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PtniraU. 

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iu  oae  volume. 

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Writers,  and  on  the  English  Poets. 

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of  the  Age  of  Klizabetb,  and  on  Characters 
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Plain  Speaker.    55. 

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land. Scotland,  and  Ireland.  By  Sir  Hjen&t 
KuuB.    In  3  vols. 

Browne*!     (Sir    Thomas)     Works, 
iiidited  by  Smon  Wilkin.    In  3  vols. 
7oL  I.  The  Vulgar  Errors. 
VoL  3.  Religio  Medid,  and  Garden  of 

Qyrus. 
VoL  3.  Om-Burial,  Tracts,  and  Corre- 
spondence. 

Chronicles  of  the  Crusaders.  Richard 
of  ( Revises,  (s^ffreyde  Vlnsaof,  Lord  de 
JolnviUe. 

Chronicle!  of  the  Tomhe.    A  Oolleo- 

ttoo  of  Remarkable  Bipiuphs.  By  T.J. 
PKirioaBW,  FJEU3.,  FJ3.A. 

Early  Travel!  in  Palestine.    Willi- 

I -aid.  ScBwulf,  Ber^amin  of  Tndela,  Man- 
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all  nnabridged.  Edited  by  Thomas 
WmouT. 

Ellis'!  Early  English  Metrical  Bo- 

niancee.    Revised  by  J.  0.  Haluwell. 

Florence  of  Worcester's  Chronicle, 

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Handbook  of  Prqyerbs.  Comprising 
all  Ray's  English  Proverbs,  with  additions; 
his  Foreign  Proverbs ;  and  an  Alphabetical 
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Henry  of  Huntingdon'!  History  of 

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be 
Ingulph's  Chronicle  of  the  Abbey  of 
Oruyland,  with  the  Continuations  by  Petw 
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BiLBT. 


Keightley's  Fairy  Mythology.  /Wm- 

tispiece  by  '"ntikthimk. 

Lamb's  Dramatic  Poets  of  the  Time 

of  EllZHbetb ;  including  his  Selections  from 
the  Garrlck  Plays. 

Lepsius's  Letters  from  Egypt,  Ethio- 
pia, and  the  Peninsula  of  SinaL 

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Edited  by  J.  A.  Blagkwkll. 

Marco  Polo's  Travels.  The  Tran»- 
latlon  of  Maraden.     Edited  by  Thomas 

WttlOHT. 

Matthew  Paris's  Chronicle.     In   5 

vols. 
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Flowers  of  English  Histo^,  from  the 

Descent  of  the  Saxons  to  a.o.  1335. 

Translated  by  Dr.  Giles.    In  2  vols. 
Seoond  Section:    From  I32t6  to  1273. 

With  Index  to  the  entire  Work.    In 

3  vols. 

Matthew  of  Westminster's  Flowers 

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Ordericus  Vitalis'  Ecclesiastical  His- 
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lated with  Notes,  by  T.  Forestkb,  MjL. 
In  4  vols. 

PauU's  (Dr.  B.)  Lilb  of  Alfred  the 

Great    Translated  f^om  the  German. 

Polyglot  of  Foreign  Proverbs.    With 

English  Translations,  and  a  General  index, 
bringing  the  whole  into  parallels,  by  H.  G. 

BOHN. 

Boger  De  Horeden's  Annals  of  Eng- 
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ISdlted  by  H.  T.  Rilbt.    Id  2  vols. 

Six  Old  English  Chronicles,  viz.  :— 

Asser's  Lite  of  Alfred,  and  the  Cbruuicles 
of  Ethelwerd,  Glldas,  Nennius,  Geoffrey 
of  Monmouth,  and  Richard  of  Ciren- 
cester. 

William  of  Malmesbary's  Chronicle 
of  the  Icings  of  England.  Translated  by 
Shabpr. 

Yule-Tide  Stories.     A  Collection  of 

Scandinavian  Tales  and  Traditlona.  Edited 
bj  B.  TBoapjb 

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^■^ 


THE 


LIFE   AND  LETTERS 


JOHN    LOCKE, 


WITH  EXTBACT8  FBOX 


ins  JOURNALS  AND  COfflON-PUCE  BOOKS. 


LORD  KING.     ,      .  V 


NEW  EDITION. 
WITH  A  GENEEAL'  INDEX. 


LONDON: 

BELL  ^  DALDY,  6,  YOBK  STREET,  COVBNT  GABDEK. 

