day, so 
that, when I came home, my leg was thoroughly whole, 
there being nowhere a mark or a scar to be seen, 
neither blain nor boil to show that it had ever been 
diseased. Now thou mayest see and understand, my 
dearest brother, what praise and thanks they gave unto 
God and His worthy martyr who had seen my long in- 
firmity. And I tell your love, that for any exertion 
this leg is much stronger than the other, which never was 
diseased. Now this matter is truly told to the end. May 
God preserve thee, my good friend, and strengthen thy 
brotherhood in the keeping of all His commandments. 



Af jarteignagerdum hins heilaga Thome. 

Amairaed i^u er aftr ^ at venda í sömii - frásögn,'"^ er næst ^ 
thoi-oufrhiy var lesiD, ]7ví at tvífölclu ^ efni ma vist ei andsvara 
rae^ einligri frásögn.*^ Byrjar þar nú annat sino, 5 
Sem príóiT ^ Robert er í Kantúaría iiieS sitt fotar- 
mein, heyrir bann í staSnum mikla frægS ^ af þeiri 
jarteigD, er bleza^r Tbomas bafSi litki imnit, ok sa 
ma>)r, sein beilsubotina bafSi fengit ok p'egit, bafSi far 
fyrir fain dogum '^ verit. Enn Jnit tákn var flutt svá 10 
miki]lar dvrSar, at beilao-r Tbomas befSi gefit bonum 
aftr^^ bæ^i-^^ augu, er á^r váro útstungin, ok þar me 6 
eistim, er lit váro bleypt af manna voklum ^- ok í jör^ 
graiin. pessi ma^r var kynjaSr af ]?eim kaupsta^, er 
Dedeford beitir. pat var í byskupsdæmi ^^ ok sýski 15 
virSuligs berra Húgónis Dunelmensis. Enn er príórr ^^ 
Robert skib\ at sa maSr beiir nf farit burt af Kancia 
Í sömo ^^ bálfu landsms, sem nú bggja bans vegar 
heimleiSis, by^r bann sinn förnneyti/'^ at J^eir kosti 
me^ albi frett ^^ ok eftirleitan ^^ at fa þenna mann, at 20 
príórrinn beyri af &jálfum, bvat Gu§ bafði gert í sínum 
stórtáknum. Ok me^ vilja várs Herragengr svá til 
efnis, at rett ^^ úti á veginum mæta-*^ þeir )7essum manni, 
þar er Iiann ^.'^noq- mæoibora,-^ ok dóttir bans eiii me5 
Evidencefor bonum. Príórr -- lætr -'^ J>á eigi lengi at biSum, spyr, 25 
' hvárt bann er sá maSr, er augu sín ok eistii bafói 

' aptr, T. 
- saumu, T. 
•* frasangn, T, 
■^ n^st, T. 
^ ttLÍfaulldu, T. 
^ frasaugn, T. 
"> prior, T. 

^ daugum. T. 
^o aptr, T. 

11 bq\>i, T. 

12 uauUdum, T. 

13 byskupsdqmiy T. 

i^ prior, T. 

i'' sauvWf T. 

1*^ faiiruneyti, T. 

17 friett, T. 

i^ eptirleitaiiy T. 

i'' riett, T. 

20 m^ta, T. 

-1 iH^þiliga, T. 

22 Prior, T. 

23 htr, T. 



Of the miracles of St. Thomas. 

Now it behovetli to return unto the same tale that we 
read even now, as two events may nowise be set forth 
in one single story. So anotlier tale begins thus : While 
prior Robert with the hurt of his leg sojourneth at Can- 
terbury, he heareth in the city great praise spoken of a 
certain miracle which the blessed Thomas had then lately 
wi'ought; the man, who had got his health restored, having 
been there a few days before. And of this miracle the great 
glory was set forth, that the holy Thomas had given him 
back again both his eyes, which had already been gouged 
out, and therewithal, too, his testicles, which by the hand of 
man had been taken out of him and buried in the eartlj. 
This man v/as a native of the market-town of Detford, 
within the bishopric and diocese of lord Hugh of Durham. 
But when prior Robert heareth, that this man hath lately 
left Canterbury and gone into the same part of the country 
through which his ways now lie homew^ards, he enjoineth 
his company to try by every inquiry and search to get hold 
of this man, in order that the prior may hear for himself 
what God hath wrought for him in his great miracles. 
And by the will of our Lord it so cometh to pass, that on 
the open road they meet this very man whereas he walk- 
eth wearily on with one of his daughters beside him. The 
prior then tarrieth not, but asketh if he be the man who 


aftr ^ fengit ok J?egit fyrir ver'Sleik hin>s heilaga Thome. 
Hinn jatar því bæ^i^ íljótt ök gia^liga, segir )7at svá 
satt, sem Gu'S er ok ríkir á himnum, at þessir limir 
váro honum aftr^ gefnir fyrir Thómam erkibyskup. 
pat lætr ^ hann ok fylgja, at þegar í fyrstu er haim 5 
var kvaklr í afláti limanna, sag^ist hann kallat hafa 
sælan'* Thómam ser til dugna^ar, ok )?ar fyrir ö^lazt^ 
svá mikla myskunn, sem nú mátti sýnast. Svo skilj- 
ast þeir, at príórr^ gefr hoimm nokkura peninga fyrir 
vináttu heilagfs Thóme. Rí'Sr^ hann sí^an framm^ til 10 
Lundúna, ok sem hann sitr þar yfir bor^ um kveldit 
me'S sinni fylgd, kemr einn ókiinnr klerkr utan at 
herberginu ok bi^r orlofs inn fyrir hann. Sem liann 
kemr ok ]?eir talast me^, segir hann priori ]?á sögu/*^ 
at þar í sta^num var fyrr nefndr Húgó byskup Dun- 15 
elmensis, segist vera einn af bans klerkum, ok vottar 
J?at eyrendi byskupsins at vitja gröf ^^ heilags Thóme. 
Príórr ^ spyr þá, hvort klerkrinn liefir nokkura kynn- 
ing af þeim manni, er hann fann á veginum úti. 
Klerkrinn segir, at me'S ]?eim manni íiytjast fullkomin^^ 20 
sannindi, at Thomas erkibyskup hefir gert meS honum 
hit ágætasta ^^ verk í aftrskipan ^^ þeira lima/^ er fyr 
váro tjá^ir, ok hann segir svá klerkrinn : " Minn herra 
" byskupinn/' sag^i hann, '' vildi grun á bera i fyrstu, 
" er hami heyr^i, því at svá mikit verk sýnist honum 25 
" standa at gera meS lögligu^^ skilriki, ok þvi sta'S- 
" festi hann meS luSi bræ'Sra^*' sinna, at hann sendi 
" tvo sannor^a menn til Dedeford, at );eir skyldi 
" eftir ^^ leita viS valdsmenn sta^arins, hvárt þessir 

1 aptr, T. 
- ki>i, T, 

■' ktr, T. 
^ s^lann, T. 
^ audlaz, T. 
^ prior j T. 
7 Ri\>r, T. 
« fram, T. 
'J saugu, T. 

í'J yrauf, T. 
^^ fuUkominn, T. 
1- agi^tazta, T. 
^"^ aptrsJdpan, T. 
'^ /mtt inserted by the editor ; 
Prof. Unger proposes hluta. 
^' lauyligu, T. 
1Ö br^dra, T. 
17 epí2>, T. 


had got again his eyes and parts through the merit of the 
holy Thomas. Unto this the man answereth yea, quickly 
and rejoicingly ; avouching it to be as true even as God 
abideth and reigneth in heaven, that these very limbs 
were restored to him through archbishop Thomas. Here- 
unto he addeth that, even at first, when he was tortured 
with the loss of these limbs, he had called unto the blessed 
Thomas to avail him, and had received thereby the great 
mercy which now was manifested in him. In such a 
manner they part, that the prior giveth him some money 
out of love to the holy Thomas. Thereupon he rideth 
away unto London, and Avhilst he sitteth at table with 
his company in the evening, a strange clerk cometh from 
outside unto the chamber, praying for leave to go in to 
see the prior. When he cometh in and they begin to 
talk together, he telleth the prior, that the very bishop 
Hugh of Durham aforenamed was in the town, he being 
himself one of his clerks, and avoucheth it to be the 
bishop's errand to go visit the tomb of the holy Thomas. 
The prior then asketh if he know aught of the man whom 
he had met abroad on the road. The clerk answereth 
that that man bringeth a full true talc of archbishop 
Thomas havino; done unto him the most glorious deed in the 
restoration of those parts which were mentioned before ; 
and further the clerk speaketh : " My lord, the bishop," 
said he, " was at first minded to misdoubt the story hcar- 
" ing it, for so great a miracle, it seemed to him, must be 
'•' established by lawful proof; he therefore resolved, with 
" the consent of his brethren, to send two truthful men 
" to Detford, to inquire of the authorities of the town, 
" whether these things had come to pass, even as the tale 


" hlutir heféi svá gerzt/ sem frá fluttist. Ok þeira, 
" er sendir varo, profaSist svá me^ sannindum, at 
" sag Sir limir varo brutt teknir af manninura, Í jör^'^ 
'' grafnir ok fóttro^nir. Enn nú var öllum Ijóst í 
'' Dedeford, at sami maSr haf^i skygn augu, enn eigi 5 
" var l^eim sva kunnigt, at hann hefSi getna^arlimina 
" aftr ^ l^egit. Enn sa hlutr lýstist ]?á framai", er ]7essi 
" maSr for briitt af Dedeford ok í meiri nálægS * viS 
'' byskupsstol mins lierra, því at hann sendi mik ok 
" annan klerk Kato at skoSa likam mannsins,^ livárt 10 
'• hann hefSi alia sina limu. Ok sem viS fluttum 
" honum aftr ^ fiillkomin sannindi þess hlutar, at sa 
^' maSr var óskaddr heilsu meö náttúrligum líkam, 
" gladdist minn lierra, gerandi margfaldar j^akkir GirSi 
" ok háleitum bans pislarvott. Ok meS því at þessi 15 
" maSr var fátækr^ ok bjost nu framm ^ í j)ílagríms- 
" fer'S veg^ bins beilaga Tbome, gaf minn berra til 
'' ferSar balfa mörk ^ silfrs." Svo sag^i klerkr þessi. 
Enn um morguninn eftir ^^ gekk ^^ príórr ^'^ Robert at 
vitja byskup Hugonem, þar sem bann sat me^ sinu 20 
foriineyti/^ var þá enn i því samsæti^^ talat af ];essari 
jarteign me^ andlignm fagnaSi, því at byskiipinn sjálfr 
sag^i bana, sem nj^vor^in ti^indi.^^ Ok J?at efni lykt- 
ast sva. 


Af jarteignum hins heilaga Thome ebkibyskups. 

Príórr ^- Robert sem bann baf^i J^egit beilsnbot, 
ger^ist mörgu sinni ástsamligr pílagrímr bins beilaga 

1 gerdz, T. 
" iaurd, T. 
^ aptr,T. 
4 naiggd, T. 
^ manzins, T. 
6 fat^kr, T. 
'' fram, T. 
8 uegh, T. 

maurky T. 

10 eptir, T. 
1» (lieck, T. 
^- prior, T. 
1' faxirunejftiy T. 
1* sams^ti, T. 
1* tiþindi, T. 


" went. And the messengers proved with full truth that 
'' the man had been deprived of the said limbs, and that 
" they had been buried in the earth and trodden under 
" foot. But now it was manifest to all folk of Detford, 
'' that this same man saw with both his eyes, but they 
'' had not the same knowledo^e of his havinii had his 
" manly parts restored to him. But that matter became 
" better known afterwards, when this man left Detford, 
'' and came to dwell in closer neighbourhood to the see 
" of m}^ lord, for he sent me, and another clerk, named 
" Kato, to view the body of the man, as to wliether he 
'' had all his limbs entire. And as we brought back to 
" him the full truth in the matter that the man was un- 
'• impaired in health and with a natural body, my lord 
" was gladdened, giving manifold praises to God and his 
'* exalted martyr. And inasmuch as this was a poor 
'' man, and now made ready to go on a pilgrimage to the 
" holy Thomas, my lord gave him to that end one half 
'•' mark of silver." Thus the clerk told his tale. But the 
next morning prior Robert went to see bishop Hugh 
where he was staying wdth his company, and joined 
them at table, where he spoke of this miracle with 
spiritual joy, for the bishop himself related it as an event 
which had lately come to pass. And in this wise that 
matter cometh to an end. 


Of the miracles of the holy archbishop Thomas. 

Prior Kobert, having got back his health again, became 
many a time a loving pilgrim of the holy archbishop 

108 THÓ:srAS saga erkibyskups. 

Robert of Thóme erkibyskups. Her me^ vottar hann í sínu 

Cncklade J l 

testifies of ietri, at flokkar sottii til Kanciam af öllum^ áttum í 

many pil- ' 

primages to r,eiina tima, eio-i at eins Eno-lands hálfum, heldr Skot- 

Canterbury. • ^ o o ' ^ ^ 

lands ok Frakklands,- ok enn heldr vi'Sri veröld, 
árna^aror^ at sækja^ ok heilsugjafii' þiggja nie'S ver^- 5 
toiSp^'f leikiim ]7ess haleita píslarvátts, er ]?ar hvilii\ Ok til 
mSS'piu^^ marks her um, segir baun, at einn tima, sem bami 
SefbiS'- ^^^^^ ^^^ Kanciam, var ]iqx kominn einn \arSuligr erki- 
byskup af Austrbálfuuni ok primas, bans erkistoll var 
Í þeiii bálfu veraldar, er menn kalla Nigros Montes. 10 
Hans eyrendi var j^at einkanligt"^ í Yestrbálfuna alt 
nor^r bingat a England at vitja legsta^ar bins beilaga 
Tbóme me^ J^ægiligii ^ lotning ok mjúkum bænum.^ 
HafSi bann ok nor^r í löndin ' jafnframm^ nytsamlig 
kirkjunnar eyrendi me'S bo^skap ok brefum Alexandri 15 
páfa, ]>6 at ]:>at greinist eigi framar. KórsbræSr^ ok 
einkanlio'a ^^ forma^rinn í Kancia toku bann me^ 
miklum fagna^i ok vænum^^ kosti. PríóiT^"^ Robert var 
Í ]7eirri veizlu, ok sem j^eir-"^^ váro gladdir í Gu^s gjöfum, 
spurSi^^ bann erkibyskup, bvat einkanligt ^ bann leiddi 20 
allt af ^^ Austrriki svá lano-t í NorSrbálfuna. Erki- 
byskupinn svarar bonum lítilátliga: "Síi'aminn:" segir 
bann, " iindrast eigi vara kvomii, ];vi at y^r Englands- 
" mönnum^^ gaf berra Gu^ sva dýröbgaji píslarvott, 
'' at bann fyllir náliga allan ^'^ heim me^ sinum stor- 25 
'• táknum, ok sem ver sottum noi'Sr bingat um fjallit, 
" beyrSum ver skilrikuliga sagt, at ber mimi bratt 
" koma sa ma'Sr, er meS brefum ber ySrum eyrum mikla 

aullum, T. 
Fraklanz, T. 
s^ltia, T. 
einkannligtf T. 
þ^giligrt, T. 
b^num, T. 
laundirij T. 
iafmfram,, U. 
Korsbrqdr^ T. 

^'^ einkannliga, T. 
" u^minij T. 

12 Prior, T. 

13 }peir added by Prof. Unger. 
1^ spyrdi, T. 

1' a/ added by Prof. Unger. 
1^ Englanzmaunyium, T. 
17 allann, T. 


Thomas, In his writings he testifieth that crowds of 
people flocked to Canterbury about this time, not only 
from England, but also from Scotland and France, yea 
moreover, from all the wide world, to obtain his inter- 
cession, and to receive the restoration of their health 
through the merit of the exalted martyr who resteth 
there. And in testimony thereof he relateth, that once, 
when he went to Canterbury, a worthy archbishop and 
primate from Eastern lands had come there, whose arch- 
see was in that region of the world which men call Ni- 
gros Montes. His errand into the Western parts was 
chiefly to go all the way north hither to England to visit 
the resting place of St. Thomas with fitting humility and 
sweet prayers. He also had on hand, travelling into the 
Northern lands, sundry weighty matters concerning the 
church, together with messages and letters from pope 
Alexander, although that matter is not further set forth 
here. The canons, and most chiefly the head ruler at 
Canterbury, received him with good cheer and choice fare. 
At that feast prior Kobert was also present, and whereas 
they had become gladdened with God's gifts, he asked 
the archbishop what matter had most chiefly brought him 
all the way from the Eastern realms so far into Europe. 
The archbishop answers him humbly : " Sir," says he, 
'* wonder not at our coming here, for unto you, Engiish- 
" men, God gave such a wondrous martyr, that he fiUeth 
" nearly all the world with his miracles ; for as we were 
" proceeding on our way northwards over the Alps, we 
" heard truthfully told that there would soon arrive a 
" certain person, who by the letters he carrieth will 



nyjnng,^ at hann hafi frjálsazt af snoru - dau^ans 

A man 
hanged at 
kept mira- 
alive by 

'' fyrir ]7essa Gu'Ss vinar verSleika. Enn fyrir iitan 
" hafit er næg'S^ bans jartegna, sem vær^ megum 
'•' ySr mei) engu moti greina." 

Gjörðist svá litlu sí'Sar, sem erkibyskup fyrir sagSi, 5 
at Sii iiia'Sr kom til Kantúaríam austan af Equitania 
ok J>eim stab, er Petragoris heitir, hann liaf^i meS 
ser skilrikt letr byskupsins Petragoricensis ok enn 
fleiri læröra^ manna til vitnisburSar ok mikillar dá- 
semdar,^ sem lionnm veittist. Brefin " vottu-Su, at 10 
J^essi ma'Sr var liengdr á gálga, enn fyrir hverja sök^ 
];at gerSist, vill príórr Ptobert um líí)a sakir lang- 
niælis,^ l^at var a sumartima nærri ^^ "sólstö^u,^^ sem 
dagar ver'Sa lengstir. Hekk ^^ ]?essi ma"Sr uppi allt 
fra J^ri'Sju stund til elleftu, ok vit nott sjálfa kom 15 
húspreyja bans ok frændr ^^ me'S J?ví orlofi dómarans, 
at taka hann til graftar. Enn er hann kom a jör^, 
settist hann upp. Bra monnnm )?á ýmisliga vi^, því 
at snmir flý'Sii, enn a^rir, þeir er hugsterkari váro 
e^r ^'^ meir elsku^u hann/^ héldust ^^ \r6, spyrjandi ];ó 20 
me'S undran, hvat um væri.^^ Enn hann tekr sjálfs 
síns höndum ^^ )m hiilning af ásjónunni, sem kvalarinn 
haf'Si fengit honum í uppfestíngunni, lítr sí^an ^^ skýr- 
liga J^eim á bak, er frá honum ílýja, ok talar svá : 
" lívar fyrir renna þessir svá hart, e^a^*^ hvat hræöast^^ 25 
" \úv, at ek heíi öngvan -- dag gla^ara átt ok haft á 
" minni æfi,-^ l^ví at hinn sælasti -^ Gu^Ss píslarvottr 

^ nyung, T. 
- snaurUf T. 

3 n^gd, T. 

4 u^r, T. 

5 I^rdra, T. 

^ dasemþar, T. 
' Brefuin, T. 

8 sauk, T. 

9 la?igm§lis, T. 

10 jiqrri, T. 

11 sohtaudu, T. 

12 Hiech, T. 

13 fr^ndr, T. 

i^ eþr, T. 

i^ hanu added by Prof. Unger. 

16 hiellduz, T. 

17 ueri, T. 

i^ haujidum, T. 

19 siþan, T. 

20 eþa,T. 

-1 hr^daz, T. 

22 So Prof. Unger ; aungna, T. 

23 f/?, T. 

2* s^lazti, T. 


bring unto your ears great news, inasmuch as he hath 

been freed from the snare of death through the merits 

■ <j 

of this friend of God. But beyond the see there is 

such an abundance of his miracles as we may in no 

wise relate." 

Now it came to pass, shortly afterwards, even as the 
archbishop had foretold, that the man he had spoken of 
came to Canterbury travelling fi'om the east from a place 
in Equitania called Perigord, bringing with him letters of 
evidence, from the bishop of Perigord and sundry learned 
men beside, testifying to the great mh-acle which had 
been wrought on him. The letters made good, that this 
man had been hanged on a gallows, but for what cause, 
prior Robert avoideth mentioning on the plea of pro- 
lixity ; this happened in summer-time near the solstice 
season, when the days are longest. This man hung up 
from the third even unto the eleventh hour, and by 
night his wife and kinsfolk came with leave from the 
judge to take him down for burial. But when he came 
down on the earth, he sat up. At this the people were 
wondrously affrighted, some flying away, but others, 
who were either stouter of heart or loved him more, 
remaining quiet, questioning with wonderment what 
was the matter. He now removeth from the face the 
coverinor which the executioner had done round it when 


he hung him up, and gazeth with clear eyes in the 
direction of those who fled away from him, and speaketh : 
" Why do these folk run so hard, or what are they afraid 
'' of ? why, I have never had a more pleasant day in my 
'' life, for the most blessed of God's martyrs, archbishop 


'^ Thomas erkibyskup lyfti ^ mer upp ok styrkti mik 
" hunangligum sætleikum/ J?ví at ek hugsa^i hans 
" dýrö ok heilagieik, aSr snaran pindi mik, ok si^an 
" gaf him mer hvikl ^ enn öngva ^ pisl." Enn er 
]7essa manns ^ or^ heyrast sva skyr ok fagna^arfull, 5 
sniia ]>eiv aftr,^ er a^r flf^u, lofandi ok dyrkandi varn 
Drottinn ok hans haleita pislarvott. 

Nu samti^a sem ]?essi ma'Sr kom í Kantúaríam, var 
];ar viröuligr^ herra ok vigsluson Thome Kogerus Yi- 
gornensis byskup, J>vi at hann sótti þangat oftliga ^10 
me^ sannri ástú'S. pví gladdist hann miklum fagna"Si 
af J?eiri sögn^ ok letrum, sem nu var lesit. HafSi 
hann ok samtal vit J'ann mann, at vita sem gjörst 
alia grein, hversu gjörzt^*^ hafSi, ok honum áheyranda 
leggr sa ma'Sr til vaxtar jarteigninni, at þann hnút, 15 
er kvalarinn setti a virgulinn, let^^ hann mæta^- 
sjálfum barkanum, at því brá^ara skyldi hann slokkna. 
Ok þenna virgul tviskifti ^^ byskupinn í Petragoris/^ 
)?vi at hann vildi, at í ]?eiri kirkju lifSi til dyr^ar^^ 
sælum ^^ Thóraasi erkibyskupi æfinlig -^^ minning ]?essa 20 
stórmerkis, enn ]?ann hluta sem byskupinn leif^i, 
flutti pílagrímrinn til Kantúaríam, ok ];ar me'S þá 
flíku, er honum var fest fyrir augu, ok þetta hvort- 
tveggja var bundit upp hátt fyrir allra manna augum 
í Kantúaríensis kirkju. Hér me^ for ]?at til fyllingar, 25 
at einn sæmiligr^^ kennima^r af sömo^^ borg Petra- 
goris^^ sótti ]^enna tíma til Kantúaríam, vottandi svá 

' íypti, T. 

- SQtleiJuiniy T. 
^ huilhJ, T. 
•* aungua, T. 
5 manz, T. 
•> aptr,T. 
^ iiirþuliyr, T. 
^ optliga, T. 

9 saugu, T. 

10 giordz, T. 

ii liet, T. 

•■"^ tuiskipti, T. 

i^ So Prof. Unger ; Fetagoris, T. 

^'^ dyr]>ar, T. 

^*'* sg/?íw, T. 

1' ?^«//v, T. 

i^ s^miligr, T. 

i'' saufjio, T. 

-'^ So Prof. Unger ; Petagoris, T. 


" Thomas lifted me up, and strengthened me by honeyed 
" sweetness even because I called to mind his glory and 
" holiness just before the snare was to torture me, where- 
" upon it gave me only rest, but no pain." But when the 
man's words are heard so clear and full of rejoicing, those 
who had fled returned thereat, praising and glorifying 
the Lord and his exalted martyr. 

At the same time that this man came to Canterbury, 
there happened to be staying there the worthy lord and 
consecration son of Thomas, Roger bishop of Worcester, for 
he would often repair thither in true love. He was there- 
fore greatly gladdened by the tale and the letters we 
have just read of. He also spoke to the man, in order to 
gain the fullest knowledge of the matter, as to how it 
had come to pass ; and in his hearing the man addeth this 
to the tale of the miracle, that the executioner liad put 
the knot of the halter right against the weasand, in order 
that his life might the sooner be extinguished. And this 
halter the bishop of Perigord divided in two parts, 
desiring that in the church of that city there should be 
a perpetual reminder of this miracle for the glory of the 
holy archbishop Thomas ; but that part, which was left 
by the bishop, the pilgrim brought to Canterbury, and 
therewithal also the clout which had been fastened round 
his eyes ; and both these things were hung high up 
before the eyes of all folk within the church of Canter- 
bury. This matter was still more fully established by a 
worthy teacher of this same city of Perigord happening 
to visit Canterbury about this time, who testified to the 

KöU. H 



Robert of 

saw himself 
the halter 
hung up in 

Robert of 
proves the 
miracle to 
have been 
true and 

vor^in ^ oil - ]?e5si sannindi. Her iipp yfir talar svá 
Kobert príórr :^ " Eigi var ek í Kantúaría, J>á er 
'' ]?etta for framm^ enn litlu si^ar kom ek þangat at 
"■ bi^ja raer myskunnar, ok þegar sem ek hafSi tignat 
" virSuligan ^ gröft ^ herra Thome erkibyskups, spur^i 5 
" ek þann fyrsta bró^ui', er ek farm, hvat satt væri ^ 
'' af uppfestingarmauni ];eim, er nu for af mikit or^." 
Enn miinkrinn vikr þegar sinni Lendi upp í kirkju- 
bolfit ok segir sva : " Se ^ knmpan/' sag^i hann, '' J^ar 
" mattu lita virgulinn til vitnis, bversu^ sonn^^ er jar- 10 
" teignin.^^ Ok ];at vil ek segja ]?ér me'S, at sva flytja 
" nu pílagrímar af Aquitannia, at sa hlutr af vi^mmi/"^ 
" er Petragoricensis byskup belt^^ eftir,^'* skini morg- 
" um ^^ jarteignum ok margföldum ^^ táknum." 

Nú hverr^" sem stundar, segir príórr Robert, at 15 
dimma þetta dyr^artakn me^ ósannligu mótkasti/^ má 
ek leggja bonum ];ar í móti læging^^ ok aftrkast^*^ fyrir 
fuUkomin sannindi. Sú er or^ao-er^ vondra manna í 
)?essu efni, at maSr megi margar stundir lifa á gálg- 
anum, ef snaran vei-^r log^ -^ fyrir ofan barka, sem 20 
næst^'^ hökunni.^ Enn hér má bera mót pvílíkan ^^ 
vott, því at í æsku ^^ minni tala^a ek mörgu ^*^ sinni 
vi'S þann mann, er bangit haf^i, ok þá líf me^ þeim 
atvikum, sem nú skal ek segja. pat málb;yT:jast svá, 
J^essum manni til áfellis, at kappsamir menn ok gildir 25 

^ uor)pm, T. 

2 anll, T. 

2 prior, T. 

-* fram, T. 

^ rdrdidigann, T. 

^ graupt, T. 

' u§ri, T. 

8 Sie, T. 

^ hucrssu, T. 

-•^ saunn, T. 

•^ iarteigninn, T. 

^2 uiþnnni, T. 

'•' h'p/n, T. 

i^ eptir^T. 

^^ maurgum, T. 

^^ margfaulldum, T. 

1' hier, T. 

ís mothkasti, T. 

19 kgi7ig, T. 

20 aptrkast, T. 

21 langd,T. 

22 »^sí, T. 

23 haukunni, T. 
2^ þuilihajm, T. 

25 ^S^M, T. 

"" v'fivrqv. T, 


truth of all these things having befallen in this very 
manner. Concerning this prior Robert speaketh thus : 
" I was not myself at Canterbury, when these things 
" came to pass, but shortly afterwards I came there to 
'^ pray for mercy for myself, and forthwith, as I had 
" worshipped at the tomb of the worthy lord archbishop 
" Thomas, I asked the first brother I met, what was the 
" truth of that hanged man, about whom there was then 
'' such great rumour abroad." But the monk pointed 
with his hand up to the vault saying : '' Lo, good fellow," 
said he, '' there you may behold the halter for a witness 
" as to the truth of the miracle. And this I will tell 
" you, too, that pilgrims from Aquitania relate, that 
" the part of the halter, which the bishop of Perigord 
" retained, shineth now with many miracles and mani- 
" fold tokens." 

Now, whosoever studieth, says prior Robert, to cast 
a slur on this glorious miracle on the score of its being 
false, I may humble that man again and refute him by 
full truth. In this matter evil persons will frame their 
talk in such wise as that a man may live many hours on 
the gallows, if the halter be adjusted above the apple of 
the throat as near as may be to the chin. But against 
this there is a witness to be brought ; for in my youth 
I spoke many a time with a man who had hung on a 
gallows, but whose life had been saved in the manner 
that here followeth. The story of this man's condem- 
nation beginneth by certain violent and mighty men 
accusing him of being guilty of fornication with a cer- 

H 2 



báru at honuin legorSssok ^ uin fræadkonu - sína meS 
svá miklu forzi, at ]?eir taka hann til snöru ^ me^ 
öllu ódæradan.^ Ok sem )?eir draga hann framm •' at 
gálga, fylgir su kona, er malit re is af til þvílíks vo^a, 
J>vi at frændum ^ hennar ];ikkir vel fallit, at lion 5 
sæi " sinn elskara,^ liversu ^ hann spinkar. Ok sem 
þeir hafa lagt ^^ á hann snoruna ^^ alt uppi vi^ hök- 
una/^ sem hann ilutti mer, eru j^eir svo rei^ir, sem 
hann hengdu,^^ at í sta^ fara þeir hurt fra homim, 
utan SÚ kona, er ek greindi, pvi at hun, sem ek truir, 10 
elska"Si hann meir enn abrir. Nii var J;etta vonda 
verk eigi sva leyniliga gert, at öngvii* ^^ menn hef^i 
grun a. He^an ^^ lei^ir ]?at, at riddari nokkur setr til 
rasar sinn hest framtn ^ a völlinn/^ ér gálglnn stóö, 
ok sveipar til sver^inu a virgulinn f3rrir ofan höfu^it.^^ 15 
Ekki á hann ]?ar meiri dvöl,^^ enn maSrinn fellr ofan. 
Konan er svá hugdjörf í sér, at ei ílýr hiin, heldr 
gengr hon at honum ok skoSar, hvárt hann lifir, ok 
til profs þar um tekr hun lindahníf sinn ok höggr ^^ 
á herSarnar. Nú. for svá, at blóð flaut or benjum, 20 
því at sál var i líkamanum, enn ei kendi hann ]?ess 
heldr enn dau^r, því at vitiS alt var þegar frá honum. 
Nú ílyzt þetta framm ^ til húsfreyja hans ok frænda,-*^ 
at hann se -^ ofan tekinn, ok þvi ætla -- vinir hans at 
veita honum gröft.-"^ Ok er þeir koma til hans, skilja 25 
þeir hann -^ hafa líf, J?ví at bló'Srás mikil er á þeim 

^ legordzsauky T. 

2 fr^ndkonu, T. 

■^ snauru, T. 

■* odqmdann, T. 

5 fram, T. 

^ fr^ndum, T. 

' s^i, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; ekskara, T. 

^ huerssu, T. 

10 lagtt, T. 

11 snauruna, T. 

12 haukuna, T. 

13 So Prof. Unger ; heindu, T. 
i^ au7iguir, T. 
i^ Hie\>an, T. 

16 uaidliiiUy T. 

17 haufudit, T. 
13 duaul, T. 

13 haugyr, T. 

20 fr^nda, T. 

21 sie, T. 

22 ^tla, T. 

23 graupt, T. 

2^ ^í7;/7i added by Prof. Unger. 


tain kinswoman of his, and proceed with such reckless- 
ness as to bring him to the halter without judgment 
having been passed on him at all. And as they drag 
him along to the gallows, the woman, out of whom the 
case had risen and grown to such a perilous pitch, 
followed after him, for her kinsfolk deemed it well fit 
that she should see how her lover sprawled. Now, when 
they had put on him the halter close up to the chin, 
even as he told me, they who hanged him were so wroth, 
that they went straightway away from him, out- taken 
the woman, whom I mentioned, for she, in my belief, 
loved him more than the others. Now, this evil deed 
was nowise done so secretly as that no one had an 
inkling thereof. Hence it cometh to pass, that a certain 
knight, galloping his horse into the field where the 
gallows stood, sweepeth his sword at the halter above 
the head, but tarrieth no longer tlian while the man 
falleth down. The woman was so stout of heart, as not 
to fly away, but goetli up to him to learn whether he be 
still alive, and for a proof thereof she taketh out the 
knife of her belt and woundeth him in the back. It so 
feh, that blood flowed from the wounds, for the soul was 
still in the body, but he felt it no more than if he were 
dead, for his consciousness had already forsaken him. 
Now it is told his wife and kinsfolk that he hath been 
taken down, and therefore his friends make ready to give 
him a burial. And when they come to him, they perceive 
that life is still in him, for a great flow of blood cometh 



benjunij er konan haf^i höggvit ^ hann. Yar hann þá 
heim fluttr í herbergi þeirar sömo ^ sinnar unnastu. 
Eétti^ hann vi^ íijótt ok lif^i lengi si^an.^ Nu ef 
hann matti eigi þola hálfa stund dags þá snöro/ er 
iipp var sett alt undir höku,^ hvat er þá um hinn at 5 
tala, er hékk^ frá þri"Sju alt til elleftu ti'Sar,^ kyrktr 
me"S hnút ok virgii a mi^jum barka ? Sannliga eru 
þín verk, Drottinn, mjök dásamlig, at var^veita sva 
maunsins^ lif moti náttúru, )?ví at ]?itt er alt vald ok 
riki á himni ok jor^u.^^ 10 

A dead cow 
is restored 
to life 
through a 
vow to 


Fra kalle einum. 

KalP^ bjo ok átte sér^^ konu ok son einn ungan.^^ 
pat var ein au'Sigs manns jör'S er hann leigöi, ok liggr 
vi^ skogarnef nökkut.-^^ Karl var eigi rikari at^^ gang- 15 
anda fe/^ enn hann atti kú -^^ eina svartílekkótta ^^ 
ók knýflótta. Hún ^^ var svo elsk at ' kalle, at hún 
fylgdi honum sem smárakki, hvert er hann for. Nú ^^ 
geingr svo til um daginn, at hann ferr til skógar eftir -^ 
vana, ok kýrin me'S honum. Li^r nú dagrinn alt til 20 
kvelds,^- ok ];au eru ^^ þar bæ'Si samt. Enn si'San víkr 
karl burt í mörkina^^ at velja sér^^ efnetré, felr þá 

^ haugguit, T. 

2 saumo, T. 

3 Bietti, T. 
■* siþan, T. 

^ sjiauro, T. 

*^ hauku, T. 

" híeck^ T. 

8 ti\:ar, T. 

^ manzins, T. 

!•> iaurdu, T. 

'^ Here begins a third baud in T. 

12 sier, T. 

13 vngan, T. 

!■* nauckut, T. 

1' ath, T. nearly throughout; that 
this word is to be spelt at, and not 

a^, in this section of the Saga, is evi- 
dent from compounds like athuinna, 
in which the dental mute t has 
never softened into a dental aspi- 
rate ^. 

1' kw, T. 

18 suarttfleckotta, T. 

19 Hvn, T. 
-Ö Nv, T. 

21 eptir, T. 

22 ;^Me//íÍ2, T. 

23 erv, T. 

24 maurckina, T. 

25 sier, T. 


from the wounds which the woman had given him. He 
was now brought home into the very chamber of this 
same sweetheart of his, and speedily he recovered, and 
lived a long time afterwards. Now if he might not en- 
dure for half an hour the halter placed close up under 
the chin, v,"hat shall then be said of the other, hanging 
from the third unto the eleventh hour strangidated with 
halter and knot midway round the throat ? Verily thy 
works, Lord, are glorious, thus to preserve the man's 
life against nature, for thine is all might and power in 
heaven and on earth. 

Of a certain carl. 

There was a certain carl, who had a wife and a young 
son. He tenanted a wealthy man's farm, lying near the 
spur of a certain wood. The carl's wealth was nought 
more than one single cow, dark-speckled and short-homed. 
It was so fond of the carl, that it followed him, like a 
small dog, wheresoever he went. Now one day it so 
happened that he went to the wood, as was his wont, 
and the cow with him. And the day passeth thus on 
to evening, that they keep in the wood both together. 
But then the carl turneth away into the thick of the 
wood to choose for him some timber, so that the view 



sfn í TiiillTiTn hans ok kýriimar. Hon )K)ler ]?at eigi 
vel ok vifl leita fóstra sins, pvi at ineir elskar hún^ 
hann enn afkvæmi sitt ; þat til marks nm, at sto 
haföe for hennar &rit mn- moi^ainn, at nvlx)rinn 
kálfr var eftír ^ at húsi, ok fó vilde Lún ^ fai a sem 5 
áXr. £nn hversa henni tekst ^ leitin. miin síSar 
Ijosara, ver&L Enn fat hevrer karl í mörkina/ at 
hún kve^r vií5 hátt Hann flrter yá. feríinne ok vill 
srna sik : :s:ni sinne, enn ^ er eigi pess kostr, J^ví 
:.* j. 7 :.s: e:gi. TTaTiTi leitar þá heim at bænum, 10 
r: _. /It iLÍzmzT kálfsins ". eyíist f^at alt fyrer 
i: : riilz: :■ 'rrm )>ar komin. Lí5r nú svo 

L : - 1 :_ __!::!:!: í gó^a Ijósi, fara þau 

1 - - -/ - - : : _ _ :í iinaa um sí^r, hvar 

kyrin hefer gein^it : „ á hrísrunn nökkum,^ enn 15 
d|úpt fcn T var hon daní, efter^ 

likendam - ^ .7^- ::: u draga npp^ kúna^^ 

ok flá, ok í £-::!. :: :i" at annarr^-^ knrfill 

fylgir hú?ii-:-T i-i. ^i: v.: t : rfter.^ Sí^an hrinda 

]iaxi bnkr _- : r. : :.-. forboS lá viS í 20 

EoglandL- : -- _:^:iiibii kvikende.^^ 

HúíSna £; - /._ „a:. a ætlar kail at 

lia& til &:: -::__ ::.- :. ' .zuer^ Ok )7at fer 

svo, at :. - .: . rtr fala liú^ina, 

enn eii^. "5r \-: : irSi. Hann berr 2o 

hwD. slii: '- ^ii^ iK il ríka nianns, 

er b^?-^^--" t^-ti .. . .: i- : .: nnm, at öU ^ 

- aptr, T. 
*^ Æin^lœndú T. 
*• «aaícA-wr, T. 

ö, T- 

■> TheilaliesmAðSi^r'úauir are 
PraC UBger*s rpaliliiikio, T. 


between him and the cow was intercepted. This the 
cow beareth not well, but seeketh to find its master, 
whom it lovetli more than its own off*spring, as was seen 
from its having left in the morning a new-born calf in 
the house at home, yet being willing to go away none 
the less, as usually. But how it succeedeth in the search 
will clear up anon. Now, however, the carl hearetli in 
the wood that it belloweth loudly. He then hietli 
away to show himself to his pet, but may do so nowise, 
as now it is to be found nowhere. He then maketh for 
the house, thinking the cow might have remembered the 
calf, but all this is a vain ado for him, for it hath not 
come there. And thus the night weareth. But in the 
morning, when daylight was bright, both man and wife 
go into the wood, and find at last how the cow had gone 
into a certain thicket of copse wood whereunder there 
was a deep slough, and here it lay dead, as was like 
enough after so long a time. Then the}^ drag it out, 
and flay the hide off, and in skinning it, it so chanceth, 
that the one horn goeth with the hide while the other 
was left on the head. Then they tumble the carcase 
into the slough, it being forbidden in England that any 
one should eat the flesh of any quick thing that had died 
a natural death. The hide they brought home, the carl 
being minded to sell it in the market the next day. And 
it cometh to pass, that he goeth to the market, oflering the 
hide there for sale, but no one ofl*ereth him more than 
half the price. He now carrieth home the hide of the 
cow, and cometh to the wealthy man to whom the manor- 
house belonged, and complaineth to him of having 



atvinna ^ er farin. Sa dugande ma^r harmar þat, ok 
fær honum fyrst í brá^abirg'S .xx. bleifa brau'Ss me^ 
þess báttar or^um : " Seg mer,^ felagi,^ J?á er þetta er 
'' farit, ok skal ek styrkja'* til me^ ]?ér.^" Karl þakk- 
ar honum fagurliga ^ ok fer beim si'San. Hugsar nú 5 
um/ bvat likast er um bú^arsölunaj^ ok synist honum, 
at eigi mune annat vænna til avinnings, enn gjöra 
félag ^ viö ^^ Tbómam erkibyskup. Ok því gefr hann 
bonum bálfa bú"Sina, sækir sí'San torg, ok nú bjó'Sast 
l^egar í mót bú'Sinne firamtan ^^ enskir peningar, ok 10 
svo selr bann. Skiftir ^^ sí'San ver^inu í mi^il erki- 
byskups ok sín, skal Thomas hafa átta peninga, enn 
harm sjálfr sjö. petta félag litr heilagT Thomas, ok 
leggr svo fagra ömbiin -^^ í mót,^^ at á næstu nótt eft- 
er,^^ sem ]?au sálug hjón liggja í^^ sæng sinni, vakna 15 
]?au vit, at eitt naut ^^ háreyster úte.-^^ Kerling talar 
svo : " Kall minn, sag'Se hún, upp muntu standa veröa 
" ok vikja nauti ]?essu frá húsum okkrum." Hann gjörer 
svo, geingr út ok ser,^^ at her ^^ er kýr komin harSla 
lík þeiri, er hann átti, utan ^^ þat ber í milium, at 20 
þessi hefer einn knýíil ok ]?ó í mi^ju enni. Ye^r var 
vott, ok ])YÍ vill hún gjarna inn komast, svo kunnigt 
sem hon átti J^ar heima. Hann vísar henni til annars 
]?orps, ok litlu sí'Sar kemr hún aftr-^ ok gjörer sömu-^ 
óná'S sem fyr. Kall vísar henni á brutt annan tíma 25 
ok þriSja. Enn )?at vinnr honum ekki, því at nú 

^ athuinna, T. 
" mier^ T. 
3 fielaxji, T. 
■* styrckia, T. 

5 ))ier, T. 

6 SoT. 

7 vm, T. 

8 hudarsauluna, T. 

9 fielag, T. 

10 uith, T. 

11 fimtan, T. 

12 Skiptir,T. 

13 aumbim, T. 

14 moth, T. 

15 epter, T. 

i^ ^' added by Prof. Unger. 
^7 nauth, T. 
13 vte, T. 

19 sier, T. 

20 hier, T. 

21 vtaii,T. 

22 aptr, T. 

23 saumo, T. 


lost all his livelihood. This good man grieveth his lot, 
and giveth him first, to stave off urgent need, twenty 
loaves of bread, with these words :~ '^ Tell me, good fellow, 
" when this is up, and I will still lend thee some help." 
The churl thanketh him well and goeth home. He now 
turneth over in his mind, what may be the likeliest 
thing to do for the sale of the hide, and it seemeth to 
him, that he can do nothing better towards profiting by 
the sale of the hide than to enter a partnership with 
archbishop Thomas. He therefore promiseth to give 
him the half of the hide, whereupon he goeth to market, 
and forthwith fifteen English pennies are offered for it, 
and he striketh the bargain. He then shareth the price 
between the archbishop and himself, so that Thomas 
getteth eight -pence, he seven himself. To this partner- 
ship the holy Thomas turneth his eye, and giveth such 
a fair reward in return therefore, that during the next 
night, as the hapless couple lie in their bed, they awake 
at a neat bellowing loudly outside. The carline spoke : 
" Now, husband, thou must get up to drive the neat from 
" our house." Doing this, and going out, he seeth, how a 
cow has come there, right alike to the one he had owned 
before, with the difference, however, that this one has one 
short horn in the middle of the forehead. The weather 
was wet, and therefore it will fain get in, showing a 
knowledge of the stead as if it belonged to it. He 
driveth the cow away unto another village, but shortly 
afterwards it returneth, making the same disturbance 
as before. The carl turneth it away for a second and 
a third time. But this availeth him not, for now it 



kemr hún -^ aftr ^ ok krefr húss ^ me'S svo myklu ^ 
megne, at nu ^ kallar kalfr í móti. Kails son mælti 
þá, J^ar sem hann liggr : '' Vaki nu, fa^ir ; kýr þín kall- 
" ar ok kalfr okkarr j^ar í mot." ^ Bonde leiSer þá 
inn kuna,^ ok færer liana til torgs nm morguninn ^ 5 
efter, ok kennist hun af öngnm '-^ manni. Her ^^ 
finnr hann rika mann felaga sÍDn ok seger^^ honum, 
hvat um ^- er. Hann svarar : " Ek skal at leita, 
" seger^^ hann, hverr^" a ku^^ þessa, er ]}ú.^^ seger^^ 
" i fra, enn ek skal Ijá fer^^ aSra ku ^^ fyst til ]?inna 10 
" nauSsynja. Enn eg skal fara me'S þér ^^ at sja }>essa 
" ku,^^ er þer-^^ lei^ir fjölskylda af, ef ek kenner hana 
" eigi siSr enn ]>'d,^^ hvaSan af byg'^inne at mer ^^ 
'' J?iker vonligt, at hon se ^^ til komin." Svo gjora 
J7eir. Enn riki ma^r talar J^á : 'MVInn ekki )7at til/' 15 
sagSi hann, "at Thomas erkibyskup hail ömbunat ^^ 
" ]?er ^^ felagit ^^ ok reist upp ku ^'^ ];ina. Enn hversu -'^ 
" þetta er fallit, mun okkr heldr Ijosara, ef vær för- 
" nm ^^ at skoSa fenit ]?at sama, er hon fell ^* í, ]^ví 
" at ef hennar bukr er þa'San í hurt, megum vit stö^- 20 
" ugt ^^ halda, at kýrin er þér ^^' aftr ^ goklin." Enn 
hvat lengra,^^ enn þetta mál próf-iSist svo me^ allri 
greÍD, at kýr fátæka manns var leidd aftr- til lífs fyr- 
er lofsamliga milde hins vii^uliga fö^ur-^ Thóme erki- 

1 JW71,T. 

2 aptr, T. 

3 hvs, T. 

■^ myklv, T. 

5 nv, T. 

6 moth, T. 

7 kvna, T. 

^ morgunin, T. 
^ aungum, T. 

10 ^ier, T. 

11 seiger, T. 

12 y»i, T. 

13 huer.T. 

14 y^u;, T. 

15 þM?, T. 

16 þ/er, T. 

17 >y, T. 
i^ niier, T. 

19 sie, T. 

20 auvtbu7iat, T. 

21 fielagit, T. 

22 Awersy, T. 

23 faurum, T. 

24 /e//, T. 

2» staudiigt, T. 

26 leingra, T. 

27 /ar/rfr, T. 


Cometh again demanding to be let into the house, so 
eagerly, that even the calf answered it again. Then spoke 
the carl's son whereas he was lying in bed : " Wake now, 
" father ; our cow is calling, and our calf calleth again/' 
The goodman then led in the cow, and took it to 
market the next day, where, however, it was known by 
no one. He now goeth to the wealthy man, his neigh- 
bour, and telleth him, how things have come to pass. 
He answereth, '' I shall make a search to find out who is 
" the ONvner of the cow thou tellest me of, but meanwhile 
" I shall lend thee a cow of mine for thy need. Now I 
" will go with thee and have a look at this cow, which 
" falleth thus a burden on thee, if perchance I may know 
" more about it than thou, and have some idea from what 
" part of the neighbourhood it may be likely to have come." 
And now they do so. The wealthy man then speak eth : 
" But," said he, " what if archbishop Thomas hath re- 
" warded thee the partnership, and raised up thy cow ? 
" We shall know all the more plainly, how that matter 
" standeth, if we go and look at the very slough wherein 
" it fell, for if the body be away from there, we may hold 
" it as settled, that the cow hath been restored to thee." 
What more ? but this matter was found and proven in 
every way to stand even so, that the poor man's cow 
had been called back to life through the laudable mercy 
of the worthy father archbisliop Thomas. The rich man 



byskups. Rika manni fannst ^ svo mikit um ^ þeniia 
hlut, at liann vill samlagast í J?ví sælum Thómase, at 
stygja kosti karls "þessa, svo at hann gefr honum fyrst 
landskúna,^ ok þar á ofan jar^arkot, er hann haf^i á'Sr 
leigt. Kom nú sá fagna'Sardagr yfer j^au kaii ok 5 
kerlingu, sem aldri haf^i á'Sr orí5it fyr á þeira æfi, at 
J>au voru or^in landeigancli. Enn hverjar þakker er 
þau gjör^u þeirn signaSa lierra, er því volli, fáum vær 
eigi me^ or^um greint í þessu málr, ok svo er lykt^ 
hjartteignar í Gu^s nafni. 10 

A son, 
having ill- 
treated his 
mother, can- 
not enter 
vmtil due 
penance is 


Af ekkjtt einne er sat. 

Ekkja ein sat í litlum bæ, hún átti son frum- 
vaxta ^ kominn a skilningar aldr. pat ber svo til um ^ 
einn dag me^ þeim mæ'Sginum, at hon huspreyja 15 
ávítar hann son um^ einhverja mismune.'^ Enn hann 
tekr þat me^ svo vanstilltre bræ^i, at hann hefr upp 
annan fotinn fyrir brjost henni me^ svo höröum ^ 
slag, at hon hnigr til jar^ar í ómegin. Fyrst í sta^ 
li^u svo framm^ nökkurer^^ dagar, at ungi ma^r 20 
gleymer verkit ^^ an i'Sran ok yferbot, sem þat sé ^^ 
einskis ^^ vert.-'^'^ Kemr nú svo þessu næst at si^venju 
gó'Sra manna, at hann sæker me'S ö^ru ^^ fólki í Kan- 
túaríam, ok er hann kemr at musterisdyrunmn hins 
heilaga Thóme, þröngvist ^^ fyrer hann einn ok annarr, 25 
svo at aldri fær hann inn komizt. Ok J?ótt hann 
leiti svo til, a^ einginn^'^ ma^r sýnilig]?-megi honum frá 

1 fa7izt, T. 
- vm, T. 
■^ landzkwna, T. 

•* er lykt inserted by Professor 

•'' frvmuaxta, T. 
'"' vm, T. 
' missmime, T. 
^ Jiaiirdiim, T. 

» fram, T. 

'" nauckurer^ T. 

11 vercJiiL T. 



13 einkis, T. 
i-* vertt, T. 
i^ audru, T. 
1' þrangiiizt, T. 
1" eivqiv. T, 


thought SO much of this matter, that he desireth to do 
the blessed Thomas fellowship in righting the affairs of 
this old carl, wherefore he first maketh him a present of 
the cow which formed the stock of the holding and, to 
boot, of the cot-holding which he had formerly tenanted. 
And now dawned on the carl and the carline the joyful 
day which they had never known before in their life, 
that they had become owners of land. But as to the 
thanks they gave unto that blessed lord we may nowise 
set them forth in this writing ; and so the miracle cometh 
to an end, in the name of God. 


Of a certain widow. 

In a small town there resided a certain widow, who had 
a grown-up son who was already come to years of discre- 
tion. It so cometh to pass, one day, between mother and 
son. that she, the mistress of the house,^ chideth him for 
something dohe amiss. But he taketh this in such vio- 
lent anger, that he lifteth one foot driving it against her 
breast with so hard a kick, that she droppeth swooning 
to the earth. At first some days passed away during 
which the young man forgot the deed, showing no re- 
morse nor regret, as if it had been of no account. But 
then it befalleth that, following the wont of good folk, 
he goetli on a pilgrimage to Canterbury. But when he 
cometh to the door of the temple of the holy Thomas, 
the people push on before him one after the other so 
that he could never get in. And endeavouring even to 
get in, when no person visible was there to thrust him 


hrinda, bæger honum ei J)vi si^r Gu^s domr ósýniligi^ 
sem ovinrinn sjalfi' se ^ fyrir honum. Hann undrar ^ 
sina ógiftu^ ok leitar til eins kennimanns, ber upp 
fyrir honum sitt vandkvæSi^ ok biSr hjálpræ^is. Prestr- 
inn svarar : " pu raunt hafa vanrækt ^ meö nökk- 5 
" uruDi ^ hætti þinn hfuat, ok mun stort ^ a standa, 
" þótt þú hafer gleymt, því at heilagr Thomas skilr 
" þik Í hurt ^ fra sinu folki ok dæmer ]?ig omakligan 
" heilagrar kh'kju,^ ok ]?vi hæfer þér ^^ einginn^^ vegr 
" utan ^- at leita myskunnar me'S jatning ok i^ran, ok 10 
" leita vel efter,^^ hvat J^ik hent hefer." Hann gjörer 
ok svo, skriftast ^^ vi'S ]?enna sama prestinn, ok finnr 
þó eigi, hvat honum er mest at meine, ok }?vi er hann 
inngoDgu^^ kirkjunnar jamnfjarre ^*^ sem a^r, þótt hann 
freisti. Prestrinn seger ^^ þá : "Jatning ]?in mun ^^ eigi 15 
" svo vandvirkt,^^ sem nær þyrfti ok nau"Ssyn krefr, 
" því leita )7Ú efter^^ enn framar peim óbættum glæp, 
" er J?ig mun^^ ];röngva^^ því dau^ligar, sem ]?ú hefer 
'* meir vanrækt."^^ Hann salugr fer í annat^^ sinu, ok 
me^ tilvisan Heilags Anda finnr hann glæpinn, er 20 
hann í féll^^ fyrer þessa misþyrming^^ sinnar mó^ur. 
Prestrinn seger ^^ þá : " Eigi er undarligt, J>ó at heilög 
" kirkja fyrerliti ];ig, ];vi at óbættr þessi glæpr fyrer- 
'■ bý^r þér -^ kristinna manna samlag." • Hann talar 
]?á me^ tárum : " Hvat er nú til ráSs," sag^i hann, " svo 25 
'' at ek megi hjálpast ? " Prestrinn svara^Si : " Hér ^^ 

1 sie, T. 

2 unndrar, T. 
^ ogiptu, T. 

^ uannkuœdi, T. 
^ uannrcekt, T. 

6 nauckurum, T. 

7 stortt, T. 
s burtt, T. 

9 kirkv, T. 

10 \>ier, T. 

11 eingin, T. 

12 vtan, T. 

13 epter, T. 

14 skriptazt,T. 
i^ inngaungu, T. 
i^ iamfiare^ T. 
1' seiger, T. 
i^ myw, T. 
i^ vannuirkt, T. 
-0 þrauíigua, T. 

21 u'an7irœkt, T. 

22 annath, T. 

23 ^eZ/, T. 

24 jnissþyrming, T. 

25 þ/er, T. 
2« ^/cr. T. 


away, God's unseen judgment pushetli him back none the 
less, as if the very fiend was standing there before him. 
He marvelleth much at his misfortune, and seeketh out 
a certain clerk, breaking his mind to him as to his 
trouble, and praying for his help. The priest answer eth : 
" Thou must needs have neglected in some way thy 
" manner of life, and even in some great matter, although 
" thou hast forgotten it, since the holy Thomas sepa- 
'*' rateth thee from his people, and judgeth thee un- 
" worthy of holy church, and therefore there is no other 
" way open to thee, than to seek for mercy by confession 
" and repentance, and to search thyself as to wherein 
" thou hast happened to do amiss." This he doeth ; 
shriving to this very priest, yet failing to find out 
wherein he hath done most wi'ong, and therefore he is 
even as far from entering the church as before, try it as 
he may. The priest then says : " Thy confession, be- 
" like, is far from being as sincere as it should be, and 
" necessity demandeth. Search therefore for the misdeed 
" for which no boot has been done as yet, for it will surely 
" press thee all the more deadly that thou must needs 
" have long neglected to repent of it." The wretched 
man goeth away a second time, and through the guidance 
of the Holy Spirit he calleth to mind the misdeed which 
he committed in the ill-treatment of his mother. The 
priest then says : " No wonder that the holy chui'ch 
" should despise thee, while this misdeed, not being done 
" boot for, forbiddeth thee to hold communion with 
" Christian folk." Then he speaketh in tears : " What 
" shall I do," said he, " so that I may be saved ? " The 
priest answereth : " It seemeth to me, that for this there 




'' sýnist mér ^ eingin skrift ^ hepiligri til liggja, ef 
" ];ú. vilt alvaiiiga þig bæta, enn ];á taker ]?aiin liminn 
" Í hurt ^ af ]7Ínum ^ likam, er saurga'Sist ^ í svo liæ^i- 
" ligum giæp." Hinn horfer ekki a tillagit, setr 
öxi^ á fótinn, ok liöggr ^ í bui't^ af sér.^ Skríör 5 
sí"San at kirkj adp'unum hins lieilaga Thóme. Eru þá 
li'Sugar dyr ok lofut innganga. Hér^ me^ l^iggi' Harm 
svo mykla himneska myskunn ok aflausn ok líkn andar- 
innar fyrer bæn ok verSleika hins bleza^a Thóme 
erkibyskups, at af högg^dnn ^^ fótrinn gafst-*^-"- honum 10 
fyrer mjúka þján ok tárligt áheit til heilaga Thómam 
me^ SYO göfugligri -^- hjartteign, at svo sem liann hafSi 
bundit fótarstúfiun vit afliöggit,^^ á^r enn hann skrei'S 
inn í kirkjuna, gekk hann svo græddr ok albættr út^^ 
af musterinu, sem aldri liefSi bann skemdr vor^it, 15 
nema J?at dýr^armark bins beilaga Tbóme erkibyskups 
bar bann æ síían, sein rau^r silki]?ráí!r lægi umberg- 
is^^ fótinn, þar sem af bafSe verit böggvit.^*' Svo 
gjöi-^e bann sinn veg ^^ í loíi Gu^s ok bans ástvinar, 
leystr af glæp ok leiddr í myskunn Græ^ara vors Herra 20 
Jesú Kiists. 


Af göfgxim^^ vin Thome. 

4Ssecraíed Beimini bet -^^ ríkr ma^r, Hann baf^i verit gó^r 
bfsh^p^' felagi -^ Tbómam ok stö"Sugr ^^ vin, svo lengi ^^ sem 25 

^ mier, i. 

2 skript, T. 

3 burtt, T. 
^ )pbivm, T. 

^ savryadizt, T. 

6 auxi, T. 

' hauyyr, T. 

3 sier, T. 

9 Hier, T. 

^° ajhaugguinn, T. 

^^ So altered by the editor ; gaf, 


^2 So Prof. Unger ; gufugligri^ 

^^ afhauggit, T. 
1^ uth, T. 
^^ vmbergis, T. 
^6 haugguit, T. 
17 negh,T. 
^^ gc^ifg^irn, T. 
19 hiet, T. 
-'^ fielagi, T. 
'1 staudugr, T. 
'- leingi T. 


'* is no shriving more meet than this, if thou wilt ear- 
'• nestly mend thy life, that thou deprive thy body of the 
" limb which became guilty of such a fearful crime." The 
other, not looking twice at the counsel given, driveth an 
axe against his leg, and cutteth it off; whereupon he 
creepeth up to the door of the church of the holy Thomas, 
which now was free to him, and into which entry was now 
permitted. Besides this he partaketh so largely of heavenly 
grace and absolution and mercy for his soul through the 
prayer and merits of the blessed archbishop Tliomas, that 
the cut-off leg was restored to him through humble penance 
and tearful vows to the holy Thomas by this glorious 
miracle : that, having tied to the stump of the leg the 
cut-off part of it before entering the church, he walked 
out of the temple so whole and sound, as if lie had never 
been maimed at all ; only, ever afterwards he bore a 
mai'k of the glory of the holy archbishop Thomas, in the 
shape of what appeared like a band of red silk wound 
round the leg where it had been cut off. After this he 
betook himself away with the leave of God and his be- 
loved friend, absolved from his crime, and brought to the 
mercy of our Healer and Lord Jesus Christ. 


Concerning a certain noble friend of Thomas. 

There was a certain rich man called Beimini, who had 
been Thomas' good fellow and fast friend, as long as they 

I 2 


Thomas hann lifSe her ^ í heimi. pessi riki maSr eflde ^ stort ^ 

after his 

death. hús á sínum búgar^, at liann ætla^i, at kirkja skyldi 
vera. Heilagr Thomas haféi játa^ honum, at vígja 
húsit, enn þar til unnust honum eigi lífdagar, ok því 
stendr^ sönglaust^ þat nýja virki.^ Býzt nú til 5 
byskup annaiT ^ at fremja vígsluna, sem herra Thomas 
var under lok li^inn. Bóndinn seger^ sér^ þat mjög 
iim ]?veran ^^ hug, at nökkurr ^^ byskup vígSi þat sama 
hús, nema sá sem honum hafSi játaS. Hann ver^Sr 
þá spur^r, hverr^^ sá væri. Bóndinn seger^ hann veil 
nafnfrægan/^ J?ví at hann heiter heilagT Thomas erki- 
byskup. Sýnist þá sumum mönnnm/^ sem trú bóndans 
rise mjög í loft^^ upp, ef hann ætlar honum vígslu- 
gjörS-^^ á jar'Sríki, sem var leiddr úr þessu life. Ok 
]?ó ver'Sr honum von sín ei at öngu/^ því at heilagr 1 
Thomas fagr ok dýrligr birtist ^^ honum í svefne ok 
talar svo fcil hans, ok segist^^ kominn at fylla sitt 
fyrerheit í helgan kirkjunnar : " Ok til þess/' sag's! 
hann, " at her '^ um sertu ^^ ifalauss ^^ me^ öllu,^^ skal 
" eg fa ]?ér ^^ ii. votta, er kirkjan skal syna ]>ér á morg- 2 
" in, at hun er vigS. Enn annarr^ vottr er sa enn 
" Htli gullkross, er ek legg hér^ under koddann hjá 
" þér,^^ ok sa sami kross vil ek at dyrkist ^^ i þessarri ^^ 
" kirkju ok skutlist í öngvan^ sta'S annan, at hann 
'* syni nálægum ok okomnum, hvat Gu^S hefer gjört^^S 

1 flier, T. 

2 elfde, T. 

3 stortt, T. 

4 ste7indr, T. 

^ saunglaust, T. 
^ uircM, T. 
7 annar, T. 
^ seiger, T. 
9 sier, T. 
1" þuerann, T. 
^^ nauckur, T. 

12 ^Mcr, T. 

13 nafnfrœgann, T. 
1^ maunnum. T. 

15 /ojJi, T. 

i*' vigslvgiord, T. 

I'' aungu, T. 

18 birttizt, T. 

19 sez^ízí, T. 

20 sí'erííí, T. 

21 ifalauSyT. 

22 a?í//rí, T. 

23 þíer, T. 

24 dyrckizt, T. 

25 þessarí, T. 

26 aunguaiij T. 

27 greorW, T. 


lived together in the world. This rich man reared a 
large house on his estate intending it for a church. 
The holy Thomas had promised him to consecrate the 
house, but not having had the grant of life's day to do 
it, the great structure stood now empty, and no song was 
heard therein. But now, that lord Thomas was departed, 
another bishop prepared to perform the consecration. 
The goodman avoweth it to be much against his mind 
that any other bishop than the very one who had pro- 
mised it should consecrate the building. He was then 
asked who that bishop was. The goodman answered 
that he was famous enough, for his name was even the 
holy archbishop Thomas. And it seemeth to certain 
people that his faith riseth aloft high enough if he mean 
him to perform a consecration on earth who had been 
taken away from this life. Yet his hope cometh nowise 
utterly to nought, for in beauty and glory the holy Thomas 
appeareth to him sleeping, speaking to him, and say- 
ing that he hath come to fulfil his promise to consecrate 
the church. " And," said he, " in order that thou mayest 
" have no misdoubting concerning this matter, I shall 
" leave thee two tokens, which the church shall show 
" forth unto thee to-morrow in proof of its being conse- 
" crated. One token is the little golden cross which I 
" place here under thy pillow, the which I desire should 
" be worshipped within this church, but on no account 
" be allowed to go to any other place, in order that it may 
" show to living folk and those to come hereafter what 



many mira- 
cles at 
the same 

A mother's 
son is re- 
stored to 
full health. 

" me^ þessarri ^ kirkju fyrer mina bæn ok me^al- 
" gongu."^ Svo seger^ hann blezaSr. Enn bondinn 
vaknar, finnr krossinn, því at synin var falslaus. Her * 
me^ er kirkjan svo fallin sem vatne ausin bæöi utan 
ok innan,^ enn ^ ]>ó var hon J?ur átaks. Her ^ fylger 5 
annat þessarri ■'• ásýnd, at ilm haf^i hun svo sætan, at 
vel ma heita enn þriöe'^ vottr liennar vigslu. pat 
fylger her ^ me^ í lofi GuSs ok tign bins beilaga 
Thome, at kirkja skein si^an morgum ^ taknum, j^vi 
at eitt Í milium annarra ^ endemarka ^^ finnst sva 1( 
skrifat, at í nökkurum^^ árgang á fimmtudag-^^ jóla, 
þat er heimfer^artí^ beilags Thóme til himinríkis,^^ 
ö^la^ist^* þá albætta lieilsu sá, er á^r var krypp- 
lingr/^ daufr ok líkþrár. Svo dýra fylling fékk bond- 
inn '^^ ]?ess fyrerheits, at stórar veizlur voru yferlag^ar, 11 
framar enn bann kunne at kjósa, ]?ví at þær sömu-^^ 
máttu í kristninne æfenlio-a ^^ skína. 

Hér^ fylger me-S vígsluhjartteign ok þat bleza^a 
litilætisverk/^ er hinn signa^i fa^er Thomas framdi 
me^ einne fátækri konu. Hún átti einn smápilt svo 2( 
hörmulegan^^ ok aíleiddan sinne náttúru, sem hann 
væri allr frásnúinn^^ sínu^^ e^li me^ undarligum krank- 
dóme. Hún sálug mó'Serin heyrer dagliga, hversu 
heilagr Thomas skin bjart^"' í Kanncia, ok því berst 
hún þat fyrer at færa honum barnit. Enn svo var 2í 
vegrinn langr af ]?eim bý, at eigi sóttist meira á 
sjötján dögum/^ ok þó berr hún sig til. Er svo greindr 

1 þessari, T. 

2 medalyaunguy T. 
^ seiger, T. 

4 Hier, T. 
^ ijinann, T. 
fi cn, T. 
' þridie, T. 
'^ maurgum, T. 
^ nnnara, T. 
1*^ endemarcka, T. 
^^ nauckurum^ T. 
12 fjmtndag, T. 

13 himirikis, T. 
'■* ok audladizt, T. 
15 kryplingr, T. 
lö hondin, T. 
1" sauvm, T. 
^^ avenliya, T. 
1' litilœtisvercli, T. 
-' hanrmuligan, T. 
'* frasnvinn, T. 
^- sinv, T. 
23 biartt, T. 
-^ davgiim, T. 


" God hath done in this church through my prayer and 
''mediation." Thus speaketh the blessed one. And the 
goodman awaketh and findeth the cross, for the vision was 
none of a false sort. Besides this the church showed as 
if it had been sprinkled with water outside and inside, 
yet it was dry to the touch. And to this appearance of 
the church there was added this other strange fact, that 
it was filled with a sweet odour, which may well be 
taken as a third token of its having been consecrated. By 
God's will and the glory of the holy Thomas it was added 
to these thinofs that the church often afterwards shone 
by many miracles ; for among other wonders this is found 
written, that in a certain year, on the fifth day of Yule, 
being the day of the departure of holy Thomas to the 
kingdom of heaven, one who formerly had been crippled, 
deaf, and leprous, received his health fully restored. The 
goodman had the aforesaid promise so gloriously fulfilled, 
that large grants were bestowed upon the chiu'ch, even 
far beyond what he ever could have wished, for the same 
were of a nature to shine ever afterwards in the church 
(by their fame ?). 

