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DEC 29 1917

CJ~*HE Fool yelleth, " Teddy is not Great

J~ but Lucky" and his cousin, the Nizzy,

chirrups, "Any Republican can beat Wilson."

The Sage sayeth, " Roosevelt has Done
more than any Modern" and his brother,
The Thinker, echoes, " Tea, More than any
Ten Moderns."

And History from its mountain-top obser-
vatory Tablets : "Ages will come, Ages ivill
go, but Te shall grow cockeyed Looking for
such Another."

A
Path Pointer

For

Delegates

To the

National Republican
Convention

Thomas W. Lawson
Boston

1 9 1 6

-L4-

Foreword

IN Crisis times, back into the ages beyond printed
memory, it has been the job of certain men to
Path Point their fellows.

It is not necessary that a Path Pointer be a three-eyed,
tripled-tongued, ten-league booter in statecraft, politics,
and fame wizarding. Armed with an honest, fearless,
unselfish, back-there, here-now, out-yonder visioned Path
Pointing pen he is qualified and equipped.

It is bill-board knowledge that Path Pointing is my
life work profession.

My public penwork of the past three decades lanterns
the fact that I have no selfish interest in who is to be
president during the coming four years — perhaps the
most vital four years in all history. And the further fact
that I have never held public office should be its own
bell-ringer to my oft publicly repeated pledge that I never
will hold office. And to a still further fact that there is no
favor in the gift of any President that I would accept.
Yet by the same token it is of heart, soul, and guts import
to me, as to all country-loving Americans, that the next
President be one whose name will be a raw-red slung
guarantee that he will surely steer the nation from its
present Crisis and on through all others that may be
birthed in the coming four years of hair-hung uncertainty.
This is my excuse, and only reason, for preparing and
submitting this Path Pointer for the consideration of the
men, the Delegates of the National P-epublican Conven-
tion, whose selection for a helmsman of the nation for the
coming four years of God-only-knows-what-kind of Ship of
State weather will be the hero of a wedding or a funeral.

In submitting my Path Pointer I ask for that sit-up-
and-take-notice consideration to which its unselfishness
and its merit entitles it. Thomas w; Lawson.

Dreamwold, June, 1916.

Lest Delegates Should Not Read

THAT no delegate may confuse this Path Pointer of
mine with the usual slush-mush, twelfth-hour
'tween-me-you-and-God heart-to-heart of the
secretly hired and to-be-handsomely-paid pro-bono-pub-
lico professional booster, I will tell you here what its
facts, logic, and conclusions will attempt to prove. This
is submitted that delegates may intelligently decide
whether the reading of its every word before casting
their first vote in Convention is a duty they owe to their
country, their party, their Convention, and themselves.

A Duty

EACH delegate to this Convention should shed at its
start the usual "personal ambition," "geographical
location," "favorite son," "party hero reward"
ideas and make up his mind to be guided entirely by the
determination to meet the present Crisis by nominating
the man whose name, the day after Convention, will
mean to the whole country that he will be elected. In
arriving at this determination, delegates should use extreme
care not to confuse the man who may be elected with the
one whose nomination will mean to the country in
june that he will be elected in November.

In ordinary times the Republican Party might, in June,
take a chance and nominate any of its good presidential
timber and wait until November to find out whether it
had selected a winner, but in this 19 16 Crisis no chance
can be taken of presenting to the nation in June a man
about whose election in November the people can have
serious doubt.

The one powder magazine which must not be put under
the present Crisis is five months of uncertainty —
between June nomination and November election.

What this Path Pointer Proves

N exhaustive country-wide study of present con-
ditions show:

First. That the next president will be Roosevelt or
McCall or — Wilson.

Second. That Roosevelt should receive the Republican
nomination.

Third. That Roosevelt should be the next President.

Fourth. That if Roosevelt receives the Republican
nomination, he will win at the polls — in a walk.

Fifth. That if Roosevelt loses the Republican nomina-
tion "in a row" and goes to the polls on the Progressive
nomination alone, he will probably win over both the
Republican and Democratic nominees.

Sixth. That, if for any other reason than "a row,"
Roosevelt cannot be the Republican nominee, McCall
should be the Republican Convention's choice. He is the
only man, other than Roosevelt, whose nomination will
mean to the American people and Europe's heads in June
that he will be elected over Wilson in November,

Seventh. That with Roosevelt's endorsement of McCall's
nomination, he, McCall, can swamp Wilson at the polls.

Eighth. That when for any reason other than "a row"
it becomes evident that Roosevelt cannot receive the
Republican nomination he, Roosevelt, will endorse McCall.

Roosevelt, McCall, or Wilson

THIS country is face to face with a Crisis.
War with Europe.
War with Mexico.

The maintenance of present prosperity during the
European War.

The maintenance of prosperity after the European War
ends.

The adjustment of the country to conditions which will
follow the ending of the European War.

Because of this Crisis it is essential to nominate a man
whom the American people and European heads will know
in June will be elected in November.

It will not do, as in other years, to nominate a man who
may be elected, for owing to unprecedented conditions
growing out of European war, the Mexican Mix Up, and
the Democratic Administration, five months' uncertainty
as to whether the nation is to be kept on the Wilson course
or is to be put on an unknown course may create condi-
tions which may bring most disastrous results before
election.

The Republican Convention may nominate a man who
has the making of the best president possible — a second
Washington or Lincoln — yet if at the time of his nomina-
tion it is not known he will be elected or if at his election the
country will have to guess from election in November to
inauguration in March what course he will layf such un-
certainty may bring our present prosperity to a disastrous
smash and our European and Mexican war situation to a
crisis more acute than at present.

The American people and Europe's heads know, actu-
ally know, what Wilson's course will be if he is re-elected,
yet while they know, from his present course, that he is
not a really dangerous skipper, they have concluded,
rightly or wrongly, that he must give over the helm of
state to another — one whom the American people will
choose for the express purpose of bettering President
Wilson's present course.

This means that if a man is nominated whom the
people are sure will do better than Wilson, they will so
signify their approval of his nomination as to make it
evident in June that they will elect him in November.

It also means that if an "unknown" or a "badknown"
is nominated, they will, in the days following his nomina-
tion, create by their disapproval an uncertainty which
will at least keep the present Crisis in the air until after
election.