AND  186.  FLEET  STREET. 

1864. 


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General  Library  System 
University  of  Wisconsin  -  Madison 
728  State  Street 
Madison,  Wl  53706-1494 

U.SA 


raiNTBO  BT  W.  CLOWfiS  AKf>  SONS^  fTAMfORIX  STREET. 


I    '  Digitized  by  LjOOQIC 


K 


PREFACE. 


AvTEB  the  death  of  Locke,  his  papers,  correspondence,  and 
tuanuscripts,  came  into  the  possession  of  Sir  Peter  King,  hi^ 
near  relation  and  sole  executor.  They  consist  of  the  originals 
of  many  of  his  printed  works,  and  of  some  which  were  never 
published;  of  his  very  extensive  correspondence  with  his 
mends,  both  in  England  and  abroad ;  of  a  Journal  which  he 
kept  during  his  travels  in  France  and  Holland ;  of  his  Com- 
mon-place Books ;  and  of  many  miscellaneous  papers ;  all  of 
whiqji  have  been  preserved  in  the  same  scrutoir  in  which  they 
had  been  deposited  by  their  author,  and  which  was  probably 
removed  to  this  place  in  1710. 

The  works  of  Locke  are  universally  known,  but  the  indi- 
vidual himself  is  much  less  so ;  I  have  therefore  thought  that 
a  more  detailed  account  of  his  life  would  contribute  to  in- 
crease, if  possible,  the  fame  of  that  truly  great  and  good  man. 
The  friends  of  freedom  will  excuse  the  attempt,  from  the 
veneration  they  feel  for  the  man,  and  for  the  cause  which  he 
defended ;  they  will  be  anxious  to  know  more  of  one  who  so 
much  promoted  the  general  improvement  of  mankind ;  and 
they  will  learn  with  pleasure  that  his  character  was  as  pure 
and  as  exalted  as  his  talents  were  gredt  and  useful. 

There  are,  however,  others  who  would  fain  keep  mankind 
in  a  state  of  perpetual  pupilage,  who,  carrying  their  favourite 
doctrine  of  passive  obedience  into  all  our  spiritual  as  well  as 
temporal  concerns,  would  willingly  deliver  us  over  in  absolute 
subjection,  for  the  one  to  the  rulers  of  the  Church,  and  for 
the  other  to  the  rulerei  of  the  State.  These  men  cannot  be 
expected  to  entertain  any  admiration  for  the  champion  of 
reason  and  truth,  nor  from  them  can  I  hope  for  any  approba- 
tion or  favour  in  the  present  undertaking. 


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ly  PBEFACl. 

It  is  impossible,  after  the  lapse  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
years,  to  portray  with  accuracy  those  minute  features  of  cha- 
racter which  make  biography  often  so  interesting  when 
sketched  by  the  hand  of  contemporaries  and  frien£.  The 
most  authentic  account  of  Locke,  which  has  hitherto  been 
published,  is  to  be  found  in  the  "  Bibliotheque  Choisie"  of 
1716,  written  by  Le  Clerc,  about  twelve  years  after  the  death 
of  his  friend.  In  the  present  attempt,  the  order  of  events, 
and  in  part  also  the  narrative  of  Le  Clerc,  has  been  followed ; 
and  I  nave  endeavoured,  from  the  letters  and  memoriab 
which  still  remain,  to  make  Mr  Locke,  as  far  as  possible,  his 
own  biographer. 

It  is  necessary  to  observe,  respecting  the  arrangement  of 
the  materials,  that  in  general  the  letters  are  inserted  accord- 
ing to  their  dates,  but  keeping  each  correspondence  separate ; 
the  Journal  is  introduced  at  that  period  of  the  author's  life 
when  it  was  written ;  it  exists  in  the  form  of  small  separate 
volumes  for  each  year,  from  1675  to  1688,  and  appears  to 
have  served  the  double  purpose  of  a  Journal  and  Common- 
place Book,  during  his  residence  abroad;  containing  many 
dissertations  evidently  written  at  the  moment  when  the 
thoughts  occurred.  The  reader  will  find  the  two  first  of  these 
in  their  original  place  in  the  Journal,  but  as  the  article  on 
Study  was  extended  to  a  great  length,  broken  into  many 
parts,  and  not  brought  to  a  conclusion  without  several  inter- 
ruptions, I  thought  it  better  to  collect  the  whole  together, 
and  to  place  that,  as  well  as  all  the  remaining  dissertations 
and  opinions,  at  the  end  of  the  Journal. 