With this consecration-miracle is coupled also the 
blessed deed of humility which the adorable father Thomas 
manifested on a certain poor woman. She had a small 
boy so grievously and unnaturally afiected, as if he were 
utterly turned out of his natural estate by a disorder most 
strange. The afflicted mother heareth daily, how the holy 
Thomas shineth briglitlj- forth at Canterbury, and therefore 
resolveth to bring unto him the child. But from the town 
where she lived the way was so long that, from there 
to Canterbury and no further, could the journey be made 
in seventeen days ; yet she betaketh herself away. Of her 


biina^r heiinar í veginum, at bun hefer eina skikkju 
yzta klæ^a, ok þar under ber hun þat sáluga barn. 
Nú^ sem hún hefer farit fimm daglei'Ser ok hefr upp 
hina settu, kemr ma^r a veginn^ í mót^ henne, hann 
er bli^r í ásjónu, ok svo buinn sem þeira formenn, er 5 
koma heim af Jórsölum/ pví at hann berr fagran 
pálmvönd í sinne hende.^ Hann talar fyrr^ til kon- 
unnar, sem J^au mætast : " Hvat ber þú svo leyni- 
" liga under skikkjunne," sagSi hann, " sem J>ú viler, 
" a^ eingi sjai ?" Hun svarar ok segist ekki bera 1^ 
nema klæ^i sin, j^vi at hun ofremst at syna utlenzk- 
um^ manni sitt afkvæmi svo ferligt vorSit. Palmari 
vikr þá at henni djarfliga, ok varpar skikkjuskautit 
út a handveginn, svo at hann sér^ fuUgjörla, hvat 
under ^ er. Konan sálug ro^nar ]>á, ok því eigi ólíkt, 15 
sem hun hrinde -^^ barninu fra ser ^ me^ hárre '^^ rödd ^^ 
nökkurre.^'^ Ok svo ferr, at pálmari^^ tekr me^, enn 
hún lætr laust, liefer at hendr um ^^ eina stund ok 
þuklar limu ^^ aftr ^^ í lag me^ svo bleza'Sri kunnáttu, 
at þenna pilt fær hann aftr ^'^ mó^urinne ^^ albættan 20 
til allra li^a, sem aldri heféi hann krankr ^^ orSit. 
Pálmari ^^ seger þá : " pú munt -^ ganga ekki lengTa ^^ 
" í kveld enn framm ^- til sta^arins, er nú sér ^ þú. 
" Ok ]?ann byskup, er þar sitr, máttu finna, ef þér^"* 
" likar, ok tjá honum, hvat þér ^^ hefer veitzt á veg- 25 
" inum. Seg honum þar me^, at sá er heilan gjör^i 

1 Nv, T. 

2 negin, T. 
•^ moth, T. 

■* Jorsauhon, T. 
' heímde, T. 
l fí/r, T. 
' vtlenzkum, T. 
« sicr, T. 
'•* winder, T. 
1" hrinnde, T. 
^i hare, T. 
12 raudd, T. 

i^ nauckure, T. 
i^ palmar, T. 
15 ym, T. 
i*"' //my, T. 
1' í/jjír, T. 
i^ modrinne, T. 
i^ kranckr, T. 
■-" 7>iy;í/, T. 
21 leingra, T. 
-2 /raw, T. 
2:* 'sier, T. 
2^ þ/er, T. 


dress on the road it is related that she had a cloak over 
her garments, wherennder she carried the poor child. 
Now when she had done five days' journey and had 
begun the sixth, there cometh a man walkinor alone the . 
road up to her, blithe of countenance and arrayed as are 
the leaders of those folk who come retm-niuo- from Je- 
rusalem, for he carrieth a fair palm-wand in his hand. 
As they meet he speaketh to the woman first, saying : 
" What is it that thou carriest so secretly under thy cloak, 
'^ as if thou didst not want any one to see it ? ' She 
answereth, professing to carry nought but her clothes, for 
she was shy to show to a foreigner her offspring in such 
a dreadfully deformed state. The palmer then turneth 
boldly towards her, throwing the skirt of her cloak back 
over the shoulder so that he seeth full clearly what was 
hidden thereunder. The poor woman blusheth, and in a 
manner thrusteth away from her the child with a loud 
scream. And so it cometh to pass, that the palmer taketh 
it into his arms, while the woman letteth it go, and for a 
while he passeth his hands over it and toucheth its 
limbs, and brinoreth them into sound state ^-ith such a 
blessed craft that he delivereth the boy back to his 
mother fully restored to health in all his limbs and joints, 
as if he had never been disordered at all. The palmer then 
speaketh : " To-night thou shalt go no further than to 
" the place which thou beholdest now before thee. If 
'' thou art so minded, thou mayest go see the bishop who 
" liveth there, and set forth to him what hath befallen 
" thee on the way. Tell him also that he, who cured 


" piltinn vill, at hann fari til Kanntarabyrgis ok bo^i 
" bræ^rum hjartteignina. Enn mer ^ sýnizt rá^, at þú 
" vender aftr ^ í átthaga l^inn, því at ]?ú ert vanfær í 
^' þvílíka farlengd."^ Svo skilja þau, at pálmari ^ ferr 
heim til hirainríkis/ enn liim lofar Gu^ ok sæker 5 
heim byskupinn, sem henni var bo'Sit. Ferr ^ J^at allt 
síSan sömu' lei^, sem á^r var rita"S í forsögn^ vors 
Drottins vinar, at byskup fór framm^ til Kannciam 
at frægja hjarteign, emi konan snere aftr til ættjai-^ar 
siiinar. Svo hngga^i bleza^r fa^er harm]?rungit brjóst. 10 
Arcbbisiiop Enii hversu hann o'íör^e vi^ gamlar konui\ er harm 

Thomas ^ . , ^c^ 

ATovks lieim sóttu, " er frásaoriar vert.^^ I fám or^nm at þótt 

miraclos, . 

particularly "þaer kæmi svo forhrumar til bans meS knút ok of- 

on old, .... 

decrepit verkium,-^ at eio^i mætti miúkr-^^ lóíi meinlætalaust í 

womeu. .^ ■' o i^ 

nánd koraa, sneru þær svo í burt,^^ at J?ær bör^u ^^15 
me^S knefum þá sömu^ sína limu, at aller mætti sjá, 
hvat þær böfSu ^^ J^egit fyrer píslarvættisins ^^ veröleika. 
Beyond all Svo ok hveriar heilsubætr er hann vann fólki sínu 

be bestowed . "^. . vi-niifi 

the grace of heima 1 Kaniicia, nær emsji maor letri lukt.^^ par var 

bis miracles . ,^ t-iq >••/• o 

on the em kona svo bjúg ok hrj^ggdregiD, "^ at á þrimr arum 20 
Canterbury, mátti him aldri upp rettast, erm þegar er bun kunne 

at kijupa -^ ni^r at j^eim signa^a erkibyskupsins lik- 

ama, gekk bun svo í bm^t,^^ at bæ^i var bun rett ok í 

öllum -^ li^um albætt. 

Her-- ferr )?at me^, at kirkjan i Kanncia baf^i feng- 25 

it ^^ svo vakran geymara, at ilbæ'Sismörmum ^^ var 

1 m/er, T. 
- aptr, T. 
^ farleingd, T. 
^ palmar, T. 
^ /t;7niriki's, T. 
6 Fer, T. 
'' saumu, T. 
•'* forsaiign, T. 
9 fram, T. 
i^j'soiit', T. 
^1 vent, T. 

13 mjvkr, T. 

1^ hurtt, T. 

1^ haurdu, T. 

16 haufdu, T. 

1" pislarvœttissins, T. 

1"^ /«r/^ T. 

1^ hryggdreiyin, T. 

20 krivpa, T. 

"1 </«<Ví/»í, T. 

2- i7/er, T. 

23 feingit, T. 

12 ofiierckium, T. 24 iUrccdismaunnum, T 


" the boy, desireth the bishop to go to Canterbury to 
" announce the miracle to the brethren there. But it 
" seemeth to me the wisest thing that thou thyself canst 
" do, to go back to thy dwelling-place, for thou art too 
" feeble for the long journe}^ thou hast set thy heart on/' 
So they part ; the palmer returning to the kingdom of 
heaven, but she, praising God, wending her way to see the 
bishop even as she had been told. Thereupon all things 
fell out according to the command of God's friend wiitten 
above, inasmuch as the bishop went to Canterbury to 
glorify the miracle, but the woman went home again 
to the dwelling-place of her kin. In such manner the 
blessed father comforted a sorrow-smitten heart. 

But it is well worth relating, how he dealt with old 
women who would come to him. This is in few words 
set forth thus : even if they came to him so utterly de- 
crepit from knots and excessive pains that even the soft 
palm of the hand might not come near them without giving 
pain, they went away so as to knock with their fists these 
very limbs, in order that all folk irdght see what gifts 
they had received through the merits of the martyrdom. 
But as to the cures which he wrought on his own people 
at home in Canterbury, it is for no man to write that 
matter to an end. There was a certain woman so crooked 
and crippled in her back, that for three 3'ears she might 
never stand upright, but forthwith when she knelt down 
before that blessed body of the archbishop, she went away 
in such a manner, that she was hoth straight and whole 
and sound in all her limbs. 

Besides this, the church of Canterbury had now got 
such a watchful overseer, that what she possessed lay 



eigi innan handar þat, er hún átti, j^ótt þeir fengi^ 
He betrays inn komit ok ætlu^u at stela, par af er svo skiifat. 

a burglar iii ■* 

thecathe- at einn gildr pjofr leyndist til nótt at lokka upp allar 
Canterbury, lokur ^ ok hurSer, er geymdi kirkjuna, ok ma likligt 
sýnast, at sa bölvaör ^ hals hafi of mjög heima alinn 5 
verit Í gar^inuin, svo kunnliga sem hann for. Nti* 
sem hann kemr í kirkjnna, sopast hann um fast, at 
stuldrinn skuli ekki smávægr vera bæSi me'S gull ok 
silfr, hrapar eitt gullker af sinne stö^u^ svo hatt ok 
hvellt ni^r á múrinn, at hann heyrer glogt ^ fyrst 10 
kh'kjuvörSrinn ^ ok jafnvel þeir menn, er lágu í næstum 
herbergjum. Svo geymdi Gu^s ma'Sr nú frammliöinn ^ 
sitt góz^ ok heilagrar kirkju, at j^jofr var haldinn ok 
sÍDum samdrætti frátekinn. Skal nú hé^an^^ víkja 
til einkanligs -^^ hlutar, er vor Drottinn vann meS vild 1 5 
ok ver^leika J?essa síns ástvinar. 

Erkibyskupsins undirlögr^^ í Cancia. 

Svo er lesifc, at í ]?eiri sýslu sem einkanliga^^ liggi' 
under ^^ erkibyskupinn í Kantúaríam, var einn falkin- 20 

A falcon 
and a man 
having each 

that of the' er klokr a bess hattar i^n. pat ^^ er sa ma^r, er 

former is 
restored to 
the latter, 
and vice 

ferr me^ hauk ok hund ut '^^ a ^^ mörk ^^ at afla veiSi- 

skapar fyr þá fygiing, er fálkinn slær me'S sínum Aug 

ok snarri natturu ni^r af loftinu/^ enn rakkinn flytr 

saman, hvat er honum feHr, ]?vi at meistaradomr hefer 25 

vanit þá báöa, at hvorr ^^ gjorer sina syslu. Nú ^^ 

1 feingi, T. 

2 lokr, T. 

3 bmilvadTf T. 

4 Nv, T. 

5 staudu, T. 
« glaugt, T. 

7 kirkivuaurdrinn , T. 
^ framlidinn, T. 

9 godz, T. 

10 hiedan, T. 

'1 einkannligSy T. 

12 unndirlaugr, T. See Preface. 
1^ cinkannligay T. 
» ynííer, T. 

15 þaíA, T. 

16 v/, T. 

17 So Prof, linger ; \>aa, T. 
' ^ maurcky T. 

19 loptitiu, T. 

20 ^?<or, T. 

21 iVy, T. 


nowise loose for the hands of misdoers, not even if they 
broke in to steal it. Concerning this it is written that 
a certain very big thief went secretly one night to force all 
bolts and locks by which the church was secured, and 
full likely it may seem that that accursed fellow must 
have been brought up at the very bishop's court, since 
he went so knowingly about his affair. When he cometh 
into the church he sweepeth up the things hard and fast, 
in order that his theft should be none of a trifling kind 
either in gold or silver ; but then a certain golden vessel 
tumbleth from its stand upon the stone floor with such a 
loud ring that first the church -watchman and then those 
who slept in the nearest chambers heard the sound. 

In such manner this God's man, though departed from 
the world, kept his goods and those of holy church, that 
the thief was seized, and all his stolen goods were taken 
from him. And now we shall turn to a singular thing 
which our Lord did through the will and merit of this 
His beloved friend. 


It is said that in the diocese which appertaineth to 
the archbishop of Canterbury there lived a certain fal- 
coner, well skilled in his craft. But a falconer is one 
who goeth a-field with hawk and hound to hunt by 
fowling, whereof the manner is this, that the hawk 
swoopeth in his flight and swift nature down from the 
air, while the hound bringeth together whatever falleth 
down in his way, for by training both have become wont 
to do their business each by himself Now it so faUeth 


gengr ^ svo til urn ^ daginn, sem falkinn snarar upp 
efter^ einum fugli, retter einn kvistr sik meinliga í 
mot '^ honum út ^ af eikinne, svo at augat annat úr ^ 
bans höfSi "^ fellr til jar^ar. Ok sem hann kemr 
aftr ^ á armlegg herra sins, sýner hann Ijosliga, hvat 5 
hann hefer látit. Ok meSr J>vi, at fugiinn var hinn 
vænsti^ gi'ipi'j harmar svo eignarma^r, sem hann hafi 
storan ska^a fengit,^^ hugsar J^egar me'S ser/^ at hann 
skal flytja fálkann^^ til lækningar hinum sæla Thómase 
erkibyskupi, þvi at hann var nu frægastr lækner i 10 
öllu ^^ Englandi.^^ Svo gjörer hann, hefer sig framm ^^ 
Í veg til Kantúaríam ok flytr me"S ser^^ falkann. Ok 
at komnum degi ^*^ sem hann nálga^ist sta'Sinn, ri^r i 
moti honum mikit hoffolk, J>vi at svo li^u nu iiestar 
ti'Ser dags af degi,^^ at flokkar foru annattveggja fra 15 
e^r til. Fyrer )7essum ^^ skara var einn rikr ma-Sr 
vænn ok ungr at aldri, hann vikr at falkiner,^^ sem 
þeir mætast, ok spyr þegar, l?ví hann færi í þvílikan ^^ 
sta'S svo sem me^ leikligri hoflist, *'at þu berr fálka 
*' á hendi,^^ sem þu skuler á fuglavei'Si ^^ fara." Hinn 20 
seger^^ honum í mót, hversu fallit er, þat er fuglinum 
til hefer borit ok hvat hann vildi þiggja. Enn þetta 
efai tekr riki ma'Sr me^ ferligum útbijót,^^ seger ^^ 
okristiligt verk, at kalla a heilagan mann um ^ ' slikt, 
" e^a hyggr ]7Ú," sag^i hann, " at erkibyskupi þike varSa, 25 
" hvort hræfuglinn ^^ hefer heldr tvö aiigu ^^ enn eitt." 

1 so, T. 

2 vm, T. 

^ epter, T. 

4 moth, T. 

5 vthy T. 

6 vr, T. 

' haufdi, T. 
8 aptr, T. 
^ uœnnzti, T. 

10 feingit, T. 

11 sier, T. 

12 falkan, T. 

13 aullu, T. 

14 Einglandi, T. 

*^ fram, T. 
16 deigi, T. 
1' \>essvm, T. 

13 After falkiner T. adds a super- 
fluous ok. 

1^ þuilikan?!, T. 

20 Aew7ic?z, T. 

21 So Prof. linger ; /míjí/m ueidu, 

22 seiger, T. 

23 yíörzoí, T. 

24 hrœfuglin, T. 

25 awi^y, T. 


this day, that when the hawk shooteth aloft after a bird, 
a branch of a tree happeneth to stretch out across his 
line of fiight, and in such a perilous manner that one eye 
falleth out of his head to the earth. And when the bird 
returneth to the arm of its master, it showeth plainly what 
it hath lost. Now, the bird being a right goodly thing, 
the owner grieveth as if he had met with a great loss, 
and at once maketh up his mind to bring the hawk to 
the blessed archbishop Thomas to be healed, for he was 
now the most renowned leech in all England. And this 
he doeth, betaking himself on the way to Canterbury. 
and bringing with him the hawk. And on the day when 
he approacheth the city, a flock of courtly folk come 
riding along the way up towards him, for now day after 
day passed in such manner, that at most hours thereof 
flocks of people would be travelling there, coming this 
way or going that. At the head of this flock was a 
certain mighty man, goodly to behold and of young age. 
On meeting the falconer, he at once turneth towards him 
asking how he cometh to be travelling to such a place 
in a mind bent on play and coui'tly craft, " seeing that 
" thou carriest a hawk on thy hand as if thou wert going 
" a-fowling." The other telleth him how matters stand 
with him as to what had befallen the bird, and what he 
wanted. But at this the mighty man breaketh out 
fiercely, saying that is a most unchristian work to call in 
the aid of a holy man in such a matter, " or deemest 
" thou," said he, '^ that the archbishop careth, whether 
" the carrion-bird hath two eyes or one? " 



Hinn seger,^ at hann vænter í miskunn Thome, at 
hann virSi ser^ ei til minnkanar, hvat sem rae^ gó^ri 
æru ok lítilæti ver^i hans kallat. Svo skilja þeir, at 
riki ma^r setr nei f3rrer. Kemr falkinn tii sta^arins 
ok ílýgr framm fyrer altari heilags Thome. Ok ei 5 
hefer hann þar lengi^ dvalizt, á^r enn hann heyrer 
ferS mykla framan at musterinu. Hann ser ^ brátt, at 
hér^ geingr^ inn öndver^u^ brjósti svo klæddr ma^r, 
sem hann haf^i mætt a veginum, þat ser hann ok 
me'S, at J?essi geingr^ nu ^" me^ si^ri hettu^ ni'Sr fyrer 10 
ásjónu,^ ferr hann lagr ok lotinn sem harme þrunginn. 
petta undrar falkiner harSla mjog. svo uppreistan sem 
■þessi riki ma^r bar sik, |?á er ]?eir fund us t.-^^ Ok 
þegar sem fyrst er færi, vikr hann at honum ok spyr, 
]>vi at hann se^^ þar kominn, svo nylega sem hann 15 
for þa'San. Enn hann fær þvílíkt andsvar : ^^ ^' Félagi 
" minn," sag^i hann, "mik stendr sú sök/^ at ek er 
" fallinn í vors Herra misþykt^^ ok hins heilaga Thóme 
" erkibyskups, fyrer þá dirf'S ok dóm, er eg setti 
" framm í dag á veginum, þat er til heyr^e þer ^^ ok 20 
" fálkanum, því at litlu sí^ar enn vit skildum, þótti 
*' mér ^^ líkast, sem beyg^r mannsíingr kæmi at mínu 
" auga me^ svo strí'Sum áverka/^ at þegar gekk augat 
" ni^r á kinnina. pví em ek kominn at" fri'Smælast 
" vit Gu^ ok hinn heilaga Thomas me'S sannri i^ran, 25 
" ok jamvel bi'S eg þik, at þú fyrerláter mér ^^ íyrer 
" þá reiting, er eg gjöröa þér/^ ok );ar me^ vil ek, at 
" þú bi^er myskunnar." Má þetta efne lúka utan 
langmælgi, hversu einkanliga ^^ GuÖ Drottinn skipa'Si, 

^ seiger, T. 

2 sier, T. 

3 leingi, T. 

4 hier.T. 

5 so, T. 

^ aundverdu, T. 

7 nv, T. 

8 hettv, T. 

^ asionv, T. 

10 funnduzt, T. 

" sze, T. 

i^ annsuar, T. 

13 sank, T. 

i^ viissþykt, T. 

15 þier, T. 

i^ mier, T. 

17 avercka, T. 

i^ einkannliya, T. 


The other answereth, that by the mercifulness of 
Thomas he hopeth that he will not account to his 
shame anything for which he may pray hhn in true 
honesty and meek humilit3\ ^^ parting thereupon, the 
lord set himself stoutly against this. Now the hawk 
cometh to the church and flieth up to the altar of the holy 
Thomas. But only a short while the man hath tarried 
there, when he heareth the noise of many people entering 
the temple. He soon seeth that there walketh at the head 
of the crowd a man dressed even as he was dressed 
whom he had already met on the road, and he also 
seeth that he wareth a slouching hat covering his face, 
and he walketh bowed and bent as if smitten by sorrow. 
At this the falconer marvelleth much, remembering- 
how high-stomacked the lord had borne himself before, 
when they met. And as soon as he seeth his way to 
it, he turneth to the lord, asking, how it was, that he 
had come there again now, having only just lately left 
the place. And this was the answer he got : " Good 
" fellow," said he, " this is the cause thereof, that I have 
'' fallen under the displeasure of our lord the holy arch- 
" bishop Thomas for the bold outspokenness which I be- 
" trayed on the way to-day, as to the matter concerning 
" thee and the hawk. For shortly after our parting it 
'' seemed to me, as if the bent finger of a man moved to- 
" wards my eye, doing me such harm as to gouge it out 
" unto the cheek. Therefore I have come back, to seek 
" peace with God and the holy Thomas in true repen- 
" tance, and I will even beg thee to forgive me the affront 
" done to thee, and entreat thee moreover to pray for 
" my mercy." This matter we may bring to an end 
without prolixity by relating that in a wondrous manner 
God the Lord so ruled it, that the man and the bird under- 



at ma^r ok fugl skiftu^ svo, at vors Herra bo^i, at 
maörinn haf^i fugis auga, enn fuglÍDn þá aftr '^ manns 
auga. Fræg^ist þetta verk ^ af því margfaldliga,^ at 
hverr ^ sem skynja^i hvort^ þeira form ok náttúru, 
mátti þat sannliga dæma, at þat var ö^rum '^ eigin- 5 
ligt af skapan, er annar hafSi. Var riki maíir sí^an 
myklu skygnari enn a^r, )?ótt hann væri nökku^ ^ ein- 
leitr, enn ];at fylgdi ]?vi, at svefn J'urfti hann svo 
litinn J?vi auganu, er fiiglinn haf^i haft, at honum 
þótti mein a, því at þat vildi náliga vaka allar nætr. 10 
Er her ^ j^vert ^^ í móti þat, er fálkanum til heyrer, 
hann var svefnugr sem ma'Sr, svo at honum kom 
var la a fætr e^r á Aug til sinnar i^ju. Lyktast hjart- 
teign me^r J^eim or^um, at Drottinn er dásamligr me^ 
Thómase erkibyskupi ok öllum^^ sínum ástvinum. 15 


Um^^ jaeteignagjöed Thóme. 

Svo miin ^^ vitrum mönnum sýnast mega, at hjart- 
teignaforn hins bleza'Sa Thóme erkibyskups samlíkLst 
vel uppreistnm vi^i, þeim er pálmi heiter. Sá vi^r er 20 
vaxinn^^ ólíkr ö^rum^^ trjám, ]?ví at hann er minnstr 
vit jör^, enn megnastr æ til vaxtar ^^ svo sem rót ^d"Sar- 
ins, er fagiinn me^ náttúru fyrir manns augum merk- 
er ^^ hún. pví skýra J?ær vitraner er upphafliga runnu 
sem rót under hjartteignum, því at svefnar tjár hug- 25 
skoti, enn eigi líkams augliti. Upp ■'^ af þessarri ^^ rót 
gekk vi'Srinn vægiliga meiS smærum hjartteignum ytri 

^ skiptu, T, 

2 aptr, T. 

3 verck, T. 

■* margfalldUga, T. 

5 hver, T. 

6 hvortt, T. 

7 audrum, T. 
* naukkud, T. 

9 hier, T. 

10 þuertt, T. 

" aullum, T. 

12 Fm, T. 

13 mvn, T. 

!■* vagsinn, T. 
i^ audrum, T. 
i^ vaxstar, T. 
17 mercker, T. 
^8 Fpi?, T. 
19 ]>essari, T. 


went such a change, according to the command of our 
Lord, that the man had a bird's eye, but the bird got 
back a man's eye. This miracle became far-famed and 
manifoldly for this reason, that whosoever inquired into 
the form and nature of either eye, could judge truly, that 
by creation it was natural to one, what the other had. 
Now ever afterwards the lord was much more keen- 
sighted than before, thouo-h he was somewhat odd-lookins ; 
but with this it went that he needed so little sleep for 
the eye which the bird had had, that he deemed it a 
right troublesome matter, as it would be awake through 
nearly all the night. The hawk's case was the contrary ; 
he being as sleepy as a man is wont to be, so that he 
might scarcely be roused to his feet or to flight to do 
his work. This miracle endeth with the words that the 
Lord is made glorious through archbishop Thomas and 
all his beloved ones. 


Concerning Thomas' working of Miracles. 

It will seem to wise men that the miracles of the 
blessed archbishop Thomas may well be likened to the 
straight tree called the palm-tree. That tree groweth 
unlike unto other trees, beiug narrowest at the ground, 
but spreading out in growing, even as does the root of 

other trees.^ This 

similitude makes plain the visions which from the be- 
ginning went as roots under the miracles, for dreams set 
forth things spiritual, not things with a bodily appear- 
ance. Up from this root the tree grew gently by lesser 
miracles for its outward branches, until it exjDanded into 

^ The blank represents a corruption in the original which defies all 
attempts at restoration. 

K 2 



lima, )?ar til harm proa^ist æ til meiri vaxtar, sem im 
um ^ tima liefer lesit verit. KöllT:im ^ vær nu ^ komit 
upp at limum ok sjálfum ávextinum, )?ví at allra manna 
skilningT er einn i því máli, at ]?at se^ hit hæsta 
hjai'tteignablóm heilags nianns, ef hann p>iggr þá til o 
lifs me^ sinum ver^leik, sem áör eru dauSer ok burt^ 
úr ^ heiminum. Ok )7vi skal );essu næst byrja J?at 
efne til lofs ok dyr^ar sælum Thome erkibyskupi, at 
signa^r Daví^ psalmista '' syngi honum J?vi framar 
hepiligar : Justus ut palma florebit.^ 10 

A mother I nálægS vit erkistólinn ^ í Kanncia sat ^^ einn bóndi, 

child-bed nykvæntr ma^r ok vel fiáreio:andi. Hans buo-ai^r 

is brought to f ,^ • • j- / v v\ • -i ^ ^ 

liie again, stoo eigi nrr stamum enn ^^ emar tvær v]kui\ par i 
bynum sat mágr bans ok kynfer^e umbergis. Tvo 
frændr nana at ti hann mjog olika, annarr ^- var mo^ur- 1 5 
bró"Sir^^ bans, gestrisinn ma^r ok gó-Srar frægSar, hrein- 
lyndr ok alú^arvin klerkanna i Kanncia fyrer ástúS 
heilags Thome. Hann haf^i lagt fyr nefndum systursyni 
sinum nökkut ^^ góz ^^ til kvonarmundar me^ öllum ^^ 
lagalesti. Annarr ^^ frændi bóndans var illmenni mikit, 20 
bafSr í stórmælum af heilagri kirkju, bannsettr me-S 
dIIu-^^ fyrer svo há'Suliga skemd, at hann haf^i lagzt^^ 
me^ tveimr systrum, enn verndar síSan giæpinn me'S 
þrjózku ok vill eigi vit skiljast. Bóndijin, er vær 
nefndum í fyrstu, er svo blindr, at hann dregr í 25 
fylgi me^ þeim frænda sínum, er verr^^ haf^i, ok honum 
þikist hann veita þat li^ at vera einginn leitamaSr 
til Kanntarab;^^'gis, heldr^*^ í mótdrætti þat smátt er 

1 vm, T. 

2 Kaullum, T. 

3 nv, T. 

4 sie, T. 

5 hurtt, T. 

6 vr, T. 

7 So Prof. Unger 
s Ps. xcii. 12. 

' erckistoliji, T. 
10 sath, T. 

spabnista, T. 

11 e7i}i, added by the editor. 

12 annar, T. 

1' modrbrodir, T. 
1"* nauckut, T. 

15 godz, T. 

16 auUum, T. 

17 auUu, T. 

13 lagdzt, T. 
1' ver, T. 

20 heUdr, T. 


a constantly increasing growth, even as has been read 
now for a while. Now we hold that the growth has 
reached up to the branches and the very fruit, for all 
men ao-ree in iinderstandino^ it as the hi^*hest flower of 
the miracles of a holy man, when he fetch eth to life 
again by his merits those who were already dead and 
out of the world. And therefore, next in order to these 
things, we shall begin setting forth this matter to the 
praise and the glory of the holy archbishop Thomas, that 
the blessed Psalmist David may the more fitly sing of 
him : Justus ut palma florebit. 

In the neighbourhood of the arch-see of Canterbury 
there dwelt a certain goodman newly married and well 
to do. His homestead stood no farther away from the 
place than two miles only. In that very town lived 
his brother-in-law, and his other kinsfolk in the neio-h- 
bourhood round about. He had two near kinsmen right 
unlike each other ; one being his mother's brother, a hos- 
pitable man and of good fame, upright of heart, and a 
dear friend of the clerks in Canterbury for the sake of 
his love to the holy Thomas. He had handed over to 
his sister's son some goods as a dowry with his wife 
altogether contrary to law. The other of the goodman's 
kinsmen was a right evil fellow, excommunicated from 
the church for such a heinous shame as having lain with 
two of his sisters, and afterwards obstinately defending 
his crime and refusing to desist from it. The afore- 
named goodman was so blind, as to make a common cause 
with the very one of his kinsmen who was in this evil 
case, deeming that he was giving support to his cause 
by not going on pilgrimages to Canterbury but rather 


til féllr. Sömu ^ leiS ferr þat, er heilögum ^ Tliomase 
til lieyrer, því at hvorki ^ hans ne onniu' ^ teikn vill 
hana í sinu húsi geymast lata. Ok því var ei undar- 
ligt,^ ])ó at þat eynidarherbergi stæ^i til raikils 
bardaga, er svo syktist margfaldliga.^ Nu geingr svo 5 
til efms, at húspreyjan er me^ barne, ok efter ^ 
li'Sinn^ tiraa legst hon í sótt at kvenna si^. Horf- 
er^ ]?at ei vænliga, því at hennar lettakonur skilja 
brátt, at burSrinn er liflauss -"^ me^ henna, enn sottin 
harSnar J?vi meir ok herder sig inn at lifi sjálfrar 10 
hennar. Er nu gjort ^^ bo^ efter" fö^ur^- hennar, 
kemr hann ]?angat fljott til huspreyja-^^ sinnar ok dott- 
lor ^^ ok at J^essu frændli^i samankomnu ^^ me^ eymd 
ok angri gi'ét hans hus i allar álfur. Ok J?ó stendr enn 
efter ^ nokkut,^^ ]?vi at bonda fellr svo nær af nftekn- 15 
um ^^ astum-"-^ at hugr hans glatar sinn styrk ^^ ok 
veltr^^ Í svo mikit volaö, at hann er buinn til ferSar. 
Huspreyja in sjuka kenner gjörla, hvat ser ^^ li^r, at 
dau^e sjalfr er fyrer dyrum, ok |7vi hugsar hun þang- 
at at renna til fulltings ok hjálpar, sem nu var 20 
allra o-oSra manna si^r í Enoiandi.^^ Enn saker ^ 
veykleika bonda sins ok fyr greindrar illmennsku ^ 
J?orer hun eigi at heita a hinn heilaga Thomam fyrer 
ser,^^ svo at hann ^^ viti, ok þó vill hun gjarnan fa 
nokkut -^^ af hans blezo^um -^ teiknum at bera yfer 25 

^ Saumu, T. 

- heilaiigum, T. 

3 hvorcki, T. 

^ aunnr, T. 

■5 unndarligt, T. 

^ margfalldliga, T. 

' epter, T. 

8 lidin, T. 

9 Horuer, T. 

10 lijlaus, T. 

11 giörtt, T. 

12 faudr, T. 

13 huspryiv, T. 

" dottr, T. 
15 samankomnv, T. 
1Ö nauckut, T. 
1' nyteknvm, T. 
13 astvm, T. 

19 styrck, T. 

20 velltr, T. 

21 sier, T. 

22 Einglandi, T. 

2^ So Unger ; sak only, T. 
2-* ilhnenzku, T. 

2' hami added by Prof. Unger. 
26 blezaudum, T. 


by setting himself against the church in every little matter 
that might happen. In the same manner he dealeth in 
matters concerning the holy Thomas, for he would have 
in his house no relics appertaining to him or any one 
else. And therefore it was not to be wondered at, that 
that miserable home should have to undergo a hard 
punishment, being so manifoldly diseased. 

Now it so befalleth, that the goodwife grows heavy 
with child, and in course of time falleth sick after the 
manner of women ; which matter taketh a nowise hopeful 
turn, since her midwives soon make sure that the child 
is lifeless within her. But the throes harden more and 
more, even so as to threaten her very life. Now a 
messenger is sent to her father, who soon joineth his 
wife and daughter, whereon, the family being thus 
gathered there together in misery and sadness, the whole 
house was filled with weeping in every quarter. And 
yet there was something more withal, for in his young- 
love the husband took all this so much to heart that his 
mind lost its strength altogether and fell into such a state 
of wretchedness as to be about taking its departure from 
him. The sick wife clearly perceiveth how it fareth 
with her, and that the very death is at the door, 
and therefore thinketh to hasten thither for help and 
relief, whither to go it was now the wont of all good 
folk in England. But by reason of her husband's dis- 
order, and the aforesaid wickedness in him, she durst not 
make a vow for herself to the holy Thomas with her 
husband's knowledge, and yet she longed to have some 



sig. pat tekr hún rá'Ss at síSustu, at bun kallar sinn 
trúna^armann ^ ok fær honum leyniliga eitt iingrgull 
har^la vænt ok seger ^ svo til bans : " pil skalt ^ fara 
" til Kantarabyrgis ok bera sælum Tbóœasi kve^ju 
" mína nieö þessarri ^ minning. Her ^ me^ skaltu ^ 5 
" bi"Sja bann, sem J?ú kannt bezt, at Imnn virM mik 
" eigi samblandna ^ þeiri fæ^, er bóndi ^ minn leggr til 
" bans, því at svo vil ek frjálsast úr ^ allri kvöl, sem ek 
" truer bans heilagleik ok ek treyster bans bænura. 
" Gjarna vilda^*^ ek, at þú feinger vatn hans, ok ef 10 
" ek er lifs. Enn flýttu ^^ feröinne, því at sóttin geingr 
" mér ^- nær." SendimaMnn ^^ ferr sem íljótast má 
hann ok fær vatnit, enn )?ó er búspreyjan erind, á^r 
enn bann kemr aftr.^^ Vex nú eymd at nyju."^^ Vit 
þat var bóndinn/^ áör harmsleginn, vitlanss^^ me^ öllu/^ 15 
ok j?at er nú meira starf í bænum at geyma hann 
lifanda enn búspreyina dau^a. pat er nú ráös tekit, 
at bleypt er nú upp í býinn til þess lika manns, er 
reyndr var at gó^um rá'Sum. Ok ]?egar sem hann 
heyrer svo mikinn harm, breg'Sr bann vit ok kemr 20 
framm. Er þar ógla^ligt inngöngu/^ oinn er dau^r, 
annarr -^ vitlauss,-^ allt folk var í kveini ^'^ ok angri. 
Eíki ma^r leitar efter "^^ spakliga, bversu til befer geing- 
it um -^ sóttarfar liúsfrúrinnar e^r vanheilsu bóndans. 

1 trvnadarmann, T. 

2 seiger, T. 

3 skallt, T. 

■* þessari, T. 
5 Hier,T. 
^ skalltu, T. 
' savihlanna, T. 
* bonndi, T. 

9 vr, T. 

10 villda, T. 

11 Jlyttv, T. 



13 Senndimadrinn, T. 
i< aptr, T. 
15 nyiv, T. 

i^ bonndinn^ T. 

17 vitlauss, editor's alteration. T. 
reads : Vit þat var bonndinn adr 
harmslegmn vitleysis, &c., an evi- 
dent blunder of a thoughtless scribe, 
■who wanted vitleysis to be governed 
by harmsleginn, or by vor ; both 
cases of an inadmissible syntax. 

18 auUu, T. 

19 inngautigu, T. 

20 annar, T. 

21 vitlaus, T. 

22 kuein, T. 

23 epter, T. 

24 vm, T. 


of his blessed tokens borne over her. At last she made 
up her mind, and calleth a certain trusty man, and 
delivereth secretly to him a golden ring, a right goodly, 
and said to him : " Thou shalt go to Canterbury, and 
*' bring the holy Thomas my greeting, together with 
'' this reminder. And therewithal thou shalt pray him 
" as well as thou canst, not to hold me a partaker in the 
" ill-will which my husband beareth him, for even as I 
" desire to be rid of all my pains, even so do I believe 
" in his holiness and trust in his prayers. I would fain 
" thou shouldst get his water, and if I be alive . . . But 
" hasten thy journey, for the sickness lieth heavilj' on me." 
The messenger went at his speediest, and got the water ; 
yet, or ever he cometh back, the goodwife lieth bereft of 
her life already. Now the grief waxeth anew withal. And 
thereat the goodman, already sorely smitten with grief, 
waxeth clean witless, so that now it becometh a harder 
ado in the town to keep him alive than to watch over 
the goodwife dead. Now the people betake them to a 
certain rich man up in the town who was renowned for 
wholesome counsel. And forthwith, on hearing the 
tale of this great grief, he bestirreth himself and cometh 
forward to them. And a cheerless entry he hath into 
the house in sooth, where one person lieth dead, another 
is mad, and all folk deep in lamentations a.nd sorrow. 
The rich man inquireth wisely, how all had come to 
pass, as concerning the illness of the goodwife and the 
disorder of the husband. 


Sa ma^r seger ^ honnm, sem for til Kannciam, hversu ^ 
husfruin ^ friSmæltist ^ vit sælan ^ Thomam. Riki 
ma^r seger |?á : " Eg þikjumst skilja, at frændi 
" minn er haklinn ^ tvennre " sekt, ok J7vi er honum 
" makliga komit tvefalt^ syndagjakl ^ fyrer þanii ó- 5 
" j7okka, er hann hefer sækim ^^ ThÓDiase ok sta^num 
" Í Kancia, mun ^^ bann hafa latit husfrn ^^ sina, enn 
" fyrer sitjan vi^ frænda sinn bannsettan, mun -^^ hann 
'' hafa tapat samvizkunne." Si^an talar hann svo vit 
þann sama mann : " pii skalt fara í annan tima til 1 
" Kantarabyrgis ok færa Thómase vin ininum-^^ bring 
" þenna, er ek fær J?ér,^^ ok her ^^ me^ ber )?ú or^ mín 
" síi'a Guzalin, at bann komi til mín me^ þá beil- 
" aga dóma^ sem hann væiiter at mesta myskunn 
" megi afla, ]m at vær þurfLim nú^*^ nijög vi^." 15 
Sendima^rinn skilar bringnum ok flytr sem greint 
var prestinum.^" Síra Guzalin býst á þann hátt til 
þessa móts, at bann flytr me'S sér ^^ vors Herra likama 
ok bló^bland bins heilaga Tbóme erkibyskups. Ok 
sem hann kemr framm ^^ til bæjarins,-*^ bi^r riki ma^r 20 
hann gjöra ]?eim buggan fyrer Gu^s nafn. Hann 
byijar svo, at bann lætr bland beilags Thome erki- 
byskups í vígSan kalek, sí^an berr hann yfer evkar- 
istiam í kross ok lætr 1 si^ustu fórnarbjólit mæta 
vatninu. Svo bleza^an liquorem leggr harm me'S 25 
léttri fjö^r yfer auga búspreyjunnar frammli^innar.*^^ 
Ok henni bregSr líkt vit sem sofanda manni, ef þann 

^ seiger, T. 

- So Prof. linger ; haorsu, T. 

3 husfruinn, T. 

4 fridmœlltizt, T. 
^ sœlanii, T. 

6 halldinn, T. 

7 tuenre, T. 

8 tuevalt, T. 

^ syndagialld, T. 
10 sœlvm, T. 
" mvn,T. 

1- husfrv, T. 
i^ 7nhwm, T. 
i^ þier, T. 

15 hier, T. 

16 7W, T. 

1" prestÍ7iwn, T. 

18 sier, T. 

19 fram, T. 

■^" bqiarins. T. 

"1 framlidinnar, T. 


The man, who went as messenger to Canterbury, told 
him how the good wife had made her peace with the blessed 
Thomas, whereupon the rich man speaketh thus : " Me- 
" thinks I understand now that my kinsman is beholden 
" in twofold guilt, wherefore on him hath deservedly 
" fallen a twofold wages for sin. For the ill-will he 
" beareth the blessed Thomas and the city of Canter- 
'^ bury he must have lost his wife ; but for his commu- 
" nion with his excommunicated kinsman he must needs 
" have lost his reason/' Thereafter he speaketh further 
to that same man ; " Thou shalt go again, a second time, 
" to Canterbury, and bring my friend Thomas this ring, 
" which I now deliver unto thee, and therewithal thou 
" shalt bring my word to Sir Guzalin to come unto me 
" with such holy things as he deemeth may afford the 
" greatest mercy in this case ; for now we stand in great 
" need indeed thereof." 

The messenger handeth over the ring, and delivereth 
unto the priest the message afore-mentioned. Sir Guzalin 
prepareth for their meeting in such a manner as to bring 
with him the body of our Lord and a mixture of the 
blood of the holy archbishop Thomas. And when he 
aiTÍveth in the town, the rich man prayeth him, in the 
name of God, to give them some comfort in their afflic- 
tion. He beginneth by putting the mixture of the blood 
of the holy Thomas into a consecrated cup, whereupon 
he carrieth thereover the eucharist so as to make the 
sign of the cross, and, at last, maketh the pyx touch the 
water. The fluid, thus consecrated, he spreadeth with a 
light feather over the eyes of the goodwife where she is 
lying dead. And she starteth like one asleep being so 


veg er vit^ hann komit. Hun sér^ upp augum ok 
renner til sýnar. Enn litlu si^ar, sem hiin gTeiner, 
me^ hverju ^ sottarfar hennar liofst í fp'stu, kallar 
hun til sin )?ær léttakonur,^ sém fyr baf^i hún, segist ^ 
kenna, at bm^^rinn befer lif þegit, ok bun vænter -5 
sér- letta. Hvat er lengra,^ enn me'S fyrstu skerpu, 
sem benni kemr, fæ^er bun sveinbarn, bæ^i vænt ok 
liftnikit. Ok rett jafnframm " sem piltrinn ® kom í 
Ijós, var fa^er bans aftr^ leiddr í sama ^^ sam^^.zku. 
Ma þat gó^r ma^r buglei'Sa, bversu^^ safnabrinn^- munde 10 
)?ar sætliga Gu^ lofa ok bans baleitan vin Tbómam 
erkibyskup. Sira Guzalin skir^i piltinn ^'^ nýfæddan ^^ 
me^ Tbómas nafne, þvi at bann skilde, bversu J>at 
var vibkvæmiligt, at þann sem erkibyskup reisti til 
lífs, beite bans eignarnafne. Yar bóndi-'^'^ eigi sí"San 15 
minni' góSviljugr enn á^r barSundinn.^^ Ok-^^ sá kyn- 
þáttr elska^i sætHga þann blezaSa GuSs mann Tbóm- 
am erkibyskup, er me^ Gu'Si lifer án enda.^^ 

Af Jordan us riddara. 20 

The son of Jórdanus beiter riddari, ríkr ma^r ok mikill vin 

a kmeht ., , 

called to lift 

XXX..O x.v.^«,^.v ^ 

L^v,, y 

^^^^ r^ — o'^' — — 

again by 


jafnan fegins ^^ 


2° bvort er )?eir fóru framm e^r 

»* <X 1^1 • 

1 uith,T. 

1- Editor's alteration ; fagnadrin, 

- sier, T. 

T., i.e. the joy, which is out of 

3 hueriv, T. 


•1 Vettakonr, T. 

13 pill (inn, T. 

^ seiyizt, T. 

1^ nyfæddann, T. 

^ lemgra, T. 

'5 bonndi, T. 

' joft'fram, T. 

16 hardiimdin, T. 

^ piUtrimi, T. 

1" After Ok T. adds ac/r, an eri- 

9 aptr, T. 

dent repetition of adr before hard- 

10 So T. Profes 





poses to change soma into 


1^ erinda, T. 

But for such a change 


is no 

19 /e?>in5, T. 


20 hermde, T. 

11 fiver sv, T. 


touched. She turneth up her eye, and looketh around. 
And shortly afterwards, recalling in her mind how her 
illness first began, she calleth to her the mid wives she 
had erst had, saying that she perceiveth that her birth 
hath received life, and that she hopeth now to be de- 
livered. What more, but at the first throe that cometh 
upon her she bringeth forth a male child, a goodly and 
right healthy one. And forthwith as the boy was 
brought forth his father was restored again to his reason. 
Any good man may well consider how sweetly the folk 
there assembled did give their praise to God and his 
exalted friend archbishop Thomas. Sir Guzalin bap- 
tised the new-born child to the name of Thomas, well 
understanding how befitting it was that he, whom the 
archbishop had raised to life, should bear his own name. 
After this the goodman was no less devoted to the holy 
Thomas than he had been full of hardness of heart 
towards him before. And this family ever afterwards 
loved sweetly that blessed God's man, archbishop Thomas, 
who liveth with God everlastingly. 


Concerning the knight Jordanus. 

There was a certain knight hight Jordanus, a mighty 
man, and a great friend of the holy Thomas, inasmuch as 
he used always to receive with open arms his pilgrims, 


frá, veitti hann öUum ^ herbergit, er hafa vildu, ok 
mörgum ^ bæ'Si samt hús ok viöværi. pat fell ^ til í 
lians herbergjum me^ Gu"£s domi, at um^haustit í 
Augusto mána^i, kom J^ar inn sott mikil ok stó^ allan 
tima iramm ° til páska. Enn eigi greiner bok, at 5 
manndau^i fylgdi svo mikill )?eiri sott, enn þat stendr^ 
skrifat, at Jordan átti son, er Yiljálmr heiter, hann 
var komicn á tíunda vetr. Fóstrmó^ur átti hann piltr- 
inn,^ er honum haféi veitt fagrt uppfæSi,^ hún tekr 
sott ok andast.^ Ok þegar á þi-Sja degi^^ efter/^ 10 
sem huin er greftn^,-^- sjkist piltrinn ^^ urn ^ atta daga, 
enn andast -^^ si^an a þri^ju tí^ dags, er vær köllum '^^ 
dagmál. Ok íijótliga kemr prestr ok sjmgT sæmiliga 
yfer piltiniim/^ þvd at honum j^ótti ofrs von efter ^^ 
svo ríks manns son. Alia hina næstu nótt efter^^ er 1-5 
vakat yfer piltinnm ^^ me^ grát ok Ijoskeriim, því at 
bæ^i fa^er ok roo-Ser sátu í sorg. Næsta morgin eft- 
er ^^ koma ]7ar xx. pílagrímar hins heilaga Thóme 
erkibyskups. pessir höf^n ■'^' verit í Kancia ok flytja 
þa^an me^ sér-^^ heilagt vatn af hans benjum.^^ Eidd- 20 
arinn tekr ]7á me"S ástú^ efter^^ vana, gjörandi'^^ þeim 
vænan snæ^ing me^ sjálfs síns gózi,^^ á^r enn þeir 
fara á burt-^ af bans garSi. Ok sem at þeir leys- 
ast í bnrt,- bi'Sr hann ]?á at gefa sér ^^. af vatne 
heilags Thóme. Kemr prestr brátt á garíinn í móti 25 
líkama sveinsins, at hann flytist ok greftist."^^ Ridd- 

^ auUum, T. 

2 manrgum, T. 

3 fiell, T. 
■* vm, T. 

5 fram, T. 
^ stenndr, T. 
7 pilltrinn, T. 
^ ^PPf<^di, T. 
^ ainidazt, T. 

10 deigi, T. 

11 epter, T. 

12 greptud, T. 

13 piUtrin, T. 
i-í (ouidazt, T. 
15 kauUum, T. 
i^ pilltinvm, T. 
17 haufdu, T. 
i^ sier, T. 
19 benivm, T. 
2*^ giorarmdi, T. 

21 godzi, T. 

22 burtt, T. 

23 greptizt, T. 


coming as well as departing, giving quarter to all who 
desired it, and to many both house and provisions 
together. By the judgment of God it so befell, that his 
house was visited one autumn-tide in the month of 
August by a great plague, which lasted all the time unto 
Easter. But the book relateth not that with that plague 
there went any great loss of life. But it is written, that 
Jordanus had a son, William by name, who had already 
reached his tenth winter. The youth had a foster- 
mother^ that had given him a right goodly education ; 
who was taken ill and died. And already on the third 
day after her burial, the boy was taken ill, and, having 
been laid up for eight days, died at the third hour of the 
day, which we call day-meal. And speedily the priest 
Cometh to sing the death chant over the youth worthily, 
inasmuch as he looked for a goodly fee for so rich a 
man's son. All through next night watch is kept over 
the youth amid weeping and lighted lanterns, for both 
father and mother sat there mourning. Next morning 
twenty pilgrims of the holy archbishop Thomas arrive 
there who had been in Cancia, and who brought with 
them the holy water of his wounds. The knight re- 
ceiveth them lovingly, as was his wont, setting a goodly 
repast of his plenty before them before going away from 
his house. And as they were about to break up he 
prayeth them to give him a little of the water of St. 
Thomas. Soon the priest cometh to the house for the 
body of the youth, in order to have it brought away and 



arinn seger,^ at prestr skal fyrst taka vatn ^ hins 
heilaga ^ Thome ok dre}']^)a í munn piltinum/ ok 
seger^ )?at sitt hugbo^, at heilagr Thomas leiSi aftr^ 
son hans í veraldligt lif. Prestrinn seger svo, ok skip- 
ast ekki vit, bySr sig enn til at færa líkit til kirkju- ^ 
graftar, seger/ at ]?etta er vitleysi at varSveita 
svo lengi ^ daii^an mann. Jordan seger,^ at betr 
skal profa J>at mal, á^r enn piltrinn ^ er grafinn : 
" pvi at mer ' vikst aldri hugr um ^ fat/' sag^i hann, 
" at Thomas erkibyskup muni til sin um ^ taka, 10 
" ek var hans maSr ok vin alia stund, ámeöan hami 
'• lif^i." Si^an o-eÍDgr hann at likamanum ok setr knif 
Í milium tanna honum ok hellir si^an vatninu ofan í 
búkinn, ok til J?ess, a^ vatnib skull ni^r leita í brjóstit 
ok því framar, lyfter^*^ hann upp höf'Sinu.^^ Ok sem 15 
hann hefer her ^- at sta'Sit um hrí^, kemr rau^r 
flekkr í vinstri kinnina, ok nökkuru ^^ sí^ar lyfter ^^ 
hann upp augiinum, svo giöggr^^ í sinne grein, at 
hann kenner bæSi fö'Sur -^^ ok móSur ^^ ok talar svo til 
þeira : "pví standit þit me^ harmi yfer mér," ^ sag^i hann, 20 
*' þar sem hinn heilagi Thomas byskup vill, at ]?it 
" fagnit bæ"Si ? pví leiddi hann mik aftr,^ at ek 
" skyldi lifa ykkr til hugganar." Svo reis hann upp 
af börum ^^ heill ok albættr. Haf ^i dau^r verit ^^ alt 
frá J?ri^ju^^ tíS -*^ ok til þrettándu -^ stundar á næsta 25 
dag efter.- 


1 seiger, T. 

2 vatnn, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; heilag only, 

"* pilltuwm, T. 
5 aptr, T. 
^ leingi, T. 
7 pilltrin, T. 
^ mier, T. 

9 vm, T. 

10 lypter, T. 

" haufdinv, T. 

12 hier, T. 

i^ nauckuru, T. 

i^ glauggr, T. 

15 faudr, T. 

16 modr, T. 

1' baurum, T. 

is daudr verit added by Prof. 

19 þridiv, T. 

20 tidh, T. 

21 þrettafivdu, T. 

22 epter, T. 


buried. The knight prayeth the priest first to take the 
water of the holy Thomas, and let it drop into the mouth 
of the youth, saying, at the same time, that his mind 
forbodes him that the holy Thomas will bring back his 
son to earthly life again. The priest doeth as he was 
bid, yet without any avail, whereupon he once more 
ofFereth to bring the body to burial, protesting that it be 
a right foolish thing to keep so long unburied the dead 
body. Jordan answereth, that that matter shall have a 
fuller trial still or ever the youth be buried in the earth : 
" For I can never get it out of my mind," said he, " that 
" archbishop Thomas will not make his power manifest 
" now ; for I was his man and his friend ever, as long as 
'' he was alive." Thereupon he goeth up to the body, 
and thrusting a knife in between the teeth, he poureth 
the water into the body, and in order that the water may 
penetrate into the breast and thenceforward further still, 
he lifteth up the head. Now when he hath been busy 
in this manner for a while, a red speck was seen to flush 
the left cheek (of the youth), and shortly afterwards he 
lifteth up his eyes, being then so clear of understanding 
as to recognise both his father and mother, to whom 
he speaketh thus : — 

"Why do you stand grieving over me," said he, " when 
" the holy archbisho]) Thomas desireth that you should 
" both be rejoicing? Even therefore he hath led me 
" back to life, that I should live for your comfort." So 
he rose from the bier hale and wholly restored, having 
been dead from the third hour of the day until the thir- 
teenth hour the next day. 



Aciiiid Fylger hér^ enn annat dýr^artákn líkt í sömu^ 

its bath is grein. Ekkja nökkur ^ sat^ í bæ litlum nære sió í 
life. England], liún átti iij. börn/ dótter hennar var frum- 

vaxta, önnur ^ ];révetr^ sonr hennar var misseri>s '^ gam- 
mall. Nú ^ geingr svo til, at áli^nu sumri, at ekkj- 5 
an fer til laugar me^ J?esse tvö enu ^ yngri börnin ^^ 
at þvo )/eim ok búa til svefns. Sem þa-u voru á'Sr 
laugmó-S, enn er )?au sitja í laugunne, kalla fjölskyldur^-'- 
at mó^urinne, svo at hún geymer eigi rá'Ssins, því 
at bun bý& um ^^ eldra barninu^^ at hugsa til bins 10 
yngra. Ferr bún til i'Sju sinnar at vinza korn. Enn 
barnfóstri^ tekst eigi betr enn svo, at J?at, sem 
geyma skyldi, ferr-^^ í burt ^^ at leika ser/^ enn smá- 
bamit kafnar í langunne. Ok stundu sí^ar sender 
húspreyjan ]?á dóttur sína elztu at sækja verkfære-^^ 15 
nökkut/^ er þar liggr hjá laugunne. Kemr bún aftr^^ 
ma's gi'átliga sögu,^^ at barnit er drekkt^^ í laugar- 
vatninu. Mó^er renni' til, tekr barnit ok ber meÖ 
kvein ok kall út á ví"San vöU, ok vi'S bennar kall 
koma þar saman v. ekkjui^,^^ því at karlmenn voru á 20 
sjó róner, enn sumer í akrverki.^^ pær taka piltinn,^^ 
velta ^^ ok skaka, ef nökkut ^^ mætti vatnit upp ganga, 
ok kemr til einkis starf J?eira. par ber at framm 
einn Jórsalafara, ok sér á um stund, hvat- þær bafast 
at ok sí-San talar bann svo : " Til hvers kemr y^vart 25 

1 hier, T. 

2 saumu, T. 

3 nauckr, T. 

4 sath, T. 

^ baurn, T. 
^ aunnur, T. 
' misseriss, T. 
9 Nv, T. 
9 ejiv, T. 
^° baurnin, T. 
li Jiolskyldr, T. 

12 vm, T. 

13 barni7iv, T. 

1» &Mr«, T. 

16 sier, T. 

17 verckfœre, T. 

18 nauckut, T. 

19 apír, T. 

20 saugu, T. 

21 (fre^íA, T. 

22 eckivr, T. 

23 akrvercki, T. 

24 pilltimi, T. 

25 vellta,T. 


Along with this there goeth another glorious miracle, 
a similar and of the same kind. A certain widow lived 
in a small place in England near the sea-side, w^ho had 
three children ; a daughter of ripe growth, another three 
years of age, and a son half a year old. It so befalletb, 
once upon a time, late in summer, that the widow taketh 
the two youngest children to a bath to wash them and 
prepare them for bed. The children being already tired 
from the bathing, yet still sitting in the bath, the mother 
is called away by her duties and forgetteth herself, inas- 
much as she ordereth the eldest of the two children to 
take heed of the youngest, while she herself goeth about 
her business winnowing corn. But with the nursing there 
goeth no better luck than this, that the one of the two 
children which was to have looked after the other, runneth 
away to play, and the infant is drowned in the bath. Some 
time afterwards, the goodwife sending her eldest daughter 
for some implement which she had left behind beside 
the bath, the latter returneth with the woeful tale of the 
child being drowned in the bath. The mother runneth 
to the bath, and lifting up the child carrieth it out into 
an open field, crying and calling out aloud. At her cries 
some five widows assemble round her, for the husbands 
were away out fishing, or busy in the fields. The 
widows take the child, turning and shaking it about 
to try if the water might be brought up ; yet their 
endeavours are of no avail. Now a certain crusader 
happened to pass by, and having looked for a while at their 
ado, spoke thus : " What availeth you your business 

L 2 



Two sons of 
a certain 
widow arp 
raised f iv n 
the dead, 
having lam 
in their 
?rave for 

" starf? Fait ]?ér^ ei skilt, at piltrinn - væri 
" löngii^ dau^r?'' Eiii af ekkjunum tekr )?á til or^s : 
" Yær skulum heita allar samt ^ á vom Herra ok heil- 
" agan Tbomam erkib3-skiap me-S knefalle ok lieilagri 
" bæn Pater noster, niu sinnum, a^ vær fáum huggan." 5 
pær gjöra svo. Ok er alt samt.^ Önnur^ talar ]?á 
til moSurinnar : ^ " Tak einn J^rá-S," sag^i Imo, " ok 
" legg vit likit ; heit J^ar Gu^i me^, at gefa heilugum 
" Thumase svo hatt kerti ok færa sjálfum Thumasi, 
ok afhenda/' '' Ok litlu si^ar enn þetta var gjört,^ 10 
flaut úr^ munninum bæ^i blóS ok vatn, ok þar næst 
blöski'ar ^^ piltrinn - bá^um augum. Sí'ðan kemr krytr 
nökkur^^ í brjóstit, J^ar til at grátr fylger. Svo var 
hann af dauba reistr fj^rer vald ok ver^leika iiins 
bleza^a Thóme erkibj-.skups. HafSi hann flotit iij. 15 
stunder í laugarvatninu, enn a'Srar fimm j^a-San ífrá, 
har til er hann lifiiabi piltrinn.- Hann hét ^- GiUi- 
bert ok lifSi lengi^^ síðan. 

Enn var önnur^^ ekkja kj'nstór ok au^ig, hún^^ var 
einkanligr ^^ Yin Tliónie erkibyskups ^' hér ^^ í lífi, hvat 20 
þat kosta^i góz,^^ e^a fylgi. Sonu átti hún þrjá, er svo 
hétu "^^ Ciprianus, Gustus, Regulus. Ciprianus var 
elztr, enn Eegiilus yngstr. Aller voru J?eir bræ^r í 
sörau -^ vináttu til Thómam erkibyskups me.^ opinberam 
gó'Svilja.-- I þann tima, sem heilagr Thomas var út- 25 

» þ/er, T. 
- pilltrinn, T. 
3 launyu, T. 
-* samtt, T. 
^ Aiamr, T. 
^ modrinnar, T. 

7 afheuda, editor's alteration. 
Thumasi. Ok af enndi, T., which 
makes neither grammar nor sense. 

8 giortt, T. 

9 vr, T. 

10 hlauskrar, T. 

11 nauckur, T. 
1= hiet, T. 

13 leingi, T. 
1^ aunnr, T. 
15 hvn, T. 
'^^ einkannligr, T. 
i-" erckihyshup, T. 

18 hier, T. 

19 godz, T. 
-0 hietv, T 
-1 sanmv, T. 

-- Prof. Unger reads : Al/er voru 
þeir bradr i saumv vinattu til Tho- 
mam erckibyskups med opinberum 
godvilia i Yf^im tuna, sem heilagr 
Thomas var uthlagr. Voru þeir, Sec. 


" do ye not understand that the boy is dead long ago ? " 
Whereupon one of the women taketh up the word, say- 
ing : " Let us all pray to our Lord and the holy arch- 
" bishop Thomas, kneeling on our knees, and repeating 
" nine times the holy prayer of Pater noster, in order 
'• that we may be comforted." This they did. Yet 
iill remained still as erst it was. Another of the widows 
then talketh to the mother : " Take a string," said she, 
" and lay it down beside the body, and make there- 
" withal a vow to God to give unto the holy Thomas 
" even so high a candle, and bring it to the holy Thomas 
" yourself." Now shortly after this having been done, 
there flowed out of the child's mouth both blood and 
water, whereupon he blinked with both eyes. Then 
folio weth a certain rattle in the breast, which ended in a 
weeping cry. In this way he was released from death 
through the merit and power of the blessed archbishop 
Thomas. For three hours the boy had been floating 
in the bath, and five hours further passed or ever he 
revived. His name was Gilbert, and he lived a long life 

There was still another widow, a noble and wealthy, 
who had been a great friend of archbishop Thomas while 
he was alive, both in matters of money and availing help 
of other kind. She had three sons, hight Ciprianus, 
Gustus, Regulus. Ciprianus was the oldest, but Regulus 
the youngest. All these brothers had the same friend- 
ship with open goodwill towards archbishop Thomas. 
The whole time he spent abroad in banishment, they, as 



lægr,^ voru þeir, sem fyr matti likt heyrast í sögunne,^ 
svo höndla^er ^ ok haldner, sem konungs svikarar, 
ok |?ar fyrer letu þeir bá*Ser sitt líf. Ok einne natt 
si^ar enn ]?eir voru grefta^er,^ fær Regulus bro'Ser 
þeira brá^a sótt me^ bana ok er lagSr í sömu^ gröf.^ 5 
Svo liggja þeir útleg'Sartíma ^ Thóme erkibyskups ok 
þar til er hann birtest^ fyrer sinn háleitan dau^a me^ 
lifuadum^ hjartteignum. Enn svo langan ^^ tíma 
fékk^^ mó^er þeira ]?riggja varla glaöan dag, því at 
hún grét hsd^i sona lát, ok hversu afskapliga er J?eir 10 
voru slegner me^ hatri ok hermd vi^ hennar vin 
Thómam erkibyskup. Ok því ser-"^^ mildr^^ fa^er til 
lienDar ok kemr í svefne til hennar me^ blí^um or^- 
um ok bleza^arfullum/^ sem lienni þakkande allar 
sínar velgjörSer. Seger ^^ ok Ijósliga, at þann manna- 15 
misse sem hún hefer fengit, hvort sem heldr er fyrer 
bans skukP^ e^r ö"Sru^'^ vegs í láti sona sinna, skal 
henni aftr ^^ bætast. Efter ^^ svo dýrliga vitran, vaknar 
hún, ok fýser^ þrátt at vitja þeirar kirkju,^*^ sem syner 
hennar voru grefta^er ^ at. Ok sem hún ^^ kemr at 20 
kirkjunne ok ber sig inn í gar^inn, lýstr upp Ijósi 
myklu fyrer hennar ásjónu, svo at fyrer ótta, er 
hana grípr í sýn þessari, þoi'er hún eigi framm at 
halda ferSinne, ok víkr sér^^ aftr^^ at hli'Sinu. Ok 

But the context demands evidently 
the intepunction which I have 

I uthlœgr, T. 

" saugunne, T. 
3 haundlader, T. 
^ greptader, T. 
° sawnv, T. 

6 grauf, T. 

7 vtlegdariima, T. 

^ So altered bj the editor; birt- 
ter, T. 

^ lifunndum, T. 
^^ langamiy T. 

II fieck, T. 

Í2 sier, T. 

Í3 milldr, T. 

1* In all probability hlezadarful- 
lum is nothing but a miswrit for 
blezanarfuUum, but I have not felt 
quite at liberty to substitute the one 
for the other. 

15 Seiger, T. 

16 skulld, T. 
1' audru, T. 
1^ dptr,T. 

19 Epter, T. 

20 kirkiv, T. 

21 hvn, T. 


might be deemed likely enough from what has been heard 
before in the story, were treated and done by as if they 
were indeed the king's traitors, wherefore it came to 
pass that both lost their life. And on the night after their 
burial, theú' brother Regulus was taken by a sudden ill- 
ness which brought him to his end, so that he was laid 
in the same grave with the rest. Thus they lay during 
the time that archbishop Thomas spent in banishment, 
even until he appeareth after his glorious death in living 
miracles. But all that time their mother scarcely saw 
a happy day, but mourned both the death of her sons and 
the fearful manner in which they were slain out of 
sheer hatred and malice to her friend archbishop Thomas. 
Therefore the compassionate father turneth his look unto 
her, and appeareth to her in sleep with sweet words and 
fall of blessino' thankinor her for all her kind deeds towards 
him, declaring openly, too, that the loss she has sus- 
tained in the death of her sons, be it caused through him 
or otherwise, shall be repaired. After this glorious vision 
she awake th, desiring forthwith to go to the church 
whereat her sons lay buried. And straightway as she 
approacheth the church and betaketh herself into the 
churchyard, a great light blazeth up before her face, so 
that by the great fear which therewithal fell upon her 
from this vision, she ventureth not to proceed on her 
journey, but turneth back to the gate. Forthwith she 



an dvöl he3^rer him, at henni er efterfor ^ veitt, 
Enn hull hræ^ist ekki því minnr, ]7ar til at otti flýr, 
enn fagna'Sr fyller hennar brjost; því at til beggja 
handa ganga her - framm ^ syner hennar fyr nefnder, 
reister af dau^a, e^a sannara orStak, at þeir voru 5 
roister til lifs af jarSar leir, ok þó voru |>eir nú ^ bæ'Si 
væner ok vel haldner í valdi ok ver^leikum vors 
Drottins astvinar Thome erkibyskups. Mun ^ vel 
skiljanda uianni synast einkanliga íVammkvæmt ^ í 
J?essu dyr^arverki J?at, er fyr me^ or'Sum vors Herra 10 
Jesu Kristi var lesit i vitruninne, at slikt vald, sem 
harm gaf Petre postula voldugum Jons syni, þvílíkt 
mundi " hann gefa vir^uligum Thome Kantúariensi.^ 
Annan skilning ma l?ann lei^a af þessu dýr"Sartákne, 
hversu milde heilags Thome skin meS himnesku Ijose, 15 
ef hann hefer dau'San lifgat fyrer bæn Jess manns, 
er omakligastr var á ^ jar^riki fyrer ofsokn ok utleg^er, 
fyrst honnm sjalfam ok þar út^^ ífrá bæ-Si frændum 
ok óskyldum/^ meS svo hör^u ^- grim Jarbatri, at 
sjálfr dauSinn skýldi ^^ mörgurn ^^ af ]?eir;i safna^i, sera 20 
nú^ var litlu lesit af tveimr bræ^ruixi, Cipriano ok 

pessa grein eignast me^ öllu ^^ Heinrekr konungr 
gamli. Hann reiÖ um ^^ dag at skemta sér ^^ meÖ 
death by a fálka á fuö'lavei^i, ok einn kertissveinn, röskr^^ ma*Sr 25 

norse, is o ^ 

called to rann me^ honum á fæti. pa^an efiör^ist svo hættliga, 

life asrain. ^ ^ ^^ _ ö ' 

at kornhestr konungsins slær fætinum til mannsins 
svo snart ^^ á mi^jan kvi^inn, at þegar lágu i^ren úte. 

smitteu to 

^ epterfaur, T. 

2 kier, T. 

3 fram, T. 
^ íiv, T. 

^ Mvn, T. 

^ framkuœmt, T. 

' munndi, T. 

^ Kantvariensi, T. 

^ á, so Prof. Unger; om. in T. 

»0 uth, T. 

11 oskylldvm, T. 

12 haurdu,T. 

13 skylldí, T. 

1* maurgum, T. 

15 aullu, T. 

16 vm, T. 

17 sier, T. 

i^ rauskr, T. 
19 snart, T. 


heareth that she is being followed ; whereat she feareth 
no less than before, until her fright flieth away, and re- 
joicing filleth her heart, for now step forward on either 
side of her her sons aforenamed risen from the dead, or, 
in more fitly chosen words, the aforenamed men were 
raised from the clay of the earth, yet being now none 
the less both goodly to behold, and well protected under 
the power and merits of the well-beloved fi'iend of our 
Lord the archbishop Thomas. 

Now to a man who hath a will to understand, it will 
seem clear, that this glorious miracle showetli forth most 
chiefly a proof of that which was read in the vision 
before, concerning the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
that the same power which he gave to Peter, the mighty 
son of Jonah, the very same he would give to the worthy 
Thomas of Canterbury. 