The above means that Wilson being a known factor,
no one should be nominated by the Republicans who is
not known to be at least a better course-layer and steerer than
Wilson, and this means that the only man whose nomina-
tion will meet the present Crisis in June instead of Novem-
ber will be the one who is now known to the American
people to be superior to Wilson in those qualities which
are necessary to meet the present Crisis.

What are the qualities the American people must know
in June are possessed by the man who is to beat Wilson and
put the nation on a better course than the one President
Wilson is now steering?

Intense Americanism.

Unquestioned and unquestionable honesty.

Proven courage.

Everywhere acknowledged great ability.

Commonly known vast experience in statecraft.

And these individual qualities encased in a rigid, never
compromising, broad, right-not-might religious humani-
tarian code. And the whole atmosphered in a healthy
adoration of Nature and her works, and in a heart-throb
love of man, his kin, and his kin's pals.

Why must a man nominated by the Republican Con-
vention possess the above qualities, and in addition to
possessing them, have the American people know on nom-
ination day that he does possess them?

Because the American people will believe on nomination
day, five months in advance of election day, that only to a
man possessed of these qualifications should be entrusted
the presidency of the United States in the present Crisis.

Which means that if the American people think on
nomination day that they have had foisted upon them a
candidate a,bout whose possession of these qualities they
have doubt, such doubt may, between nomination and
election day, be the principal factor in the re-election of
President Wilson. This in turn means that there will be
so much uncertainty about the Republican nominee's
election as to produce such unfavorable conditions as
might decide the American people on election day to take
no chances of swapping horses during the present Crisis.

In other words, the nomination of an "unknown"* or
"a badknown" might be the principal factor in re-electing
President Wilson, and the shadow of this event might in
itself climax the present Crisis. All of which means that
no "unknown" or "badknown" must, under any cir-
cumstances, be nominated.

* (Wherever I use the word " unknown " I mean one who, because of his past
being unknown to the whole American people, will not when he is nominated be
known to surely possess the above absolutely necessary qualifications, and where
I use the word " badknown " I mean one who because of his past is known to the
people as not possessing all or any of the above necessary qualifications.)

How can the possession of these necessary qualities be
known on nomination day not only to convention dele-
gates, but to the whole American people?

Only by the unusual, remarkable public and private
career of their possessor.

Which means that the public career of the man who
possesses them must be long and full to overflowing with
opportunity for personal benefit and that such oppor-
tunity has been continuously resisted. That his long
public career has been an unbroken chain of promises ful-
filled, pledges kept and goods delivered to his country and
his people with at all times and upon all occasions absolute
fearlessness and uncompromising integrity. That his
public career has been an unbroken series of unrelenting
vigilance for the rights of all — the rights of all according
to a standard outside his own, the standard of the law of
his land, and that his public and private career has been
clean, manly, brave, and ever beyond the slightest breath
of public or private suspicion. That if he entered upon
his long public career with scant supply of worldly goods,
it must be common knowledge that at every stage in his
career up to nomination day he has not added to it but
instead has continually added to his stock of mental and
moral assets until upon nomination day he towers above
his fellows in ability and integrity.

Ordinarily it would not be of vital import for the
country actually to know on nomination day that the
Convention's choice would be elected, but this year,
owing to the Crisis, it is almost as important that the
people know in June that the nominee will be elected as
that he will later be elected.

If the people know in June that the Republican nominee
will be elected the Crisis will be dissipated. If the people
have doubt of the Republican nominee's election, such

doubt may in June culminate the Crisis, at least to the
extent of deciding the people not to swap horses but to re-
elect President Wilson.

Why is it vitally necessary for the people to know in
June that the Republican nominee will be elected in
November? Because of the peculiarity of the existing
Crisis.

The people fear there may be war with Europe, that
there may be war with Mexico, that the present prosper-
ity may disappear during the present European war, that
the war's end may smash prosperity, that the adjustment
of the country to the conditions which will come into
existence at the war's end may destroy prosperity.

Fearing these things, the people know that there is one
condition which will prevent their eventuating — the
continuation of prosperity — therefore, they want to know
at the earliest time possible whether their present prosper-
ity is to be continued or destroyed, and the earliest time
possible for them to know is nomination day in June.

If the Republican Convention nominee's name is an
assurance to the American people that present prosperity
will continue, their Crisis will disappear, but if the nom-
inee's name causes them to make up their minds that
present prosperity may any day disappear, then their
Crisis will become so acute that rather than make it more
so they will decide to re-elect President Wilson, hoping
he will do no worse than he has done.

How does present prosperity affect all these things the
people fear?

Present prosperity is giving work to all Labor and at
good big wages. It is giving good big returns to Capital
and to the investments of the great middle class. It is

manufacturing new wealth as never before — it is bringing
the Utopia so long prayed for by the American people.

While present prosperity lasts all classes of the Amer-
ican people will be satisfied and happy and will pull
together as one man in facing European or Mexican war
or in doing any of those things which will keep the country
out of trouble during the present European war, and they
will adjust all things American to any condition which
will follow the ending of the war.

While present prosperity continues the people will not
only pull together but will back the Government as one
man. This being common knowledge, the Government
will not dare steer any but the best course.

But if present prosperity goes to smash, there will
be such dissatisfaction amongst all classes as to make
doubtful the success of any important government action.

Now we have the very nubbin of the great question of
these Crisis-laden times: Continuation or destruction of
present prosperity. We may howl preparedness, moan
peace, froth at the iniquity of the Democratic Wilson
administration, or roll our eyes to the Christlike wisdom
of the G. O. P., but it all resolves itself into: will present
prosperity continue or precipitate itself to hell.

It is a sad commentary on freedom environed civiliza-
tion that the American should measure all things by the
selfish yard-stick of material comfort and bodily pleasure,
but it is a fact, proven beyond doubt by the attitude of
the American people when they found themselves in the
midst of the world's most awful catastrophe. Summed
up, the American people and the nation for a sliver of
a second stood aghast, then their yell of exultation
resounded from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from bleeding
Canada to raped Mexico, and out over the waters of

the oceans until it carromed oft the highest peaks of Old
World culture into the deepest, dankest morasses of
Old World barbarism: "Get busy; now the time; there
the opportunity to get the stuff; go to it."