The  extracts  from  the  Common-place  Books ;  the  Miscella- 
neous Papers ;  a  small  part,  as  a  specimen,  of  an  unpublished 
work  in  defence  of  Nonconformity,  and  an  epitome  of  his 
Essay  on  Human  Understanding,  drawn  up  by  Locke  him- 
self, wiU  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  Life.  Without  presum- 
ing to  express  any  opinion  of  the  merits  of  these  writings,  I 
may  be  excused  for  saying,  that  the  excellent  and  highly- 
finished  article  Ebbob,  in  the  Common-place  Book,  and  that 
on  Stitdt  in  the  Journal,  are  both  worthy  of  Mr  Locke. 

It  appears  from  the  character  of  the  hand-writing  in  Mr 
Locke's  original  sketches,  that,  after  having  well  considered 
his  subject,  he  was  able  at  once,  without  the  least  hesitation, 
to  draw  upon  his  own  ample  resources,  and  striking  out  hia 


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.     PEErAOB.  V 

work,  as  it  were,  at  a  heat,  to  write  down  his  thoughts,  cur- 
rente  cakmo,  without  difficulty,  hesitation,  or  impediment. 
Perhaps  this  decision  of  the  author,  proceeding  from  his 
habit  of  previous  reflection,  and  from  his  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  truth,  gives  to  his  writings  that  peculiar  spirit  which  dis- 
tinguishes them.  His  works  intended  for  publication  had, 
of  course,  the  advantage  of  revision  and  correction ;  but  as 
many  of  the  following  were  extemporaneous  thoughts  com- 
mitted hastily  to  paper,  and  never  afterwards  corrected,  the 
reader  will  make  allowance  for  any  inaccuracies  that  he  may 
find  in  them. 

Some  persons  may  think  that  too  many,  and  others  that 
too  few,  of  the  letters  have  been  published ;  the  great  diffi- 
culty was  to  make  a  selection,  and  to  show,  vdthout  fatiguing 
the  reader,  the  interest  which  was  felt  by  Mr  Locke  on  so 
many  different  questions,  the  versatility  of  his  genius,  and 
the  variety  of  his  occupations.  Of  the  letters  from  different 
correspondents  foimd  amongst  Mr  Locke's  papers,  the  whole 
of  those  from  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  and  the  greater  part  of  those 
from  Lord  Shaftesbury  and  Lord  Peterborough,  are  now 

Printed.  Of  the  remainder,  nearly  one  hundred  are  from 
/imborch;  perhaps  double  that  number  from  Monsieur 
Toinard,  containing  the  scientific  news  of  Paris  from  1679 
for  several  years  following ;  many  from  Le  Clerc ;  from  M. 
Q-uenelon,  of  Amsterdam ;  from  Lord  Ashley,  afterwards  the 
third  Earl  of  Shaftesbury ;  from  Mr  Tyrrell  and  Dr  Thomas, 
Mr  Clark  of  Chipstead,  to  whom  the  Thoughts  on  Education 
were  addressed ;  and  from  A.  Collins,  &c.  &c. ;  amounting  al- 
together to  some  thousands  in  number.  The  desire  of  keep- 
ing this  publication  within  reasonable  bounds,  has  prevented 
the  publication  of  more  than  a  very  few  of  these  letters. 

Ockham,  April  2ieh,  1829. 


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CONTEN'IS. 

Life  of  John  Locke  ..           .... 

rAot 

1 

Letter  from  LoUe  to  his  father 

2 

His  college  life          . .           .  •           .  t 

3 

Letter  from  Locke  to  a  friend              . .            .  •           .  • 

10 

Secretary  to  Sir  Walter  Vane 

11 

Correspondence  ^^-ith  Mr  John  Strachy,  Sutton  Court,  Bristol     ' . . 

13 

Declines  to  go  to  Spain           . .            . .            . .            • . 

27 

Declines  to  enter  the  Church                . .            .  • 

29 

Acquaintance  with  Lord  Shaftesbury    . . 

31 

Residence  with  Lord  Ashley   . . 

33 

Letters  from  Lord  Shaftesbury  to  Locke           . .            # . 

34 

Secretary  to  Lord  Shaftesbury              . .            . .            <  •            •  . 

39 

Letter  of  Charles  IL  to  Sir  George  Downing     . . 