Another lesson may also be drawn from this glorious 
miracle, to wit, how the mercy of the holy Thomas must 
needs shine in heavenly brightness, if indeed he did call 
to life a dead man, through the prayer of one who of all 
men in the world was the least deserving; being the 
very one who had persecuted and enforced banishment, 
in the first instance on Thomas himself, and, moreover, 
on not only his own kinsfolk, but on those as well who 
were not of kin to him ; and that with such hard hatred 
and cruelty, that death only sheltered many of their 
number, as indeed was read just now concerning the two 
brothers Ciprianus and Gustus. 

This clause appertaineth altogether to Henry, the old 
king. One day as he rode out a-hunting with falcon 
to divert himself, a certain page, a brisk man, happened 
to accompany him on foot. Hence this misfortune befell, 
that the king's courser struck his foot so hard against 
the abdomen of the man, that the inwards rolled out 

170 TEIK^S ?±C-± 

SET •* \.^ySl1TL[ 

1 uy ■{ : ^sa&.. 

:=^ 15 




^ T 

. Ma 

^LJil - 


e» beil' 



' - . (' I '■ _ . 

3 JGEíeáM^X. 


^ 1— riiif T. 


M ««i«r,Mr!ra£i:ik9er;«iii.ÍBT. 

*tmmmkn:'- 7 

» ^^0- T. 

3:^ JÍÉ,T. 




forthwith. This mishap the king grieveth sorely, though 
he was hard of heart beyond most men. And hence 
there pervadeth his guilty soul such boldness that he 
falleth on his knee, and sendeth up a prayer to the holy 
Thomas to be merciful enough to call to his mind 
whether at any time he had been well pleased with his 
dealings, and to afford such cure in this troublous case as 
that the young man might be brought to life again. 
What more, but the king soon thereafter seeth with his 
own eyes, having retired to some distance from the body, 
how a man dressed in bishop's robes steppeth up to the 
young man whereas he lieth reft of life on the field. 
This bishop stoopeth down over the man, laying on him 
his hand after the fashion of one who waketh a man up 
from his sleep. This matter cometh to an end in such a 
manner, that the bishop vanisheth, and he riseth up who 
was dead already. Tlien king Henry, stepping nearer, 
asketh how it fare with him. But the young man, 
making before him the sign of the cross, said that he had 
slept as soundly as if some great heaviness had been upon 
him from the time the horse smote him. The king 
answereth that here an event had befallen which was of 
far more weighty nature than a merely natural sleep ; 
'' nay, indeed, archbishop Thomas hath bestowed on us 
" his mercy and restored thee to life." 

Shortly afterwards the king visited the resting place 
of the hoi}' Thomas, walking barefoot three miles to the 
city, and making an offering of seven marks of silver, 
and three marks of gold. 

It behoveth here to call to mind, although it be found 
recorded in many places among the stories of holy men, 
that when the Lord God desireth his friends to be espe- 
cially glorified in the church by holiness and mighty 



standa ^ bæner syndugra manna, at þeira dýr^arfullr 
ver^Íeikr skíne svo yfer jarSríki sem fyrer hans aug- 
liti. Enn veiter Thomas erkibyskup Heinreki konungi 
fleire velgjör'Ser, sem í því lýsizt, sem hér ^ fylger. 

King Louis 
VII. dies, 

Philip II. 
succeeds to 
the throne. 

The young 
king Henry 
his father, 

KAP. C. 5 

Af Hlödve^ Frakka konungi. 

Svo byrjar þetta mál, at ágætr lierra Loviss Frakka 
konungr, ástsamligr vin bins heilaga Thome erkibysk- 
ups gekk framm * ahnenningsveg til fe^ra sinna ok 
var grepta^r í mustere vorrar fm ^ Gu'Ss mó^ur, því 10 
er hann hafée eflt^ ok tignat fogrum ^ presentum. 
Af hans ágætri utferiS ^ er svo bjart ^ til frasagnar ok 
lystiligt, at hans legsta^r birtist ^^ me'S hjartteignum. 
Tok þá konungdóm í Franz fyr nefndr Philippus 
son hans. Hann var litillar heilsu ok kendi líkþrár, 15 
ok J>ann krankdom þyngdi me^ honum ár af are, J?ar 
til sem ender^^ gjoi^ist a, sem si^ar mun sagt verSa. 
Enn nu er fyrst at venda til Engiands, at Hein- 
rekr konungr ungi^^ mægist vit Philippum Frakka 
konung ok eflisb þar fyrer bæSi til lands ok fylgis. 20 

Li^a nu ^^ svo timar, at fölnan ^^ fellr í frændsemi 
)?eira fe^ga, svo at margar greiner ok metna^arhot 
me"S vondra manna me^algongu ^^ ok syndagjaldi^^ 
gamla konungs verSr J?eim til askihia'Sar, ok ]?at efne 
þrutnar ^^ svo mi^il þeira me'S afskapligum hætti, at 25 
a fimmta ^^ are efter ^^ pisl bins sæla Thome erkibysk- 

^ stannda, T. 

2 hier, T. 

3 Hlaudve, T. 

4 /ram, T. 
Ó frv, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger 

7 Jaugrum, T. 

8 vthferd, T. 

9 So Prof. Unger 
Í0 birttizt,T. 

elft, T. 

biortt, T. 

^^ ennder, T. 
^'^ vngi, T. 

13 nv, T. 

14 faulnan, T. 

1^ medalgaungu, T. 
1^ synddgialldi, T. 

17 þruttnar, T. 

18 ^ffiía, T. 

15 epter,T, 


miracles. He nowise alloweth the prayers of sinful man 
to withstand their glorious merits shinincr abroad on 
earth even as they shine before His own countenance. 

Archbishop Thomas bestoweth still further benefits on 
king Henry, as will appear even from things hereinafter 


Of Louis king of the French. 

Here beginneth a story, which telleth how the excel- 
lent lord Louis, king of the French, and a dearly beloved 
friend of archbishop Thomas, went the common way of 
all flesh to his fathers, and was buried in the minster of 
our Lady, God's mother, the which he had endowed and 
magnified by fair presents. Of his laudable departure 
the bright and sweet rumour went forth, that his resting 
place shone in deeds of miracles. After him his son 
Philip aforenamed succeeded to the kingdom of France. 
He was a man of feeble health, being afilicted with 
leprosy, v/hich illness gi-ew on him more heavily from 
year to year, until it came to the pitch of which the tale 
will be told hereafter. But it behoveth to turn to 
England, where the young king Henry becometh allied 
by marriage unto Philip, king of the French, and thereby 
groweth mightier both as to lands and lordly power. 

Now as time weareth on, the love between father and 
son beginneth to fade away, inasmuch as many ditfer- 
ences and deeds of ambition, together with the mischief- 
making of evil persons, and the curse of sin which lay 
upon the old king, all serve to estrange them from 
each other ; which matter swelleth between them to so 
abominable a degree, that in the fifth year after the 
passion of the blessed archbishop Thomas it cometb to a 


lips halda^ j^eir syo ófrændsamligt strí'S, at þeir 
búast í höggoröstu - me^ fylktu li^i. Enn þeira 
stjifa vai^ eigi líkr, ]?ví at ungi^ konungr hefer til 
fylgis bæ'Si mág sinn Frakka konung, ok J^ar me^ 
Heurythe Skota konunof. I mót þessum ^ iii. bofSino-ium ^ befer 5 

youns allies . . ^*^ 

himself with gamli konuno^r seni eina bönd*^ fulla, bví at bæ^i 
of Scotland vaidsmenn ' ok aimuo^mn i hnofiandi fylofer noniim 

and Louis »/ o 

vn. of eiffi. enn ^ lætr bann fullkomlio^a sér ® at baki, svo 

Frauce. ° ' ° . . 

at varla má sá finnast, at riú veiti bonum fullan 
trúnat. Er nú svo komit málit, at Skota konimofr 10 
me^ sínum styrk er icn kominn í England, því at 
konungs ríkin Skotlands ok Engiands skilr ei meira 
enn einn fjallgai^r ok lögr ^^ einn harla mjór. Enn 
Frakka konungr bjóst ^^ til skipa sunnan nm ^ sjó, ]?ví 
at sú er ætlan þeira konunganna at hafa gamla kon- 15 
nno: fanginn ok af flettan öllum^'^ sæmdum. 
Henry II. Emi er hann hevrer, sem bann er staddr íyrer sunn- 
penance at an sió, hversu beimnnn herder sio- í mot-"-^ honum 

Canterburv, " ^ 

bæ^i til báska lífs ok sæmda, óttast bann efter ^^ mann- 
dóms bætti at falla svo bæ^iliga^^ fp-er sínum ó\T.n- 20 
\\m, SYO ríkr ok ujopreistr sem bann baf^i lengi ^^ 
farit, ok bvert rá^ er bann megi reisa í móti þvílíkum 
YO^a, finnr hann falslaust, J?ví at ]:'at brást bonum 
eigi. pat er svo fallit, at bann minnist a þá elsku/^ 
sem for^um baföi verit -^^ í milium bans ok bins beilao-a 25 
Tbomam, ]>á er bann var ^^ bans kancelier, fp-er þessa 
endi'minning ok einkanliga -^ saker myskunnar, er veitt- 

1 hailda, T. 

2 hauggoraustu, T. 

3 tmgi, T. 

^ þessvm, T. 
^ haufdingium, T. 
6 Aaw7i(f, T. 

' So Prof. Unger ; ualldzmann, 

8 €?^i e/in added bv Prof. Unger. 

9 si'er, T. 

10 /ai/^r, T. 

11 biodzt, T. 

1- rni, T. 

13 aullum, T. 

1^ »io//i, T. 

15 ef>/er, T. 

1^ So Prof. Unger ; hadilig, T. 

1' leingi, T. 

18 elskv, T, 

19 rerííA, T. 

-0 ^<a72w far added bv Prof. 

21 einkannliga, T. 


quarrel between them, so unbecoming of kinsmen, that 
they make ready for a pitched battle Avith armies drawn 
up in fighting order on either side. Their strength was 
unequal, inasmuch as the young king had for allies both 
the king of the French and therewithal the king of the 
Scotch. Against these three lords the old king had but 
a handfnl of meu, as it were, the lords as well as the 
commonalty of England not attending him, but turniag 
their back upon him altogether, so that scarcely might 
one be found, who would now serve him in full fealty. 
Even so far had the matter proceeded now, that the king 
of the Scotch, with his force, had entered England, the 
two realms of Scotland and England being parted by no 
other division than a mountain range and a certain water 
right narrow. But the king of the French prepared an 
expedition from south beyond sea, it being the design of 
the kings to take the old king prisoner, and to deprive 
him of all his honour. 

But (king Henry) hearing, as he was sojourning south 
beyond sea, with what hardihood the world bestirred itself 
against him, aiming at the peril of his life and the undoing 
of his honour, he dreadeth, after the nature of man, to fall 
in an inglorious manner before his enemies, so masterful 
and so lordly as he had long borne himself before. Now 
the resolution that he taketh with a view to opposing 
this danger, he fincleth to be in no manner a vain one, 
for it failed him in no wise. And this was even the 
nature of that resolution, that he called to mind the love 
that formerly had been between him and the holy 
Thomas, when he was the king's chancellor, and in the 
remembrance of this, and especially for the sake of the 



ist Í mannzins lífgjöf, sem fyr var skrifat, treystist 
hans hjarta ^ nú í annan tíma at kalla til liins 
heilaga Thomani. Ok me'S því byrjar hann sina pila- 
grims ferö sunnan um ^ sjo at sækja til Kantúaríam. 
Ok sem fyrst ser ^ hami til ^ staöarins, stígr hann 5 
ni^r af hestinum ok afklæSist öllu ^ konungsskrú^i, 
tekr síSan fátækligan ^ kyrtil,'^ geingr si^an berrfættr 
framm ^ til ]?eirar kirkju, er astvinr Guos dyrka^i enn 
at nyju bæöi me^ bló^i sínu^ ok björtum^^ hjart- 
teignum. par vaker konungr um^ nóttina me^ bænnm 10 
ok ákalle til Gu'Ss ok heilags Thómam. Enn lun"^ 
morgininn lieyrer hann messu ok stendr^^ berrfættr 
at heuni, ok efter ^^ liana sungna nefner hann sér ^ 
vætti fyrer öllum^^ áheyrindum Qærverundum, at 
hann tekr aftr^"* ok ónýter allar þær skipaner ok si's- 15 
venjur, sem þeim erkibyskupi hafSi missætti ^^ af 
staöit, gjörandi^^ p»etta enn at nýju allt^^ opinbert/^ 
sem fyr haf^i hann játat kardinalibus. Hér ^^ me^ 
leggr hann sjálfan sig ok sitt líki under vald ok 
vernd hins heilaga Thóme erkibysknps. Ok þetta allt 20 
saman heyrer sá bleza^r Gu^s ma-Sr, þar sem hann 
stendr á fjalle uppi, efter^"^ j^ví sem sjálfum ^^ honum 
sýndist í svefne for^um í Franz. pat fjall er Jesús 
Kristus sté á, er hvirfill yfer öllum^^ fjöllum, J?at er 
at skilja dýrSarkonungT yfer öUuni ^^ helgum Thomas 25 
erkibyskup samtengdi-^ sig þessu fjalli. pann fugla- 

1 hiartta, T. 

•- vm, T. 

^ sier, T. 

■* til, added by Prof. Unger ; it 
makes the context clearer, but it 
may be doubted that it ever stood 

^ aullu, T. 

^ fatœMegann^ T. 

^ kyrttil, T. 

8 /raw, T. 

^ sinv^ T. 

10 biorttum, T. 

11 stenndr, T. 

12 epter, T. 

13 aiillum, T. 
1^ aptr, T. 

1^ After ynissœtti T. adds hafdi. 

1^ gioranndi, T. 

1' alltt, T. 

1^ opinhertt, T. 

19 Hier, T. 

"*^ So U. ; sialum, T. 

"1 samieingdi, T. 


mercy that had been shown him in the restoration to 
life of the man whereof the tale hath been written 
already, his heart felt bold now again to call unto the 
holy Thomas. Therewithal he starteth on a pilgrimage 
from south beyond sea to visit the city of Canterbury. 
And as soon as he catcheth the first sight of the city, he 
dismounteth from his horse, and putteth away all his 
kingly raiment, whereupon he taketh on a poor kirtle, 
and then walketh barefoot unto the church which God's 
beloved one once more giori6ed both by his blood and 
bright miracle?. There the king watcheth during the 
night in prayers and invocations to God and the holy 
Thomas. But the next morning he heareth mass, 
whereat he standeth in bare feet, and when that had 
been sung he calleth unto him witnesses, in the hearing 
of the whole cono-reoation there assembled, and abro- 
gateth and undoeth all the ordinances and customs which 
had been the cause of enmity between him and the 
bishop, thus making all public which befoie he yielded 
to the cardinals. Therewithal he commendeth himself and 
his realm to the power and protection of the holy arch- 
bishop Thomas. And unto all this giveth ear the blessed 
God's man, whereas he standeth upon the mountain, even 
according to the vision which appeared unto him in his 
sleep aforetime in France. The mountain which Jesus 
Christ ascended is the head of all other mountains, and the 
vision is so to be understood, as that the glorious king of 
all other saints, archbishop Thomas, associated himself 
with this mountain. The swarm of birds which crowded 




:Qölda er flykktist-'- at Heinreke konungi honum til 
meina, J^at er fjolmenne ok herfólk, er nii safnast 
lionum á mot,- )?esser aller dreifast \r6s vegar, því at 
heilagr Thomas rermr ni^r af fjallinu ^ at hjálpa kon- 
iino'inum Die^S sinum dyi^arlioum verSleikum. Enn 5 
hvat merker fyrer j^ann eina mann, er í drauminum 
sto'S at styrkja fuglana konuDgi til ófæru, Frakka 
konungr e^a Heinrekr ungi,^ viljum^ vær eigi dæma, 
J?ví at greinin haUast til beggja. pat flytr unga konung 
under ]?ySing, at fa^er bans var af honum ómaklig- 10 
astr motgangS;^ enn Frakka konuEg " lei^er )?at und- 
er glosu,^ er sa ma"Sr fekk ^ snart^^ s^n.pubögg -^^ af 
Thomase, enda^- fær hann í þann sama púnkt svo 
snarpan sjúkdóm, at hann sezt-^^ aftr^^ ok er hvergi 
fær.-^^ Svo frjálsast gamli konungr, sem synin forspá^i, 15 
af allri ogn ok otta sinna ovina fyrer ver^leik vors 
Drottins ^vinar. Ok þegar sem hann fregnar, at 
Frakka konungr er fratekinn, er ]?vílíkt, sem alb.' 
stormr falli í hurt, valdsmenn^^ ok almúgi halla^^ sig 
aftr^^ til fyrra^^ go'Svilja hann at hefja ok honum 20 
fylgja. He^an ^^ gjörist svo, at beggja viner gangi ^^ 
Í me^al þeira fe"Sga, svo at sættarfundr er skipa^r. 
A þeim fundi styrkja )?eir fe%ar meS sonnum -^ fri^i 
sina fi'ændsemi. par fylger sú raSagjoi-S, at ]7eii' 
bá^er samt^- skulu draoja landher at Skotakonuno-i ,25 
at hann hafi makliga kaupfer^ ut af rikinu. petta 

Í Jlycktizt, T. 

= moth, T. 

3 fiallinv, T. 

^ vngi, T. 

* vilivm, T. 

^ moihgangs, T. 

'' So Prof. Unger ; konungr^ T. 

s glosv, T. 

9 fieck, T. 

10 snartt, T. 

11 suipiihaugg, T. 

12 ennda, T. 

13 setzt, T. 

1-^ aptr, T. 

15 far, T. 

1^ vaUzmeJui, T. 

17 So Prof. Unger; hala, T. 

IS fi/ra, T. 

19 Hieda?}, T. 

'^ Prof. Unger alters this 3 sing, 
subj. into the corresponding indica- 
tive iorm., ganga ; it makes smoother 
grammar, but nothing else calls for 
the change. 

-1 saunnvm, T. 

« samttf T. 


round king Henry to hurt him signifieth the war host 
which now gathereth against him : but all these now 
become dispersed far and wide, because of holy Thomas 
descending from the mountain to help the king with his 
glorious merits. But whether that one man who in the 
dream stood urging the birds to compass the king's 
ruin, may signify the king of the French or Henry the 
young, we will not decide, inasmuch as the matter may 
apply to both. The young king may be signified for 
this reason, that from him his father was least deserving 
of rebellion. But the king of the French may be under- 
stood to be meant, because the man (in the dream) 
received a smarting blow from Thomas' rod ; and withal 
the French king caught at this time so fierce an illness 
that he desisted and could move nowhere. Thus the old 
king was delivered, even as the vision predicted, from all 
fear and awe of his enemies through the merit of the 
friend of our Lord. And straightway as he heareth that 
the king of the French hath fallen back, it appeareth as 
if all the storm that was brewing died away suddenly, 
while men in authority as well as the commonalty return 
to their former goodwill towards the kiug in exalting 
him again and according him their allegiance. Hence it 
cometh to pass, that the friends of both father and son 
go between them and bring it about that a peace-meeting 
was settled upon. At this meeting father and son agreed 
both to draw together an army against the king of the 
Scotch, and give a deserved speed to his journey back 
out of the kingdom. And it cometh to pass, that they 

M 2 


ferr framm,-^ at þeir elta - Skotakonung hurt ^ af 
Englandi, ok þar upp yfer vinna þeir mikit hervirki 
a hans riki bæ'Si me'S eldi ok vopnum. 
Archbishop gyo stó^ liiiiii heilao^i Thómas hiá gamla konunsri í 

Thomas ® . , 

appears in v>essari l>raut, sem nú ^ var greint, ok bó lætr hann 5 

dreams to J^ r ^ ^ o :> j 

king Henry, ^i her ^ Ivktast sína elsku vi^ hann, bvi at hann 

inducing *' ^ ' 

himtomend i3Íj.^ist,6 honum Í draumi me^ rei'Suoiio'u yferbrao-gi, 

his ways. . . o ' 

segjandi ^ berum oi^um, at bans illgjörSer svo 
storar gjöra hann í burt ^ úr ^ aUra kristinna raanna 
von, utan hann taki sig under ^ svo beiska i^ran ok 10 
alvarliga me^ pisl ok har^retti, sem ]?eim manne heyr- 
er, er svo Ijothga leiddi sina lifdaga. Ok til marks 
her ^ um ^^ gaf honum til vitnis, at á sömu ^^ nótt, 
sem hann geingi af sæng, mundi hann brjota sina 
hönd,^^ ok þat sama fylldist. Snerist konungrinn ]?á 15 
fyrer þessi ógnaror'S til fremri i"Sranar enn fyr me^ 
l.ungT ok hárklæ^i, }>ar til at bleza^r ^^ Thomas 
birtist ^ i annat sinn ok er nú heldr bli'Sari, segjandi ^ 
svo, at nú hafi hann fengit ^^ nökkura ^^ lífs von 
fyrer augliti bins heilaga dómara ok eilifa, ef hann 20 
spiller ei um ^^ he^an ^^ af pessa efasemd, er heilagT 
Thomas setti síöast til gamla konungs, ok af annari 
grein versa þann hinn syi^giliga, er sjalfum Thomase 
birtist ^ i Franz, sem fyr var lesit, latum vær J?at 
muna, at ongva ^^ dirfö e'Sr dom viljum vær a leggja, 25 
hversu ^^ hann hefer farit úr^ )7essu lifi, því at hann 
reiknast a me^al þeira manna, er Gu^s þolinmæ^i hafa 
reynt i fremsta lagi bæ^i fyrir lögbrot ^^ ok óhlý^ni, 

1 fram, T. 
3 eUta,T, 
« burtt, T. 
< nv, T. 
» hier, T. 
« hirttizt, T. 
' seigiajidi, T. 

8 vr, T. 

9 vndir, T. 


1^ saumv, T. 

1' AaM«(/, T. 

^2 So Prof. Unger ; bezadr, T. 


^5 nauckura, T. 

1« hiedan,T. 

^7 aungua, T. 

^8 hversv, T. 

19 laughrot, T. 


chase the king of the Scotch out of England, whereupon 
they wreak great ravages hi his realm both by fii^e and 

In such a manner the holy Thomas stood by the old 
king in this trial, even as was related just now ; yet by 
this he alloweth his love for him not to come to an end, 
for he appeareth to him in a dream with a fro^vning 
countenance, saying unto him in plain words, that his 
many great misdeeds must needs deprive him of every 
hope cherished by christian people, unless he undergo 
such a bitter and earnest penitence with penance and 
chastisement as behoveth one who leads such an evil life 
as he did. And as a token of this warning he told the 
king that that very night, on going out of bed, he would 
break his arm ; the which also was fulfilled. Now by 
these words of warning the king turned to repentance 
more earnestly than he had done before, fasting and 
wearing the hair-cloth, until the blessed Thomas ap- 
peareth to him once again, being this time more blithe of 
countenance than before, announcing to him that now he 
might have some hope of life before the face of the holy 
and eternal Judge, if henceforward he injure in no way 
his present state. To this condition, last expressed by 
the holy Thomas to the old king, on one side, and on 
the other to that verse of sad burden, which Thomas 
himself heard in a vision in France, as was read before, 
we accord such consideration as to abstain fi'om the pre- 
sumption of passing any judgment on the manner in 
which he departed this life, for he is counted among the 
men who tried God's lonor-sufferin4i to the utmost, both 
by their trespasses of the law and their disobedience in 



such Aisions 
king Henry 
towards the 
chiu'ch of 

ok til þess at efterkomandi -^ forSist því framar ]?vílík 
dæmi, lætr Drottinn ^ oftliga,^ sem ritningar greina, 
þess háttar manna frammför ^ allann tima heilagri 
kristne okunna vera. Enn ^ til dyr'Sar sælurn Thómasi 
erkibyskupi ma þat vel triiast ^ fyrer þá hluti,^ sem '^ 
nil ^ ha fa næst lesner verit, at mjukliga mun ^ hann 
hafa frammi staöit fyrer valdinu, ef konungrinn var 
meS nokkurum^^ hætti disponera^r til andligrar^^ 
myskiinnar, ok fyrer sitt bló^ ok bana ma harm þegit 
hafa, at þat sé^^ falslaust, er iinnst í sumum bokum ^^ ^^ 
af iöran koniingsins, ]?at fyrst at hann lag-^i ástú^ 
til kirkjunnar í Kanncia skipandi J;angat me^ anefndu 
æskiligt ^* offr í galle ok silfri, ame^an hann lif'Si, ok 
her^^ me^ at hann hafi skilit vit drottninguna, gefit 
upp allt rikit syni sinum ^^ ok geingit í hreinlífra '^ 
manna safnat eSa einvister. Nú^ ef J>etta er satt, 
mun hinn heilagi Thomas svo hafa um geingit me^ 
sinum verSleik vit -^^ Gu'S, at þat hafi konungrinn 
J7egit, sem ölP^ hans málaskifti^^ lágu viSr, at hann 
hafi sannliga gratit sina gie^i me'S hinum ^^ sæla DavíiS ^^ 
konungi ok signa'Sri Marie Magdalene.^^ Ma þat ok 
vel segja,^"^ ef Thomas erkibyskup hefer haft '^^ í fylgi 
me'S ser^^ her^^ um ^^ unnustu sina, Gu'Ss mo^ur^^ 
Mariu,^^ tekr brutt ^^ allan efa, at pa hefer Heinrekr 
konungr fengit ^^ go^a daga. Ma ok svo nelzt mykja 25 

^ epterkomande ^ T. 

2 drottin, T. 

^ So Prof. linger ; oplega, T. 

* framfaur, T. 

» En, T. 

6 trvast, T. 

7 hlvti, T. 

8 ny, T. 

9 mvn, T. 

10 nauckurum, T. 

11 annligrar, T. 

12 sie, T. 

13 bokvm, T. 

1* So Prof. Unger ; œskligt T. 
1^ hier, T. 

1^ So Prof. Unger; synum, T. 
'7 vith, T. 

18 aull, T. 

19 malaskifte, T. 

20 hinvm, T. 

21 So Prof. Unger ; Magdale only 

22 seigia, T. 

23 haftt, T. 

24 sier, T. 

25 r7n, T. 

26 modr, T. 
2" il/brni;, T. 
25 6ry«, T. 
29 feingit, T. 


other ways. And in order that posterity should the more 
surely avoid such examples, the Lord often taketh care, 
even as scripture witnesseth, that the end of such men 
should be unknown to holy church through all ages. 
But for the glory of the blessed archbishop Thomas it 
may well be believed that, by the means of which we 
have read abeady, he must needs have meekly con- 
fronted the royal power, if the king showed himself 
in any manner disposed for spiiitual mercy, and to 
his blood and death it may indeed be truly due, which 
is found written in some books concerning his repent- 
ance, to wit, firstly, that he turned a loving mind 
towards the church of Canterbury, bequeathing to it by 
a deed a goodly offering in gold and silver during his 
lifetime, and secondly, that he divorced the queen, gave 
up the whole realm to his son, and betook himself to a 
convent of men of pure living, or became a hermit. 

Now if this should be true, it must needs follow, that 
the holy Thomas by his merits interceded with God, so 
as to bring the king into a state of mind on which all 
his affairs depended, namely, that he truly repented him 
of his pleasures in company with the blessed king David 
and the blessed Mary Magdalene. And it may well be 
assumed if the archbishop Thomas was herein aided by 
his bride, God's mother Mary, that all doubt must be 
removed as to king Henry having come by a good end 



All people 
in England, 
high and 
low, desire 
to have 

versa þann, er heilagr Thomas heyr^e frammsag'SaD/ 
at me^ Ijosum ritningum hafa marger hluter svo 
verit fyrerætla^er af Gu'Si,^ at þeir skyldu eflast í 
sina frammkvæmd ^ ok eigi ver'Sa ö^ru * vegs enn 
me^ bæn ok ver^leik heilagra. Veitti ok Drottinn ^ 
svo langan^ tima Heinreki konungi til i^ranar, at 
hann lif^i full átján ár ok anda^ist ^ a nítjánda efter^ 
fall ok heimfer^ Thome erkibyskups til hinmarikis. 

Enn nu skal hé^an^ víkja til J>ess, er fyre var, at 
Heinrekr konungr ungi ok Jon erkibyskup ok |?ar 10 
meö valdsmenn ^ ok allr almugi í landinu hefer einn ^^ 
ok sama vilja til lofs ok dyr^ar hinum signa^a Thome 
erkibyskupi, at svo sem hann birtist margfaldliga ^^ 
bleza^r me'S velgjor'Sum ok allskonar hjartteignum ^^ 
vi^ folkit nær ok fjarre ^^ utau ^* lands ok innan, svo 15 
dýrkist^^ hann í heilagri kirkju af ollum ^*^ kristnum 
monnum^^ me^ vir'Suligu hátí^arhaldi/^ sem hann sam- 


fyrer takn 

heilögum ^^ 

mönnum -^^ í himin- 

Er vor Drottinn. 


A council is Sem Fsú tí'S ^^ kom, er vor Drottinn Jesús Kristus 
the purpose vilde sælan Thómam svo ve^samast lata \^er iarSríki, 

of request- . . . . 

ing the pope sem hann var me'S honum haleitliga vir^r i eilifu ^^ 
archbishop ríki, skipar konungr ok erkibyskup almenniligan fund ^^25 

^ framsagdan, T. 
2 gvdi, T. 
' framkvœmd, T. 
4 avdru, T 

* langann, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; anndazdist, T. 
' epter, T. 

* hiedan, T. 

^ vallzmenn, T. 

10 So Prof. Unger ; ei nu, T. 

11 margfalldliga, T. 

12 hiarttegnvTHf T. 

1^ Jiare, T. 

14 vtan, T. 

15 dyrckizt,T. 

16 avUvm, T. 

17 maunnum, T. 

1^ hatidahalldi, T. 
1^ heilaugum, T. 

20 himiriki, T. 

21 So Professor Unger ; sotin, T. 

22 So Professor Unger ; ilifvy T. 
2^ /ynd, T. 


And the verse which the holy Thomas heard pronounced 
may perchance be susceptible of a somewhat milder in- 
terpretation than its burden implies, by the consideration 
that, according to plain scripture, many things have been 
pre-ordained by God to come to pass in one certain way, 
from which their course of fulfilment may not deviate, 
unless prayers and merits of saints intercede. And, 
wdthal, the Lord granted king Henry so long a respite 
for repentance, that he lived for full eighteen years, and 
died in the nineteenth, after the fall and departure liome 
to the kingdom of heaven of archbishop Thomas. 

But now let us turn from these matters to things 
which took place before ; to wit, how the young king 
Henry and archbishop John, together with men in au- 
thority and the whole commonalty of the land, become 
of one mind to give praise and glory to the blessed arch- 
bishop Thomas, so that even as he appeareth manifoldly 
blessed in good deeds and all manner of miracles to the 
folk far and near, inland as well as abroad, so even shall 
he be worshipped in holy church by all christian people, 
with worthy feasts, being, through his miracles, counted 
among the saints in the kingdom of heaven. 


When our Lord. 

When the time came that our Lord Jesus Christ would 
let the holy Thomas be glorified throughout earth in a 
manner answering to the exalted honour in which he 
was held by Him in the eternal kingdom, the king and 
the archbishop summon a general council in England of 



Í Eno'landi ^ allsliattar sbetbar lær^ra ok leikinanna. 
Messengers Á ^ ]7eim fundi er bat ^taSfesb meS blezaa ^ GuSs ok 
to Rome. • sam]?ykkt allra go^ra mauna, at seadiboSar meí 
bréfum^ ok bænarorSnoa^ herra konungsins ok allrar 
alþýSu skulu gjorast til kuriam til Alexsandrum pifa 5 
me^ þeire frammferS^ ok flafcningi, at signa^r 
Thomas erkibjskup leiddist í samsveit heilagra manna 
fyrer J/at postuligt vald, er Jesus Kristus gaf páfanum 
til þvílíkra stórliluta. Ok svo sem þeir fóru ^ ok 
framm^ kvomu^ tjande dýrligar hjartteigner fyrer 10 
sjálfum lierra pafanum, ma ]?vi hver goSr ma^r nær 
geta, hversu gla^liga heilug Roma kirkja mundi taka 
þessnm erindum, því at sá sem málefnin eignast, er 
svá frægr í kristninni af sta^festi ok J^olinmæ^i, vand- 
læti-^^ ok heilogu lifi, sem hann bære skínanda Ijós 15 
í sínum höndum ^^ fyrer hvers manns hugskoti. Enn 
}?at er bækr vikja til; at þetta nytsemdarerindi ^^ 
fære nökkiit ^^ seinna, enn flesta mundi vara, má þat 
vitrum manni Ijóst verSa, hva^an leiddi, rétt af því 
Aj-ciibisiiop romverska rá^uneyti, er herra páfann afleiddi fyrer 20 
canomzed þat fylgi ok efterlæti,^^ sem nökkiirir ^^ kardinalis 
Wednesday, höf^u ^^ ólöodiora ^" veitt Heinrekl konuncri. Ok l?á 

Marcli 13, . . . . . . ^ 

1173. frammkvæmdi ^^ Drottinn sinn vilja í þessii máli ok 

skipa^ri tí^, þat er at skilja in capite ieiunii/^ því at 
þann sama dag efter^^ evangelium ^^ geingr sjálfr herra 25 

^ Einglandi, T. 
' Aa, T. 

3 hlezann, T. 

4 brefvm, T. 

^ bænarordum, T. 

^ framferde^ T. Prof. Unger 
reads framfer^, which is the com- 
mon form. Framfer^i is also a 
common form, ©nly it occurs no- 
where else, so far as I know, as a 

' fori', T. 

8 fram, T. 

^ kuomv, T. 

1'' So altered by Professor Unger, 

in all probability correctly ; uann- 
mætti, i.e. feebleness, T., which can- 
not be meant. 

1^ haundum, T. 

^■^ nyttsemdar, T. 

^3 naiickut, T. 

" epterlœti, T. 

^^ nauckurir, T. 

16 hatifdu, T. 

1' olaugliga, T. 

1^ frdmkvœmdi, T. 

1^ i.e., Ash- Wednesday, March 13, 

2^ epter, T. 

'1 ewafigelium, T. 


folk of all manner of stations, lay and learned. At this 
council it is resolved, by the blessing of God and consent 
of all good people, to send messengers, bearing letters 
and messages by word of mouth from the king and the 
whole commonalty, who shall proceed to the court of pope 
Alexander, to plead and bring it about that the blessed 
archbishop Thomas be received into the ^community of 
saints by the apostoHc authority which Christ Jesus gave 
unto the pope for such weighty matters. Now travelling 
on this errand, and arriving in Rome, the messengers 
expound unto the lord pope himself the glorious miracles, 
and any man of good will may understand how gladly 
the holy church of Rome received their messages ; for he, 
whom alone the matter concerneth, is so far-famed in 
the church for his steadfastness and patience, his zeal 
and holy manner of life, as if he carried in his hand a 
shining light unto the soul of every man. But seeing it 
hinted at in books that this profitable errand sped some- 
what more slowly than most folk could have anticipated, 
it will be clear to any wise man whence that delay must 
needs have arisen, from that Roman council, to wit, which 
strove to lead the lord pope astray by that favour and 
obsequiousness which certain cardinals had accorded to 
king Henry. And yet the Lord brought His wiU to be 
done, in this case, and at the fixed time, in capite jejunii, 
to wit ; for on that same day, after the gospel, the lord 



pafinn Die^ sinum ^ bræ^rum kardínalibus upp ^ á 
kór, fly tj ancle sjálfr þetta hit hjálpsamliga erindi til 
lofs ok vir^ingar sælum Thómasi erkibyskupi, hversu 
hann striddi fyrer Gii^s kristne me"S útlegS ^ ok mein- 
gjoi^um, me^ saklausum dau^a, ok nú* gæddr Gu'Ss 5 
'sdnattu ^ skinandi me^ bjartteignnm.^ Efter ^ mild- 
an^ sermonem, sem honum likar, tok bann ser í 
hönd ^ þann lykil himinríkis/^ er Lausnari vor gaf 
Petri postula fyrstum ^^ dau^ligra manna her-^^ á jöröu, 
ok hverr ^'^ bans vikarius efter ^ annan beldr^^ ok befer 10 
me^ sömu ^^ röksemd ^^ at leysa ok upp - Ijúka, hvat 
er rettlæti digtar a himne ok jor^u. M.e^ svo dýrligu 
valdi ■'^ postuligrar roksemdar ^^ lei^er berra Alexsander 
páfi sælan píslarvott virMligan ^^ Tbómam erkibyskup 
inn í katbalogiam sanctorum, bjóSande af Gu^s álfu ] 5 
ok beilagra postula Petri ok Paulí, at bann dýrkist 
me^ lofsöngum -^ ok ábeitum, sem binn báleitasti -^ 
Gu'Ss vin. Ok svo sem þessi lögtekning -- beilags 
Tbóme for framnj -^ í sjálfri Petrs kirkju fyrer ótalleg- 
um -^ fjölda lærdóms ok leikmanna, befr sjálfr herra 20 
páfinn Tedeum, ok bann syngst lít-^ af kardinalibus 
ok lær^um mönnum -^ svo bátí'Sleofa -^ me^ brinofdum 
klukkum, sem vor Drottinn -^ Jesus Kristus lofa^e fyr 
í sinne beilagri kristne. Hér ^ efter^ skrifar berra 

^ sÍ7iv7n, T. 
- vpp, T. 

3 vthlegd, T. 

4 nv, T. 

^ vijiattv, T. 

^ hiarttegnvm, T. 

■ Epter, T. 

8 milldan, T. 

9 haund, T. 

10 himirikis, T. 

11 fyrstim, T. 

12 hier, T. 

13 huer, T. 

14 helldr, T. 

15 saumu, T. 

i^ rauksemd, T. 

1' Ha/M, T. 

18 rauksemdar, T. 

i^ virduligann, T. 

20 lofsaíingum, T. 

21 So Professor Unger ; haleilazta, 

22 laugteknmg, T. 

23 /mw, T. 

2"* otalegum, T. 

25 fí/i, T. 

2'' niauniuim, T. 

27 After hatidlega T. adds smo 

28 For i-or Drottinn T. has í/ro«- 
i7W ?/ors. 


pope himself goeth in company with his brethren, the 
cardinals, up into the chanceJ, himself deliverino- on this 
profitable subject a discourse to the praise and glory of 
the blessed archbishop Thomas, how he fouo-ht for God's 
church araid banishment and provocation and by his 
innocent death, but now did glory in God's love, and 
shine in mighty miracles. Having delivered a sweet 
sermon, as long as he thought fit, he took into his hand 
that key of the kingdom of heaven, which our Saviour 
gave unto the apostle Peter, first among all mortal men 
on this earth, and each of his vicars one after the other 
holdeth and keepeth, with the same authority to loose 
and to unlock wheresoever justice demandeth in heaven 
and on earth. With this glorious power of apostolic autho- 
rity the lord pope Alexander bringeth the blessed martyr, 
the worthy archbishop Thomas, into the catalogue of 
saints, ordaining on behalf of God and the holy apostles 
Peter and Paul, that he be worshipped with songs of 
praise and with vows as the most exalted among God's 
beloved friends. This canonisation of the holy Thomas 
having taken place in the very chm'ch of St Peter before 
a numberless multitude of learned men and layfolk, the 
very pope himself intoneth the Tedeum, which was sung 
to its end by the cardinals and the learned men, in so 
solemn a fashion amid ringing bells, as our Lord Jesus 
Christ of 3^ore gave permission to in his holy church. After 



páíiiin nor^r í England^ þat fagna^arletr,^ er allri 
landsbyg-S birtist;^ hvat Gu^ Drottinn liefer )?eim veitt 
Í sæmd ok sælan hei^r sins pislarvotts erkibyskups. 
pat bref formerast svo í nafne Gu^s. 

Pope Alex- 
auu ounces 
the canon- 
ization to 
the English 



Alexsander ^ pafi, jTJón )?jóna Gu"Ss, sender virSulegum 
bræ^rum ei kibyskupum ok lySbyskiipum ok ö^rum ^ 
kirkjunnar forstjorum ok hennar klerkum í England! ^ 
kve^ju "^ ok virSuliga blezan. Dyr^liga ilmar ySvart 10 
land ok enn heldr ^ oil ^ almennelig kristne af þeim 
bleza'Sa sætleik, er Gu^ eilifrar dyr^ar veiter ver^leika 
vir^uligs -^^ fööur/^ bins heilaga Tbome erkibyskups, er 
bæ^i finnst í sinu ^- lifi ^^ dásamligr ok dyr^arfullr. 
Ok me"S þvi at lifet skein me^ margföldii^^ blómi 15 
kraftanna/^ birti ^^ ]?at sama vor Drottinn makliga 
efter ^'^ bans sigrsamligan dau^a, er ^^ æskiligt er a at 
minnast, J^vilikt er bans var efsti dagr me^ frabaerum 
sigTÍ ok pry^i pislarvættis. Nu \6 at oil ^ efasemd se ^^ 
fjarre bans virSuligum beilagieik, vildi ^^ J>ó Lausnari 20 
vor ok Lavar^r Jesus Kristus tigulega birta ^^ bans 
fræg^ ^- ok ágæti me'S mörgum ^^ táknum . ok stórum 
bjartteignum efter ^"^ dauSann, til þess at aller megi 

^ EinyJand, T. 

- So Prof. Unger ; fagnadrletr, 

3 birttizt, T. 

^ This letter is dated Signiae 
(Segni) according to some in capite 
jejunii, seep. 186, note 19 ; accord- 
ing to others, iv Idus Martii, or 
March 12th, 1173 : Redolet Anglia 
fragrantia et virtute signorum, &c. 
Migne, c. pp. 901-902. Cfr. TVil- 
kins Concilia, 1. 475. 

^ audrum, T. 

^ Einylandi, T. 

7 kvediv, T. 

8 helldr, T. 

9 mdl, T. 

^0 So Prof. Unger rightly, as it 
seems ; vi?'duligum, T. 
" faudr, T. 
^- sinv, T. 

^3 liji^ added by Prof. Unger. 
'^'^ margfauUdu, T. 
^^ kraptanna, T. 

16 hirtti, T. 

17 epter, T. 

13 er added by Prof. Unger. 

19 sie, T. 

20 villdi, T. 

21 6^■r«a, T. 

22 So Prof. Unger ; frœg, T. 

23 maurgum, T. 


this the pope writeth north to England a letter of great 
joy which, being made known unto the whole country, 
announced, what the Lord God had gTanted them through 
the honour and the blessed glory of his martyr the arch- 
bishop. This letter was thus formulated in the name of 


Of pope Alexander. 

Alexander, pope, the servant of the servants of God, to 
his reverend brethren, the archbishops and diocesans, and 
other rulers of the church as well as her clerks in Eng- 
land, sendeth greeting and worthy blessing. A glorious 
fragrance pervadeth your country, or rather the whole 
catholic church from that blessed sweetness, which the 
God of eternal glory bestoweth on the merits of that 
worthy father, the holy archbishop Thomas, who in his 
life is found to have been as adorable as he was glorious. 
And inasmuch as his life shone in manifold blossom of 
powers, our Lord revealed the same, according to his 
desert, after his victorious death, the which it is desirable 
to bring to memory now, considering what his la,st day 
was in its peerless victory and splendid martyrdom. 
Now although every kind of doubt be removed as to his 
worthy holiness, yet our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ 
desired to reveal in an exalted manner his fame and 
excellence, with many tokens and mighty miracles after 



sjá Í kristninne, livat hann hefer þegit af sinum ^ 
Gu^i fyrer þann háska ok harmkvæli, fyrer sta^festi ok 
stora mæ^i, er hann þoldi her - í heimi fyrer sins 
[Drottins nafn.^ Ollum ^ birtist ^ fyr sem nálæg^ust ^ 
hans lofsamligu ^ lifi, hversu hans athafner ok lítlát 5 
var makligt hverju lííi. Her - fyrer birte ^ Drottinn 
ollum ^ þeim, hver erfi^islaun sinnar frammgöngu ^^ er 
hann hefer oSlazt^^ í himnaríki. Nú at heyrSura 
mörgum^- ok myklum táknum me^S logligu^^ próíi 
fyrer oss ok vorum bræ^rum, tökum ^^ vær ]?at allt 10 
me^ skylldu bæ^i fagnandi ok J?ví trúandi,^^ at heil- 
agr Thomas erkibyskup lifer eilííiiga meS Gu^i, ro^inn 
píslarvottr í sínu bló^i, enn meS íblæstri Heilags 
Anda^^ at opinbera þat sama ok bjó^a svo haldast 
um ^^ kristnina, ok því sé^^ öllum ^ kunnigt náverund- 15 
iim ok efter^^ oss komundum, at me'S rá^i ok blí^u 
játyröi bræSra vorra '^^ tökum ^^ vær andlega in capite 
ieiunij vir^uligan Thómam erkibyskup í catalogum 
sanctorum í Petrs kirkju í ótalligu -^ fjölmenni lærSra 
ok ólæröra ^ nær veranda, pví bjóSum vær yör af J>vi 20 
valdi,-^ er vær berum, at píningardag svo dýrligs 
manns haldi þér ^^ hátí^lega í hverjum árgang krjúp- 
andi meö au^mýkt under hans bleza^ar bæner, at 
íyrer -^ sinn volduga ^^ ver^leik, er hann ö^la^ist '^" í 

^ sinv7n, T. 
2 hier, T. 

' drottins nafn. Prof. Ung«r ; 
nafns drottins, T. 
^ Aullum, T. 

5 So Prof. Unger ; bœtizt, T. 
^ So Prof. linger ; nalœguzt, T. 

7 lofsamligv, T. 

8 birtte,T. 

' aullum, T. 
^° framgaungu, T. 
" audlazt, T. 
^' maurgum, T. 
^' laugligu, T. 
^* taukum, T. 

^^ truanndi, T. 

16 annda, T. 

17 ym, T. 
13 s/e, T. 

1« e;?íer, T. 
*o Mora, T. 
'1 otalligv, T. 

2' After olœrdra T. adds a super- 
fluous oA. 

25 j^a//c??, T. 
=4 þ^•er, T. 

^' So Prof. Unger ; om. in T. 

26 uollduga, T. 

27 audladizt, T. 


death, in order tliat all folk may see in the clmrcli, what 
he hath obtained from his God through that peril and 
those torments, for his steadfastness and great tribula- 
tion, which he had to endure here in this world for the 
name of his Lord. Formerly it was revealed unto all who 
were acquainted with his laudable life, how his actions 
and death were worthy of every praise. Therefore, the 
Lord hath revealed unto all these, what reward for his ser- 
vices he hath received in the kingdom of heaven. Now 
having heard set forth many and great tokens lawfully 
proven before ourself and our brethren, we feel in duty 
bound to accept it all, rejoicing in the belief, that the 
holy archbishop Thomas liveth for ever with God, a 
martyr, reddened in his own blood,while, at the same time, 
we are inspired by the Holy Ghost to reveal the same, 
and to command, that such he shall be holden throughout 
the church ; be it therefore knoAvn, unto all now living 
and after us coming that, by the counsel and sweet 
consent of our brethren, we receive the worthy arch- 
bishop Thomas, spiritually, in capite jejunii, into the 
catalogue of Saints in the church of Saint Peter in the 
presence of innumerable multitudes of people, lay and 
learned. We therefore command you, by the power which 
we have, that the day of the martyrdom of so glorious a 
man you celebrate every year, kneeling humbly down and 
committing yourselves to his blessed prayers, that by his 

K 5-tl. N 


Gu'Si meo lofligri sta^festu allt til dauba, lei-Se haÐn 
3'Sr ok Ja^i sem sina eiginsonu ^ af nálægri dýflizu 
til samlags vakba manna ok eilifra fagna^a, Yalete 
in Cristo. 

petta bref herra pafaus, sem nu - var lesit meo log- 5 
tekning ^ bins lieilaga Tbome, tok allr Englands * lý'Sr 
me"íS svo bátí^Iegum fagna^i, sem sjálfr Drottinn heföe 
l^^eim sent'' skinanda Ijos af liimnum. Ok ]?á fyrstu 
bátí'S, er ]?eir liekJu ^ siniim fe^r Tbómasi erkibj^skupi 
at stobnum í Kanncia, kunniim vær ei gTeina me'S 10 
Ö'Srum '^ bætti, enn sokn me^S ofFr var svo mikil, at 
þótt fátækr tæki me^ í morgin því öUu ^ gózi,^ væri 
liann fullríkr at kveldi.^^ Sýndi ok vor Drottinn 
Jesús Kristr mörgu^^ sinni, bversu þessi lögtekning'^ 
var ]?ægilig ok samj^ykt bans gu'Sdómligu veldi/- því 15 
at ^^ oftast ^^ mnndi svo til bera, at á sjálfan krunu- 
dag erkibyskups yr'Si þær nökkurar ^^ bjartteigner, er 
frábærar máttu kallast. 

Lií)U nú svo langer tíraar, at bátiSarbald ^^ Gu"Ss 
vinar tigna-^ist me'S allre sæmd ok bei^r mn ^' öll •'^ 20 
England s '^ béru^ ^^ ok vííia annars sta'Sar. Enn bans 
bleza^r bkamr lá )?ó lágt í steinpró luktr -^ sem 
á^Sr, Jiar til Drottinn mykla^i bann ok upp"^^ bóf 
iir -- sameio'nu duf ti '^^ dauöra manna, at svo sem 
hann skein öSrum ^ bæri í sálunne, væri bann ok 25 

^ eiginsoHVy T. 
" nv, T. 

3 laugtekning, T. 
^ Einglandz, T. 

5 sentt, T. 

6 hieUdtí, T. 

"* audrum, T. 

8 auUu, T. 

9 godzi, T. 

10 kvelldi, T. 

11 maurgu, T. 
i^ f«//í//, T. 

13 For \>ví at, Prof. Unger, 
reads )pat. 

!•* op/crsí, T. 

i^ nauchirar, T. 

16 hatidarhaUd, T. 

1? rw, T. 

18 auU, T. 

15 ;iíe7-z/ff, T. 

20 So Prof. Unger ; lukr, T. 

^i t7?p, T. 

22 vr, T. 

25 í/í/jií/, T. 


mighty merits, which God hatli acknowledged in him 
through his Laudable steadfastness even unto his death, 
he may lead you and bring, as if you were his own chil- 
dren, from the present prison, unto the company of God's 
elect and unto eternal joy. Valete in Christo. 

This letter of the lord pope, which was read even now, 
containing the canonization of the holy Thomas, the 
whole people of England received with such a solemn 
rejoicing, as if the Lord himself had sent them a shinino- 
light from heaven. And of the first feast, which they 
held in honour of their father, archbishop Thomas, at the 
see of Canterbury, we know no other tale to tell, than 
that there was a wondrously gTeat assemblage of people, 
bringing their offerings, which were so plentiful, that if a 
poor man had received them, beginning from morning, he 
would have become rich enow ere eventide. Our Lord 
Jesus Christ, too, showed many a time, how acceptable 
to Him was this canonization, and how agreeable unto his 
divine power ; for on most occasions it would so happen 
that on the very day of the archbishop's crowning some 
miracles would come to pass which might be called mar- 
vellous indeed. 

Now long time passed that the feast of this God's 
friend was celebrated with all honour and orlory throuofh- 

O t.' O 

out various districts in England and in many other places 
besides. Still his blessed body remained locked up in a 
stone vault as before, until the Lord magnified him and 
raised him up from the common dust of the dead, in order 
that, shining above others as was his spirit, he himself 

N 2 



hans likamr signa^r ok hverjum vir^uligri. Ok því 
er nu þat efni greinancla þessu næst, hversu upptöku- 
clýrS ^ hins heilaga Thome me^ skrinsetning frerast 
a fylldum^ tima efter^ tilskipan Heilags Anda. 

KAP. cm. 5 

Fra helgan Thome. 

pa er li^it var fra hingatbur^ vors Herra Jesú 
Krists [)?úsliundru^ ok tvci ok tuttugu^ ok fjögi^ ár, 
a íimmtuganda ^ are efter ^ pining hins heilaga Thome 
á dögum^ Honorii ^ páfa, l?riSja ^ me^ ]?vi nafne, er 10 
enn átti sat ^ efter ^ Alexsandrum páfa tercium í 
postiiligu sæti, ok a timum^^ Stefani Kantúariensis 
erkibyskups, er hinn fjor^e sat efter ^ virSulegan ^^ 
Thomam í ]7ví valdi/- kveykti svo mjog ást ok hjart- 
teignagjör^ heilags Thome hjörtu ^^ Englismanna/^ at 15 
Die's samvild ^^ ok atkvæSi ^*^ herra pavans vilja þeir 
eigi leingr ]7ola, at þeira dýrligaste ^^ fa"Ser liggi svo 
lágt Í skriptinne, sem fyrst er ^^ hann var leiddr, heldr 
at ^^ hann tignist ok í virSuligan sta^ upp ^^ hefist, 
at allr lySr luti honum ok hjalpist í hans ver^leik- 20 
um. Enn me^ því at vær nefndum Stefanum fyr 

* vpptaukudyrd y T. 

- fi/Udvni, T. 

3 epter, T. 

■^ T. reads \>ushundmd ok tuo 
tuttuyu, &c., where it seems evident 
that an ok after tuo has been left 
out carelessly, the grammatical 
figure being : >>?<s = ten hundreds 
and two (hundreds) and twenty, 
&c. Professor linger reads : þus- 
hundrad tuo hundrud ok tuttugu, 
&c., but there is no absolute need 
for so TÍolent an alteration of a text 
which becomes classically correct 
as soon as the evident omission of 
ok is repaired. 

■> fimiagunda, T. 

'' dauguni, T. 

^" Honori, T. 

^ \>ridie, T. 

^ sath, T. 

^" timvm, T. 

^' virdidigamij T. 

1- valldi, T. 

13 hiortv, T. 

1' EingUsmanna, T. 

'•^ samvilld, T. 

1Ö ((thkvœdi, T. 

1' So Prof. Unger ; dyrligizte, T. 

13 er added by Prof. Unger. 

1^ a< added by Prof. Unger. 

20 fjDjO, T. 


and bis blessed body sbould also enjoy bigher bonour 
tlian was accorded to any one else. And tberefore, it 
beboveth now next to tbese tilings to relate, bow tbe 
solemn ceremony of tbe translation of tbe boly Tbomas, 
and bis ensbrinement, was performed in tbe fulness of 
time, according to tbe ordinance of tbe Holy Gbost. 

CHAP. cm. 


Wben one tbonsand two bimdred and twenty-four 
years bad passed from tbe birtb of our Lord Jesus Cbrist, 
in tbe fiftietb year after tbe passion of tbe boly Tbomas, 
in tbe days of pope Honorius, tbe tbird of tbat name, wbo 
sat tbe eigbtb in tbe apostolic see after pope Alexander tbe 
tbird, and in tbe days of Stepben, arcbbisbop of Canter- 
bury, wbo was tbe fourtb, after tbe wortby Tbomas, wbo 
beld rule in tbat see, tbe love and miracles of tbe boly 
Tbomas so enkindled tbe bearts of tbe Englisb people, 
tbat by tbe consent and tbe agreement of tbe lord pope 
tbey will endure no longer tbat tbeir most glorious 
fatber sball lie so low in tbe crypt as when fii'st be was 
entombed, but ratber desire that be be honoured and 
raised into a worthy place, in order that all folk may bow 
to him and become partakers of his merits. But having 
mentioned before in this book Stepben wbo was called 



Í bokinne, er kalla^r var Langatún,^ sýnist vel standa - 
at greina meS einne klausu;^ hversu^ mikirin mann 
DrottÍDii valdi til afc gjora translacionem hins heil- 
aga Thome. Enn sú klausa byrjast svo, at J;essi 
Stefanus var svo mikill klerkr,^ at Jnnocencms ^ páfe 5 
tercius, Linn dýiiigasti ma^r næstr fyrer Honorium, setti 
]7ar af svo fallinn skilning, J^á er grain gjöröist af vis- 
dómsmönnum ^ í veröldinne,^ herra páíinn tók svo til 
or^s : ''Eigier kristnin rikare enn '-^ svo, " sag^i hann," 
•' at hún befer bálfaa þri^ja klerk.^*^ Stefanus Langatún^ 10 
" i Eijglandi '^ er fuUr klerkr/ annar raa^r meistari 
'' Galfridus er ok allv klerkr/ vær eriun enn jm'Si, ok 
" ei meir enn halfr." Her ^^ er vottr klíírkdóras ^^ Ste- 
pliani, ok bætti þat alia vega, er mannkostum heyrSi, 
því at eftir^^ bans veraldligt^^ lif birtist '^ vel kristn- 15 
inne, bversu kær er bann var Gu^i. pvi sam]?ykker 
]?at önniir^^ bans gæzka, at bann kallar til Kantú- 
aríam nökkura ^^ sæmiliga kennemenn, ok þó lágt i fystu. 
Má þar nefna mibil annarra ^^ berra Rigard Sarisberi- 
enseni byskup. Herra Stefanus erkibiby&kup bý^r ok 20 
öllum -^ kórsbrædruni -^ ]?ar, munkum ok öllum -^ til- 
komnum lær^um mönnum,^^ at balda -^ föstur -^ me^ 


beilögum -^ bænum þrjá næstu -^ daga, á'Sr gangi 
ni-^r til legsta^ar Gu^s píslarvotts, ok sem kista er 

1 Langathiuiy T. 


epíer, T. 

- stannda, T. 


veralldligt, T. 

ð klausv, T. 


hirttizt, T. 

^ kversv, T. 


aunnr, T. 

5 klerch; T. 


iiauckura, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger 

hiníi nocen- 


annara, T. 

cius, T. 


avlliun, T. 

7 v/sdomsmaimnum, 



korshrœdram, T. 

^ veraulldinne, T. 


maiumum, T. 

5 en, T. 


/ia//dö, T. 

10 klercJi, T. 


faustr, T. 

11 Einglandi, T. 


heUanyum, T. 

18 Hier,T. 


7iœstVy T. 

^^ klerckdojns, T, 


^a/í^ri' added by Prof. Ungeic 


Langtoii, it seemeth well befittÍD^ -: forth in one 

clause how great a man the Loni ; L -y peifonn the 
translation of the holj Thonia- 7 : :^r >•> b^in- 

neth that Stephen was so great . ti.: - . Inno- 

ceniias the third, a right glorioiLs man, .L -r 

of Honorius, estimated his leamrng on cci^ -? 

made of men of wisdom in the world, m w .r'^ ui uiis 
import : '' All the riches that the chorch can boasi of 
'" in leainiog come to this^*^ said he, '^ thai she hath but 
'' two clerks and a half. Stephen Langton in Enghind 
is a fuU clerk ; the second is master Gai&idus, a fall 
" clerk, too ; but the third am I, being nj more than 
" half a one." Here is a testimonjr of Stepheo's clerk- 
ship, which in every way was adorned by all things 
appertaining to maoly virtues, for after his life in this 
world it was clearly revealed unto the chnreh, how dear 
he was to Grod. It therefore accordeth well with his 
goodness of soul in other things that he should call unto 
Canterbury certain worthy teachers^ quietly thouo^ that 
matter went at first. Of these may be mentioned 
among others, Eichard the bishop of Salisbury. Lord 
archbishop Stephen also commandetíi all canons^ monks, 
and all the learned men there assembled, to fast amid 
holy prayers for the next three days before going 
down to the resting place of God s martyr. And when 



fagrliga gjor meS sönnnm^ lási, geingr herra erkiby- 
skup ni^r í gröftinn - meS lær^um möiinum ^ nökkuri * 
stund ^ efter ^ completorium, sem veraklar " folk er 
Í náSum, pat var fimmta ^ kalendas dag Julij, þat 
er ^ tveiiii nottum fyi-er heimferSardag postiila Petri ok 5 
Paiili. peir ganga aller samt framm^^ at steinþrónne 
SVG lítilátliga sein skyldugt ^^ var, at J^eir falla til 
jar^ar me^ tárligum ^- bænum ^'^ umbergis ^^ legsta^inn. 
Enn efter ^ f^at gjort bæ'Si langa stund ok kristiliga, 
by^r erkibyskup nökkiuTim ^^ af munkum^^ at taka 10 
upp ^' raarmarahellu/^ J^a er lukti ^^ stein]?róna. Ok 
sem ]?at er gjort,^^ finna þeir fa gran tliesaur -^ ok 
ilmanda-'^ organum-^ Heilags Anda me^ J>vi forme 
klæ^anna, sem hæsta kennemanni til heyi^er, þótt þat 
felle-^ sem í fölska,-^ saker mikillar fyrnar,^^ þegar at 15 
á var tekit. Svo voru^^ menn gó^fúser-^ í J^essu'^^ 
verki,^^ sem fljotande tar barn vitne. Somu^^ bræSr, 
sem berat höf^u ^- gTÖíina/^ taka upp ^' þan ^ helgustu ^^ 
bein, leggjandi ni^r oil ^^ samt á eitt dyrligt klæ^i. 
Ok sem þat er svo gjort me^ allri vandvirkt,^^ bera 20 

- grauftinn, T. 

^ maxinnum, T. 

■* nauckuriy T. 

5 stund, T. 

'■' epter, T. 

' ueral/da?', T. 

s Jimta, T. 

® er added by Prof. Unger. 

^^ /ram, T. 

ii ski/lldugt, T. 

1- Varliyum, T. 

^^ baiivm, T. 

^^ vmhergisy T. 

^5 iianckirum, T. 

^^ mvnkum, T. 

'' vpp, T. 

'^ marmctrahellv, T. 

i9 yÁí/, T. 

-f' ^/Örí^ T. 
-1 thesair, T. 
"■- ilmannda, T. 
-^ organvm, T. 
-^ TzeZ/e, T. 
-5 faulska, T. 

-^ So T. Prof. Unger proposes 
the classical /^mrfar. 

2S godfvser, T. 
2!^ þcsst', T. 
^0 fc;-cX-/, T. 
'-^^ Sau?nv, T. 

32 /ia,//iZi-, T. 

33 graufina, T. 
3Í >ai-, T. 

35 helgvztv, T. 

36 i/«//, T. 

37 vanuirkt, T. 


the chest had been made m a fair fashion with a trusty 
lock to it, the lord archbishop goeth down into the 
crypt together with the learned men some time after 
compline, when the world's people were already at 
rest. This took place on the fifth of the calends of 
July, two nights, to wit, before the mass of the apostles 
Peter and Paul. They now proceed all together in such 
due humility unto the stone vault, that they prostrate 
themselves to earth in tearful prayers around the tomb. 
Having prayed a long time and devoutly, the archbishop 
ordereth certain of the monks to remove the marble slab 
which closed the stone vault. And having done this, 
they find the fair treasure and fragrant organ of the 
Holy Ghost shrouded in such raiment as appertaineth 
to the highest teacher, which, however, fell into dust by 
reason of its great eld when it was touched. The 
devotion of those present while performing this work 
was borne out by their flowing tears. The same brothers 
who had laid open the grave, took up the most holy 
bones, laying them down again on a certain costly cloth. 
And this having been done with every care, they bring 



þeir ^ þaDn heilagan dom framm - fyrer sjálfan erkiby- 
skupinn. Er ]>á kistan til latin, );vi at erkibyskupinn 
vill þessa þjónustu sjálfr fremja, at leggja beinin 
ni^r Í kistmia;^ meS þeim liætti, at >'snjóli\ dúkr 
er laginn^ yfer ok under.^ Enn á rae^an at Lann 5 
gjorer ]?etta bleza^a verk, at skipa niSr beinum,^ 
liggja lær^er menn frammfallner '^ meb bæn ok tárum. 
Lítinn part ^ af beinnm lætr erkibyskup fyrer utan 
kistmia,^ til þess at skifta ^ ]?eim til dýröligra höfu'S- 
kirkna-^ e^a veita nokkurum ^^ ágætum personam 10 
Í ^- ástargjöf, at minning astvinar Drottius dreifist 
ok frægist því framar, seui bans beilagr dónir dýrk- 
ast^^ví^ara. Sem þetta er allt fagrliga fyllt ok kistan 
aftr^^ læst, skipar erkibyskup somum^^ bræ^rum at 
bera hana í eion virSulegan ^^ ok |?ó le^aiiligan staS, 15 
)?vi at SÚ er forhugsan bans í þessu ^^ máli, at bátiS- 
lig translacio Tbóme skal svo fremi gjorast^ sem ferr 
á^r um landit, at binu^^ dýriistu böfSingjar ^''^ bæ^e 
kirkjunnar ok kurie "^ sé -^ náverande svo signa^ri 
JTJónnstu, ok i J^etta forskot skipar liann tíu^'^ daga, 20 
svo bjó^ande, at á sí^asta nonas dag Julij mána^ar 
kvomi -^ ];eir aller í Kantúaríam ^^ lær^er menn ok 
ólær^er, er vegsama vilja heilagan Thómam erkiby- 
skup. Her ^^ af seger '^ meistarinn, at greinda -'^ muni 

^ So Prof. linger ; om. T. 

2 fram, T. 

3 kistvna, T. 
^ lagi7i, T. 

5 unnder, T. 

^ beinvm, T. 

7 framfallner, T. 

s ;?aríí, T. 

9 sAí/Jía, T. 

Jo haufutkirkna,T. 

^^ Jiaiickurvm, T. 

12 So Prof. Unger ; ok, T. 

i^ dyrckazty T. 

1* cr/jí?-, T. 

^^ saitmvni, T. 
i^ virduligann, T. 

17 þessu, T. 

18 /unt', T. 

1'-* haufdingiar, T. 
2" Ayric, T. 

21 sie, T. 

22 ííy, T. 

23 komv, T. 

2^ Kanntvariam, T. 

25 ^íer, T. 

26 se/^rer, T. 

2'" So Prof. Unger ; greiiid, T; 


the Loly relic before the archbishop himself. Then the 
chest is brought forward, for the archbishop choose th for 
himself the service of laying the bones into the chest; 
which was done in such a way, that a white weed was 
laid under and above. But Avhilst he ministereth at this 
blessed service, disposing the bones, tlie leained men 
lie kneeling around in prayers and teais. A small 
portion of the bones the archbishop leaveth outside the 
chest, in order to divide them among certain olorious 
cathedral churches, or to make a loving present of them 
unto certain excellent persons, in order that the memory 
of God's dearly beloved one may spread the more, the 
more widely his holy relics shall be worshipped. All this 
having been fairly fulfilled, and the chest having been 
closed, the archbishop eujoineth the same brothers to 
carry it away unto a certain lionourable yet hidden place, 
for in this afíair he acteth oi\ the forethought that the 
solemn translation of Thomas shall take place then first, 
when news hath had time to d;o abroad throuo'hout the 
land, that the greatest lords both from the church and from 
the pope's court may be present at such a blessed service. 
For this reason he fixeth an interval of ten days, order- 
ing that on the last day of the Nones of the month of 
July (1st of July) they shall all come to Canterbury, 
learned men as well as unlearned, who have a mind to 
worship the holy archbishop Thomas. Concerning this 



ver^a fjölda þess er sótti til Kantúaríam fyi^ nefndan 
fær hann eigi gjört/ p'ví at staxSrinn Í Kanncia ok 
oil ^ þau ]?orp, er lagu urabergis,^ voru svo full me^ 
folki, at marger nr^u vnder tjöklum ^ at biia ^ e^a 
berum himne. pesser voru ]^ar tveir hofSingjar,^ 5 
vii^uligr faSer ok postuligs sætis legatus, er hét^ 
Fandulfhus, annarr^ Viliamr Remensis erkibyskup. El 
kunnum vær at nefna fleire utan ^ lands tilkomna, 
enn innan lands ma nefna fystan Heinrek konung 
Heinreks son me'S jörlum, barónum ^^ ok alls kyns 10 
valdsmönnum/^ her ^- me^ byskupar, ábótar ok prí- 
órar ok a^rar stétter lærdómsins af ýmissum hér- 
uöum.^-^ Nú^^ í nafne GuSs kemr þri^ja stund dags 
nonarum Julii, sem byskupinn er skrýddr ^^ me^ by- 
skupum ok ö^rum ^^ stéttum fyr nefndum, ganga 15 
]?eir meS liátí^legum ^^ söng ^^ niSr í gröfti/^ J?ar 
sem kistan gej^mdist. He's liverre tign hún fluttist 
]?a'San upp -^ í kirkjuna ok skipa'Sist í bee's yfer alltari, 
sem fyrer var búit/-^ má lielzt ^- greina í fám or'Sum, 
at Kantuariensis kirkja léti gjarnan framme alia ]?á 20 
vegsemd, er liún -^ mátti veita sínum fe^r ^* me^ 
klukkum,^^ söng ok skrú^a, ok eigi at eins þar innan 
kirkju,-'' beldr-^ fagna^i allr sta"Srinn me'S hátí^legri 

* The sentence at greind . 