Hoddy-doddys, children and epauleted nincompoops
may believe their country is all worked up through fear
that the battle-crazed hordes of Europe or the human
hyenas of Mexico may ravage the land which, when it
was its poorest in preparedness, was the equal of the Old
World's war legions. Not so, the grown-ups and the sane;
they know that the frenzied agitation which is whirl-
winding the country is because we may be compelled to
give over the luxurious comforts and obesed pleasures
which cycloned into our midst from the Old World's
blood-soaked agony.

When in 1904 in my opening chapter of "Frenzied
Finance" I said: "Nearly all the big evil of this land has
had its birth and continues its life in the thing I will
name ' The System'. ' ' The American people, never having
heard of the monster, gaped and thought I was joking.
That was because the world at that time was as ignorant
of the American "System" as the "System" of
Mars or hell, but it lived to know "The System" and its
yellow-black "finance" as it did the professional thieves'
pick-pocketing and burglary system, until to-day "Wall
Street," "Stock Gambling," The "System," "Frenzied
Finance" are household words in every hamlet in the
land, household words to designate all that is low, mean,
tricky, and cowardly in wholesale fraud.

From the beginning the civilized people of every time
and clime have been in dense ignorance of that mysterious
power which company fronts under the banner ' ' Finance' ' —
that power which makes and unmakes monarchies and
republics, ordains war and decrees peace, that mysterious

power which to-day is working overtime to continue
anarchy in Mexico and push ahead to the farthest
distance possible the end of Europe's bloody cataclysm.

I call attention to these things to make clear what
I must make clear to the delegates of this Convention, if
they are to intelligently follow my Path Pointing, and to
that end, at the risk of repetition, I will say:

I am going to show them what they have not been
shown before — a concrete crystalized situation which,
when once seen, will make their task of selecting the next
president a comparitively simple one. In other words, if
the Convention believes it must select a soldier president
who will take the country through a European or Mexican
war or both, it will face in one direction, say, General
Leonard Wood's direction; but this is not the direction
it will turn if it is obsessed with the belief that it is
going to select a diplomat president who will, by the
making of foreign alliances, pilot the nation through any
possible war, Elihu Root, for example; but if it believes
there is to be no war and that the next four years'
problem of the nation will be the spending of billions
for the preparing for imaginary wars, then it will look in
another direction for an honest, able, radical people's
watch-dog of the Senator Cummins, Senator LaFollette
type.

But if it can be shown that there is an underlying
situation which, if properly handled, will take care of any
other situation, War, Peace, Preparedness, etc., which can
possibly come from present conditions, then it should be
evident to the intelligence of the Convention that it is not
a soldier, a diplomat, or a statesman-inventor-of-radical-
remedies-to-meet-nipfloppy-conditions it wants for the
country's next president, but a calm, tried, and proven
statesman, one who can be depended upon to surround

himself with a force of experienced experts in government
running, who would at any and all times do the right
thing.

It is such an underlying situation that I will endeavor
to show that all delegates may see and understand. I
admit my task is a difficult one from the fact that the maj-
ority of delegates are necessarily unacquainted with the
workings of the world where this situation starts and
bottoms — the world of Finance.

It will be recalled that at the beginning of my work,
"Frenzied Finance," my critics' cry was "wasted energy,
the people can never be made to understand 'finance',"
yet at the end of four years of "Frenzied Finance," which
has been printed in all the languages of civilization and
has been read by more people than any other modern
print, those self -same critics admitted that I had made
"finance" sufficiently clear to the American people to
enable them to start their great "life insurance," "trust,"
and other vital reforms.

At the beginning of the present European war, it was
clear to students of cause and effect finance that the
greatest problem of the American people was incubating,
and that before the war ended the American people would
be in the throes of the very condition which now, in the
form of an over-towering crisis, confronts them.

In "Frenzied Finance" in 1904 I said, "The great
question of the times is the control and regulation of the
thirty billions of paper wealth which has come into
existence during the past few years." Again in 19 12 in
"The Remedy," "the control and regulation of the new
eleven billions of paper wealth which has been manu-
factured since 'Frenzied Finance'," I pointed out that
this forty-odd billions of new wealth had gone, largely,
into the hands of the capitalists who manufactured it,

and that it called for the collection of an additional
tribute from the whole American people of over two
billions annually, and that this tribute was being collected
in the form of high cost living. I pointed out that the
great problem of the American people was to prevent
the additional manufacture of wealth to be lodged
in the hands of the privileged few. I warned that the
country might temporarily stand the additional burden
of another twenty or thirty billions, but that while ever the
opportunity existed for ilte privileged few to manufacture
additional wealth, they would upon all occasions be found
working overtime to get control of the federal government that
their monopoly of the making of it might not be interfered with.

Never in my wildest flight had I dreamed that any
condition could possibly come into existence that would
admit of the American people increasing their paper
wealth even another twenty billions in a single decade.

But this war, the greatest and most unexpected event
of history, came, and this is what it did to the United
States — increased its paper wealth over night the greater
part of fifty-six billions of dollars.

In 1904 in "Frenzied Finance" my carefully prepared
statistics showed that the total wealth of the United
States was one hundred and twenty billions, calling for
the collection from the people (5 per cent the going rate of
capital return) of six billions annually.

In 191 2 in "The Remedy" my figures showed that the
total wealth had increased another eleven billions to one
hundred and thirty-one billions, calling for an additional
tribute of five hundred and fifty millions.

The figures issued by the federal government
within a few weeks gave the total wealth of the
country as one hundred and eighty-seven billions.

There has been an increase of at least fifty-six billions
of wealth during the last few years.

This additional wealth calls for the collection of an
additional two billions, eight hundred thousand dollars.

Because of the recently-manufactured fifty-six
billions of paper wealth, there is tremendous pros-
PERITY in the United States.

To understand why, one has but to imagine the Amer-
ican people finding an Aladdin Lamp and rubbing from
its magic fifty-six billions of money and starting out to
spend it.