41 

Locke's  impaired  health 

43 

Residence  in  France 

45 

EXTRACTS    FROM   THE  JOURNAL   OF   LOCKE. 

His  journal  in  France 

47 

Residence  in  France 

49 

Obligations  of  Penal  Laws 

61 

Knowledge,  its  Extent  and  Measure     . . 

86 

Study  during  a  journey 

87 

Study           

92 

England,  1679            

133 

Directions  for  a  foreigner  in  England   . . 

133 

The  new  Parliament  of  1680 

137 

Letter  of  Lord  Shaftesbury     . . 

137 

Locke  takes  refuge  in  Holland 

139 

Form  of  Prayer  ordered  by  the  King    . . 

141 

Devon  Session 

144 

Declaration  of  Devon  justices 

144 

Deprived  of  his  studentship    . . 

147 

Correspondence  between  the  Earl  of  Sunderlan^  and  the  Bishop  of 

Oxford  respecting  Locke     . . 

149 

His  retreat  to  Holland            

155 

His  refusal  of  a  pardon 

157 

Letters  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke          

157 

Locke's  residence  in  Holland 

159 

JyCtters  from  Tyrrell  to  Locke              . .            . .            ♦ . 

168 

Locke's  return  to  England      . . 

171 

His  letter  to  Lord  Mordaunt 

172 

Declines  appointment  as  ambassador    . . 

173 

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ooKTxirrs*  tu 

rkmn 

Petition  to  liis  Majesty       . .            . .  . .  . .  . .  ]  75 

Essay  on  Human  Understanding        . .  . .  . .  . .  177 

Letters  of  Lord  Ashley  to  Mr  Locke  . .  . .  . .  182 

Letter  of  John  Wynne  to  Mr  Locke  . .  . .  . .  189 

Locke-s  answer                    . .             . .  . ,  . .  . .  191 

Mr  Tyrrell  to  Mr  Locke      ..  ..  ..  ..  ..193 

Stillingfieet's  attack  on  the  Essay       . .  . .  . .  . .  194 

His  defence  of  the  Essay     . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  196 

Locke  to  Mr  Tyrrell            . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  198 

His  obserrations  on  the  Censorship    . .  . .  . .  . .  202 

A  Demonstration  that  the  Planets,  by  their  grayity  towards  the  Sun, 

may  move  in  Ellipses       . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  210 

Letters  from  Sir  Isaac  Newton          . .  . .  . .  . .  217 

Locke  to  Newton                 . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  226 

Remarks  on  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  Three  Letters  . .  . .  229 

Lord  Keeper  Somers  to  Mr  Locke    . .  . .  . .  . .  235 

The  Earl  of  Monmouth  to  Mr  Locke .  . .  . .  . .  237 

The  Earl  of  Peterborough  to  Mr  Locke  . .  . .  . .  241 

Depreciation  of  the  coin      . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  243 

Lord  Keeper  Somers  to  Mr  Locke     .  .•  . .  .  *  . .  243 

Letter  of  Sir  William  Trumbull         . .  . .  . .  . .  245 

Locke  to  Lord  Keeper  Somers           . .  . .  . .  . .  246 

Lord  Keeper  Somers  to  Mr  Locke    . .  . .  . .  . .  247 

Draft  of  Mr  Locke's  answer              . .  . .  . .  . .  248 

Declines  resumption  of  office              . .  . .  249 

Residence  at  Gates  . .  . .       '      . .  251 

Letter  to  Mr  Cudworth        . .  . .  . .  251 

Letters  of  Mr  Locke  to  P.  King,  Esq.  . .  . .  . .  254 

His  death  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..267 

Codicil  relating  to  his  works               . .  . .  . .  . .  269 

Le  Clerc*s  character  of  Locke             . .  . .  . .  . .  271  ^ 

Pacific  Christians                  . .             . .  . .  . .  . .  276  ^ 

Idea  of  a  pure  Christian  community  . .  . .  . .  277  ' 

EXTRACTS   FROU   LOCKS's  COMMON-PULCB   BOOK 

On  Error 
Sacerdos 


Amor  Patriae 
Scriptura  Sacra 
Electio    . . 


The  Parallel 
Thus  I  think 
Of  Ethics  in  general 


282 

286 
291 
293 
295 


HXSCBLLANBOUS  PAPERS. 