. eigi 

>3 hiervdum, T. 

yjört is evidently corrvipt 

, and 

14 Nv, T. 

although the sense is pretty 


15 So Prof. Unger ; skrddr, T. 

yet the actual restoration of the 

1"^ aiulrum, T. 

text is more than I can ventui'e on. 

1' hatidlegvm^ T. 

2 auU, T. 

1^ saung, T. 

3 vmbergis, T. 


li' ^ra«/<^ T. 

4 tiolldiim, T. 

20 i;;j;j, T. 

^ bva, T. 

21 6t'í7, T. 

^ haufdingiar, T. 

22 Ae/Mzi, T. 

7 hiet, T. 

23 hvn, T, 

5 anjiar^ T. 

24 /ei/n T. 

9 vtan,T. 

25 kluckvm, T. 

10 baronvm, T. 

26 AlVý^á', T. 

11 valid zmaiauiiun, T. 

•■^7 Ae/Wr, T. 

12 hier, T. 


the master relateth, that he may not state the number 
of the multitudes of people who assembled on the 
settled day at Canterbury, as the city of Canterbury 
and all surrounding villages were so filled with people, 
that many had to abide under tents or under the open 
sky. These two lords were there, the w^orthy father 
and legate of the hol}^ see Fandulfhus by name, and the 
archbishop of Reims. None, beside these, know we to 
mention, as having come from abroad ; but among those 
from England itself we may name first king Henry, the 
son of Henry, who w^as there surrounded by earls, 
barons, and every kind of mighty folk, therewithal 
bishops, abbots, priors, and the other orders of learned 
men from various districts. Now, in God's name, cometh 
the third hour of the Nonæ of July, at which hour the 
bishop standeth robed together with the other bishops 
and orders of learned men afore-named, who then proceed 
amidst solemn singing down into the cryj^t where the 
chest was kept. The solemnity with which it was 
brought thence up into the church and was placed over 
the altar, where preparations had been made for it, may 
be best told in these few words, that the church of Can- 
terbury showed forth in a free manner every honour 
which she could do unto her father, in bells rung, in 
song, and splendid appointments, not only inside the 
church, but also in the joyance in which the city mani- 



glebi, konungrinn ok aller út ^ frá j^óttust - sem 
gædder GuSs gjöf, ef þeir máttu í nökkuru ^ til þjóua. 
Svo livílík lofmessa ]^ar var eflcl '^ samdægris til sæmd- 
ar sælum ^ Tlióme er ei ^ ott at greina, ]n^í at í 
þeire sömu "^ messu var^ svó ^ lengd ^ saker ofranar 5 
ok gó'Sfýsi fólksins, at varla sýndist um^^ síöer út^^ 
ganga. Heinrekr konungr minntist nú æskunnar^^ ok 
YÍröi sinn fóstrfö^ur ^ "^ me^r allre gó^fýsi, bæ'Si þjón- 
andi ok ofrandi, sem mildum^^ konungi he^T'Si. Enn 
j;at er greinanda, at sí^an konungrinn li-Sr, setr 10 
bókin ]?at folk me'S beztum '^^ hug verit hafa ok frj áls- 
leik til Tliómam erkibyskups, sem var iir ^^ sýslu 
Lundúna byskups, ok má ];ar skynsaralig gTein til 
finnast, at |?eir dýrku'bu framar ö'Srimi ^^ J?ann dýr- 
mætan gimstein, er byrja^ist í þeira mó^arhúsi.^^ Enn 15 
svo sem fólkit lag^i signu^um^^ Thóraasi bæ^i mjúka 
bæn ok mikit ofr í gulli ok silfri, lætr hann eigi á 
sik liallt verba, |?ví at sjálfan bátí^isdag sinnar upp- 
töku ^^ gæddi hann skínöndum "^ hjartteignum, \6 at 

1 vth, T. 

2 þottvzt, T. 

3 7iavckurv, T. 

4 So Prof. Unger : clfd, T. 
•^ salvm, T. 

c ei, so Prof. Unger, probably 
correctly ; var, T., which seems 
more likely to be a thoughtless 
scribal repetition of the preceding 
var, than a miswrit for varf, vaiia 
or varleya scarcely. 

' saumv, T. 

* suo, T. ; this form, with o un- 
accented, stands in this handwriting 
in T. for the demonstrative adverb, 
which in classical writers is svá 
(sua), sva (sua) = so, thus. The 
grammatical structure of the sen- 
tence : i... messu var'^ ' sua' leingd 
=in mass was so length, is as im- 

possible in Icelandic as in English. 
But b}' lengthening the vowel we 
get the feminine (in an unclassical 
form of course) of the demonstr. 
pron. sa, and only by so interpret- 
ing suo can the sentence be made 
grammatical at all. 

9 hingd, T. 

1" vm, T. 

11 vth,T. 

^2 askvnnar, T. 

13 fostrfaudr, T. 

1* milldum, T. 

15 heztvm, T. 

16 ^.^^ T. 

1' audrvrn, T. 
1^ modrhusi, T. 
19 sigjiudvm, T. 
-" npptauhv, T. 
21 skinaundum, T. 


fested its solemn hilarity, the king and all other folk 
deeming themselves as partakers of a divine gift if they 
might in any Avay minister to the festivit}'. It is a 
matter not soon told, what sort of thanksgiving ceremony 
was performed this same day for the honour of the 
blessed Thomas, for that very ceremony grew so loDg 
for the sake of the offerings and the devotion of the 
people, that it seemed as if it were never coming to an 
end at all. Kino- Henry now brouo-ht to mind his 
youth, and honoured his foster-father with ever}' mark 
of devotion, ministering to the ceremony and making 
offerings befitting a liberal king. But it may be men- 
tioned that next to the king the book notes the people 
from the diocese of London, as having showed the 
greatest kindness and liberality to archbishop Thomas ; 
for which the plausible reason may be adduced, that 
they worshipped beyond others the precious gem which 
traced its origin to their mother church. But sweet as 
were the prayers, great as were the ofierings in gold 
and silver which the people bestowed upon the blessed 
Thomas, he alloweth himself to be outdone in no wise, 
for on the very^ day of his solemn translation he con- 
ferred on them shinino- miracles., althouoh we have not 


vær höfum ^ )?at ei letrliga fundit til serhverra '^ 
greina, utan ^ J^essi hjartteign stendr í miM annarra.^ 

pann sama dag sem fyr var gTeindr í hatí^arhaldi 
Thomas erkibysknps, var einn riddari í sjófer^ at 
sækja til Kantúaríam, hann hét ^ Robert ok átti 5 
ungan^ son innbyr^is, ei' ilia kuiini sig at vakta/ 
saker æsku,^ "þá er skipit tok barman skri^ me^ fullum 
b}^. petta profa^ist svo, því at piltrinn ^ var geymslu- 
laus, hefer sik svo ovarliga, at honiim varpar iit^^ 
Í bylgjuna. Riddarinn hefer aiigabrag^ á )?essu brátt, 10 
þó at fljótt bærist at, ok ];ví dvelr hanii ekki, at 
kalla piltinum ^^ dugna^armann, ok an dvöl heyrer 
vinr Drottins þetta kail, því at )?egar sem piltrinn ^^ 
hafSi tekit eitt kaf af J^eim fyrsta steyt, er honum 
varpa^i, skant honum hatt upp ^- úr^^ sjónum,^^ ok 15 
þegar tekr hann sinn skilning, hvert hann átti at 
vænta full tings, hann talar svo : " Heilagr Thomas, 
'' mattu^^ hjálpa mér/ö ef þíi vilt.''^^ g^^an er ]?vílíkt, 
sem hann siti a sjonum an allri kafFerS. Var su 
hjartteign ]?vi meiri, at byrinn var svo snarpr, sem 20 
bokin greiner, at skipit snara^i tvo orskot-^^ framm^^ 
fra piltinum, ^^ áí)r enn skipverjar fengu^^ lægt seglit 
vi^ fyrsta riddarans kail. Sat svo pilltrinn um-^ eina 
stund dags, því at bans dugna^armenn fengu,-^ mikinn 
erfi^issveita me^ androSri,-- a^r enn yeiv fengu-^ hjálpat 25 
honum, sem skynsamr ma^r ma skilja af suarleika 
vindarins. Sem þeir koma rae^S skipinu ]?ar sem hann 

^ haufum, T. 
- sierhverra, T. 
3 vtan, T. 
^ amiara, T. 
5 hiet, T. 
^ uugann, T. 
' uagta, T. 

8 (^shv, T. 

9 pilltrinn, T. 

10 vth, T. 

" pilliinum, T. 

1- vpp, T. 

13 vr, T. 

1^ sionvm, T. 

15 mattv, T. 

16 mie.r, T. 
1' viUt, T. 

18 aiirshot, T. 

19 /ram, T. 

20 fengu, T. 
-1 r/», T. 

22 anndrodri, T. 


found them set forth in detailed particulars, with the 
exception of the following miracle, which is recorded 
there amongst others. 

The very day on which, as it is stated before, the 
celebration of the translation of archbishop Thomas fell, 
a certain knight happened to be voyaging by sea for the 
purpose of proceeding unto Canterbury ; he was hight 
Robert, and had with him on board the craft his young 
son, who by reason of his youth, knew but badly how to 
take care of himself when the vessel got under way, 
sweeping along before a full wind at will. Now it came to 
pass, the youth being left unlooked-after, that he behaved 
so heedlessly as to tumble overboard into the billows. 
The knight soon catcheth sight of this, swiftly as it 
came to pass, and tarrieth therefore not in calling upon 
an intercessor for the youth, and forthwith the Lord's 
friend heareth his calling, for as soon as the youth had 
had one dive from the first tumble, when he was cast 
overboard, he emerged high out of the sea, and forth- 
with regaineth his presence of mind, and understandeth 
where he might look for saving aid, and speaketh thus : 
*• Holy Thomas, thou mayest help me, if thou wilt." 
And after this it was as if he sat on the sea, no kind of 
immersion taking place at all. This miracle was all the 
greater for this reason, that the wind was so brisk that, as 
the book relateth the matter, the ship had swept the length 
of two arrow-shots past the youth, before the crew could 
take in the sail at the first cry of the knight. Thus the 
youth sat for one whole hour, because his salvors had 
great labour in pulling against the wind, before they 
might save him, as any sensible man may well under- 
stand from the swift-blowing wind. And as they bring 




sitr a bylgjunum, taka J?eir liann ^ heilan upp í 
skipit. Enn er fa^er hans spur Si, hverja grein liann 
haf^i á lífgjöf sinne svo langri, svara^i hann rosk- 
mannligum - or^um ok sag^Si, at nökkur ^ vir^uligr 
ma^r kom til hans i sjonum ok frjálsa^i hann af 5 
dauSligum haska bæ^i fyr ok si^ar. Enn fyi^er ]?essa 
söofn ^ fekk ^ hinn heilaofi Thomas enn um sinn 
makligt ^ lof sinne milcli bæ^i j^ar innbyrSis ok í 
Kanntúaría sem J?eir frammkvomu ^ samdægris. Prýdd- 
ist þá enn^ sú signa'Sa háti^ at auk annars roe's 10 
J^essum andligum fagna"Si. Má þat ætla, ef líkar, at 
riddari Robert mundi ofra sælum Thomasi nokkura 
gullpeninga fyrer svo mykla vináttu ok velgjör'S, sera 
hann hafSi veitt honum. 

Var ]?essi translacio heilags Thóme síSan haldin 15 
árhga meS skipan herra páfans um alia Angliam ok 
um fleiri lönd,^ er lítit lei's frá upptöku,-^^ ]?at er 
á næsta dag efter ^'^ octauam apostolorum Petri et 

The shrine 
of St. 


Af herra Stephanum. 


Herra Stephanus Kantuariensis erkibyskup ferr 
J?essu næst meS sinne góSfýse til J^eirar ráSagjörSar 
at vikja oiir hins heilaga Thome honum til skrin- 
gjorSar. Ok sem þat er stööugt ^^ meS áeggjan kon- 25 
ungsins ok annars stormemiis í landinu, kostar erki- 

^ ha7in added by Prof. Unger ; 
om. in T. 

2 rauskmminligum, T. 

3 iiauckr, T. 
^ saugn, T. 
^ fieck, T. 

^ maglikt, T. 
' framkuomv, T. 

^ Prof. Unger reads : Enn fyrer 
\>essa saugn . . . hcedi þar innbyrdis 

ok i Kanntuaria. Sem þeir fram- 
kuomv samdœgris pryddizt þá etm, 
&c. The particles þá enn show 
that the full stop is rightly removed 
from Kanntuaria to samdœyris. 

9 lav7id, T. 

^^ upptaukv, T. 

11 epter, T. 

1- i.e. on July 7th. 

13 staudugt, T. 


the ship to where he sits on the waves, they rescue him 
hale and sound into the vessel. But when his father 
asked him, what account he could give of his life having 
so long been saved, he frankly answered and said, that 
some venerable man came unto him, whereas he was in 
the sea, and delivered him from the deadly peril from 
first to last. But for this story the holy Thomas got 
once more a worthy praise for his mercy, both on board 
the vessel and in Canterbury on their arrival there 
the same day. That blessed feast was thus still 
furtlier adorned, in addition to the rest, by this spiritual 
joy. If you like, you may well think that knight 
Robert would fain offer unto the blessed Thomas some 
golden pennies, for so great a mercy and benefit which 
he had conferred upon him. 

By the command of the lord pope this Feast of the 
Translation of the holy Thomas was sithence held yearly 
throughout all England, as well as throughout other 
countries a short time after the date of the translation 
itself, that is to say on tlie next day after the octave of 
the Apostles Peter and Paul. 


Of lord Stephen. 

The next thing done by lord Stephen, archbishop of 
Canterbury, was that, in his devotion he resolved to 
convert the offerings made to the holy Thomas into a 
shrine for him. And when this had been settled by the 
urging of the king and other mighty folk in the land, 

o 2 


byskupinn þar til |?ann vildasta ^ meistara, er fast 
matti Í þeim löndum.'^ Enn er almúginn í Englandi'^ 
fékk * sanna vissu her ^ um, birtust vinsælder 
heilags Thome svo myklar me^ folkinu, at þeir 
vilja skrin hans af öngum ^ málmi steypast '' lata neraa 5 
gulli einu, ok þat for framm.^ par af flytja svo 
pílagrímar heilags Thome orSfall Englismanna,^ at 
aldri hail England or^it svo gullrikt sem á'Sr, ok 
þakka þeir þar Gu^i fyrer. Nú rae^ svo dýrum 
kosti ok völdum ^^ meistaradóm var"S skrínit hit 10 
vænsta ^^ verk, er menn hafa sé'S,^^ alt steinsett 
umbergis, ]?ar sem bezt mátti bera til fegr^ar ok 
ásýndar. Sem skrínit er algjört, leggr erkibyskup 
þar í heilagan dóm vir^uligs pislarvotts Thóme ok 
skipar yfer mi^ju háaltare, eigi hæra enn þat stó"S 15 
ni-Sr á efri tabulam^ horf^i annat brjóst í austr, enn 
annat í vestr. 
c^bínde"^ Nú svo vir^Suligt sem vær höfum^^ skrifat af 
French skrÍDgjör^ ok setning Thóme, sýnist honum enn 
becomes ^^^ ^^^^ ^ skorta nökkut/* ok því krefr nau'Ssýn, at 20 
St^hed^to^ vær minnmnst, hvar upp gafst forSum, hversu for í 
the shrine, niillum Thómas erkibyskups ok Loviss Frakka kon- 
ungs, þá er hann beiddist at eignast karbunkulum í 
þeira skilna'Si, enn fékk^ eigi. par af er svo skrifat 
fyrr í bókinne, at heilagr Thomas sag^ist fa mundu 25 
steininn, þó at siSar væri. Er nú tími kominn, at 
SÚ spásaga fyllist meS þeiri atfer^/^ sem hér^ stendr. 
Vær sög^um ^^ fyr, hversu Philippus Frakka kon- 
ungr var ostyrkrar heilsu ok kendi líkþrár þegar í 

* villdazta, T. 
2 laundum, T. 

^ Einglaiidi, T. 
^ fieck, T. 
Ö hier, T. 

* aungum, T. 

7 So Prof. llDger ; stypazt, T. 

8 fram, T. 

^ Einglismanna, T. 
^0 vauldum, T. 
1^ vcB7inzta, T. 

12 sied, T. 

13 haufvm, T. 
1'* nauckut, T. 

15 athferd, T. 

16 saugdum, T. 


the archbishop procureth for the work the greatest 
master in the craft who could be found within those 
lands. But when the commonalty of England got full 
certainty of this, the love which the people bore to St. 
Thomas was soon revealed, since they would hear of his 
shrine being made of no other metal but gold alone, 
which, indeed, had to be done. Hence the pilgi^ims to 
St. Thomas's shrine repeat the saw of the English, that 
after that time England never grew so wealthy in gold 
as before, and for that they give thanks unto God. Now 
by this mighty expense and choice workmanship the 
shrine was the most excellent work of art that had ever 
been seen, being set all round with stones, wherever 
beauty and effect might thereby be best set off. When 
the shrine was finished the archbishop depositeth there- 
within the holy relics of the worthy martyr archbishop 
Thomas, and placet h it above the middle of the high 
altar, only so high that it rested on the upper table 
thereof, one face of it pointing to the east, the other to 
the west. 

Now worthy as have been the things which we have 
already written of the translation and the enshrining of 
Thomas, it seemeth to him none the less that something 
still is wanting; and therefore necessity demandeth that we 
should revert to the story, where we left it aforetime, when 
it was shown,how matters went betw^eenarchbishopThomas 
and Louis the king of the French, when the former desired 
to have that carbuncle at their parting, but got it not. 
Concerning this matter, it was written before in this book, 
that holy Thomas said he would have the stone, although 
it might come to pass later on. Now the time hath come 
for that prophesy to be fulfilled, as, indeed, it did become, 
accordino- to the manner hereinafter related. We men- 
tioned before in how feeble health Philip the king of the 
French was, having been inclined to leprosy from his youth 


æsku, enn í þennan tíma hefer hans^ mein svo 
mikit^ megin me'S honum feingit, at harm legst í 
rekkju^ frá landsstjórn ok útrei^um.^ Nú ber svo 
til einn dag, sem hann liggr mæ^iliga meö harmi 
hugar ok mó^er hans, di'ottningin gamla, sitr yfer 5 
honum, tekr hún svo til or^s : " Son minn," sagSi 
hún, '' hverja ætlun hafi^ ^ }?ér ^ á um krankdóm 
" jrSvarn, at j^ér^ liggit í pínu dag ok nótt, enn 
*' Frakkland fen- sem höfSingjalaust V^ Konungrinn 
svarar : '' Hver er mín ætlun þar um utan at bera, 10 
'^ sem ek kann bezt, ok þakka Gu^i fyrer." Drottn- 
ing talar þá: "Saniiliga er ];at mín hugan,^ at y^r 
" sé ^ til rei'Su heilsugjöfin, ef J?ér sparit ei kost- 
" inn." Konungrinn svarar : " Hvat er þat í voru 
'' valdi, at vær mnndum ei gjarnan gefa til ]7ess, IS 
'' at þiggja heilsnna ? "Frúin talar : " Eg man gjörla, 
^' hversu or'Sræ^a for i milium fó^rs-^^ y^vars ok 
" Thóme erkibyskups, á^r enn hann vendi heim til 
" Engiands,^^ at erkibyskup, kaus af þessu ríki )?á 
" vináttu, at eignast ^'^ þann karbúnkulum, er þér ^ 20 
" Frakka konungar hafit elskat mest næst^^ sjálfri 
*' krúnunni/^ enn fa'Ser y^var halla^ist undan ok 
" nenti eigi til at lata. Heilagr Thomas talari svo 
" fallin oi-S, at ek skilde efalaust, at honum var 
" hugfast at fa steininn. Nu er, son minn, at 25 
" kjósa um tvo kosti, at liggja þannin 1 kör ^^ ok 
" bi^a svo bana, e"Sa heita til heilags Thomam ok gefa 

I So Prof. Unger ; han7i, T. 
- After mikit T. adds med. 

3 reyckjv, T. 

"* vthreidvm, T. 

5 haji, T. 

^ þier, T. 

? haufdingjalaust, T. 

8 So T. ; hugsan, U. 

9 sie, T. 

w faudrs, T. 

II Ei7}glannz, T. 

1^ So Frof. Unger ; cm. in T. 

ii» So Prof. Unger. 

!■* krvnvnnar, T. ; this genitive 
would seem to indicate that the 
original reading was elskat mest 
sjálfrar krvnvnnar ^(jow have) loved 
most of the very crown jewels, i.e. 
of the regalia, but such a construc- 
tion is, at all events, strained, while 
Prof. Unger's suggestion is natural. 

15 kaur, T. 

1^ \>anninn, T. 


upwards ; but at this time the disease had gained such 
a strength over him, that he took to the sick-bed, for- 
going the government of the land, as well as all travelling 
abroad. Now it cometh to pass one day, as he lieth 
wearied with sorrow of mind, and his mother, the aged 
queen, sitteth over him, that she accosteth him in these 
words : " My son," said she, " what think you about your 
'' sickness, lying as you do day and night in sore pain, 
'' while France remaineth as if reft of her head ?" The 
king answereth : " What should I think about it but to 
" bear it as best I can, and thank God therefor ? " Then 
tlie queen speaketh : " In truth my mind tells me, that 
" restoration to your health is ready for you if you do 
" not grudge the cost." The king answereth : '' What 
'' could it be among the things whereof we are possessed 
" that we should not be fain to give for the restoration 
" of our health ? " Quoth the lady : " I mind quite 
" clearly, what words passed between your father and 
" archbishop Thomas before he returned home to England, 
" when the archbishop wished to have in token of friend- 
" ship from this kingdom that carbuncle which you, 
" kings of France, have always cherished most, next 
" indeed to the crown itself, but which request 3'our 
'' father declined, not being able to bring himself to give 
" up the stone. The holy Thomas spoke in words which 
" left it an undoubted matter that he had a strong 
" desire to get the stone. Now, my son, you have to 
" choose between two things, to lie on the sick-bed as 
" you are now doing, and thus to await your death, or 
(' to make a vow to the holy Thomas to give him the 


" honum steininn, ok færa sjálfr til Kannciam." Kon- 
ungrinn svarar sem brosandi : ''GuS viröi/' sag^i^ 
hann, "hversu koster þesser eru ojafner, ok a því 
" gjörum vær öngva^ dvöl at kjósa, hvern er vær 
'' viljum upptaka, heldr heitum vær þegar í sta'S 5 
" ok játum under Gu^s vitne, at þennan ^ kar- ' 
" bunculum gefum vær sælum Thóme erkibyskupi, 
" ok at vær skulum hann sjálfr ílytja til Kantúaríam 
" yfer hans háaltere."'* Hann hefer svo sagt, at 
haDn þarna'Sist ^ alia : bi^stund, at líkþráin fellr öll^lO 
ni'Sr af honum í sængarklæ^in ^ me"S svo myklum 
krafti, at á sama augabrag^i stendr hann upp al- 
heiU me'S svo hreinu höröndi^ ok heilu brjósti, 
sem aldre á daga sína hef^i hann krankr or^it. Li'Sa 
nú svo nökkurer^ dagar, at herra konungrinn 15 
unde vel vi^ skifti '^^ þeira erkibyskups, á me^an 
nýjast var um heilsugjöfina. Enn er timinn lengd- 
ist/^ runnu til hans slikar hugsaner, sem fyr voru 
lesnar af or^um fö^ur ^^ hans, at gjarnan, vilde hann 
öSru ^^ gózi ^"^ viö koma, heldr enn lata steininn, ef 20 
heilagr Thomas vildi sam)7ykkja ok erkibyskupinn í 
Kanncia. Af þessum sínum rá^agjöi^um býst hann svo 
í pílagiimsfer^ til Thómam, at hann tekr ósnöggliga^^ 
til tesauriam, J>ví at heldr viU hann leysa steininn 
tvennu ver'Si, enn leggja hann efter.^^ Ok því er 25 
Ijóst af þeim steinsins dýrleik, sem fyr var skrifa^r, at 
hann flyti me^ ser til Englands ^^ sextigu punda silfurs.^^ 
Sem hann kemr til Kantúaríam, tjár hann greiniliga 
erkibyskupinum alt sitt heit me^ sannindum, birt- 

^ sagdi added by Prof. linger. 

' au7igua, T. 

2 þennann, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; haa haUte7'e,T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; þar}iizt, T. 

6 auU, T. 

'' sœngarkladinn, T. 

^ hauraundi, T. 

^ nauckurer, T. 

^0 skiiJti, T. 
11 leingdizt, T. 
1- faudr, T. 

13 audruy T. 

14 godzi, T. 

1' osnaugglega, T. 
16 epter, T. 
1' Einglandz, T. 
18 So T. 


" stone, and to bring it yourself to Canterbury.'* The 
king answered with a smile : " God knows," said he, 
" that these conditions are unequal indeed, and certes I 
" shall not tarry deciding which of the two I choose, 
" but promise forthwith and vow, God being my wit- 
" ness, that this carbuncle I shall give to the blessed 
" archbishop Thomas, and that I shall bring it my^self 
" to Canterbury, and place it on the high altar there." 
He hath so said himself, that after this he had not to wait 
one moment till the leprosy fell clean away from him 
into the bedclothes, and so utterly, that he stood up in 
that same twinkle of an eye, thoroughly healed and with 
his skin so clean, and his breast so whole, as if he had 
never ailed aught all his lifetime. Now some days wore 
away^, during whicli the king enjoy'ed right well the ex- 
change he had made with the archbishop, while his feel- 
ings as to his restoration to health were at their freshest. 
But when time grew longer, thoughts, similar to those 
of which we formerly read in the words of his father, 
awoke within him, inasmuch as he would fain make the 
payment in some other goods rather than to have to part 
with the stone, if the holy Thomas, as well as the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, would give their consent thereto. 
With this counsel at heart he prepareth to go on a pil- 
grimage to Thomas, in such a way that he taketh an 
unstinted amount of money from his treasury, being 
desirous rather to buy in the stone at double price, than 
to leave it behind. And from the price of the stone, 
which has been stated already, it is clear that he must 
needs have carried with him sixty pounds in silver to 

When he cometh to Canterbury he setteth forth clearly 
and truly to the archbishop the whole story of his vow, 



andi öUum ^ go^um monnum '^ bæ^i Die's or^um ok 
sjálfs sins ásýnd, liver su dýrliga myskunn er hann 
hafSe l^egit. Hér^ me^ hefer hann umleitan, at 
erkibyskup mune samþykkja fyrer bond * heilags 
Thome, at hann leyse steininn svo miklu ver^i, 5 
sem Karlus keisari kosta^i hann fyrst a Jorsalalandi, 
greinandi erkibyskupinum, at þat voru attatiger pnnda 
silfrs. Ok meS ]?vi at Frakka konnngr sæker 
þetta svo fast, at hann leggr bæn til, hugsar erki- 
byskup, at hann muni hafa fuUt umbod af alfa 10 
heilags Thome at skipa þessu efter ^ sinne vild 
ok konungsins bæn. pvi frjalsar hann steininn játande 
at taka lausagóz^ svo mikit. Sem þetta er þegit^ 
gjörist Frakka konungr har^la gla^r ok talar svo : 
*' Til J>ess," sag^Si hann, ''at vær gjörum örugt^ í 15 
" vorre hérkvomu,^ at einkis kyns heitrof stendi' á 
" oss viö heilagan Thómam, þá viljum vær leggja 
^' til annat '"^ fe ^^ jafnmikit,^^ }>ví at þá erum vær 
'^ óttalauser, ef vær leysum^^ steininn tveimr verSum." 
Nú sem þetta allt er^^ greint ok gjört, geingr 20 
Frakka konungr í samkundu me^ erkibyskupi, ok 
berr sama dag ]7at væna gull sér ^* á hendi.^^ Ok hvat 
lengra,^^ enn í þann tima sem hann ætlar at leysast 
af gar^inum, vill hann taka orlof bins heilaga Thomas. 
Geingr nú i höfuíkirkjuna-^^ ok upp á efsta gradum ^^ 25 
fyrer háaltarit,^^ talandi svo til skrinsins, sem til 
lifanda '^^ manns : " Bleza'Sr sérttú,^^ herra vir^uligr 

1 aullvm, T. 

2 maiaimim, T. 
a Híer, T. 

^ hannd, T. 
^ epter, T. 
^ lausagodz, T. 
" aurugt, T. 
s hierkuonwy T. 
'■* annath, T. 
'' fie, T. 
'^i iafnmikith, T. 

2 leysum added by Prof. Cnger. 

^ er added by Prof. Unger. 

•» sier, T. 

^ henndi, T. 

^ leingra, T. 

' haufudkirkivna, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger; graduam, T. 

^ haaalltarit, T. 

^° hfannda, T. 

'1 sierttu, T. 


revealing to all good men, both by his words and his 
appearance, what glorious mercy had befallen him. 
Therewithal he endeavoureth to persuade the archbishop 
on behalf of the holy Thomas to give his consent to his 
buying-in of the stone for as much money as it had first 
cost the emperor Charles in Palestine, stating to the arch- 
bishop that that was eighty pounds. And because the 
king of the French pleadeth his cause so eagerly, even as 
to support it with prayers and entreaties, the archbishop 
supposeth, that he must consider himself to be invested 
with full powers on behalf of the holy Thomas to 
do in the matter according to his own will and the 
king's prayer. He therefore consenteth to the stone 
being ransomed, and declareth his willingness to take 
the money for it which had been offered. This having 
been consented to, the French king becometh mightily 
glad, and speaketh thus : " In order," said he, " to make 
" it proven by our visit here, that we are guilty of no 
" sort of breach of promise against the holy Thomas, 
" we will pay for the stone its full price over again, for 
" then we feel released from all fear, if we pay double 
" value for it." Now this being all declared and acted upon, 
the kino* of the French holdeth a conference with the arch- 
bishop, wearing that same day the goodly ring on his hand. 
What more, than the very hour that he was to depart from 
the court, and being also desirous to take leave of the holy 
Thomas, he walketh to the cathedral church, and up on 
to the uppermost step in front of the high altar, speaking 
to the shrine as if he were speaking to a living person : 
" Blessed be thou, worthy lord archbishop Thomas, for 


" Thomas erkibyskup, fyrer alia þá myskunn ok heilsu- 
" gjof, er ]m veitter mér^ í þínum ver'Sleik. 
" Hefer ek nu leyst til min me^ tveimr vei^Sum 
" þennan karbunkulum, er ek het"^ í fystu, at þú 
" skylder eignast, ok þar um bi^ ek J?ik, at þú 5 
" blezer steininn mer ^ ok minum efterkomundum ^ til 
" sæmdar ok salubotar." Efter* svo talat hefr hann 
iipp höndina^ me^ gullinu, svo at handarbakit 
borfer at skrininu, lætr sí^an hjólit karbúnkúli kyssa 
framan á mitt brjóstit, ok efter ^ þat gjört víki^ bami 10 
til fylgdarinnar ok ætlar at klæSast til burtrei^ar.^ 
Enn er hann berr höndina ^ at glófanum, er í burtu ^ 
geislinn, ]>\i at gullit er tómt.^ Hann víkr sér ^ þá 
mót ^^ alltarinu ok sér ^ þegar, at karbunkulus 
birte,^^ hvar hann var kominn, þiker konunginum 15 
nau"Ssyn at ganga til altaris í annan ^- tíma ok sjá, 
hversu vorSit er. Marger vir'Suleger menn fylgdu 
honum at sjá }>etta stórtákn, ok var^ öllum^^ s,ug- 
Ijóst me^ sama hætti, at greindr karbúnkúlus var 
svo meistarlega saminn í miöju brjósti á skríninu, 20 
sem höfuSsmi^rinn^^ haf^i hann þar í upphafi sett, 
)?ví at svo var hann læstr, at gullstaupit bar umberg- 
gis upp yfer hvassasta hjólit. Frakka konungr 
talar }>á : " pakka vil ek "þer/^ heilagr fa^er, alia J^essa 
'' skipan, fvi at svo samer bezt fyrer Gu'Si, sem þér ^^ 25 
" líkar, ok þótt þú kjóser nii karbúnkúlum heldr enn 
'' allt þat góz,^^ er ek flutti hingat, skal ek ok því ei 
" unnder mik draga ]?at, er ek lukti á'Sr þinne kirkju. 
" Sé^^ nú þín eign hvortveggja. Enn bi^ ek fik 

^ mier, T. 

- hiet, T. 

'^ epterko7nu?idiim, T. 

4 Epter, T. 

^ haundina, T. 

6 bvrttreidar, T. 

7 burttu, T. 
s tomtt,T. 

9 sier, T. 

10 moth, T. 

11 birtte, T. 
1- annann, T. 

13 aullvni, T. 

14 haufvdsmidrinti, T. 

15 þier, T. 

16 godz, T. 

17 5?e, T. 


'' all thy mercy in the restoration of my health, which 
'* through thy merits thou didst bestow upon me. I 
" have now ransomed to myself this carbuncle by a 
" twofold price, the very one which erst I vowed that 
" thou shouldst be the owner of, and now I pray thee 
" that thou bless the stone, for the honour and spiritual 
" healing of myself and my successors/' Having spoken 
thus he lifteth up his hand with the ring on it in such 
a manner that the back of the hand turned towards 
the shrine, and therewithal having made the oval of the 
carbuncle to touch the front of the shrine in the middle, 
he turned to his following, making ready to array 
himself for his departure. But being about to fit the 
gauntlet to his hand, lo, the lustre is gone, for, indeed, 
the gold setting was empty. Turning then towards 
the altar, he perceiveth forthwith, that the very car- 
buncle discovered where it was gone, wherefore the king 
deemeth needful to go. once more to the altar, and to be- 
hold how these things had come to pass. Many worthy 
men went with him to behold this wondrous portent, 
and unto all it became clear in one and the same way, 
that the said carbuncle was so masterly set in the centre 
of the front face of the shrine, as if the master- wright 
had set it there himself in the beo^innino- for so well was 
it secured that the gold-fitting enclosed the edge of the 
circular basis all round. Speaketh then the king of the 
French : " Thanks will I give unto thee, holy father, for 
" all these dealings ; for so things must needs be most 
" acceptable to God, even as thou wilt that they should 
*' be ; yea, although now thou choosest the carbuncle in 
" preference to all the wealth that I brought hither, I 
" shall none the more take back to myself that which 
" already I have bequeathed to thy church. Be it now 
" thine all together. But therewithal I pray, that thou 


" me^, at ]>n minnist min í bænum J^ínuin ok árner 
'' mér-^ þeirar heilsu andlegrar,^ sem er í ö^ru'^ lífi, 
'' efter* þeim hætti sem fyr veitter þú mér líkams 
*' heilsu meS Gu'Ss fulltinge." Svo seger ^ hann, ok 
vender sí^an í veg. 5 

Ok þessi tvö verk heilags Thóme, er nú voru 
lesin í lireinsan konungsins ok me"(Stekt ^ karbunkúli, 
urSu svo fræg, at innan '^ lítils tíma runnu )7au 
yfer öll^ ríki fyrer nor^an^ fjall. Enn þat má setja 
í enda -"^^ þessarrar hjartteignar, at lausagóz ^^ hins 10 
heilaga Thóme me^ brent-^^ silfr var nú or^it svo 
mikit bæ^i af fornu ofri ok Trie's frammlagi ^^ Frakka 
konungs, at erkibyskup let steypa ni^r í stóra blý- 
kápu, at hún stæ^i me^ sínum farmi under skín- 
andi-^^ sólu ]?ví at vitrum mönnum ^^ er vel kunnigt 15 
at sólarhitinn múterar málminn, svo at blý snýst í 
silfr, ef fyrndin ver^r svo mikil stö^unnar/^ sem nátt- 
úran beiSist. 


Af Máhilld módur Thóme. 20 

Nú sem lesin hefer verit um stund hjartteigna 
fræg^ hins heilaga Thóme erkibyskups, mundi Má- 
liilld hans líkamlig mó'Ser þat játa, ef hún mætti 
hejrrast/^ at nú væri frammkomit sýner J?ær, er 
henni birtust fyrer þeim bleza^a sveine, því at borg 25 
lifanda^^ GuSs, þat er heilug kristne; fagnar nú 

^ mier, T. 

2 anndlegrar, T. 

3 avdrv, T. 
^ epter, T. 

■^ seiger, T. 

6 medtegt, T. 

' innann, T. 

3 öm//, T. 

9 nordanvy T. 

10 eniida, T. 
i^ lausagodz, T. 

12 brentt, T. 

'3 framlagi, T. 
i^ skinaniidi, T. 
1'^ maimnum, T. 
i** staudannar, T. 
1" heyraztt, T. 

13 lifannda, T. 


" mind me in thy prayers, and that thou intercede on my 
'' behalf for my spiritual salvation in the life to come, 
" after the fashion in which thou didst bestow on me by 
^' God's help the health of my body." Thus he speaketh, 
and then he wended on his way. 

These two works of the holy Thomas, of which we 
have just read, the purification of the king and the recep- 
tion of the carbuncle, became so famed, that within a little 
time the rumoui' of them went abroad over all countries 
north of the Alps. But we may add to the end of this 
miracle, that the treasures in burnt silver belono-ingr to the 
holy Thomas had now become so great, what with former 
offerings and the bounty of the French king, that the 
archbishop let pour it all into a large chest of lead, and 
ordered it to stand with its freight in the sheen of the 
sun ; for unto wise men it is well known, that the heat 
of the sun changeth the metal in such a manner that 
lead becometh silver if it standeth as long as nature 


Of Maild the mother of Thomas. 

Now as we have been reading for a while of the glory 
of the miracles of the holy archbishop Thomas, Mailed, 
his fleshly mother, would certes confess, if she could be 
heard, that now the visions had come to pass which were 
revealed unto her before the birth of that blessed child ; 
for the burgh of the living God, being holy church, rejoic- 


sæmiliga af þeim árþyt, er út fell ^ af hennar kvi'Se, 
sem Temps í Lundimum spá^i for^um.^ E^Sa Gillibert 
fa'Ser heilags Thome, hvat mundi hann segja^ þeim 
ávexti, er hveitikornit gefr í Kanncia? Mætti hann 
tala me^ Jsahac höfu'Sfó^ur : ^ Ecce odor filij mei, sicut 5 
odor agri pleni, etc.^ Af þessum dýrSarsamligum akri 
ilma^i svo langt me^ gjof Heilags Anda, at a tiu 
arum fyrr enn heilagr Thomas geingi me^ tignarklæ^i 
sin iyrer sannan ^ Jsahac Drottinn vorn Jesúm Krist, 
skein hans okomin dýr^ ok Kanntarabyrgis kristne 10 
fyrer spádóm allt tit a JorsalalaDd.^ pat er svo Ijos- 
ara, at einn enskr ma^r skilrikr sotti út yfer haf 
til grafar Drottins. I J?ann tima var í Jórsulum 
sá hreinlífisma^r í múnkaregiu, er spádóm haf'Si þegit 
af Gu^i. Hann mæter enum enska manne á J>essum 15 
veg ok talar svo til hans : " Vin minn/' sag^i hann, 
" hvert ríki er þín fóstrjör^ ? " Hannseigist vera fæddr 
í Engiandi.^ pá talar múnkrinn sem fylldr nýjum 
fagna'Si : " Dásamlig Anglía, mjög dýrlig Angiía, hver 
" má þína ókomna fegui-^ ^ skýi^a." Ok enn spyr hann : 20 
" Kenner )?ú nökkut^^ Kanntúaríam ? " Pílagrímr 
segist ^^ ei þar verit hafa. pá talar munkrinn í annat ^^ 
sinn me^ andligri gle^i brjósts síns : '' Blezut ertu, 
" Kantúaría, gla^lig ok unatsamlig. Sæl er J?ín ham- 
" ingja, "því at ]?eir dagar munu koma, at slíkum 25 
" hætti muntu tignast me^ sókn ok ofri, sem Jerá- 
" salem, Róm, eöa sæll Jacobus i Kompostellam." 
pessi spádómsorö flutti enski ma^r heim, hvat hann 
hafSi heyrt af múnkinum. Enn efter ^^ x. ár liSin, 

1 fiell, T. I 7 go Prof. Unger ; Jorsaula- 

2 I put a full stop after fordum \ land, T. 
because the context evidently re- j ^ Einglandi, T. 

quires it. Prof. Unger reads /orrf- 
um, eda &c. 

3 seigia, T. 

4 haufudfaudr, T. 

5 Cf. Gen. xxvii. 27. 
^ sannann, T. 

9 SoT. 
^^ nauekut, T. 
^1 seigiz, T. 
^2 annath, T. 
^3 epter, T. 


eth now right seemly in the rush of that river which fell 
out of her womb, even as the river Thames in London 
betokened aforetime. Or, then, Gilbert, the father of 
holy Thomas, what would he say to the plant which bear- 
eth the wheat-ear at Canterbury ? He might well speak 
with Isaac the patriarch : Ecce odor filii niei sicut odor 
agri pleni, etc. From this field of wondrous glory the 
fragrance spread so far, through the grace of the Holy 
Ghost, that ten years before the holy Thomas went 
arrayed in bis robes of glory before the true Isaac, our 
Lord Jesus Christ, his glory to come and that of the 
church of Canterbury shone in prophesy even all the 
way out in the land of Jerusalem. To relate it more 
clearly, a certain Englishman and truthful, went on a 
pilgrimage out beyond the ocean unto the sepulchre of 
the Lord. At that time there was in Jerusalem a certain 
anchorite, a monk by order, who had received from God 
the gift of prophesy. On his way he encountereth the 
Euglishman, and speaketh to him after this manner : 
" Friend," said he, "in which realm is the land that 
'' fostered thee?" He said he was born in Eno-land. 
Then spoke the monk, as if filled with fresh joy : 
" Admirable England, right glorious England, who may 
" set forth thy beauty to come ? " And still he ques- 
tioneth : '' Knowest thou, perchance, Canterbury ? " The 
pilgrim said he had not been there. Speaketh then 
again the monk in the spiritual joyance of his heart : 
" Blessed art thou, Canterbury, gladsome and delightful. 
" Blessed is thy destiny, for the days shall come that 
" thou shalt be honoured in pilgrimages and offerings, 
' even as Jerusalem, Rome, or the blessed James of 
'* Compostella." These words of prophesy, which he 
had heard from the monk, the Englishman brought back 
home with him. But when ten years had passed away, 

K óU. 



sem hjartteigna Ijos hins beilaga Thome skin yfer 
England^ meir ok meir, minntist ]?essi Jorsalafari 
sinna or^a ok sag^Si svo til sinnar fmr, et Degleotesta 
liet ^ : '' Vel muntu hugieitt liafa, livat ek sag^a y^r 
" for'Sum, sem ek kom heim af Jorsulum, liversu bro'Ser- 5 
" inn lofa^i ]?etta land ok einkanlega Kanntúaríam. Nú 
" mun fylling a komin meö bleza^ri frammkvæmd^ 
" þess, er bans spádómr sagSi : sannliga er ]?at nú fyllt, 
" at sæl er Kanncia sins fo^ur '^ ok forstjora, þvi at 
" hverr^ aldr, stett ok vigslapallr fagnar under bans 1 
" bende, ok jafnvel þrætumenn þiggja ]?ar birti sann- 
" leiksins. Ostyrkum formonnum veitist þar bverr 
" styrkr til birMegrar áhyggju, beilsa sjiikum, enn 
" likn i'Srondum,^ blinder sja, enn baiter ganga, breins- 
" ast likþráer, enn beyra daufer, dauber iipp risa, enn 15 
" mállauser tala, frægjast fátæker, enn kararmenn öflg- 
" ast,^ vatnþrungner mjófast, enn óöer vitkazt, brott- 
" fellder ^ græ^ast, enn ri^skelfder bætast." " Ok at ^^ ek 
" renne um," seger ^^ meistarinn, í fám or^um : fyllast 
'' ]7ar margfaldiga nær ölP'^ gn^spjallleg^^ or^ ok tákn."^^ 20 
Hér^^ upp yfer er þat boSanda J?eira Gu^s piningar- 
vott til lofs ok vir^ingar, at bimneskt Ijos kom iiij. 
sinnum yfer bans alltari, svo at )?ar af tendra^ist 
])au kerti, er a^r voru loglaus. Vatn bans skifti^'^ v. 
sinnum sinum lit, er );at byrla'Sist sjukum monnum,^^ 25 
einn tima bvitt sem mjolk, enn^^ iiij. sinnum rautt 
sem bló"S. 

^ EingJand, T. 

2 hiet, T. 

3 framkvœmd, T. 
^ faudr, T. 

'" So Prof. linger ; hvern, T. 

^ formsunnum, T. 

' idraunjidum, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; anlfgazt, T. 

9 hrolfellder, T. 

'^^ at added by Prof. Unger. 

1^ seiger, T. 

12 aull, T. 

^'^ gudspialleg, T. 

14 taknn, T. 

15 Hier, T. 
i'5 skiptti, T. 

17 maunnum, T. 
1« en, T. 


and the light of the miracles of the holy Thomas was shin- 
ing more and more throughout England, this Jerusalem 
pilgTÍm brought to mind the words of the monk, and said 
to his lady, whose name was Degieotesta: "Thou wilt have 
" considered well that which aforetime I said unto thee, 
" when I came home from Jerusalem, how the brother 
" praised this land, and more especially Canterbury. Now 
" shall that have come to pass, through a blessed ful- 
'' filment, which his prophesy foresaid ; for in sooth it is 
" now fulfilled that Canterbury glorieth in her father 
" and ruler, for every age, state, and order rejoiceth 
'' under his hand ; yea even schismatics receive there 
'' the brightness of the truth. On feeble rulers is coq- 
" f erred there the strength for pastoral solicitude, health 
" is given to the sick, mercy to the repentant, the blind 
" see, the lame walk, the leprous are cleansed, the deaf 
" hear, the dead rise agaiu, but the dumb speak, the 
" poor are honoured, the bed-ridden grow strong, the 
" dropsical grow thin, the crazy get reason, the epileptic 
" are healed, but the palsied recover." " And," says the 
Master, " to review it in few words : there, indeed, are 
" fulfilled, in a manifold manner, nearly all evangelical 
" words and tokens." Over and above all this it must be 
declared for the praise and honour of this God's martyr, 
that four times a heavenly light appeared over his altar, 
so that therewith the candles were lit which stood there 
without lights before. His water changed colour five 
times on being given to sick peo])le, once becoming as 
white as milk, and four times as red as blood. 

p ii 




Nu er svo komit, at bok ];essi er at lyktum 
leidd, ok mun í fremsta lagi svo synast vitrum monn- 
um/ ef liiin ver^r smásmugliga sko^u'S, at hennar 5 
æzti skilningT megi viSrkvæmiliga eignast l?at uppkast, 
at liann liggi luktr ok samlesin í fígúru )?eiri, er 
iinnst in libro regum '^ af Eliseo spámanne ok Suna- 
mittiti, ok at J^at vercSi Ijosara, viljura vær sýna 
meí) myskunn Gu^s ok arnan lieilags Thome erki- 10 
bysknps, hversu likist. Svo er lesit, at Sunamitis 
var ein húspreyja sins eigins boncla me^ Israels folki. 
I lierbergi )?eira hjona hvildist mörgu ^ sinne Heliseus 
propbeta, sem bann for um byg^ina, hvar fyi'er Suna- 
mitis talar svo til bonda sins einn tima : ''Eg"* bug- 15 
*' leiSi me^ mer,^ sag'Si bun, at þessi beilagr ma^r 
" kemr oftliga^ til okkars berbergis, ok því sýnist 
" mér^ vel fallit, at vit gjorum bonum litit ber- 
" bergi, ok latum ];ar koma sæng bans ok boi^, 
" sæti ok keii^isstiku/' Nu er at sja til glosu 20 
p>essara bluta. Heliseus befer til þess iii. bluti einkan- 
liga, at bann merker vorn Herra Jesiim Kristum, 
);at er nafn ok bjartteigner í lífinu, enn frábær- 
ast ö^ru/ at bans rotin bein reistu dau^an mann 
til lifs. Nafn bans þy'Sist : salus Dei. pa beilsu 25 
sendi Gu^ sinu folki, er efter^ likams dau^a a 
krossinum reisti mannkindina til lifs ok Ijóss ^ fra 
eilifum myrkrum. Svo þjónar nam Helisei vors 
Drottins myskunn ok mætti. Sunamitis þýSist bertek- 
inn, ok því merker bun sal mannkynsins, er 80 
Jesus Kristus leysti me^ sinu blo^i brutt úr ber- 

^ maunnum^ T. 

« optliga, T 

- Cfr. 2 Kings iv. 8-10. 

7 audrv, T. 

^ 7naurgv, T. 

8 epter, T. 

' Egh, T. 

5 lios, T. 

^ mierj T. 




Now we have come so far, that this book is brought 
to an end ; and first of all things it will appear to wise 
men, if it be carefully examined into, that the gist of it 
may fitly be represented as lying shut up and folded in 
the figure, which is found in the book of Kings, written 
about the prophet Elisha and the Shunammite ; and in 
order that this may be made all the clearer, we will 
show, by the mercy of God, and the intercession of 
the holy Thomas, how the two correspond. 

We read that the Shunammite was a woman married 
to a husband, both of whom were of the folk of Israel. 
The prophet Elisha would many a time take his rest in 
the house of these wedded people, when he travelled 
through that country-side, wherefore the Shunammite 
once speaketh thus to her husband : '' I am turning it over 
!'- in my mind," said she, "how repeatedly this holy man 
" Cometh to harbour with us, and therefore it seemeth 
" well to me, that we should make a little chamber for 
" him, and let there be brought for him his bed and 
" board, his stool and his candlestick." 

Now let us look to the interpretation of these things. 
To Elisha appertain three things especially by which he 
may signify our Lord Jesus Christ ; these being his name, 
and the miracles he wrought in his lifetime, and this, 
which is the most extraordinary in comparison with 
other miracles, that his withered bones raised a dead man 
to life. His name signifieth Solus Dei. That salvation 
God sent to his folk, who after His death on the cross 
raised all mankind to life and light from eternal dark- 
ness. In this manner the name of Elisha servcth to 
signify the mercy and might of the Lord. Shunammite 
signifieth captive, and therefore she betokeneth the soul 
of njankind, which Jesus Christ released l)y his blood, 



lei^slu fjandans. pessa Suuamitem gister Heliseus 
oftliga,^ því at vor Herra kemr me^ mörgum^ liátt- 
um andligrar ^ vitjanar til kristins manns sálu. 
Fyrst tjar hann henni hanclaverk sin í skepnunne, 
at hull merke J>aSan, hverre tign Skaparinn er 5 
virSandi ; kemr fyrer hjartteigner ok heilaga ritning, 
kemr fyrer predikan sinna bo^or^a ok hjartans mykf* 
me^ áblæstri Heilags Anda, kemr fyrer motgang 
ok efterlæti/ kemr me^ ogn ok fyrerheitum.^ pa 
er Drottinn kemr ok vitjar hans, ]?á er hann dvelst 10 
á gisting, rettlæter hann ; kemr hann ok ferr, at 
hugskotit kenne sig J?ar fyrer ok lítilætist því meir, 
at eingi er önnur ^ gjöf enn af guSligri mildi efter 
sjálfs hans vild. Bondi j^essarar Sunamitis er 
skynsamligr skilningr í brjósti mannsins til J?ess skip- 15 
a^r at stjorna, leiöa ok hagræSa sálina til frjósemd- 
ar andligs avaxtar J^essum sinum stjornara, tjar 
sinne sal, er oftliga '^ vitjast af vorum Herra, at 
þau bæ^i samt fái ]?eim heilaga manni litit herbergi 
til meiri navistu. Sannliga er Jesus Kristr heilagr 20 
heilagra, ]?vi at an honum er engi ma^r heilagr vor^- 
inn. Yel sag^i Sunamitis, at hús Helisei skal litit 
vera, þvi at ekki hjarta uppreists metna^ar hæ^ 
herberger i honum, heldr hvilist hann gjarnan i 
lægiS ok litileik. Setjum^ nú Súnamitem þessa fyrer 25 
sal bins signa^a Thome, at vær sjáum því betr, 
hversu samþykkist sannleikr ok figura. Ljost er 
lesanda manni, at sannr Heliseus vitja'Si mörgum^ 
háttum hans blezaöa lif Vitja'Sist hann fyrer hjart- 
teign, ]7á er signup Gu^s mo^er sende honum byskups- 30 

^ optliga, T. 

2 tnanrgum, T. 

3 annligrar, T. 
-1 myyt, T. 

^ epterlceii, T. 
fyrerheitvm, T. 


Unger puts a comma after fyrer- 
heituni; but a full stop is neces- 

sary, to show that there the dis- 
course on the external visitations 
comes to an end, while by the 
words p« er Droltinii, &c., the 
writer turns to inward visitations 
of Divine Grace. 

7 aunnr, T. 

^ So Prof. Unger ; sictivm, T. 


from the devil's captivity. Elisha would often go and 
visit this Shunammite ; that is to signify, that our Lord 
Cometh by a manifold manner of spiritual visitation 
unto the soul of a Christian. First he setteth forth unto 
her His handiwork in the creation, in order that she 
may thereby understand what honour is due to the 
Creator ; then he visiteth her through miracles and holy 
writ ; visiteth her in the preaching of his command- 
ments through the heart being softened by the insph-a- 
tion of the Holy Ghost ; visiteth her through tribulation 
and prosperity ; visitetli her with threats and promises. 
When the Lord cometh and visiteth her so as to tarry 
a guest with her, then he justifieth her. But when on 
coming He at once departeth, he doeth so in order that 
the spirit may thereby the rather realize its condition, and 
may the more humbly perceive, that there be no gift but 
what cometh from Divine grace according to God's own 
will. The husband of the Shunammite signifieth rea- 
sonable understanding in the breast of man, which is 
set to rule, guide, and dispose the soul for a fertile yield 
of spiritual fruit unto this her governor ; and counselleth 
his soul, being often visited by our Lord, that they both 
together should make for that holy man a little chamber, 
that he may the longer tarry with them. Verily, Jesus 
Christ is the Holy one of all the holy, for without him 
no man hath become holy. Well spoke the Shunammite 
in saying that the chamber of Elisha should be a little 
one, for no heart elated by the haughtiness of pride 
may receive him as guest, for he dwelleth rather in 
lowness and humility. 

Let us now set this Shunammite in lieu of the soul 
of the blessed Thomas, that we may the more clearly 
perceive, how truth and similitude agree between them. 
Now it must be clear to any man reading thereof, that 
the true Elisha visited him in many a wise throughout 
his blessed life. He visited him in the miracle when the 
blessed mother of God sent him the bishop's robes in 


skru^ann í Paris, sem fyr var lesit. Kom ok sami 
Heliseus fyrer heilaga ritning,^ ]7vi at su blezuS sála 
greiddist svo nogiiga letrligum skilning, sem lesit var, 
at hann for yfer vii. lister liberales. Yitja^ist bans ^ 
her ^ raeS fyrer upptendran ok au^mýkt hjartans, 5 
því at hann finnst alia götu '^ verit hafa J?at mjukasta 
]if, er GuS Jeitar meS tarligri góSfýst. Vitjaör var 
liann af vorum Herra fyrer motgang ^ ok bliSu, sem 
lieyrist í liaus lifsögu^ i^ijog frábært, livort i sinne 
grein. pessi virSulig sala svo vitju^ af Gu^i minnti 10 
a sina skynsemd at smiSa vorum Heliseo litit her- 
bero'i. Sannlio-a fekk ^ beilasfr Thomas Græ^ara vorum 

o o o 

litit bus fyrer sinn brjosti, "pa er hann bjo honum til 
návistar lága samvizku me^ sönnu^ iítilæti. Hj^gg 
at, bvat satt er, at ]?á er bann var kannzelier alia 15 
vega gæddr heimsins blíbu, lá bann frammfallinn ^ á 
náttarj?eli fyrer Gu^s mnstere. Sé ^^ "þessu næst, hversu 
liaDn setti sæliim Helíseo :Qóra bluti til ná^ar, sæng 
ok bor'S, sæti ok kertisstiku. Sæng er sofanda manns. 
pessa sæng veitti signa'Sr Thomas sínum Græ^ara, því 20 
at allan^^ lifsveg hér á jörSu byrg^i^- hann bæ^i 
augTin frá J^eire girnd, er fiesta feller, sem er kvenna 
návist. Hversii prófa^ist ]7etta mál, þá er búsbóndinn 
gruna^i bann, sem bann var kanziler, utan svo at 
lifna^r bans var hreinn fyrer Gubi, er bann lá-^^ framm- 25 
fallinn ^ á berre^^ jorS ok sofna^r efter-^^ knéfölP^ ok 

1 ritiunyh, T. I ^ saunnri, T 

' So T. correctly, although the ' ^ framfalliim, T 
construction is unusual ; Professor 
Unger, possibly led by Vitiadr var 
hcnui'm the next sentence, proposes 
to read hav7i. 

^ hier, T. 

-^ gautv, T. 

5 77)othga7ig, T. 

c Hfsaiigu, T. 

^ ýeck, T. 

Í0 Sie, T. 
" or/Zaw?/, T. 

^- So Prof. Unger ; h/rdi, T. 
'3 er ha7i7i added by Prof. 

14 So Prof. Unger ; hœre, T. 
'•' epter, T. 
1*5 knefaull, T, 


Paris, of which we have read before. That same Elisha 
also manifested himself to him through holy writ ; for 
that blessed soul gaiued so plentifully understanding in 
letters, according to what was read before, that he mas- 
tered the seven liberal arts. Therewithal He manifested 
Himself in the enkindling and the humility of his heart, 
for his is found throughout to have been the sweetest 
life, seeking God in tearful devotion. He was visited by 
our Lord through distress and prosperity, of either of 
which in its turn marvellous things have been read in 
the story of his life. This worthy soul, thus visited by 
God, called upon her Reason to make a little chamber 
for their Elisha. And verily the holy Thomas furnished 
our Healer with a little chamber in his breast whenas 
he prepared a lowly conscience in true humility for His 
dwelling-place. Give heed unto that which is the truth, 
that when he was chancellor, in every way blessed with 
worldly prosperity, he lay prostrate before God's temple. 
Behold, then ao-aio, how he set forth four fchinors for the 
comfort of Elisha : a bed, a board, a stool, and a candle- 
stick. A bed is for him that sleepeth. With this bed 
the blessed Thomas furnished his Healer ; for all through 
his life's path here on earth he covered both his eyes 
against the temptation, which bringeth most men to fall, 
the company of women, to wit. How was this matter 
proven whenas the hostler misdoubted him, when he 
was chancellor ? how ? but in such a way, that his life 
was found pure before God, while he lay prostrate on 
the bare earth, having fallen asleep after long kneeling 


bæner. Gakk he^an-^ framm ^ tii synar, hversu hann 
reisti bor^it ok bjo sætit vorum Herra, þann tíma 
sem hann var erkibyskup vor^inn. BorS í þessum 
staS er beilug ritning )?vi at hún flytr gu^hræddum 
klerk rikar ok fagTar sendingar, er svo heita, historia, 5 
allegoria, tropologia, duo testamenta. Minniligfc ma 
vera, hversu Thomas erkibyskup elska'Si J?etta bor^ 
Gu^i til lofs, á me^an hann matti meS friÖi sitja, þá 
er hann vakti ^ longum ^ natta me^ heilagri stiideran, 
si^an at hann haf^i a^r kropit at fotum fátækra 10 
me^ tar ok trega. Bjo hann ok sætit Jesú Kristó, 
■því at ^ þann ilm, er hann herberg^i af gu^ligii ritning, 
tjá^e hann sinne hjörS me^ sætri ok signaSri kenning. 
Ok ]?ví merker sæti predicanar embætti, at sá sem 
a^ra lærer, skal líkjast sitjanda manni, lær^r fjaer 15 
Gu^s angliti án alhi bæ^ ok hégómadýr^.^ Enn 
hvat munum vær tala af ]7eiri kertisstiku, er hann 
bjó blezuSum Heliseo, utan þat helzt, at hennar 
form ]?jónar ölhi ^ hans lífi, ok einkannliga síSan 
þyngdi meö þeim Heinreki konungi. pat er merki- 20 
ligast form á því smíSi, at kertisstika haíi þrjá 
samhka fætr, ok jafnlangt í milhmi aUra ; af mi^ri 
understö^u ^ þeira fóta skal leggrinn rísa réttr ok 
óhaUr allan ^ veg upp under bringuna, er læser 
leggþáttinn, J^a^an upp úr mi^ju geingr 'sá broddr, 25 
er á stendr siálft kertit me'S brennanda log. pessi er 
glósa. prír samlíkir fætr merkja vorn Herra Fö^ur ^^ 
ok Son ok Heilagan Anda, einnar ok sannrar under- 
stö^u/^ því at gudómlig gæzka er ^^ grundvöllr ok 
uppheldi allra gó^ra hluta. Af svo dýrmætri under- 30 

hiedan, T. 

- fram, T. 

^ uagliy T. 

^ laungum, T. 

^ After at T. adds i. 

^ hiegomadi/rd, T. 

7 aullu, T. 

^ understauda, T. 

9 allann, T. 

ío faxidr, T. 

^^ vnderstaudu, T. 

'2 So Prof. Unger ; ok, T. 


and prayers. Proceed then unto the vision that showetli, 
how he set up the table and furnished the stool for our 
Lord at the time, when he had become archbishop. The 
table in this case signiiieth holy writ, which setteth forth 
for a God-fearing clerk rich and fair gifts, such ais are 
called historia, allegoria, tropologia, duo testamenta. It 
must indeed be memorable, how archbishop Thomas 
loved this table for the glory of God, while he might sit 
thereat in peace, watching as he was wont to do through 
the night in holy study, having first knelt adown at the 
feet of the poor in tears and contrition of heart. He 
also fitted the stool for Jesus Christ, for the fragrance 
which he stored up from godly writ he imparted to his 
flock in a sweet and salutary teaching. And therefore 
the stool betokeneth the ojffice of teaching, because that 
he who instructeth others is to be likened unto a sittinof 
man, learned before the face of God, yet without pre- 
sumption or vain glory. 

As to the candlestick which he (the husband of the Shu- 
nammite) furnished for the blessed Elisha, what else can 
we say about it than that itsform betokeneth his (Thomas') 
whole life, and that especially after the time when matters 
grew heavy with him and the king. The thing chiefly to 
be noted in that work of craft is that a candlestick shall 
have three legs all alike, and with even distance between 
each. From the middle iointure of these leo's the shaft 
riseth straight and inclining no whither all the way up to 
the brim, which bindeth the shaft above together. Thence 
riseth from the centre the spike whereon the very candle 
is stuck with a burning light. And this is the interpre- 
tation. Three legs, all alike, signify our Lord, Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost, in one and true foundation, for 
divine goodness is the foundation and su})port of all 
good things. Out of the very midst of such a glorious 



sto'Su ^ reistist í mi^ju lif ok frammfer^i ^ heilags 
Thome erkibyskups svo rett ok röksamligt,^ at 
eingin oga e^r illska matti honum vikja fra lettri 
refill p*u^lio;ra setnino-a, siSan Imoo-D- ^ um sinn 
11] eS sælum Petri postula. Ok ]?vi svo, at þröng^o 
harblífis kringla læsti ^ alia hans lífsþáttii meS ];eiri 
áhyggju hjartans, at ]>at er hann byrja^i meS 
vandlæti " laganna, skyldi hann utlei^a me^ 
æskiligum® enda. Af ]>eiri ^hyggju*^ leiddi ):'at 
smásmao[lio-a, at livorki var^ hann blekktr um 10 
aldr si San fyrer blitt ne stritt, sem );á prófa^ist í 
Frannz, er sléttmæloi Heinreks koniinos leiddi svo til 
missýnis Frakka konnng sem a^ra höf^ingja/^ iitan 
]?essi einii ö^rum ^^ skygnare stó'S óblekktr í siinii 
náttúrusta^festi, pví at lifanda Ijós brann jfer þessa 15 
kertastiku. Lysanda kerti merker vorn Herra 
Jesúm Kristum, eina persónu í tvennre náttúru. 
Loof merker hans sfii^dóm, enn vax manndóminn. 
Kirkja í Kantúaría geingr framm ^- me^ vætti, at 
glósa þessi er falslaus, ]7ví at hit himneska ]jós, GræSari 20 
vor Jesús Kristr, sannr GuS ok sannr maSr, hvílist í 
ídgna^i sinnar dýrSar yfer þat réttlæti ok staSfesti, 
harSlííi ok smásmygli, er bleza^r faSer Thomas erki- 
byskiip fórnfærí^i honum me'S píslarsigTÍ, sem sjálfr 
Græöari vor greiner í ]7essiim oi-^um : " Sá er mér ^^ 25 
" líkist," sag^i hann, " geingr eigi í myrkrum, heldr 
" mun hann birte ö"Slast ^^ eilífs fagna^ar." Nú 
svo sem heilaojr Thomas öSlast'^* vir'Sulioja M ritnino- 
at fylgja Gu^s Syni meS göfugligum^^lifna^i, svo veitti 

' vnderstaudu, T. 

- framfcrdi, T. 

3 So Prof. Unger ; raugsamligt, 

^ So Prof. Unger ; huaugg, T. 

^ þrau?ig, T. 

6 So Prof. Uuger ; lcBsta, T. 

7 vanjilcpti, T. 


So Prof. Unger ; œskuUgum, 

^ So Prof. Unger ; aaheygiu, T. 
^^ haufdingia, T. 
^^ audruni, T. 

12 /ram, T. 

13 mier, T. 

'^ audlazt, T. 

1^ gaufuglignmy T, 


foundation rose the life and conversation of the holy 
archbishop Thomas, so straight, and so full of authority, 
that no threats or wickedness might turn him from the 
straio'ht rule of divine sentences, after haviuof once 
stumbled with the blessed apostle Peter. All this for the 
very reason, that a tightly drawn encasement of ascetic 
living enclosed with such an anxious care in his heart 
all the strands that made the thread of his life, that 
whatsoever he began in the zeal of the law, that he 
must carry out to the desired end. From this anxious 
care it followed strictly that never afterwards in his life 
was he betrayed by soft means or hard, as was proven in 
France, when the smooth language of king Henry so 
misguided the sight of the king of the French, as well as 
that of all other lords there, this one, more clear-sighted 
than the rest, stood undeceived in his natural steadfast- 
ness ; even so, because a living light was burning on 
this candlestick. A lighted candle also signifieth our 
Lord Jesus Christ, one person in two essences. The 
light signifieth his Godhead, the wax his Manhood. The 
church of Canterbury standeth forth a witness to this 
interpretation being faultless, for the heavenly light, our 
Healer Jesus Christ, very God and very man, abideth in 
his glory rejoicing at the justice and steadiiistness, 
chastisement and exactitude which the blessed father 
archbishop Thomas offered him in the victory of his 
passion, as our Saviour himself witnesseth in these words : 
" He that followeth me," said He, " shall not walk in 
" darkness, but shall have the light of eternal joy." 

Now even as on holy Thomas is worthily fulfilled tiie 
scripture that he followeth the Son of God in a noble 


Drottinu honum háleitan hei^r þar í móti, sem hep'S- 
ist Í sögumie,^ at )?eira lofsamlig pina samlikist í 
mörgu - lagi, ok því líti lær^er menn til þessa háleita 
lierra Thómam erkibyskups la^andi bans efterdæmi^ 
sér ^ til andlegrar ombunar ^ Die's loo^lioT.'! ^ frammferS ^ 5 
heila9:rar roksemdar,^ sérbverer^ ok aller samt tilæsk- 
ingai^^Tier beilagi-ar kristni luti þessum bimna- 
konungsins ástvin, því at svo sem bann þre^^tti allt til 
pislar fyi'er kirkjunnar frelsi, svo mun bann \41jugr 
ok myskunnsamr ok mjiikr at bjálpa bennar lögligu^^lO 
aíkvæmi. Xú sá góSi kristinn maSr, sem minnast 
YÍll þessa pislarvotts, þótt eigi se-*^^ oftar^- enn iirr 
sinn í sjö náttiim, vite )?at efalaust, at þriSja dag í 
viku befer Drottiiin bonum skipat til einkannlegTar 
tignar, sein Ijósara verSr í fylgjandi klausii.-^^ priSi 15 
dagr viku var síSastr )7Íngs í NorSantún, ]?á er 
bo^inn for bæst me'S eldi ofsóknar í rnót^^ bonum 
framm ^^ under flóttann. pann sama vikudag gekk 
bann i baf út ^^ af Sandvik, at forSa lífi sínu til 
útlegSar,^" at kirkjunnar sök ^^ yi-Si )?ví kunnari 20 
lærdóm kristninnar. A JniSja dag let bann út^^ af 
Flaundr beim til E norlands ^^ efter-^ friS formeraSan 
í milium bans ok Heinreks konungs, ok á sama 
vikudag efter^^ einn mánuS liSinn fell bann fi'amm^^ 
í berbuS bimnakonungs réttlætis vöndr ok ' veraldar 25 
Ijós, kirkjunnar afl ok elska lýSsins, ok ágætr vemd- 
ari sinnar lijai-Sar, árnandi öllum -^ líknar, er bans 

^ sauguniie, T. 
- mavrgv, T. 
^ epterdœrni, T. 
4 sier, T. 
^ aumhunar, T. 
^ laugligri, T. 
' framferd, T. 
^ rauksemdar, T. 
^ sierhierer, T. 