From the beginning of its spending would begin great
prosperity. Everything would increase in value, inclu-
ding Labor, until from the prosperity it had created
would come another fifty-six billions of paper wealth,
the spending of which in turn would further increase
prosperity, and this would continue until — and there's
the rub — for when prosperity halts comes trouble, and
with trouble a slump, first in the form of a contraction of
the manufactured paper wealth, then in the value of every-
thing, particularly Labor, and then — hell.

The great question of the day, of the next four years,
is to keep the already manufactured fifty-six billions of
paper wealth permanent, and see that it does not con-
tract, thereby contracting all other forms of wealth
including Labor's wage.

Here is a thumbnail picture of actual conditions :

When the European war started there was over
fifty billions of quick-made paper wealth in the hands of
its makers, frenzied financiers. It was drawing annual
interest of 5 per cent, two billions five hundred million
dollars, and because of its existence high cost had almost
made living prohibitive. With the war came a quick

contraction of this wealth, to the extent of billions.
Had such contraction continued, there would have
been terribly bad times in the United States. Bad times
had already started.

The factory, the mill, the other hives of industry were
wholly or partially shutting down. Values of every-
thing were slumping. Stocks and bonds were falling.
The Stock Exchange had closed and idle labor was rapid-
ly increasing, when presto — fighting Europe called upon
us to supply it with two things: necessities of war and
existence, and the money to pay for them. Instantly the
alert Yankee saw his opportunity and shamelessly boosted
the price of his goods and cold-bloodedly Shylocked his loans
and — prosperity, vast, undreamed-of, spread throughout the
land and is still spreading.

The mill, the factory, the other industries went upon
double, triple, time. Our vast crops multiplied a hundred
and two hundred times in selling price, rail and other
transportation values soared. Shipping, which had been
for years struggling to make both ends touch, rose and
rose until the earnings of a fortnight topped those in the
longest year in two decades, and disused sailing hulks
sold and re-sold at the price of the finest steam craft just
off the ways. Out of this miraculous prosperity came
over-night fifty-six billions of new wealth.

Illustration :

Automobile companies with a doubtful million dollars
value were grabbed at ten millions and instantly re-
capitalized at fifty or a hundred millions. All values
increased as though magic had supplemented cause and
effect, and Labor, seeing the magic harvesting, demanded
and received twenty, fifty, a hundred, and two hundred
per cent increase of wage.

This is the situation to-day. Everywhere in the
United States is evidence of the spending by its over-
night-made owners of the income and principal of this
vast wealth, — fifty-six billion dollars, an amount three
times as great as entire America in i860. Million-dollar
palaces are being built by men who were born in three
hundred-dollar shacks and who lived their lives in five
hundred to five- thousand dollar homes. Hundreds of
men are ordering three to five five-thousand-dollar auto-
mobiles at a time, who never piloted a Ford, and tens of
thousands are buying two to five-thousand-dollar cars
who never shook the reins over an ass or a Willie Goat,
and hundreds of thousands are buying Fords and its
twins who day before yesterday tearfully kissed each of
their trolley nickels before parting with them.

Everywhere throughout the land is standing-on-toes
evidence of the glory-halleluiah prosperity which is May-
poling lucky America. Even the nearest-the-ground
laboring people are enjoying prosperity never before
dreamed of until the dinner-pail without a phonograph,
kodak, automatic college-cream freezer and movie season-
ticket attachment is taboo.

Let delegates ponder this situation and they will
realize that the great naming question of the country is
not "war or no war," "preparedness or no preparedness,'1
but a "continuation of marvellous prosperity.''' The
American people want prosperity to continue and in-
crease. They must have it continue. Ice-cold-hot-coal
chills Marathon their spines at the mere thought of
present prosperity taking wing, much less taking a header
or being bombed to hell.

They will realize that if the Convention makes the
mistake of nominating a man about whose election or
White House policy after election there is the slightest

doubt, that the majority of the people of the United
States may, the day after nomination, sullenly snarl, "We
don't dare swap horses, we will re-elect Wilson because
this prosperity which we must have was born during his
administration, therefore there is less chance of its taking
wings or a header, or being blown to smithereens under
his helmsmanship than the new 'unknown' or 'bad-
known' whom you nominated when you might have
selected a sure winner."

And once delegates realize this situation, the awfulness
of taking a chance must loom to them as looms the cloud-
burst or cyclone to the shepherd of the hills or the life-
patrol of the coast. And when it does loom they will
surely say: "Why should we take the chance we

TOOK FOUR YEARS AGO, WHEN THERE ARE MEN, HERE
AND READY, ABOUT WHOM AND THEIR POLICY — PAST,
PRESENT, AND FUTURE — THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT,
ABSOLUTELY NO DOUBT."

Suppose the Convention should really nominate
Justice Hughes (at present the favorite), a good man,
an able man, but a man about whose presidential policy
no human can know until after it is decided upon — and
right here I want delegates to understand that I have
neither the desire nor the intention of "knocking " Hughes
the man, Hughes the life insurance investigator, Hughes
the statesman, or Hughes the Supreme Court Justice. I
respect the man, the statesman and the judge, but, know-
ing him, I say I do not think there is in all the country
another man with the honesty, the ability, and the con-
scientiousness of Justice Hughes who would be as "risky"
a nominee, particularly after the course he has adopted
during the past six months of presidential election agita-
tion.

I will illustrate :

No man knows the Public-Man Hughes better than
I do.

Single-handed, I started the big life insurance cam-
paign, crusade, reform. I gave to it long effort, never-
sleeping energy, and enormous money expenditure. It
was a self -crucifying task — a job as popular as the
ravaging of a public school or the Sunday burning of
an asylum for blind children.

All the world had been taught that their life insurance
guardians were winged, haloed, annointed, and at the very
start I was compelled to bill-board them the blackest,
meanest, cowardly scoundrels unjailed — and by-the-bye
that is what later they were publicly proven to be, what
later they publicly confessed to be, so much so that the
legions of robbed and raped policy holders chided me for
being over mild in tagging them. I regret to recall those
out-of-mind days and do so only that delegates may know
how well I know Public-Man Hughes.

It is only necessary for me to point to the environment
of the beginning of the life insurance crusade to have
delegates know that I must have known the man upon
whom, at the most vital time, depended the success or
failure of my body, soul, and pocket work. I did know
him as none then or since have known him, for I watched
his every move, its shadow and its shadow's shadow, that
I might steer my course to go with it, dodge it; or give it
battle.