Judging — Election — Resolution  . .  . .  . .  . .     299 

On  ike  difference  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical  power  . .     300 

Civil  society,  or  the  State 
Religious  society,  or  the  Church 


300 
300 
302 
306 
308 


Supplement  to  the  Mode  of  acquiring  Truth :  Enthusiasm — Method    323 
Lictter  of  M ,  Le  Clerc  to  Mr  Locka  . .  . .  . .     326 


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via  CONTENTS. 

Locke's  answer     . .                          . .            . .            . .  . .     327 

Species                  ..             ..                           ..             ..  ..328 

Understanding — Arguments  positive  and  negative.     1677  . .     329 

Essay  concerning  Recreation,  in  answer  to  D.  Gt's  desire.  1677    330 

Memory— Imagination—Madness      . .  . .     333 

Madness                ..             ..             ..                           ..  ..335 

Error      . .             . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  . .     336 

Space.     1677        ..             ,              ..             ..             ..  ..336 

Relation—Space.    1678       ..                            .          ...  ..338 

Adversaria  Theologica          . .                           . .             . .  . .     342 

Trinitas— Non  Trinitas                ..             ..             ..  ..342 

Christus  Deus  siipremus — Christus  non  Deus  supremus  . .     344 

Defence  of  Nonconformity                                . .             . .  346 

Additions  intended  by  the  author  to  have  been  made  to  the  Essay 

on  Human  Understanding               . .             . .             . .  .     359 

Abstract  of  the  Essay          ..                          ,.            .,  ..365 

APPENDIX. 

Thomas  Burnett  to  Mr  Locke  . .  , .     400 

David  Thomas  to  Mr  Locke  . .  . .  . .     4i)3 

Letters  from  Limborch  to  Locke  . .  . .     4;J4 

MOTES   ON    DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS. 

Petition  of  George  Lord  Murray                                                    . .  437 

Sir  R.  Walpole's  free  discourse  on  Foreign  Affairs  440 

Curious  proof  of  early  hatred  of  George  II.  for  his  son  Frederick  440 

Spanish  Projects    . .             . .             . .             . .             . .             . .  442 

Hessian  Treaty  445 
Strange  account  given  by  the  Duke  of  Ripperda  of  the  Secret  Treaty 

of  Vienna           . .                           . .                                          . .  447 

The  account  of  the  death  of  George  I.  received  by  ministers  in  Eng- 
land    ..  ..448 

Legal  argument  as  to  the  King's  taking  the  Test  in  Parliament  450 

Sir  R.  Walpole's  management  at  accession  of  George  II.              . .  453 

Sir  Spencer  Compton  loses  his  influence,  and  perceives  it            , . .  453 
Attempts  of  George  II.  to  encroach  on  the  Chsmcellor's  Ecclesiastic 

Patronage                                       . .             . .             . .             . .  454 

Sensible  conversation  of  Sir  R.  Walpole           . .             .  *             . .  456 

Walpole's  opinion  that  no  good  came  of  Cabinets                          . .  456 

Negotiation  with  France  to  assist  the  German  politics  of  George  II.  458 

Unfavourable  picture  of  the  Dutch  Republic  by  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield  465 
Curious  account  of  parties  in  Holland,  and  intrigue  to  appoint  a 
Stadtholder                                                                     ..             ..466 

Mark  of  jealousy  between  Walpole  and  Townshend       . .  472 

Conversation  with  Walpole                               . .             . .             . .  480 

Management  of  George  IL  by  Queen  Caroline  and  Walpole  481 

Secret  of  the  Queen's  management  of  her  husband                        . .  481 

General  Index  .  ..  . .  . .    491 


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\ 


THE  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


JOHN  LOCKE. 


John  Locke  was  bom  at  "Wrington,  in  Somersetshire, 
A..  D.  1632;  his  father,  Mr  J.  Locke,  who  was  descended 
from  the  Lockes  of  Charton  Court,  in  Dorsetshire,  possessed 
a  moderate  landed  property  at  Pensfold  and  Belluton,  where 
he  lived.  He  was  a  Captain  in  the  Parliamentary  army 
during  the  Civil  Wars,  and  his  fortune  suffered  so  consider- 
ably in  those  times,  that  he  left  a  smaller  estate  to  his  son 
than  he  himself  had  inherited. 