10 laugligu, T. 

11 sie, T. 

- optar, T. 

3 klavsv, T. 

^ moth, T. 
fram, T. 

6 fí/í, T. 

' vthlegdar, T. 

5 sa?/^, T. 

^ Einglandz, T. 
=0 epíer, T. 
21 ay//y»?, T. 


manner of life, even so the Lord granted him an exalted 
honour in reward therefor, as was heard in the story, 
which showed that their laudable passion bore resem- 
blance in many ways. Let, therefore, learned men look 
unto this exalted lord archbishop Thomas, following his 
example, that they may have a spiritual reward, by law* 
fully maintaining holy authority. Let each one and all 
together, who are the adopted sons of holy church, bow 
to this beloved friend of the King of heaven, for as he 
struggled unto his very passion for the freedom of the 
church, even so shall he be willing, and merciful and 
ready to help her lawful offspring. 

Let now any good Christian, who desireth to remember 
this martyr, even if not oftener than once in seven nights, 
know without doubt, that the Lord hath ordained tlie 
third day of the week for his especial worship, which 
will be still more clear from the folio wino- clause. The 
third day of the week was the last of the council of 
Northampton, when the surf of the fire of persecution 
rose highest against him, forcing hira to take to flight. 
On that same day of the week he put to sea away from 
Sandwich to save his life in exile, in order that the 
cause of the church should be the better kno^vn unto the 
learned community of the church. On the third day of 
the week he departed from Flanders and went home to 
England, peace having been formulated between him 
and king Henry. And on the same day of the week 
after tlie lapse of one month he fell prostrate to earth in 
the tabernacle of the King of heaven, the wand of right- 
eousness and the light of the world, the strength of the 
church, and the love of the people, and an excellent 
defender of his flock, interceding for mercy unto all who 



dyrkan ^ frægj a me^ aíláti annniarka'- ok efterleitan "^ 
GuSs myskunnar. Bi^jum nu aller samt þennann 
valinn ástvin almáttigs Gu"Ss, at fyrer Jau meinlæti, 
er bann bar a sinum likam fyrer ast himnarikis, 
árne haiin oss hvildar í öSru * lííi, at vær forSumst 5 
)?au mein ok myrkr, er omilder ]?ola, enn ö^lumst^ 
at lifa me^ p>eim, er^ oss leysti fra eilifri kvöl ok 
leiddi fyrer sitt banabló^ til andlegra ok himneskra 
fagnaSa. peim Græ'Sara vorum Jesú Kristó sé lof ok 
áyr& me^ GuSi feSr í eining Heilags Anda um 10 
eilifar akler veralda. Amen. 

1 dyrckann, T. 

^ So Prof. linger ; ok anrrmarcki, 

^ epierleitau, T. 

•* audrv, T. 

5 audlumzt, T. 

^ er added by Prof, Unger. 

^ sie, T. 


glorify his worship in desisting from evil and striving 
after God's mercy. Let us now all together pray this 
well-beloved elect of almighty God, that by the hurts he 
bore on his body for his love of the kingdom of heaven, 
he may procure for us rest in the life to come, and that 
we may eschew the torture and darkness which the 
wicked must endure, but may obtain the favour of living 
in company with Him who delivered us from eternal 
pain by the blood of his death unto spiritual and hea- 
venly joy. Unto Him, our Saviour Jesus Christ, w^ith 
God the Father, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, be praise 
and glory through the world's everlasting ages. Amen. 

K 5 n , 


<? 2 



Fragments of Thomas Saga. 

Of the recension, which the present text of Thomas 
Saga follows, there exist, in Cod. No. 6G2a, quarto, in 
the Arna-Magnæan collection of MSS. in the library 
of the University of Copenhagen, three fragments of 
three different membranæ, two of which we have quoted 
already as A. and B. (Thom. Saga, Vol. i., p. 262, note 5, 
and p. 264, note 8), the third of which we here call C. 

In the same collection of MSS. is also found, in Cod. 
No. 234, a fragment of amembrana in foL, containing an 
earlier recension of the Saga, which we call E, Of this 
recension there also exists a small fragmen b of a mem- 
brana in a very mutilated state, in the Record Office of 
Norway, which we call D. But for these two fragments 
this interesting recension of the Saga is not known to 
exist any more. All these fragments we subjoin as they 
now exist, giving in each case an exact reference to the 
page in the Saga to wliich they correspond. 

Fragment B. is here printed in extenso, so far as it can 
be read, now for the first time. 

Fragment A. 

Of this fragment only the upper part of one leaf is left ; it 
represents a codex in quarto with the lines written right across 
the page. On the recto of this fragment 22 lines arc left standing, 
on the verso 23. The handwriting is fine, has an antique appear- 
ance, and is, according to Prof. Unger, not later than the first 
half of the 14th century. 

Recto (Thom. Saga i., p. 262,2 — 264,i.j). sem mesta 
frægd suo fyrir herra pafanum sem Fracka konungi 

246 APPENDIX í, 

ok audru stormenni hvar er |?eii' koma. giorir hann 
ser })aa liking sem hann vili laughin giarna geyma, at 
allr uarnadr ok elfrnir Kantuariensis kirkiu skulu 
standa med fullri naad ok írelí>i. suo sem Thomas 
erkibyskup setti þat allt samann undir vernd sinnar 5 
appellacionis til heilagrar Roma kirkiu ok herra paf- 
ajis. Medr )>essuin bodskap giofaz iiogurra iiegna þeir 
rennarar um rikit. at j^ar til sendiboj^ar koma heim 
af kuria. skal allt kyrt nera. Enn ]}ann tima er sendi- 
boþar eru albunir medr miklum metnadi. rada J^eir 10 
i uegh, ok... nægra silfr enn sannendi. meiia gull en 
p'ann er ]>uilikum persouum til heyrdi. pær pre- 
sentur sem þeir bera Died ser af konungsins halfu. eru 
eigi smaaleitar. j^uiat uel er kunnigt. huerssu sialfr 
herra paiiiin er nu fee|?urfi sakir j^ess ufridar er honum 1 5 
ueitiz af unadum. Suo er ok bans romuersku radi 
þat hugat af Heiureki konungi. at þeir muni meirr 
h3^ggia at presentum en^rettendum. ok suo muni þeim 
synaz malaefni sem feegiafir dickta fyrir þeira briosti. 
Suo sækia þeir sina ferd med miklum pris. J?ar til j^eir 20 
koma sudr at sio. ok ]?a saumu nott sem Thomas 
erkibyskup tok a litlum bati ut af Englandi ok feck 
bliduidri. fingu þessir a storu skipi suo mikit uos bædi 
storms ok ofsæfis at þeim hellt uid haska. Sem þeir 
eru komnir i Flandr. hallda )7eir J^egar fram a uegh. 25 
ok þann sama dagh at apni. sem Thomas erkibyskup 
hafdi farid adr um morginin af klaustri heilags Audo- 
mari. koma l?eir i stadinn ok eru þar um nott. (»k ];o 
leyniz fyrir );eim huar erkibyskupinn ferr. A næsta 
morgin TÍda þeir ok sækia upp i Franz. Yerdr heil- 30 
agi' Thomas erkibyskup sannligha uiss af J^eira ferdum 
ok giorir, sem hann uar uanr med mikilli uiz.sku sin 
rad ok utueghu aa panu haat. at bann sendir meistara 
Herbert ok enn annan sinn klerck uitran mann at 
slaz i fauruneyti med sendibodum konungsins uuit- 35 
undum at ])eiv. 


Vei-so (ib., L, p. 266, ^^— 268, ^^). En er Heinreks 
konungs senndibodar heyra þuiliut andsuar. er engi 
þeirra suo liardr at uernda kyoni þat er bann sagdi. 
faa )7eir ok engaan orskurd af Laiidue konungi þann er 
5 þeir iiieghi beja sinum herra. ok þui taka þeir lliott 
orlof. ok giora sinii uegb iiarn tii Sennonis borgar. 
enn eftir );eirra biottterd af Kompin koma |?ar iiæsta 
dagh sendiboþar Thome erkibyskups. );eir bei}7az eiuk- 
anligha at Hnna konungiun. þiiiat )?eir hafua bref 

10 erkibyskups til bans, i bueriu bann kynnir konuDginiim 
sina utlegd biþiandi fridland i bans riki fyrir guds 
skylld. peir faa lliott orlof Jmiat Frakka konangr 
tekr ];eim med sannri blidu. einkanligba (i) þann 
pungt sem ]?eir bera bonum quediu erkibyskups. þuiat 

15 bonum bafdi Tbomas allan tima hugþekkr uerit. af fysta 
er bann uai'd Heinreks konnngs kanceler. fyrir þaa 
dygd ok mikilmennzsku er bann neitti sinum berra 
med beilum radum lettrar skynsemdar. en sakir ]?ess 
at Frakka konungi eru j^essir menn ukuonir. sem nu 

20 standa fyrir bonum. spyr bann suo fallit. eiu þit af 
Leimamonrium Tbome erkibyskups. þeir segia suo uera. 
Konungrinn tekr þaa bæuerskliga moti J7eim baþiim. 
ok minniz til þeira. Siþan tekr Herbert til frasagn- 
ar greinandi )7aa mædu. er Thomas erkibyskup bafdi 

25 J^olt a sio ok a lanndi si)mn bann for brot af Nor);- 
anthun. nemv bann ok koriunííinum hueriar mein- 
giorjnr ok afarkosti bann feck adr bann fordajn seer 
med ilotta. En er Lauduer konuugr heyrir suo barm- 
anuliiiha rædu. taraz bauii medr heilaori sampiuiniiliu. 

30 Silvan segir bann þeim iiiuirj^uligba. bvad Heinrtkr 
konungr bafdi skrifiiat til bans aa skada erkibysku[)s. 
ok buerssu bann bafdi suarat. ok eun talar haiin. 
Heinreki konungi sagdi barm, hefdi nytsamligt uerit 
a J^essarri tid at bugleida bv^at Dauid setr suo reit- 

35 skyrtt i spalminum, at su reidi er ein abyrg)>arlaus 
fyrir <iudi. sem ei snaraz i ueirn bans biuijjmali. ok ei 
riss med ibrgirnd. heUdr af Ijarmi laugbrotzins. Her 


til suarar Herberth me(i)stan. Minn herra sagdi hann. 
);essar rittningar myndi konungrinn giarna gey rat 
hafua ef hann yndi ser iamuel i kirkiunni sem þer 
]7a er þuilikt uerdr sungit. Konungrinn brosir at ord- 
um hans. Brytr nu. 5 

Fragment B. 

This fragment also represents a quarto codex, of which the lines 
ran right across the page, 36 a page. Professor linger takes it 
to be of the same age as A. Of this codex there are extant only 
three leaves, the two first cohering. All that now can be read of 
the almost effaced wiiting on the first leaf is printed below, the 
orthographic and other peculiarities of codex being carefully 
maintained. Of the upper right-hand corner of the first leaf 
a snip has been torn, leaving the first six lines of both pages 
only half What now cannot be read has been filled out from 
the text of the Saga in smaller type, 

1st leaf, recto ib., L, p. 264, s — 268,22. 
uiss af þeira ferdiim ok gerir sem hann uar uanr 
me'S mykilli vizku sin ráö ok iitvegu á ]?ann hátt, at hann 
sendir meistara herbert ok enn annan sinn klerk uitr- 
an mann at slást í föruneyti með sendiboðum konungsins 10 
iivitöndum, at peir megi öll J'eirra rað ok frammfer^i fví 
smásmuglegar skilja, sem peir fylgja fastara- Sua fara þeir 
eptir sem hinir fara undan ok hafa dagliga vissu af, 
hvat J)eim líðr. Er nú ekki fyrr at segia af sendebodvm 
heinreks konungs • en þeir konia í ]>ann stað er Kompin 15 
heitii-. þar finna ]>eú' Hlöðvi fracka konung • ganga fyrir 
hann ok kuedia • sem honum somdi, tjá honum síðan 
bréf Heinreks konungs af Englandi, hvert uppbrotit hefir 
likan skilning sem fýrr uar skrifat af filipp iarle at sá 
tohmas • er fýr var cantuariensis erkibyskup hafi or hans 20 
riki sua flját ok farit sem eínn suikari. Her med 
stendr sua skrifat • at heínrekr konungr bidr hlavdue 
konung • sua miukliga sem sinn herra • at hann lati 
þann thomam huarki hafa fridland ne nockvra nad 
ioUum franz. Sem hlauduir konungr hefir breíit yfir 25 
lesit hitnar hann ihiarta sinu med gudligu uannleti • 
ok lierdir sinn hug ijnoti ]>m orði heinreks • konungs • 


er hann kallar • thouiam • sinni semd aftignadan • ok im- 
dir suikara nafii settan );uiat ferligt ord gerir optliga 
stygd godvm manne • ]?uiat Salomon segir • at sa einn 
(? meg)i uitr kallast er tempra kanu sina tiiDgu. Hlaudvir 
5 konimgr talar ]?a • her stendr sua skrifat • at • thomas se 
...legi sinum ^ heidr ok iialld(i ?) enn ver spyrivm ydr 
hueiT þat matti med rettu gjöra at deponera hann. 
pat er kuunigt at heinrekr er konuiigr ieingiandi ok 
vær erum rettr konungi^ eigi síðr her i Franz, ok megiim 

10 ver J)ó eigi ]?yí helldr aftigna ein minsta klerk j ollu 
vara Riki • En er • heinreks • konungs sendibodar heyra 
J^uilikt andsuar er einghe J^eira sua diarfr at vernda 
kynni J'at, er hann sagði, fá |>eii' ok eingan orskord af 
hlavdve konunge • ]?ann er J^eir megi bera sinum herRa • 

15 ok pYL toku peii' fljótt orlof ok gera sinn veg framm til 
senonis borgar • En eptir þeira brottferð af Kompin 
koma J>ar næsta dag sendiboðar Thome Erchibyskups • ];eir 
beida einkannliga at iinna konung, ]'vi at j'eh- hafa bréf 
erkibyskups til bans i hverju hann kynir konungi sina 

20 utlegd bidiandi fridlands í hans riki fyrir guds skjld 
peir fa fliot orlof þuiat fracka konungr teki- l^eim uied 
sanri blidu eiukanliga í j'anu punkt seni þeir bera honuni 
kuediu • Erchibyskups • puiat honum hafði Thomas alia 
tima hng]>ekki' verit, af fyrstu er hann varð Heinreks konungs 

25 canceler • fyrir );a dygd ok trumenzku er hann veitti 
sinum heiTa með heilum ráðum rettrar skynsemdar • Eun 
sakir J>ess at fracka konungi eru J'essii- báðii- menu úkunn- 
igir sem nu standa fyrir honum spyr hann sva fallit • 
Eru ]>it af heima inönnum Thome erkibyskups? )>eii- segja 

30 tívá vera. Xonungrinn teki* J>a heuerskliga móti J>eim báÖum 
ok minnist til ])eira. Sitian teki* hann Herbert til frásagnar 
greind (greinandi ?) þa niedu er Thomas erkibyskup hafÖi 
]?olt a sjó ok la7\di, síðan hann for brutt af Norðantún ; 
segir hann konung(in)um hueriar ineingeröir ok afar- 

35 kosti hann fekk, áðr emi hann forðaÖi ser með flótta. Enu 
er hlavduir konungr heyrir sua liorinuliga ræðu tárast 
hann me(S heilagri sampining • Sidau segir hann )>eini 
innviriSuliga huat heinrekr konungr hafM skrifat til hans af 


skaíia erkibyskups ok Imevsu haiin suaradi • ok enn talar 
hann. beinreki konungi hefði nytsamligt verit á þessi tid at 
huo-leida huat Davíð setr sva rett t^kyrt í sálminum at sú 
reiði er ein abyrg^ai'l^^is fyrir Guði, sem eigi snarast i gegn 
haus lögmáli ok eigi riss með yfirgirnd lielldr af harmi 5 
lögbrotsins. Her med til suarar meistari Herbert: "Minn 
" herra," sagði hann, " J^essarrar ritningar. 

I leaf verso: ib., T., p. 268,22_274,io. 
mundi konuugrinn gjarna geymt bafa, ef hanu ynndi ser 
iafnuel i kirkunni sem ]?er j^aer þuilikt verðr suugit. 10 
KonungTÍun brosir at orðum haus . Brytr upp jiessu nest 
bref Tbome' Eicbibyskups • er stendr med þeiii 
beiðslu, isem áðr var sagt, ok ]'ó svarar kouungr eingu 
)>ar til at siuni. El'u sendlbodar a konungs gaiði um 
nóttiua í'rjáklega reikuaðir, bæði með blíðu ok godum 15 
kosti • En um moigiuinii tímanlega kallar konungr- 
inn sitt ráð, biitandi J>eini bréf ok beizlu Ercbibyskups • 
Geingr ]?at íliott, ]'ví at allir stauda með, at l'at hafi góðau 
enda. Eru ]>\i uæst seudiboðar iuukallaðii'. Konungrinu 
talaði siio til þeira. herra Thomas heíir skriíat til uar sua 20 
fallin ord • at ver muiium gefa honiiui fridland í váiu 
ríki (feemr) ver uilium ok giarna gera • jmiat kruou 
fracka konvings befir )?at leingi fylgt • at útlægja eigi 
saklausa belidr bialpa þeim sem utlegdir iierda fyrir 
uaudlgti guds bodorda • þeir þacka boiium hæverskliga 25 
af lialfii Ercbibyskups • taka sidan orlof ok bafa sik 
fram i veg til Sennonis sem berra Thomas bafde bodit 

SEm sendibodar beinreks koimugs koma degi fyrr med 
rikdom ok presentum fram i pafagaið, enu íátækir seudi- 30 
menu Thóme erkibyskups, ýta j'eir pegar bæði ilutnÍFig ok 
fiarlut vid cardinales ser til fylgis. uar J^ar sua skip- 
at sem battr er heimsins at menn eru mislikir adrir 
tapa réttvísi ok fylgia femunum aðrir ottaz gud ok 
sinna laugunum adrir segia heinRek konung í Euglandi 35 
barðla réttvísan ok stiornsaman en Thomas Ercbibyskup 
framgiarnan ok forzugan . adrir mæla j^uers í móti . segia 
Ercbibyskup framstanda med guds retti ok sem hann 


sor i sinni uigslu ok ])m kalla þeir skyldugt, at hin 
romuerska modii- styrki liann i laugligri framterd • en 
beriz eigi moti þeim, er him á at efla til allra godra 
liluta. Vel ma sua kalla at cardinales t>-eno-i með 
5 pretum í tua staði, p\i at sumir ruglast af agirnd sumir 
af otta fyi-ir pafans bond edr sina. ef Heinrekr konimor 
hefir eigi fullnad allra siuna mala • ok J?ui uilia J'eir 
bat ekki heyra, sem erkibyskupeins malum er tii o-reida 
ok eigi uilia J^eir mmua^t til bans sendiboda er þeir 

10 koma a garðinn. fat angrar miok J?akumpána þuiat j?eir 
skilia vel at slikir eiu uinir beinReks konunos enu 
ofundarmeuu Erkibyskups. po flytr sua di'ottin þeira 
mal at' ]?eir fátækii' fa fyrr oilof sama dags simiar ]?ar- 
kuamu inn fyrir beria pafanu. Enn byskupar fulhikir 

15 at fe. Enn er þeir koma iim kueðja þeir uu'duliora 
sem uert er postoligan berra. Bera bonum ]?ar næst 
aaðmjukliga kuediu síus Yirðuligs faudur Tbome erki- 
byskups. peir segiaz fyrir fa sank j^ar komnir at 
kynna berra pafanum. Jivat erkibyskupi líðr. Byi-ja j'eir 

20 ]?ar, með orlofi berra pafans j fvrstu, hversu Thomas erki- 
byskup var ofsotti' j Norðantim af beinReki konungi ok 
bans stormenni • Her n^st • buersu bann Ibrdadi ser 
með leýniligum flótta, sidan bueria farleingd ok uegbar 
vás er bann bar lanz ok lagar alt framm i klaustr saucti 

25 bertini. Enn er alexander • paíi • bafdi beyrt ledu 
)?essa kemst hann við ok klauck af huggæði, enn talar 
sidann. Thomas Erkibyskup segir bann litir eDn j 
licamanura ok ])0 krunaz haiin j'egar meS píslarvættis 
fegrd í andanum • sua segir bann blessadr ok gefr 

30 sendibodum erkibyskups blitt orlof meft postoligri blezsan 
til sins herbergis. Enn )?egar a uesta morgin sem cardina- 
les era samtt komiiir í consistorio berra patans • kallaz 
)?angat sendibodar beiuReks konuDgs bedi byskupar ok 
leikmenn. par koma ok sendibodar bins heilaga • tbome • 

35 2nd leaf, recto, Thom. Saga, I., p. 274,i-— 280,j • 
at peir megi beyra bvat geriz )^ot )>eir standi 1^'gia 
ok tlyti færra. Sem kominn er til heyriligr timi 


stefnu )7essarrar • 8ynir enn Gillibert af lundun- 
iim sina mykilmenzsku. puiat haiin stendr fyrstr 
iipp ok tekr sua til erendis upp a personu herra 
pafans. Heilagr fadir segir hann almennilig stiorn 
heilagrar kristni uekr at ydr þeiri forsia yfir andligum 5 
sonum ydriim • at )?eir er uel uilia ok styrkiaz med 
yduari roksemd. ]?at gera sem þeir rett skilia. Ok ];eir 
er rangt uilia se af páfaligu valdi sva hirtir, at ]?eir snarist 
fra illu ok geri gott. Sa madr truiz eigi yduari uizsku 
uel lika er ser truir einum ok eirigis manns rad uili 10 
heýra • utan helklr gera allt med brede ok sinu ein- 
redi berandi sundrlyndi milli uarr byskupanna • at hverr 
hati annan, virða eingis ualld ok uilia konungs af eing- 
landi • nema helldr leggia herradom bans sva udyi-t sem 
als ecki. Sva veit vit sem ek kann segia 5'dr • at nyliga 15 
hefir upp sprungit mikit missætti milli kirkiunar ok 
konungs af einglandi er auðveldlega mundi legz hafa ef 
goduili ok vizska hefdi um gengit meir með stilling enn 
stridu • meir med radi enn rasandi forsi • Thomas Erki- 
byskup eignaz J^ann lut at heyra eingis mannz rad • 20 
eigi helldr uarr byskupanna enn annarra, ok pyi fær 
hann med sinni framleypi ]>at, er hann fýsir, J>at er úná(5 
ok margfalldr vroe • er styrlar fridsama menn • ]?uiat 
hans akefd gefr eingv gaum eigi timunum, ei skynsemd, 
heldr egnde hann os ok byskupunum J^er snaror at ef 25 
uar uizska hefdi eigi skilt J»a saumu l>jálma myndi þessi 
mal enn til uerri lykta le(i)tt hafa. Enn síðan ver 
for(Sudumz hans umsatir sneri hann sinum Glep upp 
a herra konunginn • at uanuirda sua allt hans ráö ok 
riki. Her med úfregði hann oss bredr sina ok til þess 30 
at hann metti bæí5i konunginum ok oss fyrirmæla uann 
hann sua oheyrðan hlut at hann flýf5i sitt fostrland • fyrir 
utan ogn ok afarkosti. í^ví má honum vel segiaz at flyia 
(omildir ?) ]'ótt eingi bjóði (|?eim ?) af riki. Sem her er komit 
eyrindi byskupsins • talar herra J^afinn ]?ýrm brodir 35 
segir hann Gillibert svarar sannliga mvn ek ]?yrma 
homim. [Herra paiimi segir eigi bidivm ver at ])ú 


þyrmir honum helldr sialfum ];er ^ vid );e.ssi ord sliofar 
drottinn sua uit ok skilning byskupsins, at eigi gekk sidan 
ord af bans munni. Enn bilarius byskiip tekr sidan til 
mals er meira traust befir á sniolhim framburd e:lesi- 
5 ligra orða enn á sannindum mætra skynsemda • bann segir 
sua til berra páfans beidarligr fadir • segir bann. Ydari 
bed ok heilagleik til beyrir aftr at kalla ok endi-bæta utan 
alia duol til fridsamligrar farselldar ok réttrar uppreistar • 
buat er kristni GuÖs ok almúganum verðr til atskilnadar 

10 sem nu bafi þer beyrt af Lundúna byskupi vm hríö. 
per megit eigi dissiinulera • ef eins mannz uanstilli sturlar 
heilaga kristni meÖ dul ok drambuisi ok ]>ess kostar at 
buerR bati annan Harmr er oss ];at tbomas Erkibyskup 
hafnar hvers manns radum ok diktar svá meinliga utvegv 

15 med sinu einrgdi at hann megi ser ok berra konunginum- 
]?ar med lerdum ok leikfólki sem mestar vnaöir inn 
bera. Enn slik framferd i kristni guds beyrir a engann 
ueg sua mikils báttar personu ok ]>vi skilduz ];eir rett- 
liga uit bans forz ok radleysi sem adr uoru bans vndir- 

20 menn af skyldumm • Byskupinn talar sua snialla latinu • 
sera buertt ord ueri skreytt ok þui þikir monnum sem 
nockur veralldlig gledi • buersu listvliga hann þikiz sina 
tolu greida. Hedann geriz sua at blatr mikill brestr 
upp i berberginu þuiat menn bofdu leingi bundiz. Her 

25 med leggr einn rikr madr byskupinum sua fallit ord • 
Seint ok ilia komtu til bafnar • J þessu gerir gud 
byskupinn sua þauglan sem bann bafi latit tun. 

2nd leaf, verso, ib., I., p. 280, s , — 284,20. 

gun a en 

80 er Rodgeir ercbibyskup af Jork ser ]?at, bversu tueir 
byskupar bafa farit, bugleidir bann med ser, at bonum 
skal eigi sua takaz, at nokkur ueiti bonum blatr fyrir 
sina uanstilli, belldr skal bann tempra sik med megni, 
buat sem bonum byr i briosti. Hann bcfr sua sitt 
mal til berra pafans : Verk ok uili Kantuariensis ercbi- 

' The words from [ are written in the margin. 


byskups fra upphafi ero eingum kunnari en sialfum 
mer, ok ]>m kann ek lysa, hver hans lund er, at þat 
er hann liefir statt um sinn iiiun hann eigi auduelliga 
um vennda, ok þui ma skilia, at J'at hugar hardende 
hefir hann fett med laungvm vuana fyrir þa grein, at 5 
hann profadiz iafnan madr sua pragiarn. pui ser ek 
eigi likara utueg honum til hirtingar, en ydr skilning 
ok skipan, heilagr fadir, leggi honum heillt ord med 
hardri hende, sua at hann megi kenna sialfan sik. 
Sem her er komit taalunni hviliz hann litla rid, en 10 
leggr til ]?esse ord : " pat ueni ek," sagdi hann, " at þeim 
" er undirstanda min ord ok uarn vanda Einglismanna, 
" gnegiz vel J?ot eigi tali ek leingra/' Sem hann 
fagnar, talar Bartholomeus sua til herra pafans : 
" Heilagr fadir," segir hann, " j^etta mal |?arf eigi at 15 
" draga monnum til medu med ordafiolda, J>uiat sua 
" mykit efni gengr eigi til uegar, fyrr en Thomas 
" erchibyskup er nerri. pui bidium ver j^luart ualld, 
" at þer skipit j^a legatos af ydru seti, at ];essum 
^' malauoxtum ueiti laugiigt prof, ok ydr flyti, sem 20 
" fallit er." Eigi talar hann fleira. Vigornensis byskup 
þagde a stefnu þesse, ok ma þaí truaz af godum uilia, 
þuiat Thomas erchibysku}- uar uigslufadir hans, sem 
fyr sagde. En þessu n^st stendr upp iarlinn Vilhialmr 
af Arundinel, bidr orlofs at tala nockur (ord), ok )?ui 25 
gefnu hefr hann sua sina r^du : " Heilagr fadir," segir 
hann, '' huat er byskupar þesser hafa talat um stund 
" er OSS med ollv lej^nt, er eigi (undir)staundum latinu, 
" þui hefir oss eptir uaru uiti at gera kunnigt, til hvers 
" ver erum sendir a yduarn fund af minvm herra 30 
*' konunginum. Eigi er þat uart eyrende at efla J?retur 
" edr meinmeli, einkannliga sizt fyrir sua ag^tum 
'* herra, sem þer erut, huers bode ok banne oil kristnin 
" hneigir ok allt iardriki hlydir, helldr enim ver 
" komnir at bera ydr bref ok eyrende mins herra 35 
" konungsins af Einglande birtande þann goduilia, er 
" hann uenz at uenda til yduar ok enn uendir hann, 


" Enn fyrir hueria matti haiiii sina gæzsku ok gocluilia 
" ydr kunnan gera nema uolldugazstu menn af sinuni 
" lanndum? Hefdi hann þessum edri fuiidit, vere þeir 
" giarna her komnir sakir yduarrar tignar. Vel er ok 
5 " minDÍligt hvilikan ueg ok uirding minn herra koii- 
" imgrinn ueitti ydr ok heilagri Roma kivkiu i iiigslu 
" sinni, þa er hann setti sik ok allt sitt goz undir 
" yduart ualld ok uilia, ok þat ma med sonnu segiaz 
*' upp a mina tru, at herra konunginum i Einglande 

10 " finnz eino'i ueralldar stiornari til fridaro-ezshi traust- 
" tari ok til yduar godfusari. Sua er ok ei sidr 
" Thomas erchibyskiip Kantuariensis uel iiordinn i 
'* sinu uallde ok uitrleik, þuiat hann er skygn bede at 
'* greina sik ok adra, ]?o at sumum syniz hann nockut 

15 " forr ok framhuass. Ok ef p'esse sturlan veri eigi 
" til uar inn komin, mundu lerdir ok leikmenn med 
" fagnadi lifa undir godum konungi ok hinum bazsta 
" erchib3^skupi. pui er su uar ben einkannlig til 
*' yduar, heilagr fadir, at yduart ualld ok millde beri 

20 " ];a forsio, at j^etta strid metti lida, en fridr formeraz 
" ined fagnadi sannrar elsku." Jarlinn taladi sua 
heidarliga upp a sina modurtungu, at margir lofudu 
miok. Margt var talat a stefnu })eire, þuiat sendibodar 
Heinreks konungs hofdu margan vtbriot, at bans uili 

25 metti fullgeraz. Su er eiii J^eira umleitan, at herra 
paiinn demi konunginn rettuisan i ollum skiptum J>eira 
erohib3^skups, ok eigi er fegra, en þetta flytia med þeim 
nockurir kardinales, er meirr elska presentur 

3rd leaf. lb., I., p. 348;^!— 360, 
i faustu ok lausa er )?eir attu, er nu landflemir hann. 

30 Her med ero gvds eignir |;ui forligar ok fastara vndan 
dregnar kirkiu, sem erchibyskup hafde bedit i sinu 
brefi, at J^er skilldi med guds laugum aptr leggiaz. 
pat saluga folk er vtlegdiz, sekir flest sudr um sio, ok 
margir af þeim allt fram i Pontis a fund crchibyskups. 

35 En þat ma godr madr hugleida, hversu )?at blezsada 


briost mnnde samharnia ]?eira sorg^ einkannliga fyrir 
)?at, er hann sjmdiz verda sua sem þeira vtlegdar sauk 
J?oat vuiliande, ok eigi ]?ui helldr uiknar hann i þessum 
ofridar stormi, helldr stendr hann e ]mi sterkligar, sem 
hann ei' til fallzsins meirr knuinn. Treystir hann nu 5 
blezsadr a uini sina at gera nockurt rad fyrir ]?eim 
fateka fiolda. Ok sua gengr nu med honum milldc 
guds, at ollum þeim þiggr hann einhveriar hialpir i 
ymissa stade. peir varo adrir af hans frendvm, at 
helldr uilldv leita ser utuegha en kera fyrir honum, 10 
ok þott ]?eir ryfi sina naudnngareida }>ar um, var þeim 
þat lofligt af laugunum, finnz ok sua skrifat, at til 
uarygdar leti herra pafinn leysa margan af ]?eim serum. 
En er ];etta eymdarverk Heinreks konungs spurdiz um 
laund, harma godir menu, hversu hans aufund studerar 15 
framleidis at angra meinlausan erchibyskup ok nu adr 
utleo-an. Sannliga er su uidfreo-d uolltin Heinreks 
konungs, er herra Thomas ueik til nest i brefi sinu. 
Fyr var tidrett um hans goduilld, framstaudu ok fylgi 
med Romveria kristni ok retkiornum Alexandro pafa, 20 
en nu risa malsemdir af hans vhlydni ok eidum med 
sambande ];retumanna, þar med af hatri ok hermdum, 
er hann efldi mot erchibyskupi, þuiat eigi syniz uitrvtn 
monnvm sekiligt, )?o at herra Thomas byde • fyrir þa 
sauk sitt ualld af haundum fyrir heiTa pafa, er hann 25 
hafde leitz til vleyfdrar samþyktar med konunginum. 
Ei virdiz ok sakvent, )?ott herra pafinn skipadi honum 
aptr sinn heidr ok heila semd, ok heyrde þa kardinales 
matuligha miok þar vm, er meirr elskudu framlog 
Heinreks konungs en heilagrar kirkiu laugh. Nu 30 
skilia uisir menu, sem verkin uatta, at slikar greinir 
risa af grunni med konungsins hiarta, ok )?ui er sua 
audsynt, sem saugunni lidr, at hann ferr § Hardnande 
meirr ok meirr moti kirkiunni, þott adrir hofdingiar, 
er motgang veittv kristninni, se nv komnir i nockurn 85 
myktar anda, sem fremzstan ma til nefna Fridrek 
keisara. Nu er vndir lok lidinn fiorde hans þretupafi, 


er þeir kaulludu Kalixtum. Geriz nu sua med miUde 
gilds ok godra iwanna fortolvm, at keisarinn leggr af 
illzskv l^eivi at taka pa fleiri ok snyr nu til fridar vid 
Alexandrvm pafii. Yard su J?eira sett, sem segir ia 
o kronicis, at keisarinn krossadiz til Jorslalandz med allt 
sitt herfolk, )niiat þa uar nyliga vnnit Jorsala riki vndir 
Saladin konuno; af Babilon fyrir bauluadan aorano- ok 
vfrid heidinna ]noda. Ok sem fylliliga stendr i )?es.s 
b attar letrvm. Her med snytz Griklandz konungr ok 
10 Sikileyiar til settar uid herra pafann litlu sidar. Ok 
þa er þuilikir lilutir heyraz, verdr oUvm ]nii liosara, 
hverr hardydgismadr Heinrekr konungr i Einglaude 
lieiir verit, at þa er adrir siaz vm ok betaz, verdr 
hann af hordvm hardari ok af vandum verri. 

15 Af hatri Englismaxxa vid frexdr Thomas. 

Nu faonar lieiluo- Eomveria kirkia ok oil kristnin, 
er herra pafinn ok keisarinn ero sattir, ok þui flygr 
su frægd innan vm Franz, at eptir lofligum sid rom- 
uerskra byskupa etlar herra Alexander pafi at venda 

20 heira til sins aanduegis i Rom. Ok er )'at fregn hiun 
signade Thomas erchibyskup, ferdaz hann fliotliga til 
Sainnz ok fylgir herra pafanvm i veg fram til borgar 
þeirar, er heitir Bitvrica. par tekr hann gott orlof 
med blidri blezsan af herra pafanvm ok sn}^- aptr i 

25 Pontiniacum. Yar J?esse skilnadr þeira sidazstr i )>essv 
lifi, þuiat t^eir savz alldri sidan likamliga. En þat er 
eigi gleymanda, hversu þeir skilduz merkliga, J^uiat 
med nockurum hetti setti herra pafinn sik sialfan 
eptir hia erchibyskupinum, )^ott hann snere heim til 

30 Roms, ]?a er hann samlagade sina rauksemd erclii- 
byskupsins uallde, at hann metti auruggr uegha guds 
uuine med sverde bins heilaga Petri sua frialsliga, sem 
hann hefde beggia þeira rad ok ualld i hcnnde. puiat 
herra pafinn hafde nu feingit fulla raun, hvert ofrcili 

35 Thomas erchibyskup tok ser i fang, Jniiat hann sialfr 

K 541. 11 


hafde gort marga ordsending ok aminning til Eing- 
landz bede lerdvm ok leikmonnum, sem hann sat i 
Sainz, ok stod sem adr, vtan Lelldr þyngir, þuiat ler- 
domrinn likiz nu konungsmoonum at draga iindir 
sik kirkiu goz i Kanncia. Ma þar einkannliga til 5 
nefna Jocelin af Sarisborg ok Joon bans decaii af 
Oxenford. peir badir samt ballda vndir sik eina kirkiu- 
eign bardla goda, er lytr undir stolinn i Kancia. 
Heria pafinn bafde gort ]?eim badum aminning J?ar 
vm sua frama at leggia embettit. ef l7eir bellde eignina. 10 
En |?eir stodu sem adr bafande bede samt lord ok 
emb^tti. Her med fregn beilagr Thomas sua mykit 
hatr Einglismanna vpp a vtlegd frenda sinna, at iafnuel 
skulu vskylldir menn bans giallda, ef J^eir liafa bonnm 
heimolligir verit, er hann sat i Kancia, þo at )7eir 15 
hallde landzuist at kalla, Ma her nefna til sira Yil- 
hialm, er var kapalin byskups. Hann er nu gripinn 
af konungsmonnum allt til dyflizsv ok sitr ]?ar i 
fanghelsi, sem er byskupsdemi Jocelin af Sarisborg, 
ok þo finnr hann i sinni þraunging hvarki manndom 20 
ne formeli byskupsins. Syniz erchibyskupi J^esse nial 
avU samt sua margfalliga sink, at ei se leÍDgr þolanda 
pinvlaust, ok pui skrifar bann sitt bref huerivm J;eii"a, 
ok þat bref er byskupinum til heyrir byriaz sua. 

Bref Thomas. 25 

Thomas med guds miskunn erchibyskup at Kantara- 
byrgi ok pafans legatus sendir kuediu Jocelin byskupi. 
pat ueit uarr herra, huersu ver þickiumz ydr elskat 
hafa ok ydvarn soma aukit med einkanligri astud. 
En her i mot taukv ver af ydr roargan motgang ok 30 
vhlydni, sua at ver mégum eigi haurmungarlaust herma. 
Ok er OSS J>at fremra, er þer fyrirlitit herra paf- 
ann ok fremit byskups embetti med olydni vid hann, 
ok þar fyrir fellr þin uirding vndir haska uigslunnar, 
þuiat ultra )7Ín vill eigi vid keonaz, hversu slikt er 35 


afskapligt ok hinvm legrvm haskasamligt til eptir- 
dgmis. Vncirum ver ok, er J7er vitid Vilhialm kapalin 
varn i yduarri byskupssyslv lialldinn i baundvm ok 
dyflizsu, en synit lionum einga iiienzskv. Her tyrir 
biodum ver 3div broderni iiiidir krapti heilagrar 
hlydni ok bandz vidlaugii med postoligv vaJlde, at 
J?er leggit nidr savnghliod i hverri kirkiu allz yduars 
byskupsdemis ok \>egit sua um allan J7ann tima, sem 
sira Vilhialiiir sitr herfanginn, ok þetta afelli skal eigi 
10 fyr leysaz, en herra pafanum ok oss iieitiz lagligh 
yfirbot. Sua endaz bref til byskups, en þat a dekan, 
sem her fylgir. 

Brefsending Thome. 

Thomas med guds miskunn Kanterabyrgis erchiby- 

15 skup sendir Jooni dekan þa kuediu at snaraz fra illu 
ok gera gott. Rangleti þitt ok radleysi hafvm ver 
)7olat, sem fremzst er þreytanda eptir laugunvm eins 
mannz at bida. En nu er reynt, at uarar bidstundir 
auka þina meinsemd, ok vart lieilsvrad vikr Jhi sinlfum 

20 ]?er til afellis med forlitning vid hen a pal'ynn okoss. 
Nu erv þinar sakir sua liosar, at per skyllda lavgin 
ok vart byskupligt embetti fram i moti J^er, ok )hií 
isetiiun ver Jnk, Joon, med þessv varv brefe i sterkara 
forbod, tiaskildan guds likam ok heilagri kirkiu, ]n\i- 

25 til at þu betrar þinn lifsveg, ok betir laugligha )>at 
sem brotit er. Biodum ver )7cr undir hestu bandz 
vidlaughv, at J^u samnetir liuarki konunginu ne adra 
menn J^inu Ibrbode. Sua lukaz þessor bret', ok er 
Host af [mi sem c[)ter ier, at huargi þessarra sneriz til 

30 bata. Ma l^at ok sannliga segia af þeiri aulld, sem 
nu er i Einglandi; at illuiliadum manne 

Fragment C. 

This ÍH u fragment of a codex ^vhK•h has been written in two 
columns a page. ProfesHor Ungcr refers it to tlie beginning of 

R 2 


the 15th century. The now existing remnant, only the upper 
part of one leaf, is in a very mutilated state. Letters and words 
in brackets are filled in by Prof. Unger. 

1 Column, ib., II., p. 148,i4-25. di umbergis bann. T[ua] 
frændr atti bann nana [m]io[g o]lika. annar uar moder(!) 
broder bans [g]estrisinn madr ok godrar frægdar, brein- 
lyndr [ok] abjidarvin klerkanna i Kanncia fyrer astnd 
[bi]ns beilaga Tbome, bann bafdi lagt fyrr nefndum o 
systursyni sinum mikit goz til kuonar[mun]dar med 
ollu alaga laust. Annar frændi bondans var illmenni 
mikit, bafdr i st[ormæ]lum beilagrar kirkiu, bannsettr 
med allu [fyrir suo] baduliga skemd, at bann befdi lagiþt 
med] tueim systrum, enn verndar sidan glæp[inn med] 10 
þriozku ok uill eigi nid skiliazt. Bon[dinn er ver] 
nefndum fyrst, er suo blindr,^ [at bami d]regzt i fylgi 
med ];eÍDi fr[ænda sinum] er uerr bafdi 

2nd column, ib., II., p. 150,22-152,ii. leika bonda 
b[ond]a(!) sins ok fuUgreindrar bans illmennzku þorer 1-5 
bun [eigi] at beita a binn signada Tbomas fyrir sier, 
suo at bann uiti, ok ])o vill bun giarna nockut fa af 
bans beilugum teiknum at bera yfir sig. pat tekr bun 
rads i siduztu, at bun kallar sinn trunadarmann ok 
færr bonum leyniliga eitt fingrgull bardla uænt ok 20 
seigir suo til bans : " pu skallt fara til Kantarabyrgiss 
" ok bera sælum Tbomasi kuediu mina med ]?essari 
" minning, bier med skallt )>u bidia banD, sem þu kannt 
" bezt, at bann uirdi mik eigi samblandna þeiri fæd, er 
" bondi minn leggr til bans, jniiat suo nil eg frialsazt 25 
" ur allri kuol, at eg truir bans beiiagleik, ok eg treysti 
" bans [bænura. Giarna vi[llda eg, at )?u iiengir uatn 
''...■ eg er lifs. Enn" 

8rd column, ib., II, p. 154, 10-21. " i annann tima til 
" Kanterabyrgiss ok færa Tbomasi uin minum bring 30 
'' J^enna, er eg færr þier, bier med ber ]m ord min siera Gu- 
" zalin, at bann komi til min med þa beilaga donaa, sem 
'•' bann uænntir at mesta myskun muni afla, þuiat [uer 

' Profes.sor Unger reads blidr. 


" þurfum] nu miog." Sendimaclr ferr, skilar nu hringinum 
ok flytr sem greint var prestnum. Siera Guzalinn byzt 
a J^ann batt til þe.ssa mozt, at hann flytr med sierr uars 
cbottins likama ok hlodbland liins heilao-a Thome erki- 
5 byskiips. Sem hann kemr frani til bæarens, bidr riki 
madr hann gefa ];eim huggan i guds nafni. Hann 
byriar suo, at hann lætiu^ blod heilags Thome i nigd- 
ann kalek. Sidan berr hann yfir eukaristi[am i kross 
ok lætr i sijduztu fornar hiolit. 

10 4th column, ib., IL, p. 156,2:3-158,12. huort er J.eir forii 
fram edr fra, ueitti hann ollnm herbergit, er liafa uilldu 
ok morgum bædi hiiss ok uiduæri. pat hell til [i bans] 
herbergium i guds dom, at um haustit i ogusto manadi 
kom þar inn sott mikil ok stod allann tima framm 

15 til paska. [Enn eigi] greinir bok, at manndrap yrdi 
mick[it i] J^eiri sott. Enn þat stendr skrifat at 
[Jojrdan atti son, er Uilhialmur hiet, hann uar k[om]- 
inn a tiunnda vetr. Fostrmodr at[ti hann] pilltrenn, 
er honum hafdi ueitt f[agrt uppjfædi, hun tekr sott 

20 ok anndazt. [Ok þe]gar a J>ridia deigi eptir, er J? . . . . 
sykizt pilltrenn um atta da[ga enn anndazt sidan a] 
J^ridiu tid dags 

Fragment D 

is a remnant of a fol. Codex dating, according to Professor 
TJnger's statement, from the beginning of the 14th centur}'. It 
is -written in a fine and hokl hand, two cohimns and 33 hnes a 
page. What now is left amounts only to portions of four leaves. 
Of the first leaf a fragment is left of the top and the bottom, con- 
taining, respectively, the first and last six lines, the first line, how- 
ever, of the top portion being cut off. Of the second leaf the 
twelve top lines are missing. Of the third leaf the inner half of 
the width is cut away, and of the thus remaining second recto 
and first verso column the seven bottom lines ai'e cut away also. 
The fourth leaf represents the full height of Cod. and number of 
lines on the page. But of its inner margin a slice is cut away 
into the writing beyond the beginning and final letters of the 
lines on either side, and of the outer so much as to leave only a 
few letters standing of column 2 recto and 1 verso. 


1st leaf. 

1 Column, cfr. ib., I., p. 88,20, and 122,i9, &c. legvm 
hætti af tilkomandi miskvnn heilags anda at skapit 
skipa"Siz i briostino sva viS hveria vigslona sem 
vpplesin or^in vigslonnar bv^v hana at hall da. Litilli 
stvndo si^arr byrr hann fer^ sina or landi a pava 5 
fvnd Alexandri tercij. Ok i J^essarri ferö tekr hann 
af honom pallivm ok alia erkibyskups tign ok . . . 

Cfr. ib., p. 28,9. ps i hofvt lienni ok tok hon 
heilsv sina. Erchibyskvp Thomas var harr ma'Sr a 10 
voxt grannvaxinn ok lioslita^r svartharr. neflangr rett- 
leitr bli^ligr i yfirbrag^i hvass i hvgviti inndæll ok 
astsamligr i allii viSreSv. skorinoi^r i formelom ok 
littaiJ stamr. hann var sva hvass ok gleggr i skiln 

2 Column, cfr. ib., p. 28,i^, and 18,9 if. heyr-Si i 15 
ritninofvm e^a lao^ademvm l>at var honom allt tiltekt 
)?a er hann villdi J»at fiammi hafa. GvSs mo^r 
Mariam d3n'ka^i hann ok vir^i vmfram alia a"Sra helga 
menn ok fal henne a hendi allt sitt ra^ nest gv^i. 
Forsiall var hann (i) me^ferS sinni ok ra^agiorS. 20 
vand^^rkr i sak 

Cfr. ib., p. 108,5 if. tv. Ok eigi dirfiz inn 
dramblati eSa inn drambsami afsavkvnar orSvm e^a 
litilmagninn legSiz eigi fyrir af avitan. Allar stvnder 25 
\>eY sem a milli vr^v svefns ok ti^a ok likams no^- 
synia j?a sat hann yfir malvm manna e^a ritningvm 
eSa merkiligv hiali ok vara'S 

3 Column, cfr. ib., 108,ig ff. J»rætvmenn for^a^iz 
hann ok alldri villdi hann samneyta bannsettvm 30 
monnvm. ok hvern dæm^i hann )?ann sinn win er a 
moti sneriz heilli kenninngo. Mikill var hann sto^a- 
ma^r fatekiom monnum sva at enno^i for tomvm hond- 
vm a brott sa er til hans kom me^ bæn. Theo- 


balldvs erchib3'skvp var sva 

Cfr. ib., p. 158,7, and 180,ic. nockvat foUnon fell a biana 
vingan þeirra konvngs ok erchib3^skvps j^a ganga ])eir 
5 mi ok fram vi^ ok taka l>a vndir sik at drao-a fe heil- 
agrar kirkio ok sakir a ler^a menn. En byskvparnir 
'pegm ok þora eigi vm at vanda. Mikla stvnd lego-r 
konvngi' a at samþyckia Thomas vi^ sik be"Si meiS 

4 Column, ib., p. 1 40,10 ff. gi vi^ hotin ne blotnar vi5 
10 bli^nielin. En fyrir ];vi at hann giorir litinn manu 
vir^ingar mvn i hegninngv vsiSanna ok liann rafsa^i 
iafnt }»eim er me^ konvnginom voro vig^vm ok 
vvig^vm sin afbrig^i ef j^eir brvtv gvSs bo^Sorb ok 
rett heilagrar kirkiv þa leggiaz þeir nv fast til fiand- 
15 skapar i moti honvm er fornir 

Cfr., ib. p. 178,5 ff. ÖV or^roms ok eptirmelis refsing 
rangynda til grimSar ok agangs fiarheimtor kirkna til 
ágii'DÍ hvskaiila fiol^a til metna^ar ok þat er hann 
20 tok s^'ma Ivti framarr en hinir f^-rri byskvpar ];a matv 
þeir til diarfteki ok sva matti at kve'Sa at ecki giorSi 
hann þess ne mellti er eigi p»yddi bans vvinir aflei^iz 
ok á vinstra veg ok tia^v þat 

2nd leaf. 

1 Col._, cfr. ib,, p. 2S2, til vleyf^ra Ivta helldr til bins 

25 at færa konvng varn ok hans vini vndan alygi vvina 

bans. En po megi J^er hen-a ilivga hvar korai^ er. 

per ervb miok li^Ss þyrftvgir ok heilog kristni en j^eir 

ero nv hofSinnpfiar i norSrhalfv heimsins er mest valid 

hafa. Keisarimi hvartveggi ok Fracka konvngr ok 

30 varr konvngr. Nv er hvargi keisarinn y br at fvll- 

tino'i en hinn hvartveofori er vel vilia^r. Ok ef ber 

tjmi-S vinattv annars hvars konvngsins l)a hvgsic) er 

hverr ska^i af ma goraz yt5r ok heilagri kirkio. Pav- 

anom þocka^iz enskis þeirra ræ^a iafnvel sem iarls- 

35 ins ok svarar fa ok vel bab )^a settaz vitS Thomas 


erchibyskvp ok kvaS hann rettarra mela en J?a i ollom 
J^eirra skiptvm. pa er Thomas erchibyskvp for a pava 
fvnd er hann flySi heiman fra stoli sinvm vndan 
vfri"Si vvina sinna. ]?a sto'Sva^i hann ellzgang i þorpi 
eino litlo a gotonni. pa er J?eir Thomas erchibyskvp 5 
ok Alexander pavi satv i herbergi nockoro ok tolo^o 
vm mal ]?eirra Thomas erchibyskvps ok Heinreks 
konvngs þa gengv ]?ar inn tveir menn ok hafSi(!) 
krypling i fa^mi ser dafan ok mallasan en 

2 Cokimn, ib., p. 31 6,21 ff. chibyskvp rodd sva melande. 10 
Heyr^v Thomas min kirkia man dyi^kaz i p>ino blo^i. 
hann svara'Si hverr ertv drottinn. Roddin melti. Ek 

I. c 

em Jesvs Kristvs gv^s sonr ok fa^ir );inn. Thomas 
svara^i. VerSi sva vel drottinn at );v dyrkiz i minv 
blo^i. Roddin svara'Si at sonnv man min kirkia 15 
dyrkaz i ];ino blo'Si ok J?a er hon tignaz af ]?er þa 
skalltv tignaz af mer. Nv eptir j^essa ena dasamliga 
vitran ok (er) af lei's mannlegr otti þa girntiz hann 
a ]>etta eitt er fyrr var sagt. Ok þa gengr abotinn 
framm ok segir sva. petta ma þer óvmbreMigr fagn- 20 
a^r vera herra þvi at J>v hefir mælt vi-S sialfan gvS 
i dag. Thomas svara'Si. hversv mattv ]?at vita. Abot- 
inn svara^i. Vittv J>at at ek heyi'Sa a. Thomas ba^ 
þa ok baS at hann skylldi engvm manni segia me^an 
lif hans væri ok hann gior^i sva. Lo^verr Fracka 25 
konvngr ok margir a^rir rikizmenn leggia her or'S sin 
til ok ben vi-S Heim^ek konvng at hann skyli taka i 
sett vi^ sik Thomas ercliibyskvp ok heim i land. 

3 Column, ib., p. 322,i ff. giof gv^ligrar miskvnnar 
postoliga tign ok ])o miok vmakligir ]?a megvm ver 80 
eigi baki snva viiS varvm sonvm þeim er til var kalla 

i sinvm noSsynivm fyrir þat faSerni er ver erom j^eim 
skvlldbvndnir til fvlltings ok fri'Sanar ]?ar er favlnar 
fegrS heilagrar kristni e^a ileckaz hennar birti ]7a 
megvm ver eigi fat fyrir sal vara hlio'Si hylia e^Sa 35 
or^alavst lata. Ok þar sem er vppreist y^r Thomas 
erchibyskvp af Cantia er J?er hafi^ vtlagiSan giort 

APPENDIX 1. 265 

bæ-Si fra vinafctv ytiarri ok riki. );a skylldi j^at nv fvll- 
giort vera ok ef hann liefir i nockvro ni^ra^ yí)aiTÍ tign 
J^a hafi-S )?er nv fvUsadda rei^i y^ra a lionom ok ærna 
skript setta honom. Ok ])wi at konvnglikt riki kann 
5 at refsa ];a skylli ok konvngiig miskvnn kvnna at 
tempra. ]?a kippi^ nv i mvnn ok hepti^ rei^i ySra 
at )?ar er p'er er kvnnikt at stri^a J;a se )?er kvnnikt 
at miskvnn a p>vi at hverr sa konvngr er hann styrir 
rangliga ser sialvom )?a mvn Lann skaiuma briíS 
10 hallda rikino. Ok he^an af bi^iom ver y^i-a. 

4 Column, ib., p. 376,rj if. hofvm til y^ar giort e^a 
me^ hverso miklo kostg-æfi herra Heinrekr konvno-r 
ba^ OSS at vcr legSim leyfi til at er tekit ecSra by- 
skvpstol i Lvndvnvm en J;v haf^ir abr i Herfvrd ok 

15 talSi hann til )?essa marga no^syn mikla kva^ pa borg 
konvnoiikt riki ok haseti i landino. Enn hann sao-gfi) 
);ik vel tilfelldan ok fyrir o^rom byskvpom at vera 
bæ^i at ætt ok viti ok villdi ];ina vitro hafa ser at 
ra^agior^ be^i til rikis stiornar stvndhgrar ok andar 

20 bialpar eiliiligrar ok girntiz J;vi pig ser nalegstan at 
hafa. Nv fyrir ];vi at ver siam hverso mikit gott af 
J>essv mætti hliotaz. ]?a letom ver f>etta eptir ySr ok 
skip\^vm ySr yfir et æzta seti lio^byskups i Lvnd- 
vnvm. Ok nv ]?vi ardvelligarr ok innverligarr(!j 

25 sem ver letvm þetta veitazk ]>a ventvm ver avaxtar af 
þesso ok latiS oss eigi at hegoma verSa e^a tál J^at 
sem oss var ]^a heiti^ J;vi at ver trvvm J^ik vita hvat 
er titt er hverso konvngrinn skiptir skapi sino ok 
me^ferS vi"S helga kristni fra pyi sem var e"Sa sn3'z 

80 hann i mot henni ok l^yngir henni e'Sa se til var 
skoti^ malvm e^a var vitia-^, sva ok ef liann er 

3rd leaf. 

5 Column, ib., p. 378," w. Verba ser til hialpar ok 
sino riki til farnaSar bædi nv ok i5Í"Sarr. N>' treyst- 

35 omz ver ySan-i vitzko her vel vm at per leggit stvnd 


a vi^ konvnginn vm allt þetta iafnsaraan ok sva vm 
þat er heilagri kristni var'Sar felom ver þer á hendi 
til vrabotar. Einkamiliga felom ver y^r a hendi ok 
bio"Svm yi>r saman at heimta Petrs toll vm allt Augl- 
iam. ok sendir(!) til var sem fyrst megv^ er. ok eon 5 
helldr mælom ver til þess at ]>er fengit oss nockvt fe 
at láni fyrst af siaJfvm y^r e^Sa o^rvm ok sendit oss 
sem f}Tst en J^er takit annat si^arr iaf(n)mikit af 
Petrs fe ok þickir oss sem J?er gefit oss þetta fe. 
Valete. Gillibert byskvp gjorir nv bref avnnor i moti 10 
þessvm til pava ok svarar þessvm ok segir sva. 

Bref byshvps til pava. 

lb., p. 380,10 ÍF. Herra sinom ok fe^r Alexandro 
pava senn(dir) guSs þionn ok Lvndva kristni gvds q. 
ok sina sky 1 Ida hly^ni ok þionosto einkannligrar astar, 15 
boo ySart kom til var herra ok tokvm var me^ 
skylldri virSingo ok flvttvm fyrir varn herra konvnginn 
raed flvtningi Ro^geirs byskvps sem þer kva'Sot a. ver 
barom bref y^r be'Si f3'rir avgo ok ey(ro) konvngi ok 
tia^vm ser hver oi^ ok atkvedi fyrir honom me^ 20 
aeggian til batna^ar ok avitan .... 

3 Column, ib., p. 382,4 if. Ok Romaborgar kristni 
vir"Sa ok veria sem me^r sina ok y^rum helgvm bodvm 
litillatliga hly-Sa vm alia hlvti halldinni sinni tign ok 
si^vm ok soma sins rikis ok ef nockor fvll e^a fe^ 25 
hefir a or^it af bans hendi til y^ar herra, þa seg[ir] 
hann hver sok til þess var at þer herra hof'Svt eigi 
hans malvm sva tekit e^a þann orskvr^ á giorvan sem 
hann var"Si e^a venti ok þotti honom, allmiklo skipta 
ok þottiz hann nockvo^ i þvi svivir^r vera ok fyrir- 39 
litinn. En þo at sva veri þa ventir hann þ[o] j^a'San 
fo^orlio^rar forsia ok enn bli^arri or^a ok meiri orskvr"Sa 
a annarri st\Tido. Fa^ir ok a at viso heiinollt son 
sinn at beria ei^a hvgga er honom likar. Engvm 
manni kvez hann hafa bannat y^ar at vitia En ef35 


nockvrvm stormalvm er skoti^ vndir 3"Sarn dom J^a 
eignar hann p>at ser til vanda ok vir^ingar p'ar af );ar 
er forn venia i hans riki at engi klerkr skal fara or 
bans riki slikra eyrenda nema hann syni honoin a'br 
bref ok orendi pa er eigi minki han.s riki e^a valid 
eSa rett i ne einn sta^ ok fyrir vtan );etta bi^r hann 
hvern fara ok malom skiota vndir y^arn dom ok ef 
nockot er af giort i moti ySrv valldi i þessv þa vill 
hanu y^r þat beta ok betra eptir lerSra manna domi 
10 i sinv riki. En er þer sog-^vt hann samneyta viS 

4th leaf 

1 Column, cfr. ib., I., p. 354,i^ betra er sar at græ^a 
enafhoggvi^ at gr[æ^a þvi] at iafnan groa skiott stór sar 
vndir [læknis] hendi þar sem tratt e^a eigi verSa vi& 

15 græ[ddir af] hoggnir limir. Afhœggit giorir ok orvil[n- 
an hejilsvnnar p>ar er skiott grærr iafnnn mikit [sar 
vn]dir go"Svm lekni. Nv væri gott raS ef j^^r [tekiz 
sva] allz per ero^ enn æzsti leknirr i kristninni [at per 
lejggit fyrri stvnd á at græ^a sarit ef nock[ot er] helldr 

20 en i^f hoggva kristninni enn gofgaz[ta limi]nn ok gœra 
pat it ogorliga a henne er seint e^a eigi [mvn] at heilv 
grætt ver^a hvat er nu pa ef y^r . . . rSa at engo 
hof^ hvat er pa. er pa ()rvættan[da gv]^s miskvnnar at 
eiori megi hann hana av^laz a ett . . iíS eSa mvn Kristr 

95 pa sva skamhendr vera [at hann m]vn eigi hialpa mega 
peim er hann vill e^a sva [pvng e]yro hans at hann 
megi eigi hej^ra bæn sinna manna [eSa] kail peirra er 
vndir hans miskvnn leita pvi at [opt s]kiptir liann 
skiot urn skapi manna ok veitir opt [ove]nta hh ti f^^rir 

oQ bænir heilagra manna. Konung[Hg ti]gn kann sin 
at hefna ok ottaz eigi stvndvm at ve[ga i m]oti. Ivon- 
vngr er mykiandi meii hoglynndi ok sig[randi] me 6 
polinme^i likn ok linleik eia metzt eigi [man]dráp 


ilia, er einn hefir sver^ brvgöit i hendi [en all]ir a^rir 
slyppir hia at hoggva J?a a tvær henii[dr va ok ef 
menn ero i havi i miklvm stormi at be[^i lig]gr vi^ 
lifs tion ok fiar er eigi ]?a betra ok kasta [j^a h]el]dr 
farminvm til lifs monnvm helldr en allt tyniz [iafn- 5 
samjan. heimsliga mvn ySr ek þickia mela en J^o [geng]r 
mer gott til. Nv fari sva at J)essi ver^i endir [helldr 
at] Thomas erchibyskvp hafi vtlegS allar stvndir ok 
ræn[tr o]llo sino riki en England allt leggiz i ohlySni 
vi"S [ySr] sem gvS forSi )?v[i]. Er eigi ];a betra eptir- 10 
synar [at] hafa helldr be"Sit urn hri^ ok j^olat vm 

2 Column, sakir ^ . . lo a f . . oss fa . . ly^ni . 

. ia 

sinn . . . taka . . yfir . . . snva . . 


hans . . . lang . . . illi ok . . ver ok . . . 

tion 15 

. . fjiors . . . raz e . . Öi m . . . missi 


far . . toll . . . ma k . . vn J^ . . ma . 


OSS eigi . . . eigi fe . . . sva . . . Nv . 


valid ... 

A^ . . ySr . . haf . . konvng o . . . . 


3 Column.^ . . k oss . . alfvm . . ver sem . . r^ing 
. . . r ok ein . . . Heinr . . o'Sr . . mit . 

at bry ... la hann . . . J7vi at . . . vilia . . 

fvm . . ttar . . . ok . . . stui . . elski . . . 

ra rett . . Thomas .... sig sva . . . s tign 25 

. . . oss sa . . yrr si . . . gv'Si . . . inni 

. . . i rang .... a honom . . . i ve^i . 

pit ^ . . . lyst . . . igi vir . . . r e^a .... 


4 Column, konvnginom ok mælir sva. 30 

1 Only the first letters of each 
line left. 

2 Here be^ns a new chapter 
with a capital A. 

^ Only the last letters of each 
line left. 

^ In red {ca^tituhaii) . 



lb. L, p. 332,23 fF. Alexander byskvp [nonn þiona gv^s 
sendir [kve^iv ok] postvlega ble[zan hinvm] kersta 
syni .sinvm Heinreki Englanclz konvngi. Y[^ra vizjko 
5 trvvra ver frædda vera af nattvro skyn[semin]nar hgö 
a,t hverr er þvi meirr skvllbvndinn [vi^ gv^ sem] 
hann liefir meira Ian af gvSi i av^re^vni i þessi [ver- 
olldv]. Nv ma ]?at ok j7Ín tign sia at fra ]?vi er gvS 
li[of sva] hatt ]iina tign milli manna at hann setti 

10 þig k[onvng] matkan ok storfengian at allri heims 
vir[Öing] vm fram a^ra fiesta hversv skylldvgir er 
e[rod fyjrir allt þetta vndir pat at standa ok efla er 
ho[nom er vijliat. cf ]>v villt rettliga vndir bans vilia 
stan[da ok] makliga gvSi ombvna. ok eptir skilriki 

16 [velgoi^a ]7eir]ra er hann hefir a^r til ySar gort ])vi at 
sva se[gir Grejgorivs pave. GvSspialligr sannleikr 
bi^r OSS [vand]liga virSa ok at hyggia at eigi demimz 
ver fyrir )?[at] jn-ngligarr af gv^i a doms degi en 
a^rir se[m hann h]efir oss meira lanat i mannvir-Singv 

20 eSn, fi[areignvm] en o&vm monnvm ];vi at ]?a er 
avkaz gvSs gi[afir] i lanino þa avkaz sva skvlldin ok 
afgiall[d vi'S] gv^ þessa lansins ok þeim mvn litillatari 
o[k fvsa]ri at veria gv^s kristni ok fliotari til gvöþ 
]?io]nosto ok bans bo'Sor^a sem hann er meirr skvll- 

25 bv[ndinn] fyrir eptirleti heims þessa sælvnnar. Nv 
s[kolv] ]7essi aminningaror^ fyrirmenn heilagra(r) k[ir- 
kio] ok sva veralldligir valldzmenn opt fyrir hyg[giv] 
avgvm hafa ok lata sialldan or minni falla [at fyrir] 
])£ii Ian sem þeir hafa af gvöi fyrirdemiz peir [eigi a] 

30 efsta degi. Nv er hcSan af ef ver elskvm y^[r vm-] 
Iram a'Sra konvnga e^a kristna menn ok ySr )7ess 
e[igi] syniat af varri halfv er veitanda er da(Slig[vm] 
manni. Ok til ]?ess po at sva sem J^er erv<S yfii* 
[o'SrvQi] monnvm at viti ok nki sva skylldvt ]?er ok 

35 fyrir v[era] 


Fragment E 

is found in the Arnamagnæan Collection in Cod. No. 234. Only 
three leaves are now extant, each with 44 lines a page. The 
Codex to which this fragment belongs is known to have been 
written about A.D. 1325. 

1st leaf. 

Cfr. ib., II., p. 1, allrar kristninnar ok fyrir þvi er 
hann sannliga pislarvatr. litt aa )?v vigslvpallinn ok er 
hann hina æzti erkibyskvp ok legatvs. ok maa hann 
fyrir þvi sannliga heita postoli. leita þv at liflazstvndinni iq 
ok hittiz hati^ drottinsligs bvr^ar. v[ir^ þjv dav^a- 
sta^inn. ok er J>at havfvtkirkian i Anglia, Hverir erv 
dav^ainenn lians. eigi gySingar. eigi heiSingiar. helldr 
bans vndirtnenn ok eignarsynir. Nv af þessa bins helga 
mannz dyrS ok iartegnagiorS fagni mær ok mo^ir nyian ^^ 
Abel dyr^ hafva av^laz af bro^vr drapi. fagni hvn ok 
nyian Jacob leystan fra bro^vrligv hatri. fagni hvn ok 
nyian Joseph frelstan af bræ^ra avfvnd ok nv rikiandi 
i hiiiineskri havU. pess(i) hinn haleiti gv^s )7Íonn 
Thomas erkibyskvp gaf sitt lif fyrir gv^s savk a 9q 
fiorSa ari bins .xii. hvndraSs fra hoUigvm gv^s getnaSi. 
Eptir Dionisivm m^. c^. .Ixx. .iiij^. kalendas Janvarij. 
a þriSia degi vikv aa elliptv tiS dags at ' likamligri 
Kristz bvrSarti'S. honvm til erfvi^is ok piningar. þat 
yr^i J?essvm til hvilldar ok haleitrar dyröar. til j^eirar 25 
lei^i OSS allzvaUdandi gvS sa er bæ^i er vpphaf ok 
endir allz bins go^a. ok þo liíir ok rikir an enda. 