I will give two examples of the working of Justice
Hughes' mind and heart on the field and in the tent :

He was conducting the life insurance investigation in a
masterful manner. The air was full of his success. The
whole world was his audience. He had "The System's"

supreme masters shackled, balled, and floor-ringed to his
grill. His power was absolute. He was ripping the
reputation guts from the lieutenants and captains of the
smug thief chiefs. I had collected and supplied ammuni-
tion. At last the day came when the investigation was to
be climaxed with the crucifixion of the head devil of
"The System." I had supplied the cross, hammer, and
spikes, and they had been acid-tested and trip-hammer-
tried and pronounced by Investigator Hughes as 100 per
cent effective.

The long-awaited-by-the-public moment had arrived
with axe and head-basket read}7 and there was nothing
left to do but strike and thereby set back the all-powerful
System an eon, when — Investigator Hughes closed the investi-
gation and used the head basket for the floral offerings of
a gratefully hysterical public. The record shows that scores
of lieutenants and captains of "The System," men whose
main crime was loyal obedience to their devil chiefs, went
to exile, prison, insane asylums, and death, but no record
shows that anything disagreeable happened to any master
thief.

Again. The investigation made Hughes Governor of
New York and the world waited to see him complete his
life insurance reform task. The reason the people of New
York made him Governor — the principal reason — was
to look on as he bagged the big thieves who had ruthlessly
robbed helpless policy holders.

It is public record that I carried on the crusade during
the beginning of Governor Hughes' term single-handed up
to the day when the System was again whipped and
shackled. At a personal expense of over two million
dollars I had secured the proxies which at the annual
elections would give control of the companies and from
the inside get the evidence of their looting. That I might

not be accused — as I was — of wanting possession for
personal benefit, I formed a committee of eight Governors,
including Governor Cummins of Iowa, to take charge of
the proxies and everything connected with the rounding
up of the insurance end of "The System" thievery.
Again, complete victory for the people was in sight. It
looked as though nothing could stay it, for "The System"
had been met at every turn and unhorsed, when zip —
the result of all my work was annihilated by a simple but
painfully efficient short arm jab. Governor Hughes

ENACTED A NEW LAW, POSTPONING ELECTIONS EIGHT
MONTHS, CANCELLING ALL PROXIES AND COMPELLING
NEW ONES. AND THE INSURANCE CRUSADE WAS AS
DEAD AS A SEVEN-YEARS-IN-COLD-STORAGE ROOSTER'S
EGG.

I would have delegates understand that neither of
these episodes in Justice Hughes' public career reflect in
any way upon the honesty and conscientiousness of
Investigator or Governor Hughes. On the contrary,
both, to my mind — not only now after long years of
adding but when my mind was still warm in its crushed
gloom and when I was hot under the neck-band because
of bombed hopes and busted dreams — show Justice
Hughes' tremendous hold-fast adherence to his ideas,
opinions, and principles. My only reason for reciting
these episodes now is that delegates may know that,
while they add to Justice Hughes' already established
reputation for Supreme Court qualities, they show his
absolute disqualification for the nomination of the 19 16
Republican Convention.

A study of Justice Hughes' doings in the life insurance
affair and of the effect of them, for be it recalled that life
insurance to-day is in the same control as before my
crusade and the Hughes investigation began, would show
not only his disqualification for the presidential job,

but also, if he were nominated and a record of his
doings used as a Wilson campaign document, that there
would be no other campaign work needed to re-elect
President Wilson.

This nation-wide situation, which calls for treatment
such as can come only from a President who will surround
himself with lieutenants to be consulted in all emer-
gencies and who will be allowed the fullest scope in the
conduct of their departments of the government, is one
that demands a personality the direct opposite of Justice
Hughes', for if he is anything, Justice Hughes is a man
who acts first and consults afterwards.

Before invent oring the list of waiting-to-be-called
candidates, I am going to attempt to finally brass-tack
this fifty-six billions present prosperity section of my
subject, but from another angle:

When prosperity reigns in America, "Big Business"
drives.

"Big Business" had been having a jolty time of it up
to the beginning of the European war.

With the advent of present prosperity, "Big Business"
set its eye on its old driving seat on the National coach.

"Big Business" decided that the new fifty-six billions
must be made permanent.

That with it permanent, prosperity would be perma-
nent.

But neither could be permanent if Washington con-
tinued to meddle with "business," "finance."

"Big Business" decreed that Washington must not
meddle during the coming four years.

That Meddle-With-Big-Business- Wilson must be re-
placed with a safe and sane good man, good to "Big
Business."

"Big Business" would have preferred to have gone at
its job with its old-time knock-down and drag-out method,
but —

"Big Business" knew — better than any — that times
had changed, that the people were sitting up, and —

"Big Business" spread the word by underground
publicity "If we attempt to force a rank one, Wilson
will have a walk-over."

Then "Big Business" mandated, "Get our kind of a
candidate, if possible; if not, take Teddy."

"Big Business" has been working overtime to get
things right to nominate and elect its good man — good
for "Big Business."

"Big Business" might, no one can tell, have preferred
a "Big Business" nervy bounder, one who once he was
in the White House would turn it into some sort of a sure-
thing skin gambling game for the wholesale grafting on
the people, but —

"Big Business" knows the day for White House skin
game gambling is past.

Now it happened that as "Big Business" mandated
"get our kind, but if impossible, take Teddy," the greatest
living statesman decreed that he would take charge of
the White House during the coming four years.

And he mandated, "see to it that they get no one safer
and saner than I," and Roosevelt saw that his mandate
was obeyed.

Both "Big Business" and the Colonel have superb
organizations in the field, both are splendidly equipped

and have money in the millions to spend, give away, or
burn up; therefore, there is a magnificent show in store
for the country when the Convention blooms in Chicago
next week. The Colonel is out to win. He has burned
every bridge. "Big Business" is out to win but it has
not burned its best bridge — Roosevelt.

Teddy should win. To us students who "student" the
game for the pure pleasure of studenting, it does not seem
possible for him to lose, but if for any reason he should
lose and the Convention should refuse to nominate the
only other man who to-day fills the requirements of "Big
Business" in combination with the people's requirements
and should go "oft at a tangent" on some other man, this
is what can, and probably will, happen:

The day after nomination the country and Europe will
awake to the fact that a man has been nominated whose
White House policy may or may not be.