John  Locke  was  the  eldest  of  two  sons,  and  was  educated 
with  great  care  by  his  father,  of  whom  he  always  spoke  with 
the  greatest  respect  and  affection.  In  the  early  part  of  his 
life,  his  father  exacted  the  utmost  respect  from  his  son,  but 
gradually  treated  him  with  less  and  less  reserve,  and,  when 
grown  up,  lived  with  him  on  terms  of  the  most  entire  friend- 
ship ;  so  much  so,  that  Locke  mentioned  the  fact  of  his  father 
having  expressed  his  regret  for  giving  way  to  his  anger,  and 
striking  him  once  in  his  childhood,  when  he  did  not  deserve 
it.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  written  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
life,  Lpcke  thus  expresses  himself  on  the  conduct  of  a  father 
towards  his  son :  "  That-  which  I  have  often  blamed  as  an  in- 
discreet and  dangerous  practice  in  many  fathers,  viz.  to  be 
very  indulgent  to  their  children  whilst  they  are  little,  and  as 
they  come  to  ripe  years  to  lay  great  restraint  upon  them, 
and  live  with  greater  reserve  towards  them,  which  usually 
produces  an  ill  understanding  between  father  and  son,  which 

Tnot  but  be  of  bad -consequences ;  and  I  think  fathers 
^  B 


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2  LITE  AND  LETTEE3  OP  JOHN  "^OCKB.  [l651 

would  generally  do  better,  as  their  sons  grow  up,  to  take 
them  into  a  nearer  familiarity,  and  live  with  them  with  as 
much  freedom  and  friendship  as  their  age  and  temper  will 
allow."  The  following  letter  from  Locke  to  his  father,  which 
is  without  a  date,  but  must  have  been  written  before  1660, 
shows  the  feeling  of  tenderness  and  affection  which  subsisted 
between  them.  It  was  probably  found  by  Locke  amongst 
his  father's  papers,  and  thus  came  again  into  his  possession. 

Dec.  20. 
"Most  beab  and  BTEB-LOViNa  Pathee, 

"  I  did  not  doubt  but  that  the  noise  of  a  very  dangerous 
sickness  here  would  reach  you,  but  I  am  alarmed  with  a 
more  dangerous  disease  from  Pensford,  and  were  I  as  secure 
of  your  health  as  (I  thank  G-od)  I  am  of  my  own,  I  should 
not  think  myself  in  danger ;  but  I  cannot  be  safe  so  long  as  I 
hear  of  your  weakness,  and  that  increase  of  your  malady 
upon  you,  which  I  beg  that  you  would,  by  the  timely  apph- 
cation  of  remedies,  endeavour  to  remove.  Dr  Meary  has  more 
than  once  put  a  stop  to  its  encroachment ;  the  same  skill, 
the  same  means,  the  same  G-od  to  bless  you,  is  left  still. 
Do  not,  I  beseech  you,  by  that  care  you  ought  to  have  of 
yourself,  by  that  tenderness  I  am  sure  you  have  of  us,  neglect 
your  own  and  our  safety  too;  do  not,  by  a  too  pressing 
care  for  your  children,  endanger  the  only  comfort  they  have 
left.  I  cannot  distrust  that  Providence  which  hath  conducted 
us  thus  far,  and  if  either  your  disappointments  or  necessities 
shall  reduce  us  to  narrower  conditions  than  you  could  wish, 
content  shall  enlarge  it;  therefore,  let  not  these  thoughts 
distress  you.  There  is  nothing  that  I  have  which  can  be  so 
well  employed  as  to  his  use,  from  whom  I  first  received  it ; 
and  if  your  convenience  can  leave  me  nothing  else,  I  shall 
have  a  head,  and  hands,  and  industry  still  left  me,  which  alone 
have  been  able  to  raise  sufficient  fortunes.  Pray,  Sir,  there- 
fore, make  your  life  as  comfortable  and  lasting  as  you  can ; 
let  not  any  consideration  of  us  cast  you  into  the  least  de- 
spondency. K  I  have  any  reflections  on,  or  desires  of,  free 
and  competent  subsistence,  it  is  more  in  reference  to  another 
(whom  you  may  guess)  to  whom  I  am  very  much  obliged, 
than  for  myself:  but  no  thoughts,  how  ijaiportant  soever, 
shall  make  me  forget  my  duty ;  and  a^father  is  more  than 


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—1664.]  HIS  COLLEGE  LITE.  3 

all  other  relations ;  and  the  greatest  satisfaction  I  can  pro- 
pose to  myself  in  the  world,  is  my  hopes  that  you  may  yet 
live  to  receive  the  return  of  some  comfort,  for  all  that  care 
and  indulgence  you  have  placed  in, 