Eptir bans dav^a holligan [varu] bans banamenn 
eigi minnr til liar aagiarnir en til glæpa. þaa ganga 
J;eir þegar inn i havll ok herbergi erkibyskvps ok ræna qq 
þar þvi avllv sem þeir hittv i gvlii ok silfri bokvm 
ok brefvm hestvm ok savSlvrn ok allzkonar boi'Sbvna^i 
ok go^gripvm. ok skiptv avllv sin i milli sem herfangi. 
ok lik^v sik enn i þvi riddavrvm Pilati iarls J?eir er 
gv^ krossfestv. er ]?eir Ivtskiptv me^ ser sialfs drottins 35 


klæbvm. ok gior^v þessir hvar framarr. Ok þessa 
kvnni konvngr þeim alia oþavk þaa er j?eir komv til 
lians. ok let flesfc aptr fara þat er þeir hof^v tekit ok 
vndi hann ilia viS. ok harma(^i) miok þetta verk. 
5 p'eir iokv j^vi enn aa ofan sina illzkv. at þeir bavnuvöv 
at iar^a lik erkibyskvps [me^] av^rvm byskvpvm. 
helldr kvo^vzt þeir sky lid v sockva þvi i nockvrnn 
pytt e^a festa aa galga. En me^an er þeir fara at 
liripsa ok ræna. þaa samnaz .saman mvnkar ok klerkar 

10 til þessa hins lielga likama ok inaa þat travtt i ætlan 
færa eSa frasavgnn hvilikr harmr e^a liversv mikill 
gratr þar var er ])eiv sia sitt havfvt ok sinn fobvr 
havggvinii hvila i faSini raæ'Srinni. Vist matti þar 
synazt endrnyiazt spaorS Hieremie Vox in Rama audita 

15 est ploratiis et ululatus miiltus. Ryttr var lieyr^r 
gratr ok mikil }ding. Ok er þeir afklæSa likit til 
þvattar ok skry^ingar J;aa tinnz þat er fair vissv fyrr 
at allr likamrinn var i Ivsvgv harklæ^i vafvi^r millvm 
hals ok hæls. gaf Ivsin af ser klaöa en klæSit svi^a 

20 ok maa þvi sannliga svaa segia at liverr linn- bans 
likama væri sannliga pislarvatr fyrir gvbi. SiSan var 
)7vegit likit ok skrytt ok uazett. Ok snemma fyrr enn 
til kiæmi þeir gv^ni^ingar er hann havfSv vegit. paa 
leggia klerkar hann i stein|?ro ok iarSa fyrir altari 

25 Jons baptista ok hins Jjelga Avgvstini postola Einglis- 
manna. ok verSa þar si'íSan mikil taknn ok margar 
iarteignir alltt til J^essa dags gvSi til lots ok dyrSar 
ok hinvm helga Thomasi til vir^ingar. 

lb., p. (j,n ft'. Eingis manz or^færi er at mvna eptir 
30 hverssv mikill vggr ok otti hormvng ok ræzla kom yiir 
alltt folk i Einglandi bæ^i klerka hina hæri ok hina 
lægri ok alia al'Sy^v fyrir );enua atbvrS. urap ok davba 
Thomas erkibyskvps sva at eingi þorbi hofv^s at hefia 
fyrst eptir. Maa )7at birtazt af orbvm ok andsvavrvm 
35 eiiis byskups þaa er einn klei'kr bans kom fyrir hann 
ok baS hann retta mal sitt viS einn konvnirsmaim. hiMin 
kvez biL'Si ræntr ok vanvirbr i avS(r)v. paa svara^i 


byskvp. Hvat megvm ver J^er giora. hir'Sir varr ok 
hofvt hinn hæsti byskvp i Eingiandi er deyddr ok 
drepinn i sinvm erkistoli. ok i J^eiri kirkiv er drotning 
er ok moSir allra annarra i Einglandi af hverivm 
megvm ver nv fvllting faa ok hvertt travst megvm 5 
ver sækia. hvar er Bio's var ok styrkr. Byskvparnir 
skolv drepnir i kirkivnvm. lielgir staSir svivir^ir, ok 
savrga'Sir. go'Sir memi fottro'Snir en glæpamennÍDÍr tign- 
a'Sir. jnlik bormvngarorS varv bvervetna heyr'S ok 
hiolvfc i Einglandi. ok ]70 meirr i hvislv en i baraæli. 1 
Einn virSvligr maÖr villdi sætta klavstramenn ok 
konvngsmenn. er' j^eir villdv taka vndir sik eignn 
nockvra e^a iorS af kanokvm ok villdi bann fylgia 
maali ]?eira kanoka. ]:»aa mællti einn konvngsmabrinn. 
Veiz ]7v eigi enn ]7aa at oSs er nv kenntt at raka krvnvr 15 
y^rar klerkanna. Nv af (slikv) ma mavka bversv ofsi 
illmennis geisa'Si batt e'Sa bversv lagtt Iv'Sra'Si grand- 
veri go^mennis. pessv næst sendir Lo^vir Fracka 
konvngr bref til pafva. 

lb., p. 14,8 ff. Hinvm bærsta feSr ok binum æzta by- 20 
skvpi Alexandre s. q. Lo^Svir Fracka konvngr ok skyllda 
lySni. Miok brytr saa svndr avll lavgin menzkvnnar 
er bann savrgar ok svivir^ir sina mo^vr ok vist er 
saa vminnigT velgiorninga sins lavsnara er bann lætr 
ser eingrar brygSar faa. bver ska^i e^a skavm sem 25 
gior er beilagri kristni. En ])o er ySr berra J?at mest 
barmanda. ok nv mætti vpp vekia til nyivngar barma- 
ins ok begningar glæpsins nyivng grimleiks ok ofsi 
odæma, þvi at nv befvir avmliga vpp risit illzkvgi'im'S 
mannanna i moti astvin gv^s ok sverSi lagtt i sialldrit 30 
Kristz. ok slokt lios ok lampa Eingiandz kristni 
sva liotliga sem or^it er. Vaknit nv berra ok risit 
vpp til refsingar. dragit or sli^rvm sverSit Petrs post- 
ola til befnSar eptir J;enna binn belga mann. ];vi at 
blo^ bans ok davSi kallar hormvliga vm alia kristnina. 35 
Se. til begningar ok til avka þessa vandkvæ^is. |7aa 
birtir gvMig milldi bans verí>leika meS iartegnvm |7ar 

APPENDIX 1. ' 273 

sem hann hvilir. Ok birtiz nv fyrir livers nafui hann 
hefvir barizt e^a dav^a );olt. En J?essir menn er bref 
bera ok sins fav^vr ok forstiora liafa hormvh'ofa mist, 
mvnv y^r inniliga segia kvnna allan atbvi-b ok efni 
5 þessa vandkvæöa. ok trvit );essa manna or^vm þar 
vm sem vorvm, Valete. 

lb., p. 20, 10 if. Alexandro me^ gvSs miskvnn hinvm 
æzta byskvp(i) s. q. TheobaJklvs hertvgi ok Fracklanz 
forsiama"Sr ok me^ kve-Siv skvUda vir^ino- melS droit- 

10 inligri ly^ni. y^arri tignn herra syndizt' sæt at semia 
ok fri^ at giora milli Einglanz konvngs ok Thomas 
erkibyskvps ok eptir y^rv bo^i var ek a J^eim fvndi 
ok viö fri^giord. ok at sam^ri sæt ))(ei)ra tok konvngr 
hann bli^liga ok );acksamliga ok het honvm fri^i iyviv 

15 sik ok sina menn. Erkibyskvp asaka^i konvnginn 
nockvt vm vigslvgior"S sonar sins, kvat hann ]>vi bra^- 
rai)it hafva ok J?at var fyrir hans vitorb giortt ok 
leyfvi. Konvngr iattar ]?essi savk ok kve^r sik of- 
giortt hafa ok gaf J^etta mal i byskvps valid. Hann 

20 segir ok byskv^^ana sekia );essa mals )?ar er }>eir hafva 
konvno'inn vio-San i moti setnino-v ok retti heilaorrar 

o o o o 

kristni. ok )?eir hofSv ];etta giortt meirr at villd 
havf^ingia en gv& lavgvm. Konvngr mælti ok ecki 
i mot þvi ok ba^ erkibyskvp );ar slikan dom a leggia 

25 sem honvm syndizt vi^ y^art ra^ ok samj^ycki. petta 
alltt heyr^a ek ok J^etta alltt skal ek bvinn særvm at 
sanna. e'Sa ];eim. Ivtvm av^rvm er ]?er vilit at mer 
heimta her vm. Nv at sva komnv mali ok friSv(^v) 
)7eira i millvm, þaa sneri sia gvSs ma^r sinni fei"^ lieim 

30 til stols sins orvggr ok ottalavs. ok )7ess erendiss sem 
nv er avllvm knnniktt. at hann gaf sitt havfvt vndir 
havgg ok sinii hals vndir svcrS. petta hit saklavsa 
lamb ];olSi pisl ok davSa a næsta dcgi cptir pislartid 
hinna saklavsv sveina. ok var hans helgv bloöi vt 

35 hellt i )7eim sta^ sem Kriz bloS er fornfærtt alh*i 
kristni til hialpar. Hinir kiærstv Jnonostvmenn kon- 
vngs ok helldr hvndar af havjl hans giorSv sik dicf- 

K5U. s 


yIs p>i^æla. ok vnnv ]>etta ni-Singsverk. er vheyrt er 
slikt fyiT sakafvllir a saklavsvm. En efni ok atfor 
J>essa vdæma ]>aa ottvmz ek at segia. ])vi at vera kann 
at mer se \irtt til fiandskapar ok rogs j^o at satt se. 
Vil ek ]n'i helldr at ]?eir votti ]>etta mal berligar ok 5 
fvllkomligar ei bref bera. Xv iiiegv ]>er af ]?eira fra- 
savgnn iiema hversv mikill harinr eSa hvilik nav^ ok 
afelli oriSiu er allri kristni i p>essa manz drapi ok 
dav^a. \>o at mest se erkistollinn i Kancia. Nv 
maa ok hin romverska moSir allra kirkna yfir slikvm JO 
Ivtvm eigi leingr ]?egia amælislavst. J^vi at hver skavm 
ok neisa sem gior er dottorinni. );aa fellr ]>egar sv 
svivii^ino- ok til mobvriimar. ok eioi maa moS^Tinni 
)>at neisvlavst vera, ef dottirin verSr liertekin. Til 
3' bar kallar dreyri ok davM J^essa Inns lielga manz. 15 
ok beiciir hefnSar eptir sik. En ySr enn lielgi faSir 
se nær ok sainrabi allzvalldandi gvS saa er me^ sins 
sonar drej'ra ]?o syndafleck af heiminvm. hann skioti 
y^r i briost hefn-^ar ok hegnningar framkvæmS sva at 
heilvg kirkia sv er nv er skemi) me^ liotri hneykingv. 20 
mætti hressazt af stri'Sri hegningv. Yalete> 

2nd leaf. 

nvt)v gvbinn þaini er þaa baf^i setz ok sat aa stoli 
skelmisdrepsins. til svivirSingar postoligv sæti ok paf- 
vanvm. fylldi J^aa ok fleckadi mikinn Ivta lieimsins. 25 
hverr megi vpp tina e^a i frasavgnn færa alia J^aa 
illing er yfvir geek i J^ann tima. En almattigs gv^s 
milldi hefir fj^rir hvgat avllvm til rettingar ok hialpar i 
vthellingv j^essa bins saklavsa bloiJs ok lambs. )?vi at 
heban af leibretti livn margan ok lockabi til lei-Srettv 30 
ok lavsnar. Xv at skinandi birti taknanna. )>aa e3'dd- 
iz noek^i: sva myrkr lastanna. ok tok at jnoazt ok 
vaxa sa^kornit Kriz i go^ri sa^ioi'^. ok endrlifnv^v 
blomar kraptanna aa akri gv^spiallamanna ok liknanda 
liosi iarteignanna ok vr^v a hverivm degi i traviii 35 
drottinligrar biar^ar sav^ir af v^avrgvm ok virk'cSa- 


menn af viking vm at lysanda skini hans iartegna. 
Snervzt hvernn dag margir menn af rangri gavtv ok 
bavi^v ser aa briosfc ok hvrfv aptr til gy^s sins. 
Skry^izt nv kennimenn gv^s rettlæti. J^o at nockviv se 
5 til si^ at dæmvm sinna vndirmanna. ok takit vpp 
fri^semi af rangri vtleg^ bins helga Thomas erkiby- 
skvps. sta^festi af dav^a bans, ok af taknvm bans 
vandyrkligrar avmbvnar. Liti nv vpp þrætvmenn ok 
þriotlyndir til j^essa lioss ok lampa er gvS befir halt 

10 sett yfvir kertistlkvna. ok maa ];aa bverr sia ok 
skilja bvartt bann er staddr ok skipa^r innan fa^ms 
kristninni e-Sa af snií)inn bennar samvelldi. Her er 
nv ];at lios. er ];aa birti gaf kristninni ^ begat i vestr- 
balfv beimsins at i vppbafi þessar J^rætv kvnni 

15 skipta liosi or myrkrvm. Ok at ræk^vm ok reknvm 
Octoviano af pafvasæti. val^i bvn ser til berra ok 
bir^is Alexan'Sr. Ok ef bann væri brætvmaSr. þaa 
mætti );essi Thomas eigi vera skirr eí>a reinn fra J?eim 
fleck. )?vi at eingi tekr saa i tiorvna er eigi lo^i vi^. 

20 En þat birta iartegnir bans at bann var skirr þess 
mals þvi at engi matti slik taknn giora. nema gv^ 
væri me^ bonvm. Nv me^ þvi at gvös mattr er 
sva mikiJl me^ bonvm. enda se bann vig^slvson Alex- 
andri ok ellistod vm alia vestrbalfv kristninnar. þaa 

25 villaz þeir avSsæliga er sitt kne beygia fyrir )?etta 
skvrgo"S Baal. enn fja^irlita sinn fo^vr ok forstiora 
Alexandr pafva. þann er gv^ befir val^au. Ok ef 
bann væri eiöi af gvSi vall^r. bverssv mætti Thomas 
erkibyskvp vera bans vigslvsou ok styrkingarstob. ok 

30 ]>o beilagr. Mætti bann bæ'Si vera þrætvma^r me^ 
pafvanvm Alexandro. ok lika þo gv^i. ok vera i ly^ni 
ok samþyeki ollv vi^ hann en enda lif sitt vi^ J^at ok 
skina si^an iartegnvm. j?vi at engi taknn mætti bann 
nv vinna nema gvo væri me^ bonvm. Nv maa avllvm 

35 av^sæt vera at tilgangr ok savk beilagsleiks bans 

* kristninna, Cd. 

s 2 


hefvir verit vandlæti almenniligrar trvar ok vornn 
kristiligs si'Sar. )^vi at hann bar^izt fast ok bravt 
niör si^venivr er allra hellzt vorv ovenivr. bæ^i nyiar 
ok fornar. þær er syndvzt i moti standa retti heilagrar 
kirkiv. Ok ]?aa er hans synir hinir ellii saa sinn 5 
fo^vr mæddan ok þiaSan i þvilikv starfvi. ok i annan 
sta'S rao^vrlikt frelsi hallaz til haska. )?aa selia þeir 
sem Esav svivirSliga sina frv^mbvr^i vi^ einv saman 
ertraso^i.^ En sia gv^s kappi her'Si hvg sinn eigi at 
minnr sva at lycktvm tok hann sætliga ok feginsam- 10 
liga dav^a oheyr'Srar grim'Sar. ok manravn dæmilavsrav 
vtleg'Sar. Hver er sv tegvnd manna i heilagri kristni. 
er eigi megi ser nockvt nvtsamliktt hitta i þessi fehirzlv 
er folgin er i Kaneia. JmSan veittizt þrætvmonnvm 
lies sannleiksins. styrkr ok travst iær^vm monnvm. 15 
heilsa sivkvm. liknn ok miskvnn þeim er lei^rettazt 
vilia. ];vi at af bans ver^leikvm taka syn blind ir. 
gavngv halltir. reinsaz likj^rair. heyra davfvir. dvmbir 
mæla. dav^ir lifna. Ok skiotazt at segia ]?aa græ^azt 
þar allzkonar mein. ok nær avll gv^zspiallig taknn 20 
fremiazt )?ar fyrir hans verSleika. Engi hofvm ver 
lesit ne einn heilagra manna sva skiott eptir dav^ann 
ok sva skamri stvndv sva mavrgvm ok storvm 
iarteignvm birzt hafva sera p'enna mann. 

lb., p. 44, 15 fF. A hinni næstv nott eptir hans sigrfor 25 
saa merkliliga syn agiætr mvnkr einn ok hvar agiætri 
at snilld ok dicti er hann dicta^i vm hans dyrS. 
hann ]?ottizt sia hinn helga Thomas skr^^ddan byskvps 
skrv^a ok ganga at altari sva sem til messvsavngs. 
hann var lioss ok rio^r yfvirlitz. vir'Svligr ok þeckiligr. 30 
petta hit sama bar ok fyrir hann a^ra nott ok hina 
þri^iv. hann hvgsar fyrir hvi sva optt hit sama bar 
fyrir hann. Ok potti sem hann mvndi spyria skolv 
nockvrs. ok vita ef hann svara'Si honvm. hann ];ottizt 
)7aa ganga nær meirr ok bei"Saz blezanar af honvm. ok 35 

^ crtrasir^i, Cd. 

APPENDIX í. 277 

si^an -mællti hann. Reizt eigi mer herra. þo at ek 
spyria nock\TL's. Mæl ])v sagdi hann. Herra sagSi 
hanrí. ert ]n- eigi framlibinu ok dav^r. Hann svara'Si 
aa latinv en hinu spvr-Si aa wavlskv. DavíSr var ek 
5 kvab hann ok hefvi ek vpprisit. paa mællti mvnkr- 
iiiD. Ef ]>v hefvir sannliga v})prisit. ok ert ]>y sam- 
YÍrSandi pislarvattvin gvbs sen> ver trvvm. Lvi s^mir 
\)v þaa eigi mavurivnvm heilagleik )min berliga. Hann 
svara^i. Lioss ber ek i liendi. en J>at maa eigi synazt 

10 fyrir ];okv J>eiii er f}TÍr stendr. Hann hvgsar mvnkr- 
inn ok skilr eio'i livar til þetta koni. Yilltv sia seo-ir 
hann. Vil ek lierra sagíJi hanii. J)aa bra hann vpp 
skri^liosi miklv hinni liæoTÍ hendi meb brennanda 
kerti. ok baí) liann lita aa avllvm megin. Mvnkrinn 

15 giorir sva ok ser hann at þoka sva mikil legzt at 
skri^liosinv avllvm megin sva at felr kertissliosit. ok 
nv skilr hann synina ok verk hans go^ ok iartegnir. 
ok raattv þo eigi birtaz fii'ir mavnnvm fyrir sakir illzkv 
lians vfribarmanna er þaa var enn vhegnd. SiSan 

■ 20setr hann niSr skriSliosit hia altari. pvi næst var 
vpphafvit i korinvm hati^likt messv vppliaf ok fagn- 
abarfvlltt ok þo savngiavst Letare Hiervsaleni. En 
erkibyskvp beudi )/eim at eigi væri }>at svngit ok hof 
vpp hormvngar officivni lagiiga ok litilli savngravst 

25 Exvrge. En )>at )?ydizt ^ sva. Ris vpp ]?v drottinu 
hvi sefr J^v. ris vpp )?v. rek oss eigi af havnd\Tti til 
lykSa. hvi snyr þv fra andlit þitt. ok gleymir |?v 
yfvirhryg^ vavri. fylgir kvi^vr varr iorbv. ris vpp 
þv drottinn ok hialp oss vi^ ok leys oss. Eptii' )?at 

30 vaknar hann ok ilivgar dravm sinn. ok þessi orS at 
davSr var ek ok em ek nv vpprisimi. ok skilr hann 
J^aa þo at bann væri dav^r at likams æSi. at J?o lifvir 
hann af krapti Kristz. Sva sem vitrat var byskvpi 
Bartboloineo Exoniensi cr allmiok barma'Si bans liflat. 

35 þa syndizt bonvni nui^r i svefni ok spyiT. Hvat 


hryggvir )?ik. Litlat kvat hann ok davtJi ^ Thomas 
erkibyskvp(s). Hinn svara^i. Sannliga er liann dav^r. 
en þo lifva armar bans ok hendr. Sva er ok. sann- 
liga lifva hendr hans til iartegnagiorSa ok armar hans 
til hefnöar. 5 

lb., p. 24, 17 ÍÍ. pat bar ok fyrir einn vir^vligan mann 
i svefni. at hann heyr^i kail ok ravdd ogvrliga i loptit 
vpp ok mællti sva. Se her. bloS mitt kallar af ioi^v 
til gv^s meirr en blo^ Abels for^vm. þess er drepinn 
var i vpphafvi heims af bro^vr sinvm. pessi Ivtr 10 
var^ i þeim sta§ er Argentevs heitir. hina Dæstu nott 
aör þar kiæmi ti^endin vm liflat hans. pessi ma^r 
ihvgar dravminn. ok vm morgvninn segir hann sinvm 
felavgvm er þeir talazt vi(S vm ymsa atbvr^i. Avllvm 
þotti þeim mikils vm vertt. en einginn þottizt skilia 15 
hvat þat var. Ok er þeir ræddv vm j^etta. þaa geek 
maí5r einn at þeim ok segir þaa drap ok dav^a 
Thomas erkibyskvps. Ok þaa segia þeir til þess manz 
er dravminn haf^i dremyt. Her er nv fram komit 
þat hit hafva kail er ])v heyi-Sir i nott þvi at ifvalavst 20 
er at þetta hit saklavsa blo^ kallar mattvliga til gv^s. 
pat var ok satt at travtt hefvir þat kail or^it e^a 
]?av ti^endi er iafnnskiott hafvi heyr^ verit e^a ilvtt 
heimsenda i millvm sem þetta. 

lb., p. 60, I ft*. Fam nottvm eptir solarfall syndiz einvm 25 
vngvm manni olygnvm sem kominn væri mikill mann- 
iioldi bæ^i lær^ra ok olær^ra i korinn Kantvariensis 
ecclesie. hann þottiz sia hinn helga Thomas erkibyskvp 
hvila erendan yfvir altarinv vndir dyrSligv klæ^i ok 
mikit hægendi vndir hof^i honvm ok vir^vligan mann 30 
i mvnkaklæSvm sitia vndir hof^i honvm ok herSvm. 
honvm syndiz sem tveir vendir rynni vpp af sinni siSv 
hans hvarr ok skiott vaxa sva at honvm þotti )7aa ok 
)?aa sem þeir mvndi ganga vpp i gegnnvm ræfr kirki- 
vnnar. honvm þottv allir vndra þetta miok. paa tok 35 

1 ífai-'«í/j Cd. 


saa til or^z er sat \Tidir havfSinv. Hvi vndiizt þer 
þetta. þessir vendir benda fp-ir frægð ok dryS þessa 
mannz ok sva sem þer sa^ vavndvna vpp renna. sva 
man þroaz ok vpp renna taknn ok iarteignir bans. 
5 man J7at ok synaz i þeiri vitran ok syn er eptir ferr 
bverssv miok bann var tigna^r ok vppbatVi^r. 

A savmv vikv eptir liflat Tbomas erkibyskvps 
vitra^izt einvm munki mvnkr saa er mavrorvm davo-vm 
fyrri var davSr. bann J7ottizt spyria bann margs. ok 

10 at'lyktvm at Tbomasi erkibyskvpi vandliga. en binn 
sag^i ok lag-Si morg orö bonvm til lofs ok dyr^ar ok 
þær alyk^ir sins nials. at binn belgi Thomas erki- 
byskvp væri framleiddr af sialfri gvös mo^vr Marie 
ok belgvm postolvm ok nockvrvm pislarvottvm ok 

15 iatavrvm ok meyivm fyrir baleitiin domstol ok gvlligan. 
þann er tveim bvrövm matti Ivka vpp ok aptr. En 
saa ris vpp i moti er i stolinvm sitr fagr ok fri^r 
vmfram sonv manna, bann fa'Sma^i Thomas ok kysti 
ok gaf bonvm blezan. Si San var bann leiddi- til sætis 

20 ok skipat me§ postolvm. En sia vndrar þetta ok spvr^i 
bver savk til þess væri er bonvm var i æSra sta^ 
skipat en binvm belga. 

8 id leaf. 

lb., p. 74, 11 fí'. );rota ok avll var bvn bolgin oivan til 
25 knia. b\Ti var þangat flvtt af tveim konvm leynibga 
ok er bvn bergSi f>essv vatni. er milskat var bloSi bins 
belga Thomas erkibyskvps. f>aa var^ bvn j^egar beil. 

lb., J). 76, ff". Nv kemr liinn baleiti paskadagr sialfr. 
saa dagr er bver kirkia fylliz iagnaSar ok gleSi. en 

30 bofvtkirkian i Kancia sitr þaa oin i brygiJ ok bariiii 
beyrir bvn dætr sinar sætliga syngia, en l^olir sialf 
beirskliga ]?ogun ok )?vnga. en til livgganar |'ar me?^ 
bormvng, saa er b3a"gSi mvnn til lois vio sik ki3rSra 
manna lavk vpp þann dag mvnn til mals þess er aSr 

35 var mallavss. pessi maSr tcHr J'ar nihi i kirkivnni 


ok bravz þar vm ok bar^iz lengi. ok fell frav^ mikit 
or mvnninvm ok at lyktvm settizt hann vpp ok mællti 
fyrst oskyrt ok þo sva at skilia matti. ok beiddi fa 
ser drykc. Av~S var kirkian af mavnnvm. )?vi at 
engar vorv trSir. en viS ];essa nylvndv aa einni stvndv 6 
dreif at meiri manniiol^i en skiott mætti telia. hverr 
at av^rvm spvr^i hverr e^a hvaöan væri. en serhverivm 
var honvm torsott at svara. );vi at honvm var mæ^i- 
samtt malit. ok varS optt at endvrnyia hit sama a^r 
sagtt yr^i. Hann kvazt ætta'Sr vera af kirkivsoknn 10 
Oxeneforö. ok sagSi sik fyrir fimtan vetrvm vti hafva 
ni-Sr lag'Sz heilan ok. sofnat ok vaknat mallavssan. 
kvat ser J?at vera vitraS ok boSit af tveim dyr^ligvm 
mavnnvm at hann skylldi );angat sækia ok ]?enna 
hinn nyia pislarvatt. ok hann mvndi J?ar taka mal sitt 15 
ef hann bæ^i ser |?ar liknar ivanarlavst [vm] hans 
helgi ok verdleika. kva^v engan ]?ann sta^ þaa vera 
i veravlldv er skiotari mvndi til heilsvgiafva(r) en J^ar. 
Hann sag^i sik Samson heita, Nv var )?at vatr 
heilsvgiafvar hans at mal hans bættiz ok ort>agTein 20 
dag eptir dag ok villdi p>o eigi fvllkomit ver^a. 
Hvsbondi saa er hann haf^i langa stvnd me'S ser 
haf^an kvazt optt hafva hann drvckinn giorvan ok 
lockat til mals. ok alldri or'S feingit af honvm. En 
af ]?essvm hinvm fagra atb\^-S );aa matti ]?ar sva 25 
Bannliga sem i av^rvm kirkivm segia hec dies 
quam f. 

lb., p. 78, u ff. A );essvm hinvm sama dyra degi drott- 
inligrar vpprisv kallaSi hinn helgi ma^r einn svein 
dav~Svona til lifs ok heilsv. Sveinninn het Gelldivinvs 30 
son Godevini skrifvara )?ar aa sta^. Hann var iiora 
manv^r þiac^r i þvngvm vanmætti. ok at lycktvm laa 
hann .iij. daga ok .iij. nætr matlavss dryckla.vs vitlavs. 
penna dag er fa^ir hans kom fra kirkiv eptir J^ionostv- 
tekiv fær hann þaa na^ linskavta þeim er davg'Sr var 35 
dreyra Thomas erkibyskvps. hann vavkva^i linskavtann 
i vatni ok bar vatnit at mvnni hinvm sivka sveini 


ok iafnskiott brazt bann vi^ tilkomanda kraptinvm. 
sem hann vaknaSi af svefni ok braa i svndr annat 
avgat ok spvrbi. Skal ek p>etta drecka pati minn. 
Si-San dreckr hann ok );vi næst bergir hann fæzlv ok 
5 styrkizt sva at fimta daginn leikr hann meS avSrv 

pessi hinn sami Go^efridvs atti enn a^ra .ij. fionv 
ok var hvarfcveggi miok mædr ok matfarinn af vihv. 
Nv cr hann sa ok reyndi hvat sia linskavti meS bloSi 

JOheilags Thomas erkibyskvps vann þessvm syni haos. 
J?aa skiptir hann skavtann i tva Ivti. ok bindr aa hals 
hvarvra hinna. ok var^ hvartveggi ]?egar beill. Ok at 
li^nvm ]?a^an fra iiorvm vikvm e^a fira )>aa tekr hami 
þessa lækning af halsi avSrum );eira. ok ];egar tekr 

15 sveinninn at skialfva alh' af riSv. Hann vndraz nv 

miok ))enna atbvi'S ok lætr p>egar aptr i sama sta^ 

þenna helgan dom ok er j^aa slikr heilivagr sem fyrr 

syni hans. 

lb., p. 82 4 if. Eptir þessi taknn fram komin vakna vi^ 

20 sivkir menn. ok sækia meirr ok meirr til hans graptar ok 
lækningar. Einn ]7ar af borgarmonnvm blindr ok fatækr. 

hann var alkvnnig hann haf^i tveim vetrvm 

a^r syn mist, hefvir þaa son sinn iafnan ok stvndvm 
hvsfrey sina fyrir lei^toga. En til þess at hann mætti 

25 lei^togalavss ganga )?aa ba'S hann faa ser nockvrnn 
dropa af ];essv hinv helga blo^i Thomas erkibyskvps. 
ok hann feck, heim kemr hann ok ri^r yfvir avgv ser. 
Ok i ]>yi bill fellr a golfvinv hia honvm son hans 
vngr er varla kvnni ganga. ok kve'Sr vi^ hatt ok 

30 grætr. Hann sprettr vpp skiott ok gleymir þvi er 
hann hafSi abr giort. s var var af avgvm ser blobinv ok 
þrifr til sveinsins. ok fyrri en hann feingi til hans 
naö þaa sa hann. hverr maSr vissi hann a^r blindau 
hafva verit. ok hverr maSr sa hann nv sianda. 

35 lb., p. 82, 2.5 if. Kona ein havlltt fær þaa ok heilsv aa 
þessvm paskvm er het Ermelin. iiorvm vetrvm abr fell 
hvn ok meiddiz kneit sva at knytti sinarnar ok krepti 
fotinn ok styddi hvn sik viiS staf i Ibtar stalS. ok cigi 

282 APPENDIX 1. 

matti hvn eitt stig staflavst ganga. Nv af tilspvrnii 
hans iartegna J?aa ferr hvn til Kristz kirkiv ok bi^r 
bænar sinnar ser til heilsv. ok er hvn kemr J^ar. þaa 
ferr hvn ni^r þar sem mallavss ma^r haf^i a^r ni^r 
fallit. bravzt þar vm ok velltizt i niiklvm ohægendvm 5 
allt til aptans. at lycktvm viö nott riss hvn vpp 
þrejtt ok )7o heil. Baöv menn liana sty^ia sik vi^ 
staf. en hvn kva^ ser enga þorf þess. kvaz eigi vilia 
sto^ )7aa er gv^ haf^i gefvit henni heilsv. 

lb., p. 86,3 ÍF. I þann tima varv þaa enn lyktir allir 10 
kreptir (.'k stvkvr ok engir mattv ly^menn atgavngv 
na. J7ar sem steinþio hans var. nema ]?at væri leyniliga. 
En folkit þolir ilia ok segir hina lærSv menn vilia 
miiinka ok ni^r drepa dyrS gv^s ok bins sæla Thomas 
erkibyskvps. ok sem þeir villdi follgit fe i iorSv eiga 15 
ok var^veita sva at eingi nyti. Bi^ia þaa vpp Ivka 
kraptinn. enn byrgia eigi tilsoknn ok heilsvgiof vi^ 
sivka menn. Ok er korsbræ^r sia fcrv þvilika folksins. 
þaa giora þeir at villd hinna. þo at kirkian stæ^i ti^a- 
lavss. Quarto nonas Aprilis favstvdaginn i paskavikv 20 
varv vpploknar hvríiir ok lasar sva at hans groptr ok 
stein];ro var þaa avllvm heimil til atsoknar. hvernn 
dag matti þar sia nockvr dyr^lig taknn. )7ar mattir 
]?v sia brvnninn Davids vpplokinn til hreinsanar 
syndgvm ok savrgvm þar ok hrær^a svndtiornina af 25 
einglinvra. ok eigi einn til heilsv leiddan. helldr marga. 
]?ar matti ok sia akriun Axi ^ genginn ok davggva^an 
bæ^i of van ok ne^an. J>vi at svmvm þar gratavndvm 
likams mein veitizt heilsa. en svmvm sytavndvm 
syndir sinar ok andar sar gafz þar liknn ok leiSretta. 30 
þar maa ok sia olevm in lechito vþrotnanda. at er 
miskvnn almattigs gvös. Sia þar meS kerin Helisei 
ok avll me^ litlv oleo. ok þo vaxanda avllvm til 
fyllar. )?vi at j^angat flvttvzt margir sivkir. en aptr 
forv heilir ok miskvnnarfvllir. þaa endrlifna^i l^ar andi 35 
læröra manna meS Jacob, ok sva sem vaknendr af 

> See II., p. 86, note 28. 


svefni ok vorv þaa hvgga^ir ineb fagnaSi. En þo braz 
enn bavmrinn yfvir hvgganina ok var^ rikri. ]>\i at 
þeim var eigi lofvat at lofva gv^ eptir efnvm. ne þenna 
hinn helga inann. bvarki i ti^agioi-b ne vppbvi-Si 
o iartegna. En ])o var<5 mart ok stort til stormerkia 
hvernn dag. 

Þannvg var tlvtt at )nimi' konvm ok )>ar niSr lavg^ 
kona fotveil er het Alditlia. jn-iv misseri hafbi hvn 
alldregi aa sinn fot stigit. ok la hvn i reyckiv alia 

10 þaa stvnd ok var iafnan nær ætlat dav^a. I vinstra 
fæti hennar laa verkr i kne. ok þroti sva mikil(l) at 
]?a^an af knytti sinarnar en krepti fotinn. ok haf^i 
hvn sva mikinn sarleik. at vaiia J^olSi hvn sinni 
heudi vi^ at koma. En J^aSan ferr hvn sva at allr 

15 )?roti ok sarleikr var brottv or fæti hennar. Ok til 
vitnisbvr^ar gelinnar heilsv. þaa lystr hvn hai-tt hnefva 
sinvm aa kneit. at siandvm mavrgvra mavnnvm. ok 
J?otti avllvm mikils vm vertt er saa. en þo var h\Ti 
iafnan hoi It si^an. Ok fyrir þvi vai'S sva at eigi er 

20 vartt at vita ok halfv si?r at dæma. j^vi at ver trvvm 
hans heilagleik at þvilikv matt hafva hennar fot 
græ^a me'S f\'llv sem annarrar konv þar i Kaneia er 
Alvena het. ressa konv haf^i sva vanheilsa leikit 
ok beyg^a at hvn matti eigi vpp rettazt ok hvergi 

25 matti hvn staflavst flytiazt sex misseri i sifellv. hvn 
legz til bænar fyrir steinþro hans ok riss þa^an heil 
vpp ok rett sva at hvn )'yrfti alldri si^an staf ne 

lb., p. 102. I þeim sta§ e^a )'orpi er heitir Bedefor • 
30 densis var einn ma^r sva sarlicrha leikinn at avo[vm 
hans var vtleyptt ok eistvni. ok hvartveggia i iorS 
QTafvit. en sakar til kvnnvm ver eioi at se^jia. ok i 
þessvm harinkvælvni kallar j'essi hinn avmi mai^r aa 
hinn helga Thomas erkibyskvp ser til liknar. ok |'ar 
35 fyrir fær hann a[)tr at fvUv syn sina ok avgv ok sva 
aSra latna limv. pessi iartegnn var miok grvnv^ i 
fyrstv. )7ar til var til fullz ranzakat. at han(s) kvnnir 

284 APPENDIX 11. 

menn vitnvöv þat sem eigi matti sia eöa vita. Ok 
Hvgi byskvp af Dynholmvm let sina tva klerka hand- 
taka hann ok forvitnazt vm getna^arlimvna ok finna 
]7eir Srinnliga ]m me^ lionvm fvllkomna. En sion var 
savgv rikri vm syn hans ok avg-v. þvi at p'at var 5 
avllvm fyrir avgvm. 

lb., p. 94. Roddbert prior at OxeneforS var staddr 
i Sikiley xii. vetrvm fyrr ok for lei^S sina fra borginni 
Katania ok til Siracusan. ok la vegrin fram mei íir^- 
invm Adriatikvm. ok sva nær at brim ok bylgia siov- 10 
arins meö afalli vindaiins brestr a vinstra fæti hans 
sva at jn'ota ok ro^a lavst i lærit eptir, ok stvnd er 
hann hvilldiz i Siracusan. ok hafSi vi^ bæ"(Si bakstr 
ok bat vi'S plastr. þaa svina'Si ok myktizt fotrin. ok 

II. 15 

Extract from *'Mariu Saga," Ed. C. E. Uiiger, Christiauia, 
1871 (after Cod. Membr. ISTo. 11, quarto, in the Icelaudic Collec- 
tiou of MSS. at the Ro^^al Library, Stockholm). Cfr. Thomas 
Saga I., 20 if. 

Af Thoma erkibyskupi. 

Sva er senniliga skrifat, at einn klerkr Thomas at 
nafni var a vngvm alldri til nams i Paris a Frakk- 
landi. pessi bleza^r ma^r hinn vngi Thomass var 
þegar gieddr ok geislaSr me^ agiötu si'Sfei^Si, halldande 20 
sÍDn likam ok sal i hreinvm meydomi, );ar me^ 
hiartanliga elskande vara fru sanctam Mariam mo^vr 
Cristz, er fyrir gengr öllum þeim me^ haleitu epter- 
dömi, sem sic var^ueita storvm hreinliga i fogru 
skirlifi. pegar i öskvblomi, sem fyrr var greint, setti 25 
signa^r Thomass gv^s mo-Svr Mariam sinn vakran 
verndarmann ok göfugligan geymara, J^jonande hoDni 
hversdao-liga me^ hiartaligum skierleik heilagra bona, 
ok );ar meS sem hann )?roaz i klerkdomi diktar hann 


drottningunni niarga fagra lofsöngva, pa seiii lieilog 
kristni helldr ok hefir si^an ok syngr fagrliga sealfum 
gu'Si ok bans sotustu mo|?vr til virþingar. Nu ])o at 
Thomass lifSe vel ok go^mannliga vpp a sinn likam, 
5 voro eigi a^rir skolaklerkar bans kumpanar sva orugg- 
ir til hreinlifis a þeim tima, helldr liafi5i huerr ok 
einn leyniliga vnnvstv ser til skemtanar. 

Nv berr sva til einn vetr, sem Tboraass er enn i 
skolanvm at fostv inDgangr kemr at hendi, ok klerkar 

10 lifa i verra lagi. pri^ia dag binn nösta fyrir oskvdag 
korna þeir saman i einn staS me^ glennsi ok gamni 
miclv. Segir ]?a bueiT ö"Srum, buersv bans vnnasta 
er vitr ok vel fallin i ollvm sinvm atfei'^iim, ok setia 
siþan stefnvdag eptir vm morgininn, at ]ni skal bverr 

15 fram bera )?at klenodivm, sern bans vnnasta befir 
honvm gert. Enn Tbomas sitr bia ok ]?egir, );a er 
þvilicir Ivtir ero tala^ir, J?viat bann bafSi enga unnustu 
nema vara frv sanctam Mariam, fyrir pa grein befir 
bann ok ecki klenodivm, pat er bann megi fram bera 

20 fyrir sina kvmpana. Her fyrir er Tbomas gabba^r ok 
bleginn af peim klerkvnvm, at bann gerSi sic sva 
einleitan fra ö^rvm mönnvm. Ok sem peir slita pvi- 
likar rö^vr, gengr signaör Tbomas til kirkiv ok fellr 
til bonar fyrir alltari sobar Marie sinnar vnnvstv 

25 bi^eande bana meS tarvm, at bon veiti bonvm til 
bvggunar nöckut klenodium. Eptir vm myrgininn 
aSr messvtimi se kominn bafa klerkar stefnu sin i 
millvm, sem talat var fyrra dag. Berr pa buerr peira 
fram pann grip, sem bverium til beyrir, lit a sipan til 

30 Tbomam me^ glennzligv vi'Sbrag^i eptir spyrjande, 
hvat bann se fram setiande. Hann svarar sva : " £k 
" befir eina kiervstu ok sotvztu vnnvstn," seorir bann, 
'' pa er mer fer-Si fagrt klenodivm a pessi nott ok pat 
" sama skal ek nv bigat bera."' Hann gengr si]>an i 

35 sitt stvdivm ok finnr i einvm staíS i berberginv, bvar 
stendr sniabuitr kistill Ivktr vandliga ok orpinn meS 
sva miclv yfirvöttis forrai mcistarliga, at engi iarMigs 


mannz hönd matti sva fagrliga lika ok grafa ok allfc 
anil at at gera. SignaSr Thomas tekr \^p )?enna kistil 
me^ miclvm fagna^i, berr fram fyrir kvmpana ok 
bi"Sr ])a vpp Ivka. Enn sva sem kistil linn er vpp 
lokinn syniz þar i liggiande allr byskupligr skrv^i 5 
sva litils vaxtar, at hann matti allr liggia i )?eim 
litla bov^c. Skiptir nu skiott vm rom klerkanna, 
lofuSu nv allir gv^ ok bans signu'Su mo'Svr, þviat 
þeim gaf vel skilia, at þessi kistill var eigi iar^neskr, 
helldr til kominu af sealfri himinrikis cvria, at hann 10 
meti sinvm farmi skyllde vera fyrir sogn okominna 
Ivta, J>eira er ofarr meir fylldvz innan p»essa mannz 

Fylldiz ok si];an einkar fagrliga þat, er )>essi kistill 
spaSi fyrir, þviat þessi gvSs maSr Thomas enski son 15 
Gillibertz ok Moalldar otta^r ok foddr i Lvndvnum 
var^ siþan Kantvariensis erkibyskup ok allz Engiandz 
primas ok postoligs sotis legatvs vm allt England. 
Ok er þat vel ver'Sact, J>viat hann lifi)i sitt lif storvm 
heilagliga ok finnz alia gotv verit hafa enn rett- 20 
visazti, er hvarki ballade nockvrn tiraa rettvm domi 
fyrir femvtvm ne manna mvn. Sva var hann sterkr 
ok stö^vgr meS kirkvnni moti Heinreki konvngi ok 
bans ra^vneyti, at hann veik ser huarki af rettri 
reglv fyrir konvngsins bli^u ne stri'Su hotvm rie har^- 25 
indvm. Sva var hann rettvisliga har^r viö hina 
omilldari, at uel matti hann þeira hegna^arhamarr 
heita, enn fatökra manna ok harmþrvnginna var hann 
hinn haleitazti hvggari. Nv ef sökin, sem engi vitr 
ma^r efar, gerir manninn go^an i gv^s avgliti, pa 30 
finnz bans sok ecki rettvisligra ; þviat hann striddi 
moti gv^s ouinvm, er kirkivnni ok hennar rettindum 
villdu me^ ollu fyrirkoma me^ sinvm bolvv^vm 
ovonvm. Enn hann villdi, sem vai*^, öllvm þeim 
ovenivm brott hrinda, sem höföingiarnir höf^u a'Sr 35 
leitt vpp a kirkivnnar ska^a. Ecki finnz lifi bans 
heilagligra, þviat hann fyrrleit alia beimsins fegr'S, þar 

APPENDIX ir. 287 

rne^ fiarluti fröndr ok vini ok allan )>eira felagskap 
fyriv gV(Ss ast, takande a sic ok sina frendr fatöktar 
vtleg-S me^ marghattivbum inö^um odumiligra mein- 
gerba • vi • ár i samt. Enn aptr tekinn af vtlegSinni 
5 meS fuUri vndirhyggio Heinreks konungs ok hans 
manna þolir liaiin signa'Sr heim kominn til Cantva- 
riain sarlio-an davSa. 

En hvar eba nie^ hverivm liotti liann let lif sitt, 
j^a er p>at öllvm kunnict, at hami var drepinn i lieil- 

10 agri hcjfiitkirkiv allz Engiandz, })eiri sem ollvm ubrvni 
er tignari heri ok haleitari. Her me^S var liann pindr 
af sinvm vndirmömivm ok andligiim sonvm. Enn 
)>ann tima sem j^eir gv^rokir glopanienn voro inn komn- 
ir i kirkivna ok skokv sin sverS yfir erchibyskvpsins 

15 hofSi enn lifanda hneio-^iz sa o-vds via oc bans sötvztv 
mo^vr elskari at nalogu kirkivnnar altari, sic meiS 
þvilicvm orSum a hendi felande solli Marie gvá^ 
mo^vr : " pessarrar kirkiv patronis ok hinvm heilaga 
" Dionisivm pinslarvatt fel ek mic a hendi ok kirki- 

20 '' vnnar sok." Eptir þessi orS ofirar hann sic hinvm 
hösta gy^i i pislarvöttis forn framfallinn fvrir heilact 
altari, sa er optliga er vanr mei) tara vthellingv at 
fornfera Kristz likam me^ hans blezaba blo^e. Sva 
var þessi himnakonvngs virktavin gTÍmliga felldr i 

25 gv^s vingardi, at krismaligr partr byskvpligrar krvnv 
var sniSinn me^ havsnvm mikill af hans hofSi. Ok af 
þvi odömiliga sári floSi sva mikit bloS vm daginn oc 
nottina eptir, at kirkian matti vel kallaz sem lavgut 
i hans blo^i. Enn ))vi meir varu fylgiandi lutir likam- 

30 ligri natturv gagnstabligir, J?viat bans asiona blekna^i 
eigi eptir sva stor högg ok sár. Eigi þornabi hami, 
eigi grofv þyckvar bruckvr hans enni ))vi belldr, 
eigi p>röngdi ok nöckvrs konar avgvnvm, eigi sign 
)?av ne svcku, eigi flavt ok nöckvrs kyns vátt vt af 

35 mvnni e^a nösvm, eigi var halsinn skorpnabr ne her- 
þarnar nibr sigv, eigi sealfr likaminn stir^ari ne skinnit 
a bonvm rvmara, ok a engvm lut uSa lini lians likania 


matti sea nöckvrs konar þat mark, at hann ];orna^i lie 
þyrri e'Sa at lionum setti, helldr sva sem lifandi mvnde 
þessa mannz dav^a likame vera, þat me^ þessu synande, 
at liaDs davde er honvm i gv^s avgiiti raeirr til vii^u- 
ligs vei^leika enn nöckvrrar minkvnar, var^ueittri 5 
andlitzins fegr^ ok yíirbragöi, skirleik ok iDÍartleik ; 
syniz hann ]?a nöckvra bli^n i sioninni frammi Lafa, 
sem hann bar iafnliga lifandi i sinu bleza^a briosti, 
sva framt, at likara syndiz J^vi, at hann hefSi sotliga 
sofnat, avgvm ok mvnni aptr loknvm me^ lifligvm lit, 10 
enn hann hefSi sva har'San davSa ];olt me^ andvörp- 
vm ok angri. 

Thomas erchibyskup var ma'Sr einkar somiligr ok 
kennimannligr i sinv lifi, harr ma^r a vöxt ok grann- 
vaxinn, lioslita'Sr, svartr aa har, neflangr ok rettleitr, 15 
bli'Sligr i yfirbrag'Si, hvass i hvgviti, inndoU ok astu^igr 
i allri vi^ro^v, skorinor'Sr ok skyr i frambvi^^i, stamr 
nöckvt litt. Sva var hann hvass i skilningi ok stor- 
liga glavggr, at hann greiddi vitrliga vaudar spvrn- 
ingar. Sva var hann ok minnigr, at þat sem hann 20 
heyr'Si um sinn i heiiavgum ritningvm e^a lagadomvm, 
var honvm o-reitt ok tiltekt hvern tima, er hann villdi 
frammi hafa. GvcSs moþvr Mariam elska^i hann vm- 
fram alia menn ok fal henni a hendi alia sina fram- 
fer^ nærst almatkvm gv^i. Sva var hann bl^zaSr 25 
i allri sinni framfer^ sem nv bar ravn a, at gvS almatt- 
igr gerjn hann makligan þvilikrar dyr^ar. Ymfram 
flest domi falla dyr^arlutir til J^essa pislarvátz, )?viat 
hann tignar lofligt lif ok davSasavk, vigshipallr, stund 
ok sta^r. Rannsaka lifit, ok mvntv finna haleitt oh 30 
heilact, er hann fyrir ]?vi gv^s iatari. Grein davSa- 
sökina, ok er eigi hans eins sök, nema helldr allrar 
kristninnar, fyrir )?vi er hann sannr pislarvattr. Lit a 
vigslupallinn ok er hann hinn ozti byskvp ok allz 
Englands primass ok postoligs sötis legatvs, ok ma 35 
hann af þvi sannliga heita postoli. Leita at liflatz 
stvndinni, ok hittiz a hati^ drottinligs bvr^ar. YirS 


daTSasta^inn, ok er höfvSkirkian i Englandi. Hverir 
voro dau^amenn hans? Eigi giö^ingiar, helldr \aidir- 
menn hans ok andligir synir. 

Nv af þessa mannz áyv^ ok iartegnvm fagni heilög 
5 kristni, mer ok mo^ir, dyi'8 hafa ö^laz af drapi bro^vr- 
lign. Fagni hon ok Joseph selldan af brö"Sra sinna 
öfvnd ok nv rikianda i himinrikis höll. Enn j^essi 
hinn haleiti ok hinn göfngligi gvís vin Thomas Can- 
tuariensis erchibyskvp ok allz Englandz primas ok 

10 postoligs sötis legatvs var pindr a þvi ari, er li-Sin voro 
fra vars herra holldgan .m, ara .c. ok Ixx. ok eitt, a 
fimtögiincla ári ok )?ridia sealfs sins alldrs, fiorda ka- 
lendas Jaiivarii, þri^ia dag vikv, a elliptv tiS dags, 
fimta dag iola, at vars herra likamlig bvrSarti^, honvm 

15 til erfi^is, yr^i þeim til huiUdar ok haleitrar dyr^ar. 
Til þeirar hinnar sömv lei^i oss varr lavar^r Jesus 
Kristr, sa sem bö^e er upphaf ok endir, me^ fe-Sr ok 
helgvm anda lifir ok rikir einn gv^ i þrenningu vm 
allar alldir verallda. Amen. 


An Icelandic hymn in praise of St, Thomas. 

Thoiiuts dictur ercMhiskups} 

Hæstur heilagur andi, 
hei^Lir þinn bi^ eg standi ; 
25 gef mier gæ'Szku siiinna, 

suo giorla mætta eg jnna 
dyi*^ og dasemd jnna, 
dagliga naer a5 skina; 
m^^k j^u tungu mina. 

' From a skin-book in the Arna- 
Maguæaa library at Copcnhap:on, 


No. 713, 4to, pp. 5S, 59, from circa 


Geisle gii^s enn frome 
giordiz heilagur Thome, 
runnenn upp rue's bloma 
bædi me'5 tign og soma, 
hafinn j hæsta sæte 

hei^urinn tru eg at bæti 
herra thomas enn mæti. 

Veglegur vigslv palla 
me'S virSÍDg gey mdir alia, 
10 þv elska^ir gu^ meö iprj^i 

umfram alia lySi, 
ackta^er atferS dyra, 
eingen naer at skyra, 
þu kunner kristne at styra. 

15 Eingiandz uegur og some 

erchibiskup Thome, 
lySur og landzmenn smaller 
þeir lofa hann Thomas aller ; 
hann mintiz milldi verka, 

20 mest fyri sina klerka, 

ef i^run fengu sterka. 

Allopt avma fæddi, 
einkvm naukta klæddi, 
bli'Sur og biartvr at lita, 
25 berandi asian huita. 

hiellt hreinlifis dyg^ir, 
hata^i fals og lyg^ir, 
aungum veitir styg^ir. 

Gioi'^ir guSs lavg bio'Sa 
30 græ^arinn eingiandz þio^a, 

ly^ir landzins snialler 
lofuöu Thomam aller,; 
kveiktizt kur en liote 
kappa gu^s aa mote 
35 , si^ar synv bote. 


Ferligt forz og bræ^i 
fra eg vra landit stæ^i, 
gior^u gvmraar vida 
gu^s uin moti stri^a; 
5 liet af lögunum ganga 

lofa^an Thomam fanofa 
og rakv j utleg^ stranga. 

Veturna vij. enn svinne, 
svo hefi eg lagt j minne, 
10 it\T: aldri na"Si 

erchibiskups la^i ; 
heima satn hiyggvir 
herrans frændur dyggvir, 
hann j utleg^ ^yggWi^- 

15 S(yrg)er^ sveiten auma 

sina racta(?)^ drauma, 

huert skulum hialpar leita, 

e"Sur hver ma biarger veita ? 

finzt nu fatt til bota, 
20 flester anauS hliota, 

faum vier dau^ann skiota. 

F(ang)inn ^ gu^s nam fregna, 
fri^arins ba^ til þegna, 
buimi biargir at veita 
25 byzt hann heira at leita^ 

liktizt liufur at næmi 
lausnarans eptir dæme 
heim fra eg her(r)ann kæme. 

Aumer illzku syna 
30 alldri letv duina, 

upp me^ einii ra^i, 
egnder pukans sa'Si, 
fer-Sazt flockurenn bar Si 

* Conjecture ; for the letters iu 
brackets there is a hole in Cod. 

2 Conjecture ; rac'la, Cod. 
' Conjecture \ hole in Cod. 
T 2 


fram at biskups gar^i, 

So aunguan mann þat uar^i. 

Heilagur hirSer sau^a 
hræ^izt ei sin dan^a, 
5 faldi sig favSur a hendi, 

fram j korinn iiendi ; 
kongs menn kvnnu ilia 
kirkiu fri^i at spilla, 
J?ung var þeirra villa. 

IQ ÆSa ogna braver 

jna aa biskups na^er, 

aungv vætta eira. 

ei )?arf hier vm fleira. 

letu laufann skipta, 
25 lifi thomas suipta. 

þung var þeirra ogipta, 

Fyrir pru^ligt pislar vætte, 
postulum likur at mætti, 
þu þolder dapran dau^a, 
9Q dreyi'an gafztii enn rau^a, 

fyrir milldi ok myskunn sæta 
meineri giorer at bæta. 
ei ma þessa þræta. 

PisJar vottur enn pini"Si, 
25 pryddur biskups skiTi^i, 

liggur j legsta^ hreinum, 
leysir folk af meinum, 
sannheilagur fyrir soma 
saminn til helgra doma 
^0 me"S sæmd j sialfri Roma. 

Halter hrumer og o^er, 
hverskyns aumar J^io'Ser, 
aller aa þik heita, 
aungum villtv neita ; 
35 þu græ^er sara og siuka, 


svo rna or^um liuka. 
minkar mattinn piika. 

Lattv, enn liufe herra, 
lavstv vora þverra, 
5 arna oss allz ens o-oda 

vi^ yfirdomarann ];io^a, 
þins mun J7rællinn hliota 
þurfa fylgis niota, 
svo hann fae huofo-un skiota. 

10 Yaxe vist me^ soma 

vegur þinn, sancte thoma, 
aukizt æ me^ piydi^ 
allir LI'S eo- at hly^i. 
hier skal bro^urenn standa, 

15 hverfa burt til landa. 

lof se helgum and a. 


Appendix IV. 
Canterbury Cathedral Register, R. 19, fol. 83. 

Littera fraternitatis concessa Wytfrido filio Juarii de 

20 Insula de Island. 

Omnibz Xpi iidelibus ad quos p'sentes I're pervene- 
rint Job'es Sancte Cant. Eccl'ie Prior et ejusdem loci 
Cap'lum sal'm in D'no sempiternam. Cum non decet 
devocionis odoriferam faniam sub modio occultari, que 

25 cotidie in martire glorioso sancte Thoma, eciam in iil- 
timis terræ finibus, miraculorum fama clarius et cre- 
brius elucescit, mentesque hominum ad superne clari- 
tatis aciem alicit et invitat ; ad communem omnium 
liominum noticiam eo fervenciori desiderio cu])imus 

30 pervenire, quo nonnullos credimus ea occasione ad ma- 
joris devocionis gratiam incitari, ct ut ipsius patroui 


nostri beata merita persequamur, et in ejus mentis 
confidentibus subsidium pietatis divine, quantum ad 
nos attinet caritative imperciamur. Hinc est, quod 
nos Prior et cap'lum p'fate ecclesiæ dicti martiris mi- 
5 nistri humiles et devoti, ob devocionem et precum in- 
stanciam quibus penes nos vir venerabilis Wytfridus 
filius Juarii de Insula de Ysland pro se, matre, uxore, 
et liberis suis, institit et ob favorem quo dictam ec- 
clesiam nostram et martirem gloriosum devotissime 

1 revei'etur, ex cuius propagacionis linea se asserit de- 
scendisse, caritatis intuitu sibi, suisque matri, uxori, 
et liberis quos nunc procreavit aut in posterum pro- 
creabit, omnium devocionum participacionem que in 
dicta sancta ecclesia Cantuar. die ac nocte in conspectu 

15 exercentiu' aut fient inperpetuum, tam in vita quam 
in morte elargimur teque W}i:fridum in domo nostra 
capitulari una nobiscum presentem, unanimiter, Mar- 
garetam matrem tuam, Gntredam uxorem tuam, Ju- 
arium, Edmundum, Ellendrum, Thurlacum, Ceciliam, 

20 Ulfridam, Margaritam, Ingeridam tuos liberos, licet 
absentes, ad nostrarum oracionum suifragia et alia 
pietatis opera, ac in fratres et sorores nostras, tenore- 
presenciarum specialiter acceptamus. In cujus rei tes- 
timo' sigir n'l'um co'e p'sentibus est .appensum. Dat' 

25 Cantuar in domo n'ra capitulari vii° die mens. Oc- 
tobr. secundum cursum et computacionem eccl'ie An- 
glicane Anno D'ni Millesimo quadringentesimo quinto- 



A, A. 

A, 1. and 3. sing. yres. ind. ofeiga, 
q. V. 

A, pj'ep. ivifh dat. and aec. — A. 
with dat. — a, local ; indicative of 
absence of motion: — 1, o«, upon : 
syndist sem eitt pell lægi á piltin- 
um, I., 14,23; á litlum báti, L, 
246, 13 ; á baki on the bach, I., 
230,19; á múi'inum, I., 222,24; 
á veginum, II., 102, 23. — 2. in^ 
within : á himni, á jarðríki, I., 
14' 115 12* — ^* Ic^nporal ; in : á 
nýjum tímum, L, 2,^2 ; á dögum 
Úrbani, I., 4, ^3 ; á hans dögum, 
I., 12,5; á þeiri tíð, I., 56,5; á 
þeiri sömu nótt, I., 230, § ; á nátt, 
dag, I., 98, 28« — 2. at : á ýmsum 
tímiim at various times, I., 2, 4. — 
c. objective ; in : þvíathann liafÖi 
á henni ... alt sitt traust, I., 
18, 14. — 2. at, (^denoting occupa- 
tion, and in many cases equivalent 
in sense to the English prefix 0-, 
ichcn followed by a present par- 
ticiplc) : á dýraveiði, ahunting, 
I., 6,21, 230,10- — 3. at, by, of, 
{indicative of continuance of 
cpcration) : þar til at Guðs mildi 

Á — cont. 

mæddist á þessu réttdænii, I., 8, 17. 

— 4. of, {serving as a ci?'cum- 
scription of a genitive) : krefr 
haun þegar sjálfr útgreiðslu á öUu 
gózinii, I., 188,10. — B. ivith acc. 

— a. local; implying motion about 
or towards the place. — \,on,upon : 
sell' úþolligt gjald á klaustr, I., 
6, 7. — 2. into, unto : farim báðar 
samt lit á víðan völl, I., 16,8; 
ofíliga kernr á eitt mot góðr vili 
Guðs ok illr ok vondr vili manns, 
I., 70, 8 ; ivllt norðr hingat á Eng- 
land, II., 108, 12 ; hereto also 
belo7igs the adverbial phrase 
á brutt, (orig. á hvant= into the 
road) ; abroad, away, I., 226, 12. 

— 3. against: herjar, eigiá heiÖ- 
inm dóm, heldr á hinn saklausa 
svein, I., 6,4,5; þóít fjandinn 
með sínum fylgjorum grimmist a 
mik, I., 206, 11 ; er Heinrekr 
konungrstriddi upp á Gaskoniam, 
I., 58, 4. — 4. corresponding to 
the Engl, prefix a-, when indi- 
cative of inotion, á liæl aheal, 
aback=:backwa?'ds, I., 206, 12« — 
b. temporal ; at, by, during : á 
daginn by day, during the day- 

time^ I., 50, 


c. modal or 

instrumental ; in, by : -A eingva 



A — cont. 
lund, á alia lund, Í7i no way^ in 
every loay, I., 14,2, 'i'8, 12 ; á 
eingan hátt, I., Q6j ^ ; á nokkura 
lika mynd, in somewhat the same 
10 ay, I., 18, iQ. — d. partitive ; as 
tOj of: svartr á hár of, with black 
hair, I., 2'^, 9. — e. adverbial ; on, 
at : var þetta svá þjtt af vitrum 
mönnum, at meiri mundi verða 
dýrð ok virðing þessa burðar . . . 
enn jarÖlig kristni mætti með taka, 
eÖr skilnÍQg á koma, I., 14, 3-g. 

Á (ár, ár),/., a river, I., 12,15. 

Abbadís, /., an abbess, I., 202,28? 

Abbatia,/., an abbey, I., 256,12« 

Áblástr (-rs, dat. áblæstri), m., in- 
spiration, II., 230, g. 

Abóta-dæmi, n., id., I., 6,3, 296, 23. 

Aboti (-a-ar), in., an abbat, I., 10, u. 

Á-bjrgð (-ar), /., responsibility, I., 

Abyrgðar-lauss, öc?., ;ío^ responsible, 

^ I., 268, 18. 

A-byrgjast, v. )ned., to be responsible 

_/ó;',L, 364,28. 

Aðr, adv., before : sem áðr er tjáð, 
I., 50, 13 ; áðr liann kemr ina á 
fimdinn, I., 76,22; áðr ok síðan, 
before and after, I., 130,8. — 
2. formerly, previously, hann var 
áðr prióiT Beccensis, I., 10, q, ^q. 
— 3. first : hann resignerar áðr 
leu ok auðræSi, I, 82, ig. — 4. 
already : virðist eigi nauðsynligt 
at setja sem með nýrri letrgerð 
þat, er áðr var fært ok fagrliga 
samit, I., 2, 10 ; ok hefir áðr tekit 
kærligt orlof af Heinriki konungi, 
I., 128, 1 ; þótt ríkir menn e?r 

Áðr — cont. 

konungsmenn haldi nii áðr þe ssar 
eignir, I., 118, 20; útlægðr er nú 
áðr erkibyskupinn, I., 450, 3. 

Conjwict. with ind.ajid subj. — a. 
with ind. — 1. ere, until, áðr dauði 
konungs ga£ honum aftrlivarf, I., 
10, 18 ; áðf eldsgangr eyddi þeira 
góz, I., 12, 11 ; áÖr hann gekk til 
þeirar sveitar at gerast Kantúari- 

ensis erkidjákn, I., 38 

> 1 5 


konungr dæmir þenna Thdmam 
meiri sæmdar makligan, I., 46, 22 ; 
ok þar hélt vit um tíma, at greinir 
miindi til renna, áðr þat sam- 
þyktist öllum, I., 88,13; þaðan 
var harðla skamt áðr dssina sjálfr 
tök við, I., 32, 11« — 2. ere, when : 
áðr erkibyskupi sýnist umráðs 
vert, I., 44, 17 ; with an emphatic 
enn following, prius quam, er 
eigi langt aÖr enn sjálfr herra 
konungi'inn hefr sina ræðu, I., 
146,13. — b. imth subj., ere, 
before: sem nogliga mun lysast 
i þessu máli áðr liiki, I., 44, i^. 

A^venta, f., advent: í fyrstu viku 
aðventunnar,{)at er,einni nótt eftir 
Andreas-messu, I., 488,24. 

A-eggja (aS), v.a., to egg on, to spur, 
to incite, stundum áeggjandi at 
hann krjúpi konunginum, I., 

^ 204,8. 

A-eggjan (-ar), i.,egging-on, urging- 
on, spurring-on, instigation, I., 
230, ig. — 2. exhortation, her meí5 
lögðum vér mjúka bæn með 
áeggjan til batnaðar, I., 380.25- 
— 3. suggestion, prompting : þó 
at þú afsakir þik svá, hefir þat 
gerzt fyrir þína áeggjan, I., b2^, 21- 



Á-eggjanar-orð, Ji. pL, inciting 
words, revengeful language^ I., 

512, 26« 

Af. prep, with dcit. — 1. local, with 

an implied notion of evolution ; 

from : efldi hann klaustr af 

grundvelli í þeim stað, I, 10, ^. 

— 2. of motion ; from, out of: 
af himni, I., 14, 9 ; af skola I., 
28, 6 ; lit af konungs-garði, I., 
6, 1 ; kemr ilmandi rödd af loftinu, 
I., 16, 9 ; brutt ferð af Teröldinni, 
I., 16, 19 ; Thomas ríðr nii af Lim- 
diinum, I., 84, 3. — 3. temporal ; 

from: alt af bernsku, I., 428,3- 

— 4. causal ; from : af þeim inn- 
leiðslum, siSlersum ok óvönum 
leiddi svá langar limar, at margs 
manns lif dróg til litlegðar, I., 
6, 16 ; ok enn grunar oss, af sjálfra 
yðarra orðum, at J)ér séð eigi at 
eins frammlútir á oss í fjársökiim 
fji'ir annarra hönd, I., 204, 20« — 
5. privative ; from : vann Yil- 
hjálmr England af Haraldi, I,, 4, iq. 

— 6. partitive; from, out of: 
fleiri enn einn eSr tveir af þeira 
fjöld hafa skrifat lif ok lofsam- 
ligar mannraunir Thome Can- 
tuariensis, L, 2, 3 ; at hóglífismaðr 
hafi nærhendis hvat er hann 
girnist i Guðs lofi af þraiit ok 
þolinmæði þessa píslarrotts, I., 
2,16- — 7. objective ; about, con- 
cerning, respecting, touching : af 
stiga þeim er lesit in speculo, I., 
8, iq; af J)eim ráðnm er svá lesit, 
I., 18,8; lieilög bók segir svá 
mikit af bans meistaradom, I., 
20, 3. — 8. instrumental ; by. 
through : Ijost er vorðit af letrum 

Af — cont. 

þeim, I., 2, 2- — 9. active ; by: var 
þetta svá þýtt af vitrum mönnum, 

I., 14,3. 

Afar-kostr, jn., iniquitous terms, 
xinjust conditions, I., 268, ^q? 
276, 17, 378, iQ. — 2. excessive 
masterfuhiess, overbeaHng con- 
duct, I., 222, 13, IL, 8, 10. 

Afar-orð, n. pi., high words^ threats, 
L, 156,21,162,1-. 

Af-brot, n., trespass, I., 366, g, 

Af-dæma (d) v.a., to condemn, to 
annul: hann orskurðar ok af- 
dœmir þat fordæmiligt er, I.. 
302, 19 ; þessk níu vanar eru 
bölvaðar siðleysur ok afdæmdar 
allri Guðs kristni, I., 304, g. 

Af-eigna (að), v.a., to renounce : a. 
ser alia hlýðni við Rómakirkjii, 
I., 330, 10. 

A-feUi, n., peril, danger: biðjandi, 
at hann firri þá alia samt svá 
bráðu áfelli, sem nú liggr yfir, 
I., 162,22; ti^iin tjár, ... at 
erkibjskup vægi til fyrir þröngv- 
andi nauðsyn, at lærdómrinu 
forðist enn meinligra áfelli, I., 
164, ij.. — 2. oppression : hverjum. 
son minn, heyra þessi orð } rétt 
yðr sjálfiim . . . er jáðuð at 
halda þá bölvaða konungsins 
vana, kirkjunni ok klerkuuum til 
áfellis ok lináða, L, 170,05. — 3. 
infliction oý ecclesiastical ce?isure, 
penance, punishment : biðjum vtT, 
at þér temprið yÖra reiði fní for- 
bo?5i ok banns áfelli, I., 384, 15 ; 
því mun yðr sýnast ofmælt, at vér 
leitaÖim saka eftir áfellit, 1., 



Á-felli — cont. 