"Big Business" will start for shore.

There will be the devil to pay in the Stock Market —
that fifty-six billions of new-made wealth will crumble
like a card house.

Values will contract all along the line.

Prosperity will have disappeared like uncorked fizz
bubbles. Labor will take to the public square and
rampage.

There will be dissatisfaction, disgust, sullenness, up and
down the line.

European schemers will begin to figure the benefits of
repudiating Europe's billions of American indebtedness.

American-Mexican schemers will take renewed courage
and —

There will be as merry a hell hiking the Ameri-
can HIGHWAYS AND BYWAYS AS CAME IN UPON POOR

Belgium between night and morning two years ago.

Delegates may think I am overdrawing the picture,
so I point to the many pictures I have drawn in the
past, pictures which looked even more absurd than this
one, but which, a few months later came into life with
a rush.

So I earnestly say to the delegates of the National
Republican Convention, in that way which one American
citizen has a right to say to any delegate :

When you find yourself tempted in Convention to do
the fool thing, read this particular section of my Path
Pointer.

Never was there a prettier situation — prettier for the
country, for the people, and for the Republican Conven-
tion— than that which will confront delegates in Con-
vention if they are in a wise mood, and by the same token,
there never was an uglier situation if delegates tackle it
in a bad mood.

It may be that the destiny of the American people and
the nation will be toe balancing slw needle point in the
National Republican Convention next week.

It would be silly to predict the above outcome of next
week's Convention were it not for the fact that the coming
of the European war and what has happened since has
shown the world that even the wildest predictor may be
proven a nursery yarn spinner ere a second sun sets upon
his prophecy.

The over-night-come fifty-six billions of wealth to which I
have been referring brought more prosperity to the United
States than any ten single events in our history and the
disappearing-over-night of that self -same fifty-six billions of
dollars can set America farther back in forty-eight hours
than any five years' war, and that forty-eight hour

FATE TRICK CAN BE CONCEIVED, BIRTHED, AND MATURED
3N NEXT WEEK'S CONVENTION.

It would be neither fitting nor horse-sensible to
finish this Path Pointer without resting its tip for a
chipping of time on each of the different halo-hunters
for whose acrobating the 1916 National Republican
Convention was tented.

Of the two most important candidates, Roosevelt and
McCall, I will say but little, for National Convention
time is a poor time to paint the lily. Of the other
candidates I shall be even more brief.

Theodore Roosevelt is not only the best known man in
American or European public life to-day, but he is way
the best all-round public service man on earth.

In the past it has time and again appeared as if Theo-
dore Roosevelt was specially made for many important
parts in life. He certainly was particularly created for
this 1916 presidential job and the job certainly was made
for him.

HlS PECULIAR AND EXCEPTIONAL QUALITIES PUT HIM
SO FAR AHEAD OF ALL OTHERS FOR THIS 1916 PRESIDENTIAL
JOB THAT IT APPEARS PURE PRESUMPTION ON THE PART OF
ANY AND ALL OTHERS WHO HAVE ENTERED THEMSELVES IN
THE RACE.

For this 33-sided 19 16 Crisis hole, this remarkable
33-sided man was most certainly made. However many
virtues his enemies and critics may deny him, and however

many vicious qualities they may accord him, surely they
should agree to a man, that with him back in the White
House during the next four years, every one of his country-
men and every one of his country's well-wishers should
say from their heart's bottom, "If America is not safe
with him at the helm, it would be with none." We can
conceive of Convention delegates in ordinary times look-
ing into their mirror after refusing to vote for Theodore
Roosevelt, but in these 19 16 Crisis-laden times, no, we
cannot believe it possible.

Samuel Walker McCall, Governor of Massachusetts,
twenty continuous years congressman from the most
typically American district in the United States, the
Harvard University district, author, lecturer, orator,
and all-round greatest statesman in America. One could
write on and on, filling volumes and volumes with glowing
pictures of his great ability, his profound learning, his
splendid oratory, his superb pen, his rugged honesty, his
simple, spontaneous courage, his subconscious fearlessness,
his retiring modesty at medal-giving time, and his may-
I-to-the-weak-I-will-to-the-strong all-round, manly good-
ness.

And then, too, one could fill more volumes with his deeds
in the walks of life where stalk the big and the wise. But
it is merely for the fitting-in of one picture of Sam McCall
that I have pre-empted this space: Nominated, he will

BE ELECTED ; ELECTED HE WILL PRESENT TO THE COUNTRY
THE GREATEST CABINET OF THE GREATEST AMERICANS,
HEADED BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT, ElIHU ROOT, AND

their kind; and at the end of his four years, if
God spares him, he will have written into America's
history one of its most humanely distinguished
pictures; and when he returns to the American
people the crown they gave him, its brighter

DAZZLE AND SOFTER GLOW WILL BE SEEN THROUGH A
MIST OF LOVE TEARS, FOR SAM McCaLL DOESN'T KNOW
HOW TO MAKE AN ENEMY.

Quick and careless on the trigger as a French duelist,
Sam McCall makes big, strong foes, but he doesn't know
how to make an enemy.

President McCall would not enter the White House to
the bass-drumming of "The Conquering Hero Comes,"
rather to the sweet bag-piping of "Auld Lang Syne."
He would not set the White House afire or turn it into an
ice factory, neither would he bathe on the roof or bag his
trousers kowtowing to the embassies of foreign or Amer-
ican royalties, but shades of the nation's earlier days!
what lawn minuetings and quilting bees the American
people would have with as true a type of American as
ever occupied the historical home of presidents. And
then, too, it would be decades and decades before the
Presidents who would follow would lose the habit of
atmosphering in the Yankee sweetness which Sam McCall
and his wife, sons, daughters, and grand-children, would
have left behind to distinguish the days when the Execu-
tive Mansion held the sort it was built to hold.

Hughes. If he were five times the Hughes he is, if all
his good Hughes points were multiplied and all his bad
Hughes points contracted to oblivion, the fact that he has,
himself, taught the American people right here in the pres-
ent campaign to believe in the sacrilege of dragging the Su-
preme Court through the mire of politics, might in twenty-
four hours after the nomination, regardless of the form it
took, create such a revulsion of feeling throughout the
land as to make President Wilson's election assured.