"  Sir,  your  most  obedient  son, 

J.  L." 

It  would  have  been  more  in  the  order  of  time,  to  have 
stated  that  Locke  was  sent  to  Westminster  School,  and  from 
thence  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  in  1651.  His  friend,  Mr 
IVrrell,  the  grandson  of  the  celebrated  Usher,  Archbishop 
of  Armagh,  relates  that  Locke,  in  the  earliest  period  of  his 
residence  at  Oxford,  was  distinguished  for  his  talents  and 
learning,  amongst  his  fellow-students.  That  he  lost  much 
time  at  Oxford  is,  however,  certain,  from  his  own  confession : 
and  if  he  derived  little  advantage  from  the  pliace  of  his  edu- 
cation, it  cannot  be  ascribed  to  the  inaptitude  of  his  mind  to 
make  useful  acquirements ;  the  fettdt  is  to  be  found  in  his 
instructors,  and  in  their  system.  It  appears  that  he  would 
have  thought  the  method  of  Des  Cartes  preferable  (though 
no  admirer  of  his  philosophy)  to  that  of  the  established  prac- 
tice, either  because  ^*he  study  of  that  writer  gave  him  the 
first  taste  for  philosophy,  or  because  he  admired  the  dis- 
tinctness of  his  method ;  or,  perhaps,  he  might  consider  tmy 
alteration  to  be  an  improvement,  and  any  change  a  change 
^T  the  better. 

/      Although  he  acquired  this  early  reputation  at  the  Univer- 
sity, yet  he  was  often  heard  to  express  his  regret  that  his 
father  had  ever  sent  him  to  Oxford:  aware,  from  his  own 
experience,  that  the  method  of  instruction  then  pursued  was 
\ill  calculated  to  open  the  understanding,  or  prepare  the  way 
/for  any  useful  knowledge. 

What,  indeed,  could  the  false  philosophy  of  the  schools, 
and  their  vain  disputation,  profit  the  man  who  was  afterwards 
to  be  distinguished  above  all  other  men,  for  his  devoted  love 
of  truth,  of  unshackled  inquiry,  and  of  philosophy. 

In  the  different  systems  of  education,  there  may  be  that 
which  is  pernicious,  that  which  is  only  useless,  and  that  which 
is  really  useful.  Perhaps  the  ancient  method  may,  without 
injustice,  be  classed  under  the  first  description;  and  the 
modem  method,  as  a  state  of  transition  between  the  useless 


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4  LIFE   A.SD  LETTERS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [1651 

and  the  useful,  far  superior  to  what  it  once  was,  but  still  ca- 
pable of  great  improvement. 

That  Locke  regretted  his  education  at  Oxford,  is  stated 
upon  the  authority  of  his  friend  Le  Clerc.  Perhaps  too  much 
stress  has  been  laid  upon  some  accidental  expressions,  or  ra- 
ther, that  the  regrets  expressed  by  Locke  ought  to  have 
been  understood  by  Le  Clerc  to  apply  to  the  plan  of  education 
then  generally  pursued  at  English  universities ;  for  to  Oxford, 
even  as  Oxford  was  in  the  days  of  Locke,  he.  must  have  been 
considerably  indebted.  The  course  of  study  and  the  philo- 
sophy, bad  as  it  was,  fortunately  did  not  attract  much  of  his 
attention,  and  his  mind  escaped  the  trammels  of  the  schools, 
and  their  endless  perplexities  and  sophistry.  If  the  system 
of  education  did  not  offer  assistance,  or  afford  those  directions 
so  useful  to  the  young  student,  the  residence  at  Oxford  did, 
no  doubt,  confer  ease,  and  leisure,  and  the  opportunity  of 
other  studies ;  it  afforded  also  the  means  of  intercourse  with 
persons  from  whose  society  and  conversation,  we  know,  that 
the  idea  of  his  great  work  first  arose. 