406, 23 ; (þeir) skýra honum þar 
með, hvert áfelli ySr gnæfir, I., 
458, 18 ; segir síðan öllu fólki 
hátt ok vægðarlaust, hvert áfelli 
komit er, at þeir skulu vera allir 
sem bannsettir, er nær váro vígslo 
unga konungs, I., 482, 22« — 3. 
calamity, affliction, 11., 22, jg, 


A£-fletta (t), v.a., to strip, to depinve 

of : eru sumir öllu góðu afflettir 

ok keyrðir af landi brutt í eilífa út- 

legð,Í, 142,9. 
Af-flutniug, f., misrepresentation, 

slander^ I., 512, 23. 
Af-gjald, n., rent, interest, requital^ 

II., 269, 22- 
A£-ganga, f., deviation, straying, 

error, trespass, I., 86, n. 
Af-henda (d), v.a., to deliver, II., 

164, 10; 
A£-högginD, -höggvinn, ad., cut off, 

L, 384,20,11., 130,10. 
Af-klæða, v.a., to undress, to strip, 
I., 556, 19. — 2. " to unclothe,^' to 
uncover, to unveil, to discover, I., 


Af-kvæmi, 71., offsjjring, I., 390, n, 
IL, 78,1,, 136,12.^ 

Ai-kynjaÖr, ad., degenerate, un- 
natural. I., 542, 15. 

Af-kynjast, v. med., with dat., to 
degenerate, to show one^s self un- 
worthy of : Guð íirri oss því, at 
afkynjast svá vorri romverskri 
kristni, I., 328, 19 ; sá Frakka- 
konungr, sem gullsins missir af- 
kynjast svá mjök sínu forellri, at 
hann berr eigi um aldr úhalla 
sína krúno, I., 478, 13. 

Afl (-S, öfl), n., force, I. 540, i^. — 2. 
validity, I., 124, 15. 

Afla (að), v.a., to acquire, to obtain, 
to secure; a. fjár, I., 6, 4, ^'•.476, 29, 
II., 140, 22. — 2. to bring about, to 
accomplish: I., 254:, q, 414, jg, 
528, 17. — 3. to cause, to effect — 
2,., with the per s. in dat., the thing 
in gen. : lát þér eigi hrygðar afla 
þetta efni, I., 80,24 5 þessar harma- 
tölur allar samt afla erkiby- 
skupi viðrkomningar, I,, 164, 21 ; 
ma sýnast undarligt, at þvílík 
frammferð aflaryðr eigi kinnroða, 
I., 408, 24« — b. with the thing in 
ace. : afla honum slikar hugsanir 
mikla hrygð, I. 80, 21 ; Þ^t aflar 
Giiðs manni mikla mæðu á þeim 
degi, I., 298, 24 : þat aflar honum 
nokkurn otta, I. 222,^0. — 4. 
with til, to redound to, to be fruit- 
ful of: nu ma auðsýnt vera 
hversu heilögum Thómasi mundi 
þat afla til verðleiks, I., 508, 9. 

Af-laga, ad., abnormal, unlaicful, 
^^ out of question^' I., 72, 15. 

Af-lagÖr, ad., with dat., stripped 
of, deprived of : her stendr svá 
skrifat, at Thomas se aflagðr 
sinum heiðr, I., 266, 3. 

Af lagligr, ad., unlawful, II., 20, i,. 

Af-lát, n.^ loss, damage, forfeiture, 
II., 104, g. — 2. intermission, 
cessation, an afláti, unceasingly , 
I., 456, 14. 

Af-lausn, f., absolution, IL, 130, 3. 

Af-leiða, c.a., to lead astray, IL, 
186, 20' — Med., to go astray, I., 
164^23 5 ^^ depart from,l. 328, 13. 

Af-leiddr, /J./?., deprived of, II., 



Af-lel(5ingr, m., shuffl,m(j, prevari- 
cation : segja honum í augu, at 
afleiðingr ok orðaglæsur bans . . . 
stoða honum nu eigi, I., 458, ^e- 

Af-letta, imp.^ to abate, ok sem aflett- 
ir nokkut tárunum, I., 520, 22^ 

Afli (-a), ??i., stai/, aid, support, 
help, I. 38, 20- 

Af-lima (að), ?;.«., Í0 dismember, to 
mutilate, I., 180, 14. 

Afl-lau5s, ad., powerless, faint, 
feeble, I., 232, 26- 

A£-loka, v.a., to unlock, I., 24, ^g- 

Afl-raun, yi, trial of strength, exer- 
tion, II., 100, 18« 

Al-lögligr, ad., unlawfid, perverse, 
revolting, I., 334, jg. 

Af-neita, v.a., to renounce, to repu- 
diate, I., 336, 25« 

Af-?aka, v.a., to excuse, to excidpate, 
to justify. I., 172. 3^. — 2. to dis- 
avoiv : þar með flytr hann, sem 
■ honum var boÖit, at afsaka erki- 
bjskupinn af öUu meingerðarkyni 
til konungsins, I., 504, g. — 3. to 
vindicate : ver erum sendir til 
yðar, bræíSr, af Heinreki konungi 
gamla þess erindis, at afsaka fyrir 
yðr hans meinleysi, II., 10, 7. 

Af-sakan, f, excuse, justification, 
I., 174, 2 ; exculpation, I., 444. ^g. 

Af-segjast, v. med., to renounce, I., 


Af-setja, v.a, to suspend, to depose, 
I., 500, 12- 

Af-skapliga, adv., unlawfully, 
wrongfully, intolerably, excess- 
ively, I., 322, 5, 110, 0, 322, 5, 
404, 1,, 454, 11. 

Af-skapligr, ad., unlawful, intoler- 
able, I., 134, 14*, unnatural, detest' 

Af-skapligr — coid. 

able, hateful, abo?ni?iable,l.,lS2,iQ, 
356,24,400,2,420,3; II., 20,23- 

Af-skeiðis, adv., astray, I., 142, ^. 
332, j3. 

Af-sleginn, ad., with dat., cut off 
(/ro;7z,)L, 374,13; II., 48, 20- 

Af-snið (-s), n., that which is cut 
off, slice, I., 554, j. 

Af-sniðinn, jo.p., cut off, excommu- 
nicated, II., 275, ^t- 

Af-stúka, f, a chapel in a cathe- 
dral church or a minster, I., 
244, 16. 

Aftan (-S, c?a^ apni, II., 246,26), ^'^-j 
even, evening, I., 264, 3. 

Aftan-söngr. m., " synaxis," vespers, 
1., 534, 20? 22* 

Af-tekt (-ar-ir),y., rent, income, re- 
venue, I., 66, 8, Q2, 13, 296, 96- 

Af-tigna, v.a., to degrade, to dis- 
honour, to disgrace, I., 144,2, 
266, 3,496,12; IL, 38, 9. 

Aftr (aftur, (aptur), I., 548, 25), adv., 

1. éttcA', kemrRodbertaftr, I., 6,29; 
konungrinn . . . kallar hann aftr 
til sin, I., 64, 8 ; sem ek veik aftr 
Í veg, II., 100, 10 ; kemr aftr a 
armlegg herra sins, II., 142, 5. — 

2. back again, again ; hann skip- 
aÖi gjarna aftr eignina, I., 8,20; 
skal aftr vikja til Heinreks kon- 
ungs I., 12, 4 ; eigi kom fyrr 
aftr straumrinn at sniia bjolit, I., 
34, J. — 3. to, up ; in the phrase : 
strengja a. to put to (a door), to 
shut up, to close, I., 424, ^. 

Aftr-dreginn, jt?.p., drawn back into, 
sunk into again, relapsed, 1 1., 70, ^. 

Aftr-hvarf, n., return home, 1., 10, ^; 
return, I., 480,22- 



Aftr-kast, w., rebuffs disappoint- 
ment : enn er Yilhjálmi kemr 
þetta aftrkast, bregðr honum heldr 
Í brún {cfr. herra pafinn sendir 
bref a bak þeim flettandi þá brutt 
af öllu dómsatkvæÖi, 414, ;ig), I., 
414,20« — 2. refutation: nu hverr 
semstundar atdimma þetta dýröar- 
tákn með ósannligu mdtkasti, 
má ek leggja honum þar í móti 
læging ok aftrkast, II., 1 14, ^y. 

Af tr-lag, n.^ return^restoration, hvárt 
konungrinn vill halda orð sín um 
aftrlag þeiraeigna, er játaÖar voru 
í þeira sætt, I., 466, 9. 

Aftr-skipan,y., restoration^ ef hann 
semr eigi falslausan friÖ með Thd- 
masi erkibyskupi undir rétta yfir- 
bót ok aftrskipan alka luta, I., 
456, 25? Thomas hefir gert með 
honum hit ágætasta verk í aftr- 
skipan þeira lima, er fyr váro 
tjáðir, II., 104, 22- 

Af-virðing, /., discourtesy^ disre- 
spect,!., 176,10 5 disparagement, 
dishonouring, I., 178, ig- 

Á-gangr, m., inroad, invasioíi, I., 
352, 15. — 2. worry, vexation, I., 

Á-girnd, /., avarice, greed, I., 6, ^5, 
112,11, 140,15. — 2. ambition, L, 

Ágirndar-þorsti, m., thirst of ava- 
rice, I., 548, 22« 

A-girni, f, greed, avarice, I., 46, 5. 

A-gjarn, ad., avaricious, I., 4, 21« 

Á-gæti, 71., fame, excellence, glory, 
II., 190, 22- 

Ágætis-maðr, m., an excellent, glo- 
rious man, II., 6, 2- 

Á-gætr, ad., excellent, 1., 2, g, 366, 10 . 

— 2. exalted, I., 282, ig. — 3. 50- 
lemn, hann vill gera . . . ágæta 
kirkjiivígslu, I., 136, 5. — 4. mar- 
vellous, II., 104,22- 

A-hald, n., scuffle, tussle, struggle, 
^ I., 540, 18. 

A-heit, n., avow, II., 130, n, 188,17. 

A-hejrandi { áheyrindum, II., 

176, 14), pres.p., hearing, present, 

^n., 112,14- 

A-hlaup, n., onset, onslaught, I., 
188,19. — 2. an attack, raid, I., 

^ 60, 13. 

Á-hlýðinn, ad., ready to listen, 
lending a willing ear^ I., 44, 20^ 

^■lijggja,/., care, concern, 1. 234, 14. 

— 2. anxiety, I., 478, 9. — 3. soli- 
citude, I., 130, 13, II., 52, 4. — 4. 

^ í/wí^, I.,46,2o, 134,5. 
A-hyggjast, v, med., to be concerned, 

to be care- stricken, I., 438, 5. 
A-hyggjusamr, ad., solicitous, I., 

A-kafast, v. med., to rage : ok sem 
herra erkibyskup ser æði þeira 
svá ákafandi, I., 530, 23- — 2. to 
multiply fast : ákafast sókn því 
meir til graftar erkibyskups, II., 

A-kafliga, adv., eagerly, furiously, 
I., 230, 15. 

Á-kall, n., a shout, cry, I., 232, 17, 
544, 2- — 2. claim, demand, I., 
6, 29- — 3. invocation, II., 176, n. 

A-kast, n., vexation, insult, I., 

Á-kefð, /., eagerness, vehemence, 
violence, I., 162, 10, 188, 10, 276,8, 


20 ? 

meÖ ákefð, eagerly, 

peremptorily^ I., 214, 4. 



Akefðar-oi'ð, n. pi., exaggerated lan- 
guage, I., 18,23. 

Akr (-rs,-rar), ??2., afield, II., 86, 2o> 
224, 6. 

Akr-verk, n.,field-work,ll., 162, 21. 

Akta (að), v.a., to heed, to look after, 
to gather in, I., 108, 22« 

Á-kveðinD, p.p.t stated, fixed, II., 

^ 66, 12. 

A-kvoma,/., a touch, II., 96, q. 

Ala (el, ól-ólum, æli, alinn), v.a., to 
bring up, to keep, to maintain, 
IL, 140, 5. 

A-lagalaust, neut. ad.,as 
cumbered, II., 260, 7. 

Al-buinn, ad., ready, fully equipped 
for a jouriiey, I., 126, 7, 262, j,' 
— 2, with til prepared for, II., 
44, 20. 

Al-bættr, ad., wholly restored to 
health, convalescent, II., 130, ^4, 
138, 24 ; a. heilsa, restored health, 
IL, 134, 13. 

Alda (öldu, öldur),/], a wave, II., 
96,8; t/^^' kigh contention, tu- 
multuous strife, I., 10, 17. 

Al-ðyða, II.,27l,32=alþýöa. 

Aldri (jirop. the apocopated ?i\(\i'\^\', 
aldri óei??^ dat. o/^aldr^age, gi a 
negative suffix: aldrigi=?2oi m 
ö^e, never), adv., never, T., 8, 3, 
72, 9, passim ; a. síÖan, ;zo wore, 
wever afterwards, I., 354, 7. 

Aldr (-rs, -rar, dat. pi. öldrum), m., 
age, II., 52, ^7 ; at öldrum, ac- 
cording to age, I., 6, 26 ; um aldr, 
for life, for ever, I., 448, 4. 

Á-leitni, /*., Me act of teasing ^harass- 
ing ; worry, vexation, insults, I., 
176, ig, 398, 15 ; persecution, II., 

A-leitni — cont, 

92, g. — 2. prying curiosity, pert 
inquisitiveness, I., 202, g. 

Alfa (-U, -ur) ; /, quarter of the 
globe, cardinal point, region : 

allar álfur heimsins, II., 26, q 

2. quarter, corner, part, direction : 
grét bans hiis í allar álfur, II., 
150, 14. — 3. '' half" in behalf: 
af GuSs álfu, on behalf in the 
name of, Gcd, I, 336, 1, 342, go, 
482, 13 ; af hen-a páfans álfu, IL, 
34, g ; af álfu heilags Thome, II. , 
218, 10 ; af konungs álfu, IL, 70,15. 
See hálfa. 

Al-heill, ad., quite healed, L, 552,i3 ; 
IL, 100,10. — 2. convalescetit, II. , 

^ 88,11. 

Á-liðÍDD, ad., far spent : at áliðnu 
sumri, in the latter part of sum- 
mer, II. , 162, 5. 

Á-líta, v.a., to vietv, to examine, I., 
108, 21. — 2. to consider, to give 
heed to, IL, 16, 21, 42, g. 

A-litning,/, consideration, I., 400,i9. 

Al-kunnigr, ad., generally known, 
L, 192, 17. 

All-mikill, ad., very great, right 
many : sækir þangat allmikit folk, 
I., 460, 5. 

Allr (oil, alt or allt), ad., all, 1., 8, 0-, 
passim. — 2. complete, finished, 
thorough : a. klerkr, IL, 198, 12- 

Allra-heilagra-messa, /., All Saints' 
Day, L, 244, jg. 

Alls-háttar (prop. gen. cf allr hattr, 
all kind), as ad., of every kind, 
IL, 186,1. 

Al-mattigr, ad., almighty, I., 78, j, 
^42, iq; IL, 92, iQ. 



Al-máttkr, the syncopated form of 
almáttigr, I., 316, ^e- 

Al-máttr, m., " all-might.^'' omnipo- 
tence, II., 88, 9. 

Al-menniliga, adv., commonly, gene- 
rally, by all people, I., 332, g. 

Al-menniligr, ad., public: sem á- 
skilnaðr þeira varð á alnienniligu 
þingi, svá skal ok þeira sættar- 
gerð með sama liætti, I., 160, ^s ; 
— 2. general: æ innan þriggja 
ára skulu þeir halda einn alraenn- 
iligan fund — general synod — 
af öUum klaustrum sama lifnaðar 
fyrir héÖan hafit, I., 370, ^, cfr., 
IL, 184,25- — 3. catholic: a. 
kristni, catholic church, I., 222, g, 
304,115 310,4; a. stjorn heilagrar 
kristni, I., 274, ig ; a. móðir, the 
catholic mother, the church, II., 

16, 25- 

Al-menniugr, m., the public, people 
in general, I., 196, ig. 

Almennings-vegr, m., the way of 
all flesh, death, II., 172, 9. 

Al-múgi, m., the nation, lætr hann 
almúgann í öllu Englandi vinna 
þenna eið, I., 330, 24- — 2. the 
laity : yðvarri hæð til heyrir af tr 
at kalla ok endrbæta, . . . hvat 
er kristni Guðs ok almúganum 
verðr til áskilnaí5ar, I., 278, 7. — 
3. the commonalty, the common 
people, II.5 174,7. 

Al-múgr, m.=almúgi, 3. II., 6,17. 

Al-sagðr, p.p. commonly said, I., 

Al-siða, ad., commonly customary, 

L, 28, 25« 
Als-kyns {prop. gen. o/alt, ncut. of 

Als-kyns — cont. 

allr, and kyn, kifid, used as an) 
ad., of every kind, I., 554, 24. 

Als-voldugi\ ad., omnipotent, II., 

Alt and allt {neut, of allr, used as 
an) adv., all through, all the way, 
alt til krúnu blóðsins, I., 4, 1, alt 
framra í dauða dyrr, I., 6. 19 ; alt 
norðr um fjall, all the way, I., 

AltarijW., an altar, I., 228, 23, 344,3,), 
II., 46, 27, 28 5 altaris embætti, the 
mass, I., 174, g; altaris þjónusta, 
id., II., ^Q, 23- 

Al-tekit, n. {of altekinn = '* all- 
taken "), generally accepted, 
commonly agreed on, I., 478, 12. 

Alúöar-vin, m., intimate friend, I., 
92, ig; II., 148,17. 

Á-lútr, ad., ^^ gibbosus,^^ stooping, 
hunch-backed, I., 314, gg. 

Al-vara(-vöru), /!, sincerity, I., 320,4. 

Al-varliga, adv., earnestly, in earn- 
est, I., 38,17, 202,27. — 2. sincerely, 
uprightly, I., 386, 19. — 3. sedu- 
lously, I., 158, 22- — 4. thoroughly, 
entirely, I., 186, g, 234, 13, II., 
88, 17. — 5. for good, finally, 
siðan skilja konungarnir alvarliga, 

I., 434, 22. 
Al-varligr, ad., sincere, upright, I., 

458, 25- — 2. sound, deep, a. svefn, 

I., 230,2- 
Al-þýða (-u), /'., the public, people 

in general, I., hQ, 1, 460, 25 ; II., 
- 186,5. 
Á-lögur,y. pi., impositions, penances, 

ecclesiastical penalties, I., 140, n, 

II., 30, g, ^Q, 12- — 2. reproofs, 

chidings, I., 110,3. — ^- Hi-treat- 



Alögur — CO lit. 

ment, overbearing dealings, I., 

Á-mec5nn=meðan, II., 182, ^3. 
Á-minna, v.a., to admonish^ to loarn, 

I., 334, 29- — 2, to remind, to 

exhort, I., 386, ^g- 
Á-minniligr, ad., full of admojiition, 

memorahle, I., 172, 20« 
Á-mimiing,y', admonition, I., 104, 7, 

118,1., 132,8, 340,9, 510 

' 6* 


reminding, putting in mind : eun 
með {3VÍ at konungr lætr seint við, 
snerpirerkibyskup sinar áminning- 
ar, I., 134,13,- dagliga berr liaDii 
yztan stola livitan yfir oil sin 
klæði, til áminningar, hvat er liann 
reiknast Gutii skyldiigr, I., 98, §. 
— 3 exhortation, encouraging ad- 
vice ; leggr páíinn honum f öSiirlig 
orS, meÖ áminning, at því röskligar 
rísi hann upp incð vernd kirkjunii- 
ar, sem uii í iiálægð liafði lot á 
vorðit þeiri staÖfestusem haunvar 
Guði skyldugr, I., 174, ^g. — 4. 
reproof, rebuke: sá er varralaiiss 
er er sik játar undir stjórnarvald 
lieilagrar kristni, enn þegir síöan 
yfir ániinning, ok rettri liirting 
sinna undiimanna, I., 234, g. — 
5. remembrance, reeollcction : 
öðrum aukr harm ok eudrnýjar til 
áminningar, hversu blezaðau föður 
þeir höfðu látið, II., Q6, 7. — 6. a 
token, sign, symbol, æ skipaðist til 
meiri gæzku bans bjarta, sem 
bæiiarorÖin upplesin gcingu til 
vaxtar með veizlum ok liminning- 
imi várs Drottins gjafa, I., 88, 22- 
Á-minningar-orÖ, n. pl., words of 
■warning, I., 340, 0(3, 360, 25. 

Á-mæla, ra., to blame, I., 432, 2« 
A-mæli (-s), n., blame, reproach, I., 

294, 7 ; II., 26, 13. 
Ad, pi^ep. with dat., without : an öU- 
um efa, I., 18, 12; an efa, I., 164, 
7 ; an dvöl tcithcntt delay, I., 78, 
26» 150,8; an forsjc), I,, 110, ^^; 
an lögligri prófan, I., 1 12, 5 ; an 
öllu prófi, icithout any evidence 
being taken, I., 118,05; an aHri 
vægð L, 140, 9 ; an allri blífð, 
affording no protection,!., 182,2 '" 
an allri umluigsan thoughtlessly, 

Á-nauð, /',, trouble, distress : þar 
blektumst ver, þá er vér biigSum, 
at þér sæklið ánauð ok fátækt ok 
eríiÖi til þess eina, at niýkja 
konungs reiði, I., 394, n. 

Á-nauÖar-ok, n., yoke of servitude, 
I., 58, iQ. 

Andaligr, ad., andligr. 

Andar-heilsa, /'., salvation of the 
soul, I., 344, 27. 

Andarinnar see önd. 

Andast, med. o/"anda, to breath one's 
last, to die, I., 8, 15, 320, ip 

Andi (-a-ar), m., soul, spirit, ghost, 
I.,274, 4,beilagi'a. Holy Ghost, I., 
14, ig. — 2. mind, temper : kæra 
þegar með liörÖnm anda, bví liann 
liefist at bannsetja bysknpana, I., 

And-lát, n., death, T., 10, o.j; II., 

78, 24- 
And-lauss, ad., exspircd, dead, I., 

548, 12- 
Andligr, ad., spiritual, I., 4,9; a. 
f^ælíL, spiritual salvation, I., 210, 
13 ; a. sár, spiritual hurts, I., 232, 
23; a. lif, I., 234,1; a skynscmi, 




And-ligr — cont. 

reason, I., 234, 21 ; a. freistni, 
spiritual temptation^ I., 234, 30 ; 
faðerni andligt, spiritual father- 
hood, I., 342,19; a. forsjo, spiri- 
tual care, I., 360, 94 ; a. hjálp, 
spiritual aid, guidance, I., 378, 2 ; 
a. faSir, spiritual father, I., 494, 
15. — 2. ecclesiastical: andlig 
stríÖa, ecclesiastical censure, I., 
174, 29. a. stjoin, ecclesiastical 
government, I., 198, ^. 

And-lit, «., face, countenance, I., 
000, 10, oo4, J. 

And-róðr, m., rowing against a 
head ivind, II., 208, 25. 

Aud-skoti {-a), in., the devil, I., 170, 


And-svar, n., an answer, I., 72, g, 
198, 15, 212, 3, 214, 1, 226, 12. ^^^, 


And-svara, v. a., to ansiver, II., IO2.4. 

And-svara-raaðr, m., one deputed to 
answer on behalf of a7iother, a 
deputy., a dclegcde, I., 186,5. 

And-varp, n., a sigh, I.,316, 20' 510, 
16' 558, 14 ; II., 6, 3. 

And-varpa, v. a., to heave a breath, to 
sigh, II., 66, 27. 

And-virða, v.a., to earn, to merit, to 
deserve : at þar fyrir andvirÖi 
hann ser himnariki, I., 378, 27- 

Á-nefndr, p.p., mentioned, stated by 
name: er Rodgeirr ánefndr í 
þessi oftekju, I., 392, 4 ; hann 
játar raeÖ orÖum ok handleggr 
erkibyskupinum at þær ánefnd- 

ar jarðir skal hann aftr 

leggja, I., 460, 21 ; fixed: kall- 
andi saman byskuparaeðáneí'ndum 

Á-ne£ndr — cont. 

degi, I., 452, iq; meÖ ánefndu, 
stating a fixed amount, II., 

Angr (-s), n.y grief sadness, I., 
228,3, 238,20- — 2. anguish, II., 
m, 21. — 3. \voe, I., 386, ^. — 4. 
trouble, 1., 414, iq. 

Angra (að), v. a., to grieve, I., 92, §, 
2. to trouble, to vex, I., 400, 9, 420, 
og. — 3. to afi^ect, I., 360, 5. — 
Med. angrast, to be remorseful, I., 
346, 20- 

Angrligr, ad., sorrowfid, sad, I., 

Annarligr, ad., alien, i. e. derived 
from some one else: a. vizka,I.,102, 
6, 300,15. — 2. feigned, assumed, 
dissimulating : er þat Ijóst vitrum 
manni, at þessa sína ástundan 
klæðir erkibjskup meÖ annarligri 
ásjónu I., 46, 10« 

AnnaiT (önnur, aunat, gen. annars, 
annarrar annars, dat. öðrum, ann- 
arri, öðru, acc. annan, aðra, 
aniiat. Pl. aÖrir, aÖrar, önnur, 
gen. annarra, dat. öÖrum, acc. 
aÖra, aí5i'ar, önnur), ad., other, I., 
2, 8, passim ; annarr . . . annarr, 
one . . . tJie other : þá er annarr 
lemr, enn annarr liggr undir, I., 
286, g. — 2. another still, sá heitir 
annarr Heinrekr, I., 28, 9 — 3. 
second, á dögum Urbani páfa ann- 
ars, I., A, 13. — 4. next : þing í 
NorSantún byrjaÖist sem nú sagÖ- 
ist, enn laukst þriðjudag í annarri 
viku, I., 240, 16- — o. one of two : 
augat annat úr bans höf Öi fellr til 
jaröar, II., 142,3. 



Annat-hvárt {jieuf. of pron. indef. 
annaiT-hvarr) as adv.^ either ; a. 
eða, either, or : bjóða þeim annat- 
hvárt, gefa upp sæmclina, eör kné- 
falla, I., 308, 03 ; varla fiiinst sa 
maðr, at ei^'i sé aniiathvárt baiin- 
settr eðr bannsettum samnetjaðr, 
I., 418,24; iiiiiiatliN art injök sljór 
eðr of foíT, I., 430, ^q. 

Annat-tveggja, adv., cither^ II., 

Ann-marki (-a), m., a fault, tres- 
pass, 1., 110, g, 458,22. 

Anii-.svara = and-svara, II., 52, ^3. 

Annt, 7ieut. adj., superl. annast : 
tJiis luord is allied to onn z=husi' 
ness on hand, concern, and occurs 
only in the impers. phrase : bans 
föÖr er þat annast, to his father it 
is the first concern, his father 
has most at heart, II., 80, 3Q. 

Anza (að), v.a. to notice, to pay 
regard to, I., 446, 13, 498, 3p 

Apostolus, m., apostle, I., 228^ 15. 

Appellacio, /., appeal, I., 392, |-. 

Appellera, c.a., to appeal, I., 332, j. 

Appelleran,/., appeal, I., 206, jg. 

Ar (-5,), n., a year, I., 4, ^g ; ar af 
ári, year by year, 11., 172, jg. 

Ár-gangT, m., a year's cycle, a year, 

I., 136,2, 308,27; ^^•> ^^? u' 

Ár-gæzka, f., '* annona^' yearly 
produce, supply, fertility : staðr 
með mikilli árgæzku, a place in a 
fertile district, I., 132, 13, 372, 12. 

Aria, adv., early, I., 388, 14, 468, 23. 

Arligr, ad., yearly, I., 38, 3, 296, og. 

Armleggr, >;?., arin, I,, 342,2;. 

Aimr, ?n., an arm, II., 50, n. 

Árna (að), v.a., to pray for, biðr 
liann þá Giiðs ölmiisiimenn at 
árna sér Guðs miskunnar, I., 


Arnaðar-orð, n. pl., intercession, I., 

4, 3, y ; IL, 100, 5. 
Árnan (-ar), /., intercession, II., 

Artic'uleia, va., to digest. I., 398,3. 

Articulus, 7;?., an article, I., 166,23. 

Ár-verum, prob. a corruption, the 
scribe, having, after icriting ar, 
the first part of arum, a?id then 
changing it into vetrum, left the t 
out and forgotten to make a note 
that ar was to be struck out; 
to íimtán íirverum in II., 76, 20 
corresponds iimtan vetrvnr of 
fragment E., II., 280, n; vetrum, 
therefore, should probably take 
the place o/'árverum. 

Ár-jjytr, m., the sound of a rushing 
river, II., 224, j. 

Á-ræði, n., rish, venture, II., 70, 13. 

Á-saka (aS), v.a., to accuse, I., 
172, 3Q. — 2. to blame, to chide, to 
reprove, I., 380, ^q^ 424, 5. — 3. to 
calumniate, to revile, I., 394, j. 

A-sakan (-ar),/., accusation, reproof, 
rebuke, I., 110, 7. — 2. a reprehen- 
sible act, mischief " culpa,'' I., 

Á-sjána {-n-nv),f,face, visage, coun- 
tenance, I., 204, g. 

Á-sjó. y*., protection, aid, shielding, 
I., 500, 22. 

Á-.sjóna (-u-ur), /., face, visage, 
countenance, I., 2, ig, 18, 1, 248, op 
504,1-, 542,24; II., 110,22- — 2. 
appearance, I., 46, 10, 222, 15 ; II., 

U 2 



A-sjóna — cont. 

52, 19. — 3, sonhlance, I., 190, 25« 
— 4, pretext, guises II., 56, ^. 

Á-skeyti, n., a dart, I., 132,9. 

Á-skilnaðar-efni, n., matter of dis- 
cord, L, 292, 6. 

ÁskilnaÖar-grein, f., cause of dis- 
cord, I., 112,25. 

A-skilnaÖr (-ar), m., discord, dis- 
sension, I., 160, 18» 278, 8 ; dispute, 
I., 294., 22, 25, 374, 2- 

Asni (-a-ar), ui., an ass, I., 400, 12« 

A-sokn (-ar-ir), f, onset, attach, I., 
370, ,,. 

Ast (-ar-ir), /!, love, loving-kindness, 
^ I, 110,9,258,16. 

A-sta(5a,y., stand, ground for asser- 
tion, I., 56,29, 168,11. — 2, s/tppo- 
sition, I., 248, ig. 

Astar-afl, n., power of love, II., 

94, „. 

Astar-eldr, m., love's fervour, I., 


Astar-ojöf,/., loving gift, II., 202,ii. 
Astar-liiti (-bite), ;;?., fervour of 
^ /ot'e, II., 2,8, 62,1^. 

Ast-riki, w., loving-kindness, I., 

Ast-samligr, «i/., loving, affection- 
ate, J., 'Sm,^^^, IL, 106, 2s- 

Ast-úð (-ar), /., love, I., 108, 15, 
120, 19, 132, 19, 324, 20. — 2, kind- 
ness, mercy, I., 336, 5. — 3, fa- 
vour, popularity, I., 88, 3. 

Ást-ú(5igr, ad., an\iahle, I., 28, n, 
■ 118,2. 

Á-stundan (-ar),/, study, exertion, 
endeavour, I., 50,15, 234, j^-, 
316, 4. — 2. Gfiw, intention, pur- 

posCy I., 

46,9, 160,23, 460,6, 


5 26' 

Ast-vina (-u),/., a female favourite^ 

a sweetheart, I, 22, j^. 
Ast-viiir, ?;i., beloved friend, I., 






5 18) 


J 13) 

^ 492. 1. 

A-sýnd, /., appearance, exterior 
looh, li., 134,6. 

At, pr on. rel., which, that: hversu 
sii renta aktast inn ... at þagat 
liggr, I., 108,22; þat herbergi, at 
herra Thomas sitr i, I., 216, 20 5 
þar meÖ lætr hann fylgja þat opit 
bréf, at fyrirbýðrundir banns pínu 
at nokkurr byskup dirfist á þá 
vígslugerð, I., 452, 5, líka for 
fengu margir, at í þeira föruneyti 
böföu verit, II., 40,9- 

At (^Swed. att), conjunct, with ind., 
suhjunct. and infinitive, that, to. 

— 1. with ind, of facts real or 
assumed as such, that: Ijost er 
vorðit ... at fleiri enn einn eöa 
tveir liafa skrifat, &c., I., 2, 3 ; vel 
ma segja, at bans blezut ásjóna 
befír dreift farit, I, 2, 18, passim. 

— 2. with subj. : that, in order 
that : at bdglífismaðr bafi, I., 
2, 15 ; at þetta verk iipp-byrist, 
framm-flytist ok lukist, I., 4, 7 ; at 
bonum sé til lofs, I., 4, §, &c. — 
3. ivith infinit, to : at setja samt, 
to compose, I., 2, 13 ; for the pur- 
pose of, at afla Ijár, I., 6, 4, 

At (^Swed. at), prep, ivith dat. — 
1. local, of stationary state : at, 
by, beside: nefnir bok stund ok 
staÖ þar til fyrir sunnan sjo^ at 



At — coat. 

landaraæri miðil Franz ok Xor*!- 
manniam^ I., 06,27« — --• <]f ^'^o- 
tion ; trncards : enri er liiin bar 
sik at cljTum kirkjunnar, I., 14, ^ ; 
(haiin) ríðr framm at ániii, I., 
32, 5 ; Jig. : nil mim synast sem 
stigagrein þessi liiti at konuiig- 
innin, I., 8, 22« — 3. suggestive of 
consequential relations ; follow- 
ing, throng Ji, 1>ij^ according to : 
at lians dæmum following Jiis 
example, I., 22, ^ ; at bæn Isibell, 
I., 22, 3 ; at því, after, next to this, 
I., 16, - ; in consequence thereof, 
I., 526, 12 j ^^ öklrum, bi/ reason 
of his age, I., 6, 26- — 4. in 
various adverbial phrases : at 
úvilja, unintentionalli/, I., 6, 22 ; 
at fe, of as to money, I., 12, ^^ ; 
at eins, only, I., 42, ^ ; at njju, 
anew, I., 94, 3. — 4. with dat. 
absolutus, denoting a transitory 
co?iditi07i : at kristninni stynjandi 
arnid the groans of the chui'ch, 
I.. 396, 1, cfr. 402, 19. — 5. as an 
adv. : ok sem þær stanckn, þar at, 
I., 16, 9. — 6. icith comparatives 
^=Engl. the, or any the : at minna, 
the less, or, any the less, I., 
48,27, *^c. 

At, sec eta. 

Ata (ötu, ötiir), /'., mutual conten- 
tion, strife. See kapp-ata. 

Á-tak, n., touch, 11^ 134, g. 

At-bnrðr, 7«., an event, hap, acci- 
dent, rircumstance, I., oQ, 25, 238, 
2i> 414, 2\ ; ll'j 90, 19. 

A-tekt, /., leading 071, drawing 
by means of earnest persua- 
sion : var eigi fyrir sakleysi, 
þótt liann mæddist nokkut i, síðan 

Á-tekt — cont. 

her for jafnfranim flutningr ok 
átektir þeini, or liaiis ráðniieyli 
skyldii vera, I., 422,^. 

At-fall, n., the shore-ward rush of a 
brcaher : gaf ein akla í att'aUinu 
svá IiarSan shig iitan li lærit ok 
legginn niÖr frá Imé, II., 96, g. 

At-ferð, f, means, or manner of 
proceeding, II., 68, ^. 

At-ganga, /!. access, admission, II., 
282, „.' ■ 

At-gerð, /;, proceedings, doings, I., 

34, ,.3- ' 

Aígerðar-lauss, ad., un-deolt with, 
unheeded, left alone : lierra erki- 
bysknp ser at þctta mál svellr svá 
með koimnginiim, at þat fær eigi 
atgerðalaust verit, I., 144, j2. 

At-hafnir, f. pi., ways of life, 
actions, conduct, I. 94, jq ; II., 
192 - 

At-hngall, ad., careful, heedful, I., 


At-kugliga, adv., attentively : i 
fyrstu hlyddi liaiin athiigliga öllii 
lians eyrindi, I., 300, 29. 

At-hygli, y., heed, wary considera- 
tion. I., 150, 7. 

Atján, card, num., eighteen, I., 
46, ,7. 

At-kall, n., clamour, outcry : Iiaun 
var liáðuliga mot réttindum lit 
rekinn af riki koiuingsins ok sinni 
áttjörÖ með atkalli stóriiiennis i 
landiuu, I., 232, 21. 

At-kvæði, 71., vote, decision, verdict, 
I., 74,23, 208,32, 220,1, 414, j,. 
— 2. authority, II., 196, jg. — 3. 
syllable: tiaöviii .«er liver orÖ ok 
atkvedi fyrir lionuni, IÍ., 266, 20' 



At-skilnaðr, íh., dísaeiit, discord, 11., 

2o3j gj 

At-sókn, /'., access, admission, II., 

At-staÖa, /., urging, pressure, I., 

422, 2- 
Átt, see eiga. 
Átt (-ar-ir), f., direction, quarter, 

XL, 108,2- 
Atta, card, num., eight, I., 498, 25. 
Átta-tigir, card, num., eighty, I., 

476, 22- 
A^tt-hagi, m., native soil, home, II., 
^ 138,3. 
Atti, see eiga. 
Atti, ord. nu?n., the eighth, 11., 

Átt-jörð, f., native countri/, I., 

-o^, 21. 
Attn, áttum, see eiga. 
Átu, átum, see eta. 
At-vik, 71., event, I., 18,23. — 2. 

circumstances, I., 108, g, 140,4; 

II., 114,24,. — 3. evidence, I., 

112, 93, 298, 19. — 4. accident, 

II., 52, 18. 
At-vinna,y., livelihood, II., 122, ^ 
Aivð-fuiidinn, «f/., easily perceived, 

I., 486, 1. 
AuÖ-færr, ad., easy to pass : skript 

ok slúkur iipp lúkast á sétta dag 

páskaviku með au^færiun veg til 

graftal" Guðs ástvinar, I., 86, 13. 
Auðga (að), v.a.y to e?irich, 1., 324, iq, 

364,3; IL, 56,13. 
AiiÖgaðr, p.p., oidoivcd, enriched^ 

Auðigr, ad., wealthy, rich, I., 12, n, 

30, e- 
Auð-kenna (d.), v.a., to make easily 
recognisable ; med., to be easily 
recognised : með því sama niaiki 

Auð-kenna — 6'0/<^. 

vitraðist hann siðan mörgum mönn- 
um ok auðkenridist svá þeim, er 
áðr kunnu hann eigi, I., 554, g. 

Auð-mjiikr, ad., lowly, humble, I., 
272, 17 ; IL, 78, -. — 2. devoted, 
zealous, I,, 386, 3. 

Auð-mýkt,/., humility^ II., 192,23. 

Aiiðr, ad., empty, void : avð var 
kiikian af mavnnum, II., 280, ^. 

Auð-ráðr, ad., easily persuaded, 
pliable, I., 140, ig. 

AuS-ræði, n., ivealth, property: 
hann resignerar áðr í höud Plein- 
reks unga alt þat lén ok auðræði 
er hann haféi haldit uær ok firr 
af krimunui, I., 82, 1-. 

Auð-sýna, v.a., to shoiv clearly, I., 
2, 19 ; to ijidicate, I., 238, 17 ; med., 
to appear, to become manifest, I., 

Auð-sýnn, ad., clearly seen, clear, 
I-? 176,10, 352,2. 

Auð-sæliga, adv., clearly, percep- 
tibly, transparently, II., 275, 25. 

Auð-særr (-sæ, -sætt), ad., easily 
seen, clear, II,, 275, 35. 

Auð-veldliga, adv., easily, I., 274, 29, 
280, 12. 

Auð-veldr, ad., easy, I., 38, 17. — 2. 
free, ready: a. mildi, II., 72, 14. 

AvfviKl, II., 270, 18, see öfund. 

Auga, n., an eye, I., 24, 21, 86, 1^. 

Auga-bragð, n., the twinkling of an 
eye, I., 32,23, 390,3. — 2. the 
catching sight of: riddarinn liefer 
avigabragð á þessu brátt, þó at 
fíjótt bærist at, II., 208, i^. 

Auga-sjáldr, 71., the pupil of the eye, 
I., 420, 30. 

Auga-staðr, 7n., the eye externally, 
IL, 82, 1,. 



Aug-lit, «., face^ countenance, I., 
360,22? 552,5; II., 16,26) 62, jq; 
appearaiice^ II., 146,26« 

Augljoss, ad., clearly seen, mani' 
/c^^l., 406,ii. 

Augna-verkr, m., pain in the eyes, 
II., 92,1. 

Aug-syn, /'., sight, face I., 464, 4, 
524, 20. 

Auka (eyk, jók-jókum, yki, aukinn), 
v.a., to " eke,^^ to increase, I., 
356, 17 ; impers., öörum aiikr 
harm, iii others it increaseth grief, 
II., 66, 6- — 2. to add to : foiÖizt 
at auka þyngsl yfir þunga, I., 
394, 19. ; þeir iokv þvi enn aa 
ofan sina illzkv, II., 271, 5. — 3. 
to exaggerate : enn at þetta lof 
bins blezaða Thome er eigi orðum 
aukit, I., 114,6. — "^' ^^ '^ÖW^^' 
vate : enn nú er reynt, at yorar 

. biðstunclir auka þína meinsemd, 


Auki (-a, -ar), m., addition : til auka, 
in addition, to boot, I., 348, 12. — 
2. aggravation, enn at dikta 
dauðaráð í háleitum tíma var 
enn til mikils auka þeira glæps ok 
vesalda, I., 518, le- 

Aumligr, ad., wretched, abominable, 

II., 14,18. 
Aumr, ad., iveak, suffering, feeble, 

II., 80,29« — 2. poor, destitute, 
I., 108, 17. — 3. lor etched, miser- 
able ; bans vegr liggr nokkut 
bærra enn þeira manna, er leggjast 
niðr Í saur ok syndir þessa auma 
lifs, I., 24, ly. — 4. woefid : aumr 
var ek minnar dirfóar, ivoe is me 
for my boldness, I., 172, 13. — 5. 
ivicked, abandoned : skildu þesair 
aumo mcnn svá sina farsæld lands 

Aumr — cont. 

ok lagar, at þat mundi gott fyrir 
(tuÖí, I,, 518,1. — Aumt, ',\,used 
as a noun, misery : luins blezut 
sampining mátti ekki aumt ?já, 
I., 110,11. 

Ausa (eys, jós-jósum, ysi, ausinn), 
v.a.,prop., to ladle, hence, to pour, 
to sprinkle : her með er kirkjan 
svo failin sem vatne ausin bæði 
utan ok innan, II., 134, ^. 

Austan, adv., from the east, II., 

Austr (-s), n., the east; til austrs, 
to the east, T. 244, g, 542, 5. 

Austr-riki, n., eastern realtn, the 
Orient, the East, I., 104, 12. 

A-verki (-a -ar), ;«,, a icound, T., 
544. 4 ; hurt : þótti mér likast, 
sem beygðr mannsíingr kæmi 
at minu anga, með svo stríðum 
áverka, at þegar gekk augat niðr 
á kinnina, II. 144, 23. 

A-vinningr, m., gain, profit, income, 
I., 56,8, 76,15, 86,6, 398,16- — 
2. selfish aim ? I., 68, 25. 

Á-vint ( = and-vint, á=:and), n.. ad., 
against wind, against a Jiead- 
wind : er a. mun æra um söxin af 
ofbeldi Romverja ok þeim stornii 
er standa mun norðan af Anglia, 
L, 26,io; r/r. L,90,i6. 

A-vita, vjL, to blame, to reprove, I., 


A-vitall (-s), m., inkling : enn vv 
erkibyskupsér,bversu liorlir,grHn- 
ar hann um, at kelling muni bafa 
lengit nokkurn livital, bverr maiSr 
hann er, I., 250, j2. 

Á-vítan (-ar), /., ' mordacitas,* re- 
proof, chiding, I., 172, 2,5, 3 12, 10, 
380, .,5. 



Á-vítanai'-orÖ, ii. pL^ ivords of re- 
proving, I., 380, 13. 

Á-vítur, f, ph, iiphraidings, re- 
proofs, chiding s, I., 392, 3. 

Á-YÖxtr, ;«.,//•?/ íY; kölliim vær nú 
komit iipp at limum ok sjálfiim 
áyextinnm, II., 118,3. — 2. in- 
crease, fruit, I., 86, 5, 378, 3, II., 
08, 22' — ^' ificome, rent, I., 190, 15. 

Axlar-liðr, ;;/., s/iouldcr-joint, II., 


Bað, see biðja. 

Báðir (báðar, Ijæði ; gc?f. beggja ; 
dat. báðum ; acc. báða,báÖar,bæði), 
pron.indef., both, I., 10, ^^,passi)n. 

Báðu, see biðja. 

Báðu {dai. sing. neut. of a lost 
strong báÖi) in the phrase : at 
báðu : má þat svá upp taka fyrir 
honum með annarri undii'hyggjo, 
at honum væri bjrr at báðn, 
hversu til tækist um erkibysknps 
heimkvomu, that in either case 
he might have a fair chance of 
escape {from suspicion of com- 
plicity), I., 472, 21- 

Báðiim, see biðja. 

Bagall, ;;/., a bishop's staff] a cro- 
zier, L, 24, j^. 

Bak (-P, pi. bök), n., the bach, I., 
180,2,-», 182,2; ^ ^^^> ^^ horse- 
bach, I., 222, 2s ; after : litr síðan 
skýrliga þeim á bak, gazes after 
the?}}, II., 110,24. 

Bak-fella, v.a., to refute, I., 148, jg. 

Bakki (-a, -ar), jn., a river-bank, 
I., 32, g. — 2. a bank, butt, mark 
to shoot at, II., 18, J. 

Bak-verpa, v.a., to throw behind, to 
cast away, I., 418,26' 

Balsamuin, n., balsam, I., 558, 5. 

Bana-blóð, n., bloodshed unto death, 
L, 82, 3. 

Bana-maÖr, m., a banes-man, a 
murderer, II., 4, 93. 

Band (s, pi. bond), n., bonds, fet- 
ters, I., 356, 26' 

Baiidingi (-gja, -gjar), ;;/., one in 
fetters, a prisoner, I., 286, 7. 

Bani (-a, -ar), ?n., death, 1., 196,9, 
372, 235 488,5- 

Bann (-s, bandz, II., 259, g, og? P^- 
bönn), n., forbiddance, prohibi- 
tion, veto, L, 282, ^g ; .*íctja bann 
f\'rir, to prohibit, II., 90, .^. — 2. 
excommunication,!., 358, 25 ; cause 
of excoinmunication, I., 502, g. 

Banna (að), v.a., to forbid, I., 344,i5; 
to preclude, to debar from, I., 
368, 22« 

Bann-færa [-fera], v.a., to excommu- 
nicate, I., 344, 13, 364. 30, 378, 7, 
406, 1.3. 

Baun-setja, v.a., id., I., 152, §, 344,29, 
418,4; n., 148,21. 

Banu-settr, p.79. as a sb., an excom- 
municate, I., 406, jcj. 

Bann-sunginn,p.ji?. sung into ban, so- 
lemnly excommunicated, I., 406, 14. 

Bauns-ör, f, the arroic, dart, bolt 
of excommunication, I., 366,^9. 

Bar, see bera. 

Bara (-u, -\iv),f., '• borc,'^ wave, fig. 
emotion, I., 80, j.^. 

Barða, see berja. 

Bar-dagi, m., beating, I., 362, ^5 ; 

knocking, I., 534, jg ; fight, I., 

532, 4. — 2. chastisement, p)U7iish- 

ment, II., 1 50, -. 
Barir, f. pi., a hier, I., 554, ^, ^j. • 

cfr. böriir. 



Barki (-a, -ar), m.^ the tvcasand, 

IL, 112,17, 114,20. 
Barn (-s, pi. born), ??., a child, I., 

12,13, IL, 150,6. 
Barn-domr, m., childhood, I., 18, 21- 
Barn-fostr, ji., nursing, II., 162, 12. 
Baru, see bera. 
Bárum, see bera. 

Barún (-s, -ar), m., a haron, I., 56,10. 
Barúnía,/!, barony, county, I., 56,9. 
BatI (-a), m., amendment, hetteriny, 

L, 358,28,490,26. 

Batna (að), v. inchoat., to improve, 
L, 442, 23. 

Batnaðr (-ar), ?n., amendment, I., 
380, 25. 

Batr (-S, -ar), m., a boat, I., 2 14, 13 ; 
Petrs bcitr, Peter's boat, i.e., the 
Roman Church, I., 44, 93. 

Batt, see binda. 

Bau"5, see bjo^a. 

Baztr, I., 284, 9 (II., 255, 17), I., 
440, 27. See beztr. 

Beðinn, see biðja. 

Beið, see bíöa. 

Beiða (dd)[bæddi, 1.,4:12, foot note 0], 
v.a., ivith acc. or absol., to pray 
for: fagnandi sínum feðr ok blezan 
beiðandi, I., 494, 3 ; to ask for, to 
request,!., 42, 1, 180,6, 412, 15; 
to require, to demand : I., 140, 4 ; 
to crave, to call for, to want, I., 

Beiða (dd), i\«., to bait, to harass, 
to vex: konunglig ogn kann at vega 
nogu snarpt, ok liefua sin ef hann 
þykkist harÖliga bciddr, I., 384, 27. 

Beiðni, f, craving, desire, beiÖni 
úleyfðrar girndar, I., 108, 3. 

BeiSsla (-n), f, request, 1., 200, 9, 
268, 27, 270, 9. 

Bein (s), 71., a bone, I., 548, 13. 

Bein-brot, n., breaking of bones, I., 
o 18, 19. 

Beinn, ad., straight: er beinast horf- 
ir moti Flandr, ivhich stands at 
a spot from ichere there is the 
shortest cut over to Flanders, I., 
484, 7 ; rennr it beinasta framm í 
móti þeim, runs the straightest 
loay, I., 538, 9. 

Beirskliga, for beiskliga, adv., bit- 
íír;Vv, II.; 270,39. 

Beiskr {der. from bita, to bite, 
icherefore the spelling shoidd be 
beizkr=:«Ziy7Y/i7.r), ad., bitter, re- 
morseful, I., 204, 6, incensed, 
full of malice, I., 528, -. 

Beisl {der. from bitn, io bite, should 
therefore properly be spelt beizl), 
n., a bridle, see foil. 

Beisl-lauss, ad., without a bridle, 
L, 248, 7. 

Beit, see bita. 

Ben (benjar, jo/. benjar),y., a ivound, 
IL, 116,20. 

Benda (d), v.a., to bend, to draw cc 
boio, I., 366, 17. 

Bera (bar, bar-bar um, bæri, borinn), 
v.a., to bear, to carry : hann let 
bera ki-oss fyrir ser, I., 320, is ; 
r/r. 490, -b.brcf, I., 78,92, 282,18 5 
b. folkvopn upp a garÖ bysknps, 
II., 54, 13 ; b. vopn a, to carry 
tveapons against, to attack sicord 
in hand, I., 374, g. — Fig., to bear, 
to sustain : h. vald, to bear power 
or offire,ll., 192, 21 ; b. hæstu rödd, 
to sustain the principal part^ to 
take the lead, L, H^, w — -• ^<^ 
wcar^ linnn bar icyinliiia siinr))t 
li.-irklæöi á sinn Ihmwu likani, J., 



Bera — cont. 

94, 16 ; hann berr fyrir utan þau 
klæÖi sem bæði eru hvít ok hrein, 
I., 94, 18 ; dagliga berr hann yztan 
stola hvitan, I., 98, 7. — Fig., to 
bear about^ ' gercre ' ; hann bar tvo 
dyrliga menn, bore about, acted in 
the capacity of, I., 94, 1^. — 3. to 
carry, to bring : bréf . . . er 
meira berr ávítauar enn, the bur- 
den, contents of ivhich, is more in 
the nature of fault-finding than, 
I., 398, 15 ; at seudiboðar megi 
honum bera sem mesta frægö, 
bring him-=-bring forward in his 
favour, 1., 262,2; b. á pláz, to 
bring to public notice, to expose, 
I., 198,4; ^' kve'ðju, to bring a 
greeting, I., 272, 17. — 4. to bring 
forth, to give birth to : honum 
gafst ekki borinn erfingi, I., 26, 17. 
— D. to bear, to endure: viljum 
vér bera fyrir Guðs uafni hvat 
er á gnýr, L, 150, 19; enn þat 
harðlífi berr eigi bans náttúra, I., 
316, 6 ; gengr í svá óbæriligan vöxt 
krankdómr unga sveins, at mönn- 
um þótti þeí?s von at hann mætti 
eigi ósprunginn bera, II., 70, 20 ; 
hafói borit fótarmein um fjögur 
ár, II., 82, 25 ; hann segist eingan 
rekstr e^a mæðu vilja bera fyrir 
því fé ok frelsi, er hann veit efa- 
laust kirkjunnar eign, ef hún skal 
úrænt vera, I., 118,27. — 6. to 
smear, to rub on : ok sem hann hefir 
borit yfir augastaÖinn þá blezaÖa 
bamtempran, II., 82, 14. — Iinpers. 
with a passive signification, to be 
borne, hence to be bor?ie up, as it 
were, to beproininent, to shoiv, ^^c. : 
þat er af hverra oríum hæst berr, 

Bera — cont. 

such of each ivrite?-'s words, as 
are of the greatest importance, I., 
2, 14 ; berr þat hæst í þvi máli, 
the chief point being, I., 476, 15. 

— 2. toith certain prepp. to be 
borne on, as it ivere, to come to 
pass, to haj)]jen, to befall : b. á : 
sem raun á bar, as the drift 
of experience shoived, I., 32, 13 ; 
cfr. I., 476,18; but esp. in a 
compufistic sense : to fall (o?i) : 
á hvern dag sera hana (hátíðina) 
berr, I., 512, n ; cfr. þessa páskatíð 
bar svá i kaleudario, II., 84, jg. 
b. at, to chance to ai^ive : gera 
sem herhlaup í landit at mæta erki- 
byskupi, ef hann berr at, I., 484, 
1 ; b. fyrir, to happen, to appear, 
I., 84, 23, 372, 24 ; b. til, to come 
to ]mss,l., 12,12, 52,29, 142,12; 

— Befi. constr. : bera sik, to carry 
one's self to deport one's self, II., 

b. sik at, to move to- 


5 13* 

wards, to approach, I., 14., 1 ; II., 
98, IP — b. sik brott, to deviate, 
to stray, I., 236,- 27. — b. sik vel, to 
be of good cheer,!., 438,7. — Med. 
berast at (c/)-. Tpers. 2), to happen, 
II., 10, 9 ; berast fyrir, to be 
busy about, I., 518,22' — ^'' ^«- 
rious phrases : bar mikla da- 
semd Í hjörtum heyrandi manni, 
aivakened much delight, I., 302, 3 ; 
b. forsjd, to bring foresight to 
bear, I., 284, n ; b. hugsan fyrir, 
to take heed lest, I., 344, 26 ; b. 
vitni, to bear loitness, to jrrove, I., 
304, 9 ; b. grun a, to misdoubt, 
II., 104,24. — b. brutt, ^0 thrust 
out, to expel, \., 304, 15. — 
With prepositions : b. framm, to 



Bera — cont. 

bring forward^ to set forth, I., 
24, 3 ; to advance, to bring in 
evidence, I., 166,26? -60,24. — b. 
fyrir, to set before, to submit for 

inspection, I., 2, 


b. meÖal, 

to bring in, to throw in amongst, 
to introduce, I., 274, 24. — h. mot, 
to object by IV ay of argument, II., 
114, 21. — b. til, to bring about, to 
cause : langr vani bar til þess Tho- 
rn am erkibyskup at bafa rikuliot 
borð, long custom brought it about, 
I., 106, 25' — b. to bring about, 
to bring to bear, to be pos- 
sesscd of, hann bar ok til klerk- 
(l(5m at finna svá meistarlig orð, 
I., 172, 24- — c. to try, to fit : 
þeir sjá lykla marga eiiishvers 
staðar a múrinum ok bera til 
hvern at öðrum, I., 222,^. 

Bera (að), v. a., to lay bare, to un- 
cover, to unveil, II., 200, jg- 

Ber-fættr, ad,, barefoot, I,, 54, j., ; 
II., 170, 23. 

Berg (-s), n,, a reck, I., 182, lo- 

Bergja (fS, t), v.a., to taste, to drink, 
b. þann drvkk, II., 70,05. 

Berja (berr, barða-börðiim, berði, 
barinn), v.a., to beat, to smite, I., 
210,1. — Med, berjast fyrir, to 
fight for, in defence of, II., 40,17. 
berjast mot, to fight, to struggle 
against, I., 272,3. 

Berliga, adv., clearly, I., 172,3; 
manifestly, I., 196, 4, 442, jg ; 
openly, I., 112,5, l'J'^S20- 

Berr, «r/., bare^i naked, I., 156, j, 

428,2; IT., 232,26- — ^- ('pci^ - 
b. himiiin, II., 204, 5. — 3. mani- 
fest, I., 358, 19. — 4. plain, per- 
emptory II, ., 58,1^, 180,8. 

Betr, comp. of vel, better, I., 66, jg? 

210,23; IÍ., 54,11. 
Betra (að), v.a., to amend, to reform, 

I., 112,-, 324,11.-2. to emend, 

II., 36,22- 

Betran (-ar), /'., amendment, I., 
410, 1. 

BeygÖr, ad., bent, crooked, II., 

Seygja (ð,), v.a., to bend, to bow, 
L, 348, 18, 386, 3. 

Beztr, superl. of góðr, best, 1., 
38, 21; beztu menu, leading peo- 
ple, 'proccri; I., 212,25. 

Bið, n, pi,, delay, loaiting, príórr 
lætr þá eigi lengi at biðum, II., 

Biða (bið, beið-biðum, biði, biðit), 
v.n., to abide, to await, to icait, 
I., 72, g, 312,5; b. luidir koiumgs 
atkvæÖi, to abide the king's de- 
cision, I., 74, 22. — 2. to remain : 
b. úti, to remain outside, I., 524, 9. 

Biðja (bið, bað-báðum, bæði, beÖiun), 
v,a,, to ask, to pray : b. hann 
tenatSar nokknrs, I., 50, 25 ; þar 
með vil ek, at þú biðer miskuunar, 
II., 144, 28 ; mörgu sinni bað hann 
Theoballdum ... at hann skyldi 
aftr takast i bans þjónustn, I., 
58, 13 ; b. fyrir, to pray for, I., 
420,4. — -^^^d' biöjast fyrir, to he 
engaged in praying, to pray 
habitually, I., 316, .^.—Refi, b. sik 
undan, to pray to be excused, I., 
216, 13. — 2. absol., to beg : því at 
handviss var þeim ölmusan er 
h-d^n, I., 100,12. 

Bið-stund, f, postponement, delays 
I., 198,24; ^^C), 3 ; waiting^ I., 

358,,,., 406, 




Bifa ((5), occurs only in med., to 
shakCf to tremble, I., 182,7. 

Binda (bind, batt-bundum, byndi, 
bundiun), v. a., to hind, I., 208, 32, 
210, jl;. — 2. to tie, to tie up, to 
wrap in, II., 80, 24. Med. bindast, 
to restrain one's self, I., 278, 25» 

Biudendi, f., abstemiousness : með 
svá miklum bindendis krafti, I., 


Bindindi,/"., id., 1., 316, 5. 

Birta (-t), v.a., to make known, 
to declare, I., 62, g, Q>Q, 15, 76, 9, 
152, 15 ; to announce, I., 180, 4. — 
Med., birtast, 1. to become bright : 
ban s leg staðr bi rt ist með h j artteigu- 
um, II., 172, 13. — 2. to appear, 
to be revealed to, I., 8, 13, ^^, 13, 

126,6, 11., 132,16. 
Birti, /., brightness, I., 134,22, 322, 

26; II., 4^,9. 
Birting,/., vision, I., 318, 4 ; II., 24, 


Bita (bit,beit-bitum, biti, bitinn),t?.a., 
to bite, to cat up, to devour, II., 16, 
21.. — Fig. to bite, to gnaiv, to tear 
ivith remorse : Enn þótt öfund liafi 
bitið þar iim nokkurs yðvars bjarta, 
I., 402, 24- Imjyers, : lýkr svá 
tali þessu, at mörgum .... 
bitr J)á þegar í brún, that 
many a man turned countenance 
thereat, I., 488, ig ; ma þat 
eigi bér um liða, hversu hann 
klerkinn beit bannit, how the 
cxconuniinication told on him, I., 
512, 4. 

Bjartr, or/., bright, I., 16,27, ^^^<^<'', 
77ianifest, 302,9. — 2, pure, I., 54, 
27. — 3. upright, I., 70, 2, 448, g ; 
bjar(,<í5 adv., brightly, IL, 134, 2^. 

Bjóða (býð, bauð-buðum, byði, 
boÖinn), v.a., to bid, order, com- 
mand, I., 62, 22, ^Q, 29, 220 , 5 ; b. 
um, id., II., 162, 10- — 2. to sum- 
mon, I., 146, 3, 160, 19. — 3. to 

invite, I., 200, 22, 384, 12. — 4. 
b. mot, II., 122,9; ^>. vi^ð, IL, 
120, 25, to make a bid, to bid for. 
— 5. to offer, I., 128, 5, to tender, 
to propose, II., 28, n ; bjóöa af 
böndum, to resign, I., 350, 25 ; !>• 
ofriki, to offer violence, I,, 276, 
19 ; b. sik framra, to volunteer, I., 
330, 11 ; b. sik til, II., 160,5, and 
bjóðast til, I., 412, 13, id. — Irnpers, 
þykkir honum eigilett á bjóða um 
bans vanstilli, it seemed to him 
that his intemperate disposition 
augured of no ease {on the king''s 
jmrt), I., 454,19. — Boðinn, p.p., 
disposd, in the jykrase, b. til, 
ready to, bent on, I., 202, 27, 

Bjiigr, ad., boioed, bent down, crip" 
/;M,L, 232,25; IL, 138,20. 

Blaðra (-að), v.a., b. tunguiini, to 
wag the tongue; cfr. ^ mihi soli 
mutirc permittitur^ I., 500,27. 

Blaðra (blöðru, blö'Örur),y., a blain, 
IL, 98,5, 100,13. 

Bland, n., a mixture, IL, 80, 4, 154, 


Blanda (-að), v.a., to blend, to 7nix, 
IL, 16,26- 

Blása (blæs, blés-blésum, blési, 
blásit), v.n., to bloio : er því likt 
sem á blási fagr sunnan vindr, as 
if a fair south wind blew vp, \., 
510, 20« — 2. to bloio, to sound {the 
trumpet') : A na^sta morgin er 



Blása — cont. 

kemr, sem blasit cr ok {jing sett, 

I., 186,24. 
Biásimi, «í/., swollen, injlamcd, II., 

Blautr, acL, soft, miry, shishij, I., 

Blekking,/., deception, I., 516,23. 

Blekkja (t), v.a., to he guile, to de- 

ceive, to mislead, 1., 394 

? 10? 


412,2,; II., 236, 10 ; L, 140, i„ 

Blekna, i.e., blikna(aÖ), ■r./?.,fo groio 

pale, loan, II., 287,30- 
Bles, blesi, blésiim, see bla-sa. 
Bleyðast, v. med,, to become faint- 

Itearted, I., 500,3 ; 516, -. 
Bleza (að), v.a., ivif/i dat., to bless, 

I., 156,6- 
BlezaÖar-fuUr, ad., fall of blessing, 

II., 1 66, 14, /ooi Moie ^4« 

BlezaSr, ad., blessed, I., 2, ^g ; þau 
blezoðu lákn, blezööuin teiknum, 
II., 98,25, 150,25. 

Blezaa (ar, -ir), f., blessing, good 
'Wishes, I., 286, 95, 288, q. 

Blíða (-u), f, fondness, I., 54, 4. — 
2.fnendskip, loving-kindness, I., 
122, 6, 336, 1. — 3. favour, I., 
56, 6? 16* — 4' sweetness, delight, 
I., 20, 14, 30 22, 232, 29. — o.j^lea- 
sure, joy, cheer, I., 252,22« 

Blíðast, r. med., to gladden, to be 
pleased at, I., 288,8. 

BlíÖka (aS), vn., to appease, to soften, 
I., 180,10, 224,1,. 

Blíðliga, adc, kindly, I., 380,27- 

Blíð-mæli, n. pi., soft words, ' blan- 
ditiœ; I., 342, 20- 

Blíðr, aul., blithe, cheerful, haj)py : 
I., 18,1, 28,1,3,56,14,224,,. — 2. 

Blíðr — cont. 

kind, ready, willing : þar urn var 
eugu framm farit nema með blíðri 
saaiþykt herra konuiigsins, I., 
I., 528, 15 ; blíÖ játyrði, ready 
assent, II., 192, ig. — 3. favour- 
ably disposed: eru þeir spurðir, 
hvorsu friðligt sé í Englandi eðr 
fólki blítt imi heimkvomu erkibysk- 
ups, I., 486, 26- — 4. calm, still, 
tranquil: áin varð í augabragði hit 
blíðasta silvetni, I., 32,23- — Blítt, 
n., as suhst., kindly demeanour, 
kind language, I., 158, §. — b. 
prosperity., I., 136, ^. 

Blíðii-bragð, n., blithe presence, 
kindly expression of countenance, 
I., 160,16. 

Blíö-viðri, n., fine, ccdm loeathcr, 

I., 262,25. 
Blinda (að), v.a., to blind, I., 232, 30, 

Blirid-leikr, m., blindness, I., 400, 1-. 
Blindr, a.d., blind,!., 2:^2, o^-, II., 

Z^O, 14. 

Bl(55 (-s), n., blood, L, 4, 1, 208, 30. 
Blóð-bland, n., blood-)nixture, II., 

154, 19. 
Blóð-dropi, m., a drop of blood, II., 

Blóð-drvkkja, f, drink of blood,!., 
238, l 

Blóðga (að), v.a., to stain with blood, 

Vl., 18, 23. 
Blóð-lát, n., blood-letting, bleedinq, 

.II., 96,21. 
BlóÖ-rás, /!, a stream, a streak if 

blood, I., 554, 3 ; flow of blocd, 

IL, 116,20- 
BlóÖ-rauÖr, ad , blood- red, II., 60, 




Blóð-refill, m.y the j)oiat (blade?) of 
the sivord, blóð-reíillinn brestr í 
marmaranum, ok sverðit brotnarí 
tvo hluti, Sfc, cfr., gladioque in 
pavimento marmoreo confracto, 
tarn cuspidem quam yladii suica- 
pidum reliquit ecclesiœ, I., 544, 


Blom, /I., Jlotce?', II., 66, j^, 863, 
190, 15. 

Bldmgaðr, ad., hi fiowci\ flower- 
ing, II., 60,11. 

Blomi (a, -ar), m.^Jioiver, II., 274, 3^. 

Blotna (aS\ v. inchoat., to groiv ivet, 
to become moist a it d soft, I., 256, j. 
— 2. Fig., to soften, 11., 263, 9. 

my {-s),n., lead, 1., 210,,. 

Blj-kápa, f, a chest of lead, II., 

222,13. ■ 

Blöskra (að), v.a., b. augum, to 
blinh, to wink, II., 164, 12« 

B0Ö (-s), order, injunction, com- 
mand, L, 72,3, 282,^6, 420,5.— 

2. in pL, a message, I., 524, ^g. — 

3. an offer, a proposal, I., 330, 21, 
384, 11, 428, 16 — 4. an entertain- 
ment, a banquet, I., 224,5. 

Boða (aÖ), v.a., to " bode,'' to an- 
nounce, to proclaim, to declare, I., 
8, 18. ^^j i3> 1 1 6, 16- — 2. to testify, 
toivitness : skal í fyrstu setja þat, 
er hami boðar af sjálfum sér, II., 



3. to mention : her með 

feiT þat, bversu hann geriv til vors 
elskuliga bróöui' Thomas erki- 
byskups .... sem vér megum 
eigi úharmandi boÖa, I., 378, 12. 

BoÖa-föll,?, over-toppling break- 
ers, I., 236,9. 

Boöi (-a, -ar), m., a breaker, see boða 

BoÖi (-a, -ar), m., a messenger, I., 
2/2, iQ. 

Boðinn, see bjoc^a. 

Boð-orð, n., commandment, I., 
104, 30, 304, 4; II., 100, 2P 

Boð-skapr (-ar), m., an announce- 
ment, decree, proclamation, I., 
218,1, 262,10.-2. message, I., 
456,23, II., 108,15. — 3. sum- 
mons, I., 184, 11. — 4. order, com- 
mand, I., 40, ig, 458, 3. — 5. de- 
mand, request, I., 212, 13. — 6. 
authorization, commission, I., 

Bogi (-a, -ar), m., a bcw, I., 366, 17. 