The American people will never get from their memory
vision the picture of our great Dewey. One day the peo-
ple paid a premium to kiss his coattail and the next a

double premium to kick it, because they did not understand
him, had never been chummy with him. No man ever
was chummy with Charles Evans Hughes.

It is well-nigh incredible that with victory in its lap, the
G. 0. P. will risk awakening the morning after nominating
Hughes to a nation-wide howl, "What! This to us! We
admired him, believed in him, and he solemnly told us he
would not allow our highest court to be dragged in the mire
of politics, and all the time he was playing us for monkeys."

One Hughes guess is as good as another. My own is
that the nomination of Hughes while he is on the holier-
than-thou Supreme Court pedestal which he voluntarily
built for himself would bring a quicker and more disas-
trous revulsion than the three R's of Burchard did for
Blaine.

Ford. But for the fact that Barnum preceded the
Tin Devil Moses of the Lakes, the Tinker of Michigan
would have a splendid chance of election. But 'twas ever
thus when a made-while-you-wait easy money halo collides
with a still-born ambition.

If Barnum had bogged his ambition after uttering his
truism, "There's a sucker born every minute and none
ever die," he would have been elected president of the
United States, but when he shoved its flight by offering
the printers of the Bible a million dollars for adding his
truth-kid to the ten commandments, the American people
beat up his popularity with slap-stick and bladder. So
with Henry the Only. If his ambition had confined itself
to jiu jitsu-ing his million-a-minute income, instead of
halo-ing him to the supreme supervisorship of heaven and
its suburbs, he would now be well in the lead in the presi-
dential marathon. Now it is an even bet that Michigan
Moses will have to wait until 1920 before garaging the
White House.

Tis sad 'tis so, but 'tis, for 'tis seldom that our
country has opportunity to secure such an all-round
experienced President. Its last opportunity was when
Andy of Homestead dropped off the Convention special
to establish a string of Saint Carnegie libraries.

Root. Unquestionably the ex-Senator is the all-round
wisest man in public life to-day, also the most virtuous,
to-day, but — and that "but" would make of his nomi-
nation a Wilson re-election insurance policy.

Burton. No man can say to a certainty that ex-
Senator Burton would not be the man of the hour. His
career shows presidential qualities but it also shows an
uncertainty of election that would bring a ten point
break in the Stock Market the day following his nomina-
tion. And the Stock Market to-day is the truest barome-
ter of presidential uncertainties.

Sherman. Ditto.

Fairbanks. It's too bad Congress cannot establish
some sort of new office to take good fellow ex- Vice Presi-
dents like "Cocktail Charlie" out of the way of reckless
automobile drivers who never do seem to know ex- Vice
Presidents from other highway hikers. If 19 16 were a
wet year, the genial ex- Vice President would have the
call. Unfortunately for Indiana, this year's Convention
is to be a deadly and dry affair.

Cummins, La Follette, Borah. The career of each is a
guarantee of White House material, fine fibre, knot free,
planed on both sides, presidential material, but, sad as it
is to say it, under present procedure, there is no way to
occupy the White House without first securing a
nomination.

Hod-ley, Wadsworth, Harding. If Missouri, New York,
and Ohio were the whole United States, these statesmen
would have to shake dice to decide which.

Estabrook, DuPont, Knox. In all sporting events there
are certain entries solely for the purpose of filling the
also-ran holes.

Willard, Cobb, Weeks. Unhappily for these three
specialty artists, the 191 6 contest is for President of the
United States. If it were for the prize ring, Jess would
have them all beaten to a solar plexus knockout. If for
the Fan's Union, Ty would make the plate without a slide.
And if the contest were for the Presidency of the Stock
Exchange, Stock Gambler John would have all contestants
skun to a sure thing finish, but why make crack-lipped
delegates grin?

Queer about conventions, while the impression is wide-
spread that they are serious affairs, there never was one
yet which certain would-be candidates did not mistake
for a circus thimble-riggery.

The raciest of them all up to the 19 16 Convention was
that of 1888. A certain statesman who had early in life, in
Wall Street, corralled a large bunch of snatch-it-quick-
and-fly coin (by the usual methods), and had bought his
way from alderman to Washington, demanded the nomi-
nation on the ground that he had expended an enormous
amount of cash and over a year's work in securing dele-
gates which had, previous to the opening of the conven-
tion, escaped from their corral in the suburbs of the
Convention city. His frank eloquence in pleading his
cause was fast carrying the Convention off its feet when
he made the mistake of threatening to sue the party
for his entire expenditures unless they gave him the
nomination.

Rumor has it that the 19 16 Convention will carry off
the palm for freak presidency hunters. One Eastern I-
want-to-be-a-President political bounder has called in his
126 press agents, 87 dough-kneeders and a fair-sized army
of bottle-luggers, photo-toters, and billboard applauders
and is training them for uniformed convention ' ' he-wants-
to-be-a-President " warbling.

A Sam McCall Episode

Side show episodes in long, active, public careers often
expose shadowgraphs which otherwise might never wink
at the moon. We are not going to close this Path Pointer
without giving one of the simple episodes in Sam
McCall 's long episode-loaded career to show his broad
philosophy and gentle forgiveness.

Massachusetts had been getting ready for a decade,
oh yes ! almost two decades to present to Sam one of her
nicest gifts, one of her two United States Senatorships.
Sam wanted that Senatorship. There isn't any use trying
to disguise the fact that Sam wanted it, just as any red-
blooded country boy wants a collie pup at Christmas
time. Sam had laid awake nights dreaming of the day
when his grateful State would say, "Sam, my boy, it's
yours. You earned it, you fit it, it fits you, it's yours."

Everybody up-state, down-state, along the Cape shore,
and in behind Nantucket and over New Bedford way, knew
Sam wanted it and was laying awake nights dreaming
about getting it.

Sam had said and re-said, over and over again, his little
speech of acceptance. He had said it so many, many,
many times, that at last he could choke down his cud,
and tuck it away behind his adam's apple, and sniff back

his sobs, and so hold his head to one side when he said it,
that the dropping tears would not slobber up his coatlaps
and waistcoat front.