Bdk (gen. bækr, 7;/. bækr), /*., a 

B(5ka-lesning, /!, reading of books, 
study, I., 394, 13. 

Bok-list, /!, learning, I., 20, g. 

Bola (-U, -ur), /'., a boil, II., 100,13. 

Ból-staðr, m,, manor house, II., 
120, 27. 

Bol-öx,y*., a pole-axe, I., 534, 1, 2« 

Bdndi {-a, pi. bændr), m., a good- 
man, a host, I., , 250, 9^, II., 
132, -.,10; a tenant, II., 124,4. 

— 2. husband, II., 150, 22? 
228, 12« 

Eón-orð, n., loooing, courtship, L, 

Bora (að), v.a., to bore, to drill : sá 

djöfuls limr steytir sverðs-oddin- 

um niðr í hausinn boraðan, I., 

546, 20- 
Borð (-s), n., a table, I., 98, ig ; sitja 

yfir borð, to sit at table, IL, 104, n. 

— 2. board) hospitality : firrast 
hann ok fyrirláta margir þeir, 
er með honum þangat riðn, ok 
bans rikuligt borÖ lengi þágu, I., 



Borö — cont, 

200, 20« — ^' ship-board, in the 
Jig. phrase : segja sitt raál rneð 

öUu fyrir borð boriÖ, thrown over- 
board, I., 500, 21« 
Borg (ar, -ir),/., burgh, a fortijied, 

place, stronghold, I., 48, i^.- — 2. 

a city, I., 12, i6, 298, 2,21; lI-» 

112, 2«. 
Borga (að), v,a., to pay, I., 188, 21. 
Borgaii (-ar-), f., a mortgage, a 

security, I., 188, jp — 2. bail, 

surety : ganga í b., to enter a bail, 

II., 38,5. 
'Bor inn, p.p. of hera. 
Bot (-ar, bætr), /'., relief, i/nprcve- 

mejtt in health, II., 78, ^. 
Bra, see bregða. 

Bráð (ar, -ir), /!, a quarry, I., 82,4. 
Bráða-byrgð, /'., help that staves 

off urgent need, make-shift, II., 


Bráð-dauÖr, ad., suddenly dead, II., 

Bráð-látr, ad., rash, hasty, impe- 
tuous, I., 482, 20« 

BráÖr, ad., sudden, I., 204, 9, 238, 21, 


24 ' 

II., 40 

J 20) 


rash, precipitate : eigi hæfir vitru 
at bera lengi rauÖa kinn fyrir 
bráðan punkt, I., 194, 24. — 3. 
hasty, cursory, I., 68,4, 428,25- 

— 4. imminent, open, II., 96,2- 

— o. fierce, dire, I., 162, 22- 
BragiS (-S, brögÖ), n., a turn, a 

move : verÖa fyrr at bragði, to be 
the first to move, I., 392, 15. — 
2. a wile, a trick, a cunning move, 

I., 368,25. 
Brátt, n. of bráðr, as adv., quickly, 
I., 290,13.-2. soon, I., 110, g; 
II., 108,27. 

Brauð (-s), n., bread, I., 012,3. — 
2. livelihood, I., 500, jj. 

Braust, see brjota. 

Braut, see brjdla. 

Bref (-s), n., a letter, I., 4, 4. 

BregÖa (bregð, brá-brugðuin, brygði, 
brugðinn), v.a., to turn, to 
move : b. vit, to turn about, to 
start,!., 62, Q, II., 1 10, ^3; to bestir 
one's self, I., 326, 13, 414,5, II., 
152,20; !>• ii land sina, to turn 
to one's ways of thinking, I., 
466, 17. — b. upp, to turn up^ to turn 
on: hanii bregðr upp skriðljósinu, 
I., 54, 10 ; to take out, to draw forth, 
I., 294, g. Med. bregðast vit, to 
fly into passion, II., 32, 4. — 2. to 
draw : meÖ brugönu, sverði, with 
a drawn sword, I., 538, 27. — 3. 
to dip : biðjandi sacristam gefa 
sér orlof at bregi)a einum lin- 
skautai blóö Thomas erkibyskiips, 
II., 80, 1. — 4. Impers., to change, 
to alter, to vary : varla kom sá 
tiginn maðr á garðiiiii, at brygði 
þessu samsæti, I., 106, 20 y brugöit 
er ok þeiri skipan, sem Lofuis 
konungr hafði haldit iim hríð, I., 
434, 28 ; enn er Vilhjálmi kemr 
þetta aftrkast, bregðr honum heldr 
í brún, he turned countenance, 
started with surprise, I., 414, 20' 
— Med. bregðast, to fail, I., 
130, 1(5 ; lieilög ástundan brást 
honum aldri, I., 50, 15 ; bregðast or, 
to slip out of to desert, I., 516,7. 

Breiða (dd), v.a., to spread, I., 

Breiðr, or/., broad, I., 11,25» -■1^)24 5 
b. safnaiSr, large (tssonbly, I., 
20, 12 ; b. málstefiia, a numerously 
attended meeting, I., 190, 9. 



Brendr, p.p. of brennu, burnt, re- 
fined : b. silfr, I., 476,22; ^^"5 
suhst., id., I. 402,15. 

Bresta (brest, brast-brustum, brysti, 
brostiun), v.n., to break, to crach, 
to burst, I., 164,22; ^^. ^U^P? ^^ 
burst up, to break forth, I., 

I., 278,24, 308, 12- 

Brestr (-s, -ir), m., a crash, crack, 
I., 534, 185 breach, defection, I., 

Breyskr (from brjota, brant, should 
be spelt etymol. breyzkr), ad., 
brittle ; but oily in the moral 
sense: frail, feeble, weak, I., 

Brigzla (aÖ), v. a., to reproach, to 
taunt, L, 204, g; II., 18,2- 

Brigzli, n. pi., reproaches, I., 434, g. 


Brim (-s), n., suif, surge, II., 96, ^. 

Brjóst (-s), n., breast, I., 50, 13 ; fig. 
heart, I., 262,22; mind^ 300, 13, 

Brjota (bryt, braut-brutum, bryti, 
brotinn), v. a., to break, to xcreck, 
I., 44, 23, 0^1 19. — 2, to break, 
to trespass,!., 358, 24; b. moti, to 
trespass against, I., 524, 29. — 
3. fig-, to break up, to elicit : 
hann brant skilnino; iit af liverjnm 
salmi 1 saltara, I., 20, og- Phrase : 
b. kappi við, to contend against, 
I., 394,11. — Med. bijotast, /'o 
ferment, in the fig. sense, to 
rankle, to fester : hvert þat brngg 
ilsknnnar er í þeim braust móti 
Thómasi, var sannliga móti 
krnnnnni, I., 56, 22 ; þetta brýst 
enn með konnnginnm, rankles in 
the king^s breast, I., 140,25. 

Bróðerni, n., brotherhood, II., 


BróÖir (-nr, bræðr), m., brother, L, 

4, 21, 192, 29. 
Bróðurligr, ad., brother-like, II., 

Brok (-ar, brækr), f., breeches, I., 

0Ö0, 9. 
Brosa (t), v.n., to smile, I,, 64, n. 
Brot (-s), n., breaking, breakage, 

I., 534, 2- — 2. wreck, ship-wreck, 

L, 44,25", 11., 96,5. 
Brotinn, see brjota. 
Brotligr, ad., in the nature of 

trespass or guilt, I., 396, 1^. 
Brotna (aÖ), v.n., to break, to crack, 

I., 182,8,544,24. 

Brott, adv., away, I., 158,^", 238, 1 ; 
out of, I., 184, 1; Í brott, gone 
off, vanished, I., 302, 9 ; af brott, 
clean off: setti hann öxi á einn 
skjotinn ok hjd af brott rdfnna, 
I., 508, 4. 

Brott-feldr, ad., palsied, II., 226, 17. 

Brott-ferð, f., departure, I., 238, 23, 

Brii (-ar, brýr), f., a bridge, I., 

Brúðr (-ar, -ir),yi, bride, I., 408,29, 

Brngg (-s), n., brewing, plotting, 

concocting, I., 56,21- 
Brngga (að), v. a., to brew, I., 

Brnllanp, n., i.e., bnið-hlanp, not a 

genuine Icel. word, Dan. bryllop, 

Sioed. bröllopp), n., a bridal 
feast, I., 534, i^. 
Briin (-ar, brynu), f, a brow, I., 

Brnnnr (-s, -ar), ;;/., '''- bourn ^' a 

well, I., 556,8,9. 



Brustii, brnstum, see bresta. 

Brut, adv., = brutt, I., 90, j^. 

Brutt, adv.,=:bvott, I., 34, ^j., 82, i-. 

Brutt-ferð, f., departure, I., 16, jg, 
II., 66, 27- 

Brjggja (-11, -iir), /., a bridge, I., 

Bryning, (-ar), /I, ^^ whetting, ^^ ex- 
hortation, charge, I., 78, 14 ; in- 
stigation, I., 500, 25. 

Brynja (-11, -iir), f., coat of mail, 
defensive armour, I., 50, ^4. 

Bryn-tröU, n., a halberd, I., 534, ^. 

Bræða (dd), r.ö., ío w^e/í, I., 336,20- 
Med. bræðast, to melt away, to 
vanish, II., 26, 20« 

Bræði, /'., anger, I., 154, 5, 448, 2 ; 
rashness, precipitation, I., 274, 23. 

Biia (by, bjo-bjuggum, byggi, 
búinn), v.n., to abide, to dwell, 
only in Jig. sense : birti þá Frið- 
rekr hvat í honum bjo, I., 90, 24; 
b. Í skapi to inhabit the mind, to 
be in the mind, I., 280, 7. — v.a., 
to prepare, to make ready : b. 
borð, to set the table, I., 98, 17 ; 
b. til svefns, to get ready for bed, 
II., 162,7; búit hug yðarn til 
þolinmæði, prepare your mind 
for, I., 150, ig ; b. um, ^o build, 
to set up, I., 32, 9. — Refl. constr. 
b. sik, to get one's self ready, I., 
60, 15 ; 62, 23 ; b. sik undir^ to show 
willing readiness, to prepare for , 
I, 344, 4. — Med. búast, to get 
ready, to prepare, I., 28, 26» — !>• 
\}A, to be prepared for ^ II., 132,5. 

Buí5u, see bjoða. 

Buðum, see bjóða. 

Bú-garÖr, ;/i., home-stead, 11., 132,2, 


Búinn, p.p., of bua, as ad., prop. 

dressed, I.," 212,6; H. 136,5.— 

2. equipped, fitted out, I., 64,4; 

hence : ready, prepared, I., 44, 23 ; 

b. til, on the point of, about to, I., 

188, 19. — 3. neut, búit, done : svá 

búit, so done, I., 248, jg. 
Búkr (-S, -ar), m., the trunk, the 

body, IL, 160,14, carcase, II., 

Búnaðr (-ar), w., a habit, garment, 

I., 312,22, 314,3, IL, 136,1.-2. 

preparations for a journey, equip- 
ment, I., 474, 11« 
Bundu, see binda. 
Burðar-tíð, /., nativity, I., 506, ^^, 

508, 2g. 
BurÖr (-ar, -ir), m., {that which is 

borne), foetus, child, I., 12, jo, 

14, 5 ; II., 150, 9 ; creature, I., 430, 

29. — 2. birth, descent, I., 402, 7. 
BurÖugr, ad., well born, I., 20, 13. 
Burgeiss, 7n., a burgess, I., 506, 4. 
Burt, adv. away, II., 102, 17, 

Burt-reið, f, riding off, departure, 

I., 462, 8. 
BustiguU (-s), /;/., " ericius,'' a 

hedgehog, urchin, I., 230, ^. 
BýÖ, see bjóða. 
Byði, see bjóða. 
Bygð {-SLT,-ir),f, inhabited parts, 

settlements, country ..side, I.,248,g, 

476, 13. — 2. whereabouts, haunts, 

1., 232, 22« 
Byggi, see bua. 
Bylgja (-u,-ur),y!-, a billoiv, breaker, 

II., 04,95. — 2. sea {running), 

IL, 208,''io. 
Bylgju-f'all, n., rush of billows, surf\ 
IL, 96,4. 



Byndi, see binda. 

Býr, {gen. býjar, ace. by), 7n., town, 

I., 520, 6, 11., 148, 14- 
Byrðr, (-ar,-ar),/., a burden, I., 78, 9. 

Bjrgja, (ð), v.a., to shut, to close, 
I., 334, 25, 424,13,11., 279, 33. 

Byrja, (að), «;.«., to begin, I., 16, j, 
24, 25, 300, 30- — Imjpers., oportet, 
I., 482,10, 530,17. 

Byria (aÖ), v.ö., ío blend, to 9niæ, to 
make tip, as a potio)i, honum þótti 
nokkurr maSr byrla sér eitr í einu 
guUkeri, I., 416,5; "^^^^ 'hdins 
skifti V. sinnum sinum lit, er þat 
byrlaÖist sjúkum mönnum, I., 


Byrr (-jar), m., wind at will, /air 
wind, I., 480, 1, 484, 2 ;^^. means 
of getting off) escape, I., 472, 21. 

Byskup, m., a bishop, I. 40, 15, 

Byskupligr, ad., bishoplike, episco- 
pal, I., 358, 20, 540, 12. 

Byskups-gar^r, m,, episcopal court, 
a see, I., 114,2. 

Byskups-skrúð, 7i., episcopal robes, 
II., 170,10. 

Byskups-skrúði, m., id., I., 24, 13. 

Byskups-stoll, m., an episcopal 
chair, a see, I., 376, 26« 

BæÖi, see biðja. 

Bæði, adv., both, I., 4, 20- 

Bægja (ð), v.a., to balk, to push 
back, 11., 128,1. 

Bæn (-ar, -ir),/., a prayer, I., 24, 2 ; 
II., 134,1; gera bæn, to say a 
prayer, to pray, I., 74, 7. 

Bæna-hald, n., continuous praying, 
11., 38, 2. 

Bænar-orð, n.,pl. praying words, en- 
treaty, I., 386, 17, 412, 0. 

Bæna-staðr, m., subject of a petition, 
a proposal, I., 286, 1. 

Bær (-jar, -ir), m., an (open) town, 

Bæri, see bera. 

Bæta (tt), v.a., to " better^' to im- 
prove, to restore, referring to 
health, II., 70, 5. — 2. to amend, 
to make amends for, to make 
good, I., 358,23, 378,17, 494, 30. 

Bölía (að), v.n., to " bellow,'' to 
howl, I., 534,9. 

Bölfaðr (bölvaðr), ad., accursed, L, 
176,13,304,6; n.,54,13. 

Bölfan (bölvan), f, a curse, ex- 
communication, I., 500, 13 ; an 
accursed deed, I., 546, n. 

Bölfanar-verk, n., an accursed deed, 
I., 418,9. 

Bon (=bæn), f., a prayer, II., 
284, 28, 285, 24. 

Börur,/.j9/., a litter, I., 202, 15 ; cfr. 


Daga (aÖ), v. impers., to daion : 
sem fyrst dagar, hefir hann sik 
uppi, I., 50,29. 

Dag-brún, f, day-brow {the day's 
brow lifting, as it were), dawn, 
glimmer of day, I., 52, n. 

T)2ig-ÍQV^, f, journeying by day, I., 

DsigiigSL, adv., daily , I., 98,7, 158,27« 

Dag-mál, 7i. pi., " day-meaV i.e., the 
time at 9 o'clock a.m., II., 158, 13. 

Dagr, (c?a^. degi, degi, IL, 269,3o; 
dat. plur. dögum), m., day, I., 
4, 13 ; virkr dagr, working day, 
every day, I., 206, 27 ; á daginn, 



Dagr — cont. 

in the day time, I., 50, ^g ; dag 
frá degi and dag a£ degi, day 
after day, L, 146, 26 ; II-> 58, 21- 
— 2. day-break, daivn,!., 24:i, 20 ; 
lýsir af degi, day is breaking, I., 

Dags-werk, n.^ a day^s ivork, I., 

Dag-þingaii,/., a meeting, I., 76, 13, 

Dáligr, ad., wretched, miserable, I., 
236,24- — 2. hateful, shameful, 

L, 520, 10. 
Dásam-ligr, ad., admirable, I., 

112,^4. — 2. glorious, II., 90, jg, 

118,8, 190,14. — ^* (adorable, I., 

552, 10« — 4. adoring, glorifying, 

I., 34,3. 
Dá-semd (-ar), y'., admiration, I., 

302,3. — 2. marvel, II., 110, 9. 
Da-semi, y.,=dá-semd, 2., I., 24, ^g. 
Dauða-dagr, w., " dying day^^ death, 

I., 42,15. 
DauÖa-raaðr, m., a doomed man, I., 

Dauða-ráð, n., deadly plot, I., 518,15. 
Dauða-son, m., son of death, I., 



Dauða-sonr, m., id., I., 484, 3. 
Dauða-sök,y!, guilt worthy of death, 

capital offence, I., 196, 9. 
Daut5i (-a), m., death, I., 6, 19, 

DauÖliga, adv., in a deadly manner, 

L, 330,9. 
DauÖligr, ad., mortal, I., 58, 20, 

530, 18« — 2. deadly, d. illska, II., 

14, 19. — 3. deadly, undying, 

implacable : d. liatr, I., 144, g ; 

öfund, 514,5. 

DauÖr, ad., dead, I., Q>Q, 2q, 104, gg, 

Dauð-staddr, ad., at the point of 
death, " in articulo mortis,^^ I., 

DauS-vona and dauÖ-voni, ad., id., 
II., 74, 2,4. 

Dauf-eyrast, med., to grow dull of 
hearing, i.e., to turn a deaf ear 
to, II., 26, 15. 

Daufr, ad., deaf, II., 134, 14, 22G,i5. 

Decan, m., a dean, I., 88, g. 

Decreta, (-u, -ur),/., decrees, de- 
cretals, I., 152, 4. 

Decreta {Q^'),v.a.,to decree, I., 208, 31. 

Decretum, ?i.,= decreta, I., 302, g. 

Degradera, v. a., to degrade, I., 

Deila (d.), v. a., to quarrel, I., 
158, 10» 

Deila (-U, -ur), f., a quarrel, I., 

Deponera, v.a., to depose, I., 266, iq. 

DeyÖa (dd), v.a., prop, to put to 
death, II., 8,1, hence: — 2. to 
mortify : hann deyddi sinn likam 
ok sitt hörund með hárklæði ok 
húðstrokiira, I., 104, 23. 

Digr, ad., big, stout, I., 14, g ; hence 
masterful, overbearing, I., 428, 3. 

Digta, see following loord. 

Dikta (að), v.a., to dictate, to set 
up, I., 294, 18- — 2. to compose, 
to wi'ite, hann diktar lofgerðir 
vorrar £rú, bæði til einsligra lestra 
ok prosur til kirkjunnar, L, 20,35, 
cfr. 22, 5. — 3. to concoct, to plot : 
enn at dikta dauÖaráð í háleiíuni 
tima var enn til mikiis aiika þeini 
gla^ps!, 1., 518,15. — 4. to enact 
by edicts, to enforce by law, I., 

X 2 



Dikta — cont. 

420, 20, 456, 13 ; II., 188, ^g- — 5. 

to frame, to pass {as judgment), 

L, 172,17, 186,14,220,8. 
Dimma (d), v.a., to obscure, to make 

little of, hverr sem stundar, at 

dimma þetta dýrÖar-tákn, II., 

Dimma (-ii), /'., gloom, I., 510, 21. 
Dimmr, ad., " dirn^^ dark : d. þoka, 

thick fog, II., 44,10. 
Dirfast, V. med., to he hold enough 

to, to presume, to dare, I., 86, n, 

146,26,420,6,452,15 IL, 56,23- 
Dirfð (-ar), f., presumption, over- 

holdness, I., 172, i^; II., 144, 19, 


Disputcra, v.a., to dispute, to dis- 
course, I., 108, g. 

Dissimiilera, v.n., to wink at, I., 

Djarfliga, adv., holdly, frankly, 
in a straight-forward manner, 
I., 188,15. 

Djarfr, ad., hold, presumptuous, 
I., 62, 11, 68, 10, 332,1. — 2. /)wi^, 
free-spoken, I., 214, 19, 466, 13. 

Djarf-tæki, /., rapacity, IL, 263, 21. 

Djúp, n., deep, depth, I., 302, i^. 

Djúpr, ad., deep, IL, 120, ig ; fig. : 
flytr sira Yilhjálmr eigi djúpara 
enn svá, sir W. floateth no deeper 
than so = exhihits his shallowness 
of mind to such an extent as . ., 
I., 414, 1. — 2. deep-rooted, fixed, 
settled : liann skilr því gjörr 
hversu ástiindan konungsins er 
djúp ok meinlig kristninni, I., 
160,23« — 3. profound, penetra- 
ting : Lanfrancus, siðlætisraaðr 

Djúpr — cont. 

mikill, ok ineistari einkar djúpr, 

I., 10,8. 

DjöfuUigr, ad., diabolical, devilish, 
I., 546,21, 552, 24. 

Djöful-óðr, ad., " devil-mad^^ pos- 
sessed, having devil, II., 40, 14. 

Djöfuls-limr, 7n., devil's limb, a 
member of the devil, I., 546, 19. 

Djörfung (-ar), f, pride, insolence. 

L, 17 

'5 16* 

Dómari (-a, -ar), m., a judge, I., 

Dom-draga, v.a., to drag into court, 
I., 42,9. 

Dominus, I., 302, 24. 

D(5mr (-S, -ar), w., '^-dom,^^ heiðinn 
dómr, heathendom, \., 6, 5 ; heilagr 
domr, holy, sacred appointments, 
sacred furniture, relics, I., 492, 27 ; 

IL, 72,10, 82,2, 202, 


D(5mr (-s, -ar),??i., a court of justice, 
L, 70, 7, 188, 5. — 2. a jury : nefn- 
ist Í d(5m þar yfir tolf menn af 
leikvaldi, L, 298, n- — 3. judg- 
ment, L, 172,17, 186,9,11,13. 

Doms-dagr, m., ^' day of doom^' day 
of judgment, I., 104, 19. 

Dottir (-ur, pi. dætr), f, daughter, 
L, 26,18; n., 24,1,2. 

Dottur-son, m., a daughter's son, a 
grandson, I., 26,23« 

Draga (dreg, dró-drógum, drægi, 
dreginu), v.a., to drag, to draw. — 
1. to drag : þá er hverr dro með 
liöföum rétt ok frelsi kirkjunnar 
uudir krúnuna, I., 46, 3; svá eru 
þeir nú gripnir af sýslumönnum 
sem úlærðir, ok dregnir undir 
limalát, L, 142,6; Philippus er 
dreginn undir opinbera húðstroku, 



Draga — cont. 

I., 144, 15 ; sannast sá kvittr, at 
manndráparar erkibyskups muni 
taka bans likama með forzi, ok 
draga um staÖinn, I., Sd6, ^ó '•> ^' 
upp, to drag out {of a slough), II-, 
120, 17 ; d. Í dau^a, to drag into 
death, II., 20, ^. — Fig, to seize, to 
confiscate, to appropriate : skutlar 
jarðir ok eignir kirknanna ok 






, 10 ; d. undir sik, 

to seize, I., 
,11, 134, 10 ; þeir . . . muni vilja 

draga af henni þat, er öllu þessu 
var æÖra, . . . erkibyskupsins 
likam, i.e., drag, pull out of her 
hands, I., 554, 25. — 2. to draio : 
wsem hann hefir svá sagt, dregr 
hann af ser vigsluguUit, I., 306, 26 ; 
tak nu svá til dæmis, at bogi sé 
bendr ok or sé dregin, I., 366, jg ; 
d. úr slíÖrum, to draw from the 
sheath, to unsheath, II., 16, 1. — 
Fig. to draw on, to lure, sá gnll- 
penningr er veröldina dregr með 
megni, I., 116,9 ; Þ^^ dregr drjugt, 
er af honum leiðir, his deeds draw 
hard, i.e., have relentless conse- 
quences, I., 136,23 ; þvi dregr oss 
skyldaþér atsenda áminningarorð, 
I., 360, 25 ; d. undir glosu, to draw 
in under, i.e., to make tlie subject 
of, comments, I., 552, 21 ; d. dærai, 
to draw, adduce examples, I., 
430, 17 ; þetta mál þarf eigi draga 
{zrzdraio on, draw out) mönnum 
til mæSu, I., 280,24,; ^- ^^^^' ^^ 
to draw an army together against, 
to march on or against, II., 1 7 8,25 ; 
d. til samþyktar, to draw or b 'ing 


pers. in a sort of passive sense : 
to be draicn, to move towards ; af 
þeim innleiðslum . . . leiddi svá lang- 
ar limar, at margs raanns lif drog 
til útlegðar, I., 6, 13 ; dregr framm 



draws, wears towards, 
I., 22, 11 ; bann dregr {or, should 
it be dregz ?), í fylgi með þeim 
f rænda sínum er verr bafði, assc- 
sociates himself with, II., 148,25; 
verðr svádregit í sr6\\?>i\\,t he matter 
eventually is so brought about, I., 
470, 20 ; rfr. þó verðr þat í síðustu 
dregit, II., 26, 21- — Reflexive 
constr., d. sik framm, to come for - 
ivard, I., 148, 2- — Med. : enn 
því jafnframm dragizt þer i fri'ðar- 
grein, you make as if you would 
let yourselves be drawn, I., 404, 20 ; 
bvárt sem undan dregst at fornu 
eðr nýju, whether long ago or 
lately it has been drawn away, 
i.e., has been detached from, I., 

Draka (dröku), f, a streak, I., 


Dramb, n., {prop., fat which gives 
increased bodily size, weight, im- 
portancc, braivn, in fact, cfr. 
linakka dramb, the brawn of the 
neck of e.g. a ram, a boar, SfC, 
hval-drambr, whale blubber), 
stomach, arrogance, pride, haugh- 
tiness, I., 498, 29. 

Dramba (acS), v.n., to vaunt, to exalt 
one's self I., 132, 7. 

Drambsamligr, ad., ambitious, I., 

I'i'^j 11- 
Drambsanir, ad., proud, insolent, 

to consent, I., 136, 


/m- I I., 408,1. 



Dmmhsemi,/., pride, L, 178,12« 
Drambsemis-fdtr, m.^foot of 'pride, 

I., 512, 29« 
Dramb-visi,y., haughty temper, I., 

278, n. 
Dramb-viss, ad.^ of haughty dispo- 

sition, I., 428, 3. 

Drap, see drepa. 

Dráp (-s), n., manslaughter^ mur- 
der, II., 6, 17. 

Drapu, see drepa. 

Drápum, see drepa. 

Draum-ma^r, 7n., ' dream-man,^ II., 

Draumr (-s, -ar), 711., a dream, I., 
12, 23' 232, 13. 

Dreg, see draga. 

Dreifa (ð) v.a., causal to drifa, to 
scatter: Joceliu . . . profar sik 
mim síöar leigumann einn þá er 
vargrinn kemr at dreifa hjörÖina, 
I.^ 142, 25 ; enn þótt aðrir dreifist, 
though others take to flight, I., 
312,11. Med. ar^Mo^st, to be dis- 
traught {in mind), I., 412,23« 

Dreift, n. ad. as adv., dispersedly : 
fara d., to become widespread, I., 


Drekka (drekk, drakk-drukkum, 
drvkki, drukkinn), v.a., to drink, 
I'5 12j 22' 512, ig. 

Drekkja (t), v.a., to droion, II., 
162, 17. 

Dreng-lyndr, ad., of manly heart, 
noble-minded, I., 54, 25. 

Drepa (drep, drap-drápum, dræpi, 
drepiun), v.a., to strike; hence, 
d. fæti, to strike the foot against, 
to trip, to stumble, I., 222, jq. 
Fig. : drepa fæti svá hart í sinni 
úvenju, to stumble so violently 

Drepa — cont, 

over one's oivn mischief, I., 234, n. 
— 2. to smite, to slay, to kill, I., 
544, 17, II., 4, 12, 8, 1, 5, 38, 12- 
Fig. to destroy : liverr sem lýgr, 
drepr sina sal, I., 402, 21- 

Drejri (-a), m., {connected with 
Goth, drjúsan, Germ, drausclien, 
Dan, drysse, Engl, drizzle ?) 
blood, in flowing condition, I., 

Dreyrugr, ad., bloody, sanguinary, 
L, 236,12. 

Drifa (drif, dreif-drifum, drifi, cbif- 
inn), v.n., to drift : drifr f)á mik- 
it folk samt i einn staí5, 1., 72, 23. 

DrjúgT, ad., {^doughty'), long in 
coming to an end, lasting, en- 
during : þat dregr drjúgt, er af 
honum leiÖir, I., 136, 23. 

Drjupa (drýp, draup-drupum, diypi, 
dropit), v.n., to drop, to drip, I., 
232, g. 

Drd, see draga. 

Drogu, see draga. 

Drogum, see draga. 

Dropi (-a, -ar), m., a drop, II., 70, n. 

Drottinligr, ad., liege, loyal, d. 
hlýðni, II., 20, 11. — 2. dominical, 
d. hátiÖ, the Nativity of the Lord, 
I., 512, iQ. 

Drottinn (-s, dat. drottni, pi. drottn- 
ar), m., lord, sovereign, I., 
538, 11 ; the Lord, I., 6, g. 

Drottins-dagr, m., the Lord's day, 
L, 200,26. 

Drottnan (-ar), y., dominion, sway, 
rule, I., 546,2« 

Drottning (-ar, -ar), f, queen, I., 



Drúpa (t), V.M., to droop^ to he down- 

cast, II., 16,25. 
Drykklauss, ad., ivithout drink, II., 

78j 24* 

Drykkr (drykkjar), m., drink, I., 

9°5 24> «^12, 20- 

Drýpr, a corrupt 3 sing, pres. ind. 
for ávú^'iY from drúpa, II., 16, 25. 

Drægi, see draga. 

Dræpi, see drepa. 

Duga (Ö), v.n., to do, to avail, to 
answer a purpose, I., 72, jq) 338, lo- 

Dugande, pres. p. of duga, as ad., 
in condition to avail, d. maðr, 
IL, 122,1. 

Dugnaðar-maðr, m., a helper, salvor, 
IL, 208, 12- 

Dugnaðr (-ar), m., avail, II., 

Diikr (-S, -ar), m., a cloth, I., 98, jg. 

Dul (-ar), f, presumption, super- 
ciliousness, I., 278, II, 498, 29- 

Dvala, see dvöl. 

Dvaldi, see dvelja. 

Dvelja (dvel, dvaldi-dvöldum, dveldi, 
dvalit), v.n., to dwell, to abide, to 
sojourn, I., 30, u, 54, ^, 468,13. 
— 2. v.a., to defer, to postpone, 
to put off: Alexander páfi dvelr 
þat, I., 286, 5. — Med., to icait, 
to lapse: þótt hennar formanni 
lieyri með skyldu at kalla aftr jörð- 
ina, ottar oss, at þat dvelist á vor- 
um dögum, I,, 226, 7 ; bíðandi 
höfum ver beðit ef þér vildit víkja 
yðru ráÖi á réttan veg. Enn hví 
þat dvelzt enn í dag óttumst vér 
at þat valdi sem ritningin segir, 
&c., I., 360, li. 

Dvöl (dvalar, dvalir), f, delay, 
tarrying, I., 188, 14, 248, 1, 308, 12 ; 

Dvöl — cont. 

II., 70, 17. — 2. continuance, du- 
ration, I., 20, iQ. — 3. digression, 
I., 70, 17. 

Dýfliza (-U, -ur), /'., a prison, I., 
286,7, 356,6; IL, 194,0. 

Dygð (-ar),/., help, favour, further- 
ance, avail, I., 192, 19. — 2. faith, 
faithfulness, faithful friendship, 
L, 136,1, 154,9, 200,16. — 3. 
faith, devotion, piety, I., 52, 19, 
— 4. continence, ahstemiousnesSy 
L, 108,2. 

DygSar-maðr, m., a true man and 
trusty, an upright, Jionourable 
man, I., 214, iq. 

Dygðar-verk, n., dutiful action, I., 

DygÖar-þjónusta, f, faithful service, 

Dynjandi, ad., dinning, roaringy I., 
8, 14. 

Dynr, m., din, I., 520, iq. 

Dyr (-s), n., animal, I., 230, 14,, 
476, 10. 

Dýra-'^^eiðr,y., chase, hunt, I., 6,21- 

Dýrð (-ar, -ir), /., glory, I., 4, g, 
78,3, 334, 5 ; hégómlig dýrð, vain 
glory, II., 8, 19. 

DýrÖar-dagr, m., day of glory, IL, 

80, 16, 84, 


DýrÖar-fullr, ad., full of glory, 
glorious, I., 172,22? 510,2; H-> 

Dýrðar-hlj(5]nr, m., sound proclaim- 
ing glory, II., 26, 9. 

DýrSar-konungr, m., king of glory, 

IL, 176,25- 

Dýröarligr=dýröligr, IL, 178, 5. 

Dýrðjir-lof, n. pi. .glorifying, glorifi- 
cation : svá munu vaxa ok mare:- 



Dýrðar-lof — cont. 

faldast bans dýrðarlof, II., 

60, 21. 
DýrÖar-maðr, m., 07ie made glorious, 

a saint, I., 546, 4. 
Dýrðar-maik, n., a mark, a token of 

glory, IL, 1 30,16- 
Dýrðar-samligr, ad., glorious, ador- 
able, II., 72, J. 
DýrÖar-tákn, n., a glorious token, a 

miracle, II., 86, ^5, 114, ^g, 168, 14. 
DýrÖar-verk, n., a glorious deed, a 

miracle, II., 168, iq. 
Dýröligr, ad., glorious, I., 166, §, 

552,1; n., 46,25. 

Dýrka (að), v,a., to ivorship, to adore, 

L, 132,e; IL, 6,5, 132,23.-2. 

to glorify, I., 82, 2, 316, 22, IL, 

Dýrkan (-ar), f., fame, glory, L, 

Dýrleikr (-s), 711., great price, pre- 

ciousness, L, 476, 29. 
Djrligr, ad., costly, precious ; d. 

klæÖi, II. , 200, 19. — 2. worthy, 

adorable, excellent, glorious, L, 

"■*? 15? 28» ""*> 14 '•> I-t'5 16, 5, 132, jg. 

— Dýrligt, 71., «5 subst., segist 
dýrligt af því efni, glmnous things 
are recorded concerning that 
matter, L, 88, 20- 

I)ýr-mætr, ad., precious, L, ^6Q, ^. 

Dyrr (dyr, IL, 130, 7), n., pL, a 
door, L, 6, 19, 14, 1, 430, 5, 524, 4. 

Dyrr, ad., costly, precious, expen- 
sive, I., 476, 17 ; d. kostr, high 
cost, IL, 36, 25. — 2. choice, ex- 
quisite: enn þeir voru sæmdir dýr- 
um sendingura af honum sjálfum, 
er til gavðs kvomu, I., 106, 22- — 
3. dear, desirable : svo djra fyll- 

Dýrr — cont. 

ing fekk bondinn þess fyrerheits, 
IL, 134, 14. — 4. worthy, exalted : 
d. herra {the Pope), L, 300, jg ; 
dýrustu höfðingjar, IL, 202, ig. 

Dæma (d), v.a., to deem, hold, con- 
sider : d. sik makligan, to deem 
07ie's self worthy of, I., 202, 20« — 
2. to perceive, to realise : sem 
þeira skynsend mátti vel dæma, er 
sátu Í hjá honum, L, 108, i- — 3. 
to decide: enn hvat mevker (merk- 
ez ? ) fyrir þann mann . . . Frakka 
konungr eÖa Heiurekr ungi 
viljum vær eigi dæma. IL, 178,8- 
— 4. to judge, L, 152,3; ^- J^^y 
to sit in judgment on, I., 412, 14. 

Dæmi (-s), 71. (that by luhich one 
judges,) example, illustration, 
similitude, L, 2, ig, 22, 1, 70,9, 

Dæmilauss, ad., unexampled, IL, 
276, 11- 

Dæmi-saga, /"., story illustrative of, 
or corroborating, a statement, L, 
50, 19. 

Dogor (davgðr), ad., bedewed, irri- 
gated, L, 280, 35. 

Döggvaðr, ad., id., IL, 88, 1. 

Dökkr, ad., dark, dull, I., 210,9- 


E(Sa, and eðr, adv., or, L, 80, 10 ; 1 1., 
22, 11, passi?n. 

Eðli (-s), n., nature, IL, 134, 29. 

Ef, co?ij., with ind. and subj., if, I., 
22, 21, passim,. 

Ef (-s), n., doubt ; fyir utan ef, with- 
out a doubt, L, 250, gg, 526, 4. 



Efalaust, ??. r/f/., as adv., irit/wut 

doubt, L, 118,27, 502,-. 
Efanligr, ad., doiihtfid, dof/btable, 

L, 210,2,. 

Efa-semd (-ar), /., uncertainty, 
doubt, II., 52, Q. — 2. conditional 
stipulation, IL, 180, 2i' 

Efi (-a), m., doubt, I., 18, ^g* 

EHa- (d), v.a., to strengthen : hvárki 
líf né líkam sparir hann til at efla 
ríkit, L, ó8, 6 ; hér £}TÍr gefr 
honum þá tillögii einn góðr maðr, 
at svá sem Guð eflir heilsu lians, 
muni hann segja messu, I., 202, 
23 ; kalla þeir skj'ldugt, at hin 
romverska móðir. . . . berist eigi 
móti þeim, er him á at efla til allra 
góðra luta, L, 272, 3. — 2. to rear, 
to build up, to found : efldi hann 
klaustr af griindvelli, í þeim 
stað er Kadon heitir, I., 10, 4; 

. þessi ríki maðr eflde stórt liús á 
sínnm búgarð, 11. , 132, -^; greftaðr 
í musteri vorrar frii, því er hann 
hafði eflt ok tignat tögrum pre- 
sentum, II., 172, i^- — 3. to give 
impetus to, to encourage, to stir 
up, to set agoing : eigi er þat várt 
eyrendi at efla þrætur eÖr mein- 
mæli, L, 282, ^^ ; sem Heinrekr 
konungr hcfir staðfest at . . . efla 
þat stríð móti herra páfanum sem 
honum sjálfum horfði til sáriar 
pínu, I., 330, 5 ; nú rísa málsemdir 
af . . . hatri ok hermdum^ er hann 
efldi móti erkibyskiipiniim, I., 350, 
21; máþat ok vita, hverso ferliga þú 
styggvir gamla konung í þvílíkum 
ósóma, er þú eflir upp á hans 
ástvini, L, 490, 2s- — 4. to aid, to 
back, to give furtherance to : segir 

Efla — cont. 

ok sver um, ef þeir efla lengr 
hans livin, at hann skal með ein- 
hverju kyni raæta J^eim, I., 370, ^g ; 
her meÖ fylgja þeir ríkismenn, er 
. . . efldu svá manndráparann, 
at, IL, 54, 20- — 5. to do, to per- 
form, livat eru þér honum skvld- 
ugir fyrir þetta alt, utan standa 
með honum ok efla hans vilja í 
öllumlutum ? I., 334, -. — 6. to set 
up, to prepare, to arrange : eflir 
Heinrekr konungr gamli veizlu 
mikla, I., 452, 95 ; vendir konungr 
Í Xormandi ok eflir þar stóra setu, 
L, 472,90' — Jlcd. to groic strong, 
to gain strength ; hann veiktist til 
þess, at hann skyldi eflast, L, 166, 
15; ef hon lytr á kné í falli sinna 
formanna, eflist hon mest ok endr- 
bætist, L, 400, 5 ; Heinrekr kon- 
ungr ungi mægist vit Philippum 
Frakka konung, ok eflist þar fyrir 
bæði til lands ok fylgis, IL, 172, 
20 ; eflast nil sumir . . . í þciri 
hugsan, become firmly convinced, 
I., 438,20« — 2. to gain authority, 
to become valid : eigi er sá kosn- 
ingr öflugr, fyrr ennprófast lögligr, 
ok eflist fyrir herra páfans vald, 
L, 124, ^. — 3. to tahe groivth, to 
mature: meÖ Ijósum ritningum 
hafa marger hluter svo vorit fyrer 
ætlaðer af Guði, at þeir skyldu 
eflast Í sina frammkva^md, II. , 


4. to increase, to sicrll 

efldist sva metna^r með honum, 
at, r., 320, jg. — 5. to arise, to 
originate : höfðingi landsi;is var 
öllum þeim samvinnandi, er login 
smáðu, ok þat skilr T1.<'mm- cvki- 



Efla — cont. 

byskup, at þar af eflast allar úhæf- 
ur, I, 360, 5 ; enn af þessu efni 
lögligrar hirtingar viÖ bjskupana 
efldist svá mikill ófriÖr, I., 482, 27- 

— 6. to prevail : leiddi hann 
skilrik vætti, hversii sa vani ok 
f)essi annarr þveraðist mot kirkj- 
unni, ok liver j a meinsemd hann 
fliitti Guðs fólki, ef hann efldist í 
kristninni, I., 302, g. 

E fling (-ar), /!, enabling, empower' 
ing : sem einn er efling allra góðra 
hluta, who alone giveth poioer 
toioards good things being done, 

1., áZ^, 22* 

Efne-tré, «., timber, II., 118,22« 
Efni (-s), n., prop, raw material ; 
hence. Jig-, 1. matter, discourse : 
priorr Robert skrifar þar um eitt 
dýi'ligt efni, I., 36, g. — 2. nature, 
circumstance : at því réttara megi 
hann oHum hitum skipa, sera hann 
skilur framar hversu til gengr ok 
efni ^-ikr máhmum, I., 38, 9 ; gefr 
hann sik betr liðngan at skoða 
vöxt ok efni málanua, I., 114, j. 

— 3. affair : ok innan litils tima 
fær hann svá hagat sinu efni, L, 
36, 3 ; kann ok vera, minn herra, 
ef svá kastaði um mínu efni, at, 
&c., I., 64, 22 ; þat efni skal vel 
byrja, er svá miklu varOar, at hail 
góðan enda, I., 80, 4 ; á nefndan 
launcardao; biorirr herra Thomas 
electus allar vigslur ok segist áýv- 
ligt af því efni, I., 88,20 — 4. 
cause, reason : byngist nú enn af 
þessu efni hugr erkibyskups, I., 
160,22* sannliga var þeim efni 
gefit, at segja &vá til himnakon- 

Efni — cont. 

ungsins, L, 34, 7 ; þat úfriðar efni 
. . . hngðnm vér at yÖur vitra 
mundi lægt hafa, I., 394, 8 ; enn 
af þessu efni lögligrar hirtingar 
við byskupana efldist svá mikill 

()friðr,L, 482,26. 

Efstr, superl. ad., tippemnost, high- 
est, L, 8, 15 ; efsti dagr, dies su- 
premus, II., 190, ^g. 

'EÁ.teV'iÖY,/., pursuit : heyrer hún, at 
henni er efterför veitt, she hears 
that she is being followed, IL, 

Efter-komandi {sc. menn), m. pi., 
posterity, IL, 182, j. 

Eftir, efter, prep, with dat. and 
ace. — I. with dat., 1. indicative 
of motion, after : fálkinn snarar 
upp eftir {in pursuit of) einum 
fugli, II., \A2,^. — 1. fig., pur- 
suant to, according to, following : 
eftir vana, e. konungligum vana, 
I., 30, 14, 62, 23 ; e. orðum ok sögn 
priors Roberts, I., 32, 20 ; e. guÖ- 
spjallinu, L, 86, 5 ; e. atviknm, L, 
108, g, 112, 23. — : IL, with ace, 
1. local ; behind: Ijost er vorbit 
af letrum þeim er lærÖir menn 
leiföu eftir sik, L, 2, 3. — 2. after : 
eftir kveðjnsending til höföingja í 
landinn, L, 74, u. — 2. temp., 
after : eftir bans dag, L, 6, 25 ; 
e. þessa liðna, L, '2Q, g, cfr. 28, ^ ; 
e. páskir, L, 86, 27, &c. &c. Adv. 
1. local, behind : enn herra páfiun 
sitr eftir, L, 308, ^ ; kálfr var eftir, 
IL, 120, 5 ; — back : halda efth', to 
keep bach, to retain, IL, 114, 13. 
— after, in a fig. sense: var svá 
gjÖrla eftir farit, so carefully was 



Eftir, efter — cont, 

the thing followed up in detail, 
I., 24, 14. — 2. temp., after : næsta 
dag eftir, I., 492, 21. 

Eftir-dæmi, n.^ example, I., 82,2, 

94,13, 136, 22> 194, g. — 2. imita- 
tion, following after, ef nokkurr 
vill koma minn veg með eftir- 
dæmi, I., 208, 25. 

Eftir-komendr, m. pi., successors in 
office : þar yfir er lesinn opinber- 
liga páfans boÖskapr at Aiigusti- 
nus skal vera Kantiiariensis erki- 
byskup, ... ok bans eftirkomendr, 
I., 40, ig. — 2. posterity, I., 186, 12? 
204, le. 

Eftir-látr, ad., yielding, pliable, ob- 
sequious, I., 70, 3, 472, 9. 

Eftir-leitan, f, pursuit : bans vizka 
sér Í gegnum, hvat á mundi koma, 
eðr hversu mörg eftirleitan ok 

■ forgildra bonum mundi veitt af 
Heinreki konungi, I., 252, g. — 
2. inquiry : býðr bann sínu föru- 
neyti, at þeir kosti með alki frétt 
ok eftirleitan at fa þenna mann, 
I., 102, 20« — 3. mental self-re- 
search : bugleiddum vér meÖ oss 
með friðsamri eftirleitan, hvert 
Ijti þér myndit oss finna, L, 

Eftir-læti, n., obsequiousness, páfann 
griinar ... at byskuparnir muni 
dirfast eigi þvi siðr með eftirlæti 

vit konunginn at gera vígslu 
þessa, I., 452, 2 ; fylgi ok efterlæti 
sem nokkurir kardinalis höfðu 
ólögliga veitt Heinreki konungi, 
II., 186,21. 
Eftir-mál, n., blood-suit, L, 142, j-. 

Eftir-mæli, n., obsequious advocacy 
of the cause of one side: at hafa 
úti báÖar bendr, aðra til lofs 
ok eftirmælis við konung, I., 
300, 1 ; SVC til eftirmælis við kon- 
unginn, at allar þær þynganir, 
sem nú voru lesnar upp á skaða 
kirkjunnm-, skreytir bann ok fegr- 
ar mecS falligum lit, I., 300,3; 
byskupinn samsetr þat sama bref 
meö úeinurð ok eftirmæli við 
konunginn, I., 338, 20- — 2. plia- 
bility, subservience : þær eignir, 
sem nyliga bafa undan lagzt fpir 
umboÖsmanna vanmegn eðr eftir- 
mæli YÍð ríkismenn, tekr bann, I., 

Eftir-sýn,/., " after-sight^' the looh, 
the appearance of a thing, when 
done : er eigi þa betra eptir- 
synar [at] bafa belldr beðit um 
brio ok þolat um stundarsakir, 
n., 268, 10. 

Eggja (aS), v.a., to urge, to per- 
suade, to advise, L, 76, 12, 286, ig. 

Egg-teinn, m., *' edge-rod^' a sword, 
IL, 2Q>, 17. 

Egna (d), v.a., to set {a trap), I., 
302, 2. 

Ei, ai/t'.,=eigi, I., 52,13, 350,28, 
472, 18 ;IL, 132,15. 

EiÖr (-S, -ar), m., an oath, L, 166, 20 ; 
leggja á eið sinn, to attest with 
oath, I., 212, ig. 

Eið-rof, n., breach of oath, L, 

Eið-rofi, 7n., one who breaks his 

oath, traitor, L, 220, ^. 
Eið-stafr, m., the subject formulated 

to which an oath is sworn, II., 




Eiga (á, átta-áttum, ætti, átt), v.a., 
to ow)if to possess : ok hann veit 
víst, at kirkjan á, I., 118, 25 ; 
fundii þeir brátt, hvern föSur þeir 
áttii fyrir innan, I., 1 10, 9. — 2. 
to have : hann átti þrjá syni, I., 
4, ]^7 ; dóttur átti hann eina, I., 
26, 18 ; Isibell, er átti Eiríkr 
konungr, had for wife, I., 22, 4 ; 
kail átte sér konii, IL, 118, 13. — 
Fig. eiga hluti, to have a port in, 
to he concerned in, I., 120, 4; 
haun átti ávint had head-wind to 
heat against, I., 90, jg. — 3. to 
he in duty hound, ought, should : 
hversu hvert mál á að hneigjast, 
sem bezt samir, I., 112,23; hann 
á nú Guös réttar at reka, I., 
118,13, her til hefir þú verit vorr 
formaðr, ok af þ\ i áttum vér þér 
at hlý^a, I., 218, 10; þessa jörð 
Eckam skulum vér aldri upp gefa, 
ok engan hlut annan, þann er 
Cantuariensis kirkja á meÖ réttu 
at hafa, I., 226, jq ; sagt5i hann til 
hafa vit ok flesta hluti aðra f)á er 
fylgja eiga göfugligum heilagrar 
kirkju höföingja, I., 74, jg; raeð 
þvi at einginn jarðligr maÖr á 
mik at dæma, I., 220, 29. 

Eigi, adv., not, I., 16, 2, 3 ; eigi því 
minur, none the less, I., 8, 22 ; 
eigi síör, no less, I., 14, n. 

Eigin-húsfrú, /*., laivful -wife, I., 

Eigin-kvæntr, ad., having a laivful 
wife, L, 12,9. 

Eiginliga, adv., properly, L, 48, 2- 
— 2. specially, particularly, L, 
450, 18- 

Eigin-ligr, ad., oton : nefnir hann 
serhvern eiginligu nafni, hy his 
own name, L, 510,27; hlaupa 
framm . . . afkynjaðir synir á 
fööur eiginligan, L, 542, ^g. — 2. 
proper, properly hclonging to : 
Alex, hefir þar yfir sanna vissu, 
at þessi vígslugerð er eiginlig 
Thomasi erkibyskupi, I., 450, 22 ; 
veikleikr manns náttúru hefir þat 
eiginligt, at likamr berr otta sinna 
kvala, L, 520, ^9 ; þat var öðrum 
eiginligt af skapan, er annar hafði, 
II., 146, 5. — 3. private, indi- 
vidual : ottast hann, at þat kallist 
meir framit ok þolt fyrir nokkura 
hans sjálfs eiginliga sök, enn 
vernd eÖr frelsi Gu^s rettar, I., 
228, 12« 

Eiginn, ad., own, I., 80, jg, 108, 24, 

300, 24, 368, 


Eigin-orí5, n., title to ownership, 
þessa alia peninga skal Thomas 
erkibyskup koniinginnm með 
skilríki aftr lúka, meO því at 
honum fellst eiginor^it, I, 188, s- 

Eigin-sonr, m., own son, II. , 194,2« 

Eign (-ar, -ir),/!, ownership, posses- 
sion, property, L, 6,^0; Gu^s 
eign, the property of the church, 
L, 118,9; kasta eign a, io seize^ 
to confiscate, I., 348, 21- 

Eigna (að), v.a., to appropriate: 
eigna þér eigi annars vald, make 
not thine own the power of another, 
I., 364, 24. — 2. with dat. of the 
person and ace. of the thing, 
to charge with, to impiite to : 
einginn maÖr i Englandi girnist 
meirr sannan friÖ kirkjunnar 
enn hann FJálfr, þótt honum 



Eigna — cont. 

eignist síðar allar únáðr, I., 
176, 2. — Med., to become pos- 
sessed of, to acquire, to have : 
1,28^,42,22, 276,3, 400, 23; n, 

Eignar-maðr, m., owner, II., 142 -. 

Eignar-nafn, n., own name, II., 
156, 15. — 2. title indicative of 

ownership, I., 118, 


Ei-lífð (-ar, -ir), /*., eternity, I., 

520, 21. 
Ei-lííliga, adv., eternally, II., 62, i-. 
Ei-lifr, ad., eternal, I., 150, 20? 

234, 18- — 2. perpetual, life-long : 

keyrÖir af laudi briitt í eilífa 

útlegS, I., 142, 9. 
Einarðar-tala, f, frank speech, I., 

Einarðliga, adv., frankly, uprightly, 
fearlessly, boldly, I., 86,^3, 326, 20? 

■ 414, ;, 456, 22. 

EinarSligr, ad., frank, outspoken, 
I., 346, 23. 

Einar^r, ad., determined, I., 118, 17. 

Ein-eygr, ad., one-eyed, I., 230, 22? 
^ÚZ, 24,. 

Ein-faldr, ad., simple, plain : e. 
kanúka búnaðr, I., 240, 23 ; €*. 
bróSir, I., 250, 23- — 2. single- 
minded, sincere, upright, I., 36, 9, 
196, 1. 

Ein-feldi, n., simplicity of life, I., 
30,20- — 2. single-heartedness, I., 
204^ 11. 

Eingi, II., 136, 10» sec foil. 

Eiuginn (from einn, and gi a neg. 
/>«/•<. 4-hinn ; eingin, ekki, I,, 62, 
11, 110,11, 286,17; gen. eingis, I., 
54,9,336,23; einkis, II., 162,93; 
euskis, II., 26.3,3^; avc. fern. 

Einginn — co7it. 

einga, I., 234, 3 ; eingva, I., 14,2, 
160, 9 ; öngva, avugva, II., 66, 17 ; 
dat. Jiiasc. öngum (aungiim), I., 
16,6, eingum, I., 6,30), ad., no, 

Eining (-ar),/, unity, IL, 240, jo- 

Einkanliga (einkannliga), adv., 
chiefly, especially, particularly, 
principally, I., 20,6, 44, 19, 388, 25; 
II., 168,9, 170,26- — 2. singu- 
larly, strangely, I., 412, jg. 

Einkanligr (einkannligr), ad., 
strange, singular, wondrous : 
ma vitrum manni virÖast bæÖi 
einkanligt ok stórum lofsamligt, 
at ein persona ok sama bafi öðlazt 
svá forkuiinligt upphaf ok frá- 
bærau enda, I., 16, 20 ; varÖ her 
einkanlig nýlimda, ... at á liá- 
vetrar tíma fá þeir svá æskiligt 
leiði, I., 516,22; livern dag mátti 
þar sjá vit bans steinþró nokkut 
einkanligt dýrðartákn, II., 86, 15 ; 
sér hann Heinrek kouung með 
svá einkanbgum bætti, at útaUigr 
fuglafjöldi flykkist at honiim, I., 
388,22- — 2. especial, particular : 
sendir kveðjii GiUibert . . . með 
skyldri þjónkau einkanligrar 
blýÖni, L, 380, 21 ; ekkja kynstór 
ok auðug, bim var einkanligr vin 
Tbóme, L, 164, 20- 

Einkar {prop. gen. o/'eink ?), adv., 
particularly, singularly, cxcecd- 
ingh^ I-, 10, 7, 14, 22, 72, 14, 
474, 13. 

Ein-leitr, ad., one-eyed looking, odd 
looking, II. , 146, 7. — 2. odd, 
peculiar, strange, unsociable, II., 
285, .,.,. 



Einligr, ad.j single, II., 102, 5. 
Ein-litr, (=einhlitr), ad., compe- 
tent, II., 28, 5. 
Ein-læti, n., unsociable ways, I., 

2.Z, 21« 

Ein-mæli, n., private talk, L, 462, ^q. 

Einn (ein, eitt), card, num., one, 
I., 2, 3 ; at eins, only, I. 16, 13. 
— 2. sole, alone, only: hann 
flýði fyrr af konungs garði fyrir 
þá eina sök, L, 36, 23 ; eigi einum 
sánim eða sjúkum til fagnaðar, 
II., 86, 19. 

Einn-hverr (einliver, eitthrert, ace, 
sing. fern, einshverja, II., 12, g)? 
pron. indef., some, some one, I., 
3Öj 15> ' ^> 15 230, 21, 23« 

Ein-orð, I., 466, ^5, see einurð. 

Ein-ræÖi, n., wilfidness, masterful- 
ness, I., 274, 24. 

Ein-seta,/., hermitage, I., 206,3. 

Einsliga, adv,, hi a solitary, se- 
questered position, I., 242, 13. — 
2. in the hearing of afeio, pri- 
vately, I., 524, -^. 

Einsligr, ad., private, I., 20, 26« 

Ein-synn, ad., having the sight of 
one eye only, L, 232, 29. 

Ein-sögn,y., statement of one wit- 
ness only, I., 188, 9. 

Ein-urð (-ar), /'., frankness, bold- 
ness, sincerity, L, 64, 30, 162, 2? 
430, 22. 

Einvalds-konungr, 7n., sovereign 
king, L, 380, 26- 

Ein-vild,/'., wilfulness, I., 450, ^3. 

Ein-vistir,y.joZ., solitary life, retire- 
ment, II., 10, 14. 

Ein-þykki, n., wilfulness, master- 
fulness, I., 178,13. 

Eira (Ö), v.a,, to spare, to forbear 

to afflict, IL, 292, 12- 
Eista, n., pi. eistu, testicle, II., 


Ek {gen. min, dat. mer, ace. mik ; 

dual, yit, gen. okkar, dat. ace. 

okkr; pi. vér, gen. vár, vor, dat. 

ace. oss), pron. Ipers., I, I., 14, 27, 

Ekki, neuf. of einginn, as subst., 

7iothing : ekki finst hans life 

bjartara, II., 2, 21. 
Ekkja (-U, -ur), f, a widow, IL, 

Ekkju-domr, m., widowhood, i.e., 

vacancy of a see, I. 62,4. 
Eldr (-S, -ar), m.^ fire, I., 384, ^5 ; 

jiame^ II., 2, 3. 
Elds-gangr, m., ^^flre,^^ conflagra- 
tion, I., 12, 11. 
Ella, ac^v., 07' else, I., ] 88, ^. 
Ellefti (ellipti, IL, 270, 23, IL, 

289, 13), ore?. mm;w., eleventh, IL, 


Elli-stoð, /., prop of old age, II. , 

275, 24. 
EUri, comp. of gamall, older : enn 

þar als staðar, sem meiri fjrnd er 

á fallin leiðir hann til ellri manna 

vætti, I., 118,29. 
Elska (-u),/., love, L, 70, jo- 
Elska (aÖ), v.a., to love, I., 14, 25, 

Elskari, (-a), m., he who loves, I., 

372,2; '' lover," 11., 116,6. 
Elskr, ad., i?i the phrase elskr at, 

fond of, attached to, IL, 118, ^y. 
Elskuliga, adv., kindly, lovingly, 




Elskuligr, öí/., loving : e. móðir, I., 
18,4. — 2. beloved: samir nú at 
þat ^-íkist til elskxiligs bróður vors 
Thoraam, I., 334,22« — 3. dearly 
wished, desirable : venda þeir 
aftr Í veg ok koma heiin meÖ 
elskiiligri farsæld, I., 94, 2 ; elskii- 
ligt var honum at vera þvílíkr 
fyrir GiiÖs augum, I., 94, 22« — 4. 
winning f engaging : frammburðr- 
inn var bæði mjiikr ok mikilvirkr 
með reyndum röksemdum ok 
sætleik elskuligum, I., 104, 5. 

Elta (t), v.a., to pursue^ to chase, 
I., 232,22; n., 180,1. 

Elztr, superl. oý gamall. 

Embætti (embetti), n., office func- 
tion : taka hvárir sitt embætti, 
I., 72, 1 ; prédikanar-embætti, I., 
118,2; þeir aftignoÖust byskups- 
dóm ok heilögu embætti, II., 
38, 9. — 2. service in church : svá 
fremr hann ok embættið, at öllum 
var bugbot í er hjá stóðu, I., 
102, 24, ; þá tíma sem hann pré- 
dikar gengr hann í því embætti 
svá lýstr ok lærðr af Guði, I., 

Embættis-gerð, f., officiating {at 
services in churchy þeiri sömu 
góðfýsi heldr hann framm í aUri 
sinni embættisgerð, at bans heilög 
ásjöna |)ornaí5i aldri frá tárum, 
I., 102, 14. — 2. church service : 
einga nýjung leiðir hann í em- 
bættisgerÖ sína, utan heldr hefir 
hann alt eftir, heilagra feðra sein- 
ing, I., 102, 22- — 3. episcopal 
adininistration : þessu næst er 
greinanda, hversu signaðr Thomas 

Embættis-gerð — cont. 

var í sinni embættisgerð bæði varr 
ok athiigall, þat er vígshigerðum 
til hejTÍr, L, 110,15. 

Enda (að), t-.a., to finish, to conclude, 
I., 42, 15, 194, 26« Med., to come 
to an end : hugsit, heilagr faÖir, 
hversu málit skal endast meÖ þ^i- 
likt boð ok andsvör, L, 384, i^. 

Enda (d), v.n., to finish, to come to 
an end ; occurs only once, and in 
the med. mood : svá endist bréf 
til bvskupsins, I., 358, 9. 

Enda, adv., and withal, moreover, 

n., 178,13. 

Endaligr, ad., final, conclusive, I., 

Enda-ljkt (-ai', -ú'), /'., close, termi- 
nation, I., 480, 2« 

Endi (-a, -ar), w., end, termination, 
I., 76,16, 80,5, 120,12, 270,4, 

Endiliga, adv., finally, ultimately, 
1., 142, 28* 

Endi-mark, n., land-marh, boun- 
dary : gjör svá vel, gakk eigi um 
endimarkit, svo mikit sem skap- 
arinn hefir þér veitt, L, 362 24. — 
2. a sign, a token, a miracle : 
eitt Í milium annarra endemarka 
finnst svá skrifat, at í nökkurum 
árgang öðlaÖist J)á albætta heilsu 
sá, er áðr var krjpplingr, II., 

Endir (-is), w., end, termination, I., 

Endr-beiða, v.a., to ask repeatedly, 
to reiterate a question, honum 
verir mæðusamtat svara mörgum, 
því at málit var bæíSi seint ok 
vanmegut, ... ok varð oft at 



Endr-beiöa — cont, 

endrbeiÖa, ef skiljast mætti, II., 
76, 17. 

Endr-bæta (tt), v.a.^ to better, to 
amend, to improve, to reform : 
hvarrtveggi þessarra endrbætti 
sinn stétt fyrir tár ok trega, I., 
166, 5 ; enn nú se GuÖi lof, at þat 
er misgeröut, leiddi bans miskunn 
yÖr fyrir augu ok endrbættuð svá 
vel yÖaru stétt, at I., 304, jy; at 
heilög kirkja frelsist af Ijotri svi- 
YÍrÖingu ok endrbætist til fegri 
asjouu, II., 24, 8 ; þat liggr meÖ 
bans bjarta, at ... . leysa þá, 
sem flekkazt höfÖii af samneyti 
úmildra, ok hvat annat meÖ þeim 
endrbæta, er hann sér þörf á 
vera, I., 504, 25. — 2. to restore, 
to repair : yðarri bæÖ til heyrir 
aftr at kalla ok endrbæta til frið- 
samligrar farsældar . . . hvat 
er kristni Guiis ok almúganum 
verÖr til áskilnaÖar, I., 278, 5 ; 
þat er báttr góös böfðingja, at 
reisa kirkjur ok fyrndar endrbæta, 
I., 362, 9 ; Med., to recover : ef 
hon lýtr á kné i falli sinna for- 
manna, eflist bon mest ok endr- 
bætist, I., 400, g ; to recover health, 
to be convalescent : þetta ráÖ tekr 
bann meÖ góðum vilja, þótt nauÖ- 
igr, ok endrbætist í fuUa heilsu 
eftir fa daga, I., 316, 14. 

Endr-lifna, v. inchoat., to revive, to 
quicken into life again, II., 88, 12« 

Endr-minning, f, recollection, me- 
mory, II., 174, 27. 

Endr-nýja (aí5), v.a,, to renew : bann 
vill endrnýja þau privilegia sinnar 
kirkju,sem nú sýndust mjökfyrnd, 

Endr-nýja — cont. 

I., 122,23. — 2. to refresh, to re- 
awaken, to resuscitate : enn öðrum 
aukr barm ok endrnyjartil áminn- 
ingar, II., Q6, 7. — 3. to repeat: 
varÖ opt at endvrnyia bit sama 
aðr sagtt yröi, II., 280, 9. 

Engill (s- englar), m., an angel, I., 

14,11; n., 62,24. 

Engla-söngr, m., song of angels, II., 

Enn, adv., but : bver bans lifsbok 
Ijooar enn leynir eigi, I.,2, 21 ; enn 
Heinrekr styrkist nii í konungs- 
valdi, I., 8, 5. — 2. tha7i : framar 
enn fyrr, I., 30, 22 ; eigi kom fyrr 
aftr straumrinn at snúabjólit, enn 
allir limir bins sæla Tbóme bófust 
úr vatuinu, L, 34, ^. — 3. still, 
still further, yet : at boon þeim 
er enn lifði, I., 8, 13 ; Vilbjálmr 
BastarÖr, sem enn var bann jarl 
i RúÖuborg, I., 10, 3 ; at bans 
dæmum gerÖi svá Stepbanus 
Langatún í England!, ok enn stóan 
þrír meistarar vestr á Skotlandi, 
I., 22, 2 ; ok því krefjnm vér enn 
af yðr, I., 152, 25 ; ok enn spyr 
bann, II., 224, go- 

Enn (en, et)=binn, bin, bit, indef 
art., the, I., 478,8; H., 132, 21, 
134, 7 ; ekkjan ferr til laugar meÖ 
þessi tvö enu yngri börnin, II., 

Enni (-s), n., front, forehead, II., 

287, 32- 

Enskr, ad., English, I., 20, 19, pas- 
Epli, n., an apple, I., 250, 9. 
Er, pron. 2. pers. jt?/. = þér, II., 

269, 11. 



Er, see vera. 

Er, relat. part.^ which, icho, that, 
I., 2,2« — 2. ichen, when as, I., 
6, 2- Very frequent. 

Erencli, n., I., 504, ^o; H., 22,5, 
28, 4 ; 5^^ eyrendi. 

Erfa (ð), v.a., to inherit, I., 8, jo- 

Erfé (-ar, -ir), f., inheritance, suc- 
cession, I., 136,22? 1-^-? 23 5 Sit and 
með erféum, ^3/ rz^^í o/" inheri- 
tance, I., 42, 16, 22? 442, 17. 

Erfiði (-S), n., labour, travail, 
trouble, I., 394, n ; II., 270, .4. 

Erfiðis-laun, n. pi., wages, II., 

Erfiðis-sveiti, m., sweat from labour, 
II., 208, 25. 

Erfingi (-ja, jar), m., an heir, suc- 
cessor, L, 26,18, 70, 1, 324, 9. 

Erindi, n., II., 10,7, 186,13, 188,2- 
See eyrendi. 

Erindr, ad., expired, dead, II., 
152, 13. 

Erki-byskiip, m., archbishop, I., 
10, 11 ; passim. 

Erkibyskiips-dæmi, n., archbishop- 
rick, I., 320, g. 

Erki-djákn, in., archdeacon, I., 38, 2« 

Erki-stoll, m., arch-see, I., 8, ^q ; IE, 

Ertr, /!, pi., peas, I., 250, 9. 
Ertra-réttr, m., ^^ pul/nentariu?n,^^ a 

dish of peas, L, 242, ig. 
Eta (-11, -ur),y., a crib, a manger, I., 

Eta (et, át-átum, æti, etinn), v.a., to 

cat, I., 514,3. — Med. etast, to 

consume by envy and malice, I., 

56, 15. 
Evkaristia, /'., the Eucharist, II., 



Expens, outlay, I., 92, jg. 

Eyða (dd), v.a., to make void, to 
evacuate, to desert : eyða þeir bans 
samsæti, I., 200, 20- — 2. to de- 
stroy : höfðu þau verit auðug at 
fé áðr eldsgangr eyddi góz þeira, 
I., 12, 12- — 3. to undo, to an- 
nul : þá tign ok frelsi sem Guð 
gaf siuui kristni skal aldri eyða 
með mínii játyrði, I., 150, ^ ; f)essi 
ersúorðagerð . . semvérbuðum 
eingiim inanni at bera, ok því 
skulnm vér hana meÖ öllu eyða, I., 
200, 7 ; allar skipanir, sein hann 
hafði sett við Clarendon . . . skal 
hann eyða okaftr kalla, II., 36, go- 
— Med. eyðast, to come to nought ; 
enn e£ þat eyðist, if it should prove 
to be baseless, L, 400, 14 ; því lát 
liggja þær getur sem þú vilt gjarna 
at eyðist, I., 438, i^ ; eyðist þat 
alt fyrir honum, comes all to 
nought, II., 120, n. 

Eyði-hús, n., a dese?'ted, tumble- 
doicn house, I., 230, 29- 

Eymd (-ar, -ir), f., ivretchedness, 
misery, I., 6, 15, 332, 26» H-?