And the day came for that Senatorship to be handed to
Sam by the legislature of the dear old Commonwealth,
that old Commonwealth legislature which, for a long hun-
dred years, had been handing Senatorships to fellows
just like Sam McCall.

All the Bay State's first citizens were up on Beacon
Hill, at the State House, in all their best bibs and tuckers.
All the fellows who had come late from up in back of
Pittsfield, Westfield and other hill towns, that it is so
hard to get away from on time, were standing on their
tiptoes on the outer edge of the crowd, trying to get a
squint at Sam, just as he reached out to take that Senator-
ship, and many were their whispered guesses : "Sam can't
stand it, he surely will break down and make a holy show
of himself bawling like a lost-in-the-wood sheep tender."

Well, the legislature was just handing the Senatorship
to Sam, and Sam was just reaching out to receive it, in
fact he had just cocked his head so as to save his coatlap
from catching his acceptance speech tears, when some
fellow fetched him a crack across the back of his neck
with a blackjack. Sam went down like a firkin of lard
off the tail board of the store wagon, and of course when
he crumpled up he let go the Senatorship. The fellow
with the blackjack or some of his friends or anyway
somebody snooped it.

They threw water on Sam, soaking his best suit and
boiled shirt front, and beat up his hand-palms, and stood
him up and shook him back to where he was before he
met with the accident.

Sam certainly had lost that Senatorship that he had
been wanting for so long, and some other fellow sure
got away with it, not even giving Sam a chance
to make his acceptance speech. And with all this done
to him like a flash hitting a barn, Sam McCall said:
"Fellow citizens, I suppose you are sorry to see a fellow
lose something that belongs to him, when that something
is over- valuable to him, but you are not as sorry as I am,
but what's the use of crying over spilt milk? I am not
going to, and I am not going to let you, my friends, waste
your time over my spilt milk, but I am going to tell you
this:

"You noticed that he hit me from behind, darn him!
When a fellow is hit from behind with a blackjack he hasn't
much show, but perhaps you did not notice that as I was
falling I grabbed a handful of hair out of the blackj acker's
head. Here it is and I am going to save it and match it
with every head coming my way that looks like a black-
jacker's and some day I am going to fit that hair, every
blamed spear of it, right back in the holes I yanked it
out of and I am going to fit it back with a bung starter
and a cold chisel. I am going to do it if it takes a month
or a year, or until next election or all other elections
until there is a record ice-cutting year in Hell;" and
Sam McCall went home and forgot about . losing the
Senatorship, but not about the fellow who hit him on
the back of the neck with the blackjack.

Republican National Conventions

1892

Minneapolis, June 7, 9, 10, 11

First
Ballot.
9043i
453

535 1-6

182 1-6

1S2

Total vote

Necessary to a choice
Harrison, Ind.
Blaine, Me. .
McKinlev, Ohio
Reed. Me.
Lincoln, 111. .

Harrison nominated on the first ballot.

1896

St. Lotjis, June 18

First
Ballot.

Total vote 906

Necessary to a choice . . . 454

McKinlev, Ohio 661 ¥>

Reed, Me 843^

Quay, Pa 61^

Morton, N. Y 58

Allison, la 35^

Cameron, Pa 1

Blank 4

McKinley nominated on the first ballot.

1900

Philadelphia, June 25
William McKinley of Ohio was nom-
inated for President and Theodore
Roosevelt of New York for Vice Pres-
ident, both by acclamation. Every
vote in the Convention was cast for
McKinley, and 929 of 930 votes for
Roosevelt, who was a delegate and did
not vote.

1904

Chicago, June 23
Theodore Roosevelt of New York
was nominated for President, by accla-
mation.

1908
Chicago, June 16
One ballot was cast June 19, as follows:
First
Ballot.
979
490
702

Total vote ....
Necessary to a choice
William H. Taft, Ohio .
Philander C. Knox, Pa. .
Charles E. Hughes, N. Y.
Joseph G. Cannon, 111. .
Charles W. Fairbanks, Ind.
Robert M. LaFollette, Wis.
Joseph B. Foraker, Ohio.
Theodore Roosevelt, N. Y.

1913

Chicago, June 18-22
One ballot for the candidate for Pres-
ident was cast June 22, as follows:

First
Ballot.
1,078
540
728*
561
107
41
17
2

Total vote . . ' . .
Necessary to a choice
Actual vote ....
William H. Taft, Ohio .
Theodore Roosevelt, N. Y.
Robert M. LaFollette, Wis
Albert B. Cummins, Iowa
Charles E. Hughes, N. Y.

* 344 delegates withheld their votes
and 6 delegates were absent.

Figures from World Almanac.

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Apology

I trust delegates will overlook the mistakes and slip-
shod-ness of this little Path Pointer. I only idea-ed
it on the eve of Convention when it looked from the
Press as though the Convention might make the vital mis-
take of nominating Hughes, about whose policy, owing to
his Supreme Court position, the country knows nothing.

Delegates may not be "up" in book-making, so I will
tell them that the writing, printing, and making of 5,000
copies of this book in a jiff — in time to distribute them
to all delegates at the opening of a hustle-bustle Con-
vention week — is no hen -scratching job.

Again, I want to say that no one, directly or indirectly,
had aught to do with this Path Pointer's conception,
making, or distribution. Neither Roosevelt nor McCali
had any knowledge of my work, and neither they,' nor
any one else, is in any way responsible for the Path
Pointer or any of the facts or flippancies contained in it.

I will have been amply repaid for my work and expense
if my word- waif is read by all delegates. Considering the
conditions under which it has been made, it is impossible
to have a larger edition than 5,000 copies in time for the
Convention. 2,000 of these will be distributed to Repub-
lican delegates and alternates, 2,000 to the country's
newspapers, and the balance to libraries, etc.

I am making an effort to finish a second edition of
10,000 in time for distribution on Thursday of Conven-
tion week. If they are finished in time, I will distribute
them from an advertised distribution office to the holders
of Convention tickets, upon presentation.

Copies may be had after Convention week upon written
application to

Thomas W. Lawson.

■■■ ■

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

0 021 051 384 A

( ■

^^r

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