It  may  be  said,  without  offence  to  that  ancient  University, 
that  Locke,  though  educated  within  her  walls,  was  much 
more  indebted  to  himself  than  to  his  instructors,  and  that 
he  was  in  himself  an  instance  of  that  self-teaching,  always 
the  most  efficient  and  valuable,  which  he  afterwards  so 
strongly  recommends.  In  answer  to  a  letter  from  the  Earl 
of  Peterborough,  who  had  applied  to  him  to  recommend  a 
tutor  for  his  son,  he  says,  "  I  must  beg  leave  to  own  that  I 
differ  a  little  from  your  Lordship  in  what  you  propose ;  your 
Lordship  would  have  a  thorough  scholar,  and,  I  think  it  not 
much  matter  whether  he  be  any  great  scholar  or  no ;  if  he 
but  understand  Latin  well,  and  have  a  general  scheme  of  the 
sciences,  I  think  that  enough :  but  I  would  have  him  well- 
bred,  well-tempered ;  a  man  that,  having  been  conversant 
with  the  world  and  amongst  men,  would  have  great  applica- 
tion in  observing  the  humour  and  genius  of  my  Lord  your 
son;  and  omit  nothing  that  might  help  to  form  his  mind, 
and  dispose  him  to  virtue,  knowledge,  and  industry.  This  I 
look  upon  as  the  great  business  of  a  tutor ;  this  is  putting 
life  into  his  pupil,  which  when  he  has  got,  masters  of  all  kinds 
are  easily  to  be  had ;  for  when  a  young  gentleman  has  got  a 
relish  of  knowledge,  the  love  and  credit  of  doing  well  spurs 


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— 1664.]  HIS   COLLEGE   LITB.  5 

him  on ;  he  will,  with!  or  without  teachers,  make  great  ad» 
vances  in  whatever  he  has  a  mind  to.  'Mr  Newton  learned 
his  mathematics  only  of  himself;  and  another  friend  of  mine, 
Greek  (wherein  he  is  very  well  skilled)  without  a  master ; 
though  both  these  studies  seem  more  to  require  the  help  of 
a  tutor  than  almost  any  other."  In  a  letter  to  the  same 
person  on  the  same  subject,,  1697,  he  says:  "When  a  man 
has  got  an  entrance  into  any  of  the  sciences,  it  will  be  time 
then  to  depend  on  himself,  and  rely  upon  his  own  under- 
standing, and  exercise  his  own  faculties,  which  is  the  only 
way  to  improvement  and  mastery." 

After  recommending  the  study  of  history,  he  further  says : 
"  The  great  end  of  such  histories  as  Livy,  is  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  the  actions  of  man  as  embodied  in  society,  and  so 
of  the  true  foundation  of  politics ;  but  the  flourishings  and 
decays  of  commonwealths  depending  not  barely  on  the  pre- 
sent time  for  what  is  done  within  themselves,  but  most  com- 
monly on  remote  and  precedent  constitution  and  events,  and 
a  train  of  concurrent  actions  amongst  their  neighbours  as 
well  as  themselves  ;  the  order  of  time  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  a  due  knowledge  and  improvement  of  history,  as  the  order 
of  sentences  in  an  author  is  necessary  to  be  kept,  to  make 
any  sense  of  what  he  says.  With  the  reading  of  history,  I 
think  the  study  of  morality  should  be  joined ;  I  mean  not 
the  ethics  of  the  schools  fitted  to  dispute,  but  such  as  Tully 
in  his  Offices,  PufFendorf  de  Officio  Hominis  et  Civis,  de  Jure 
Naturali  et  Gentium,  and  above  all,  what  the  New  Testament 
teaches,  wherein  a  man  may  learn  to  live,  which  is  the  busi- 
ness of  ethics,  and  not  how  to  define  and  dispute  about  names 
of  virtues  and  vices.  True  politics  I  look  on  as  a  part  of 
moral  philosophy,  which  is  nothing  but  the  art  of  conducting 
men  right  in  society,  and  supporting  a  community  amongst 
its  neighbours." 

To  return  to  Locke's  habits  and  life  at  Oxford.  Le  Clerc 
mentions,  that  his  very  early  friends  and  companions  were 
selected  from  amongst  the  lively  and  agreeable,  rather  than 
the  leame4  of  his  time ;  and  that  the  correspondence  with 
which  he/frequently  amused  himself  with  them  had  a  resem- 
blance in  style  and  expression  to  the  French  of  Voiture,  al- 
though perhaps  not  so  finished  and  refined  as  that  of  the 
French  author.     His  letters  on  Toleration,  and  his  replies 


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6  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [leSl 

to  the  Bishop  of  "Worcester,  show  his  force  of  argument,  and 
his  powers  of  wit  and  irony,  confined  always  within  the 
bounds  of  the  most  perfect  civility  and  decorum. 

The  earliest  of  Locke's  printed  works  is  the  Essay  on 
Human  Understanding :  the  original  copy,  in  his  own  hand- 
writing, dated  1671,  is  still  preserved,  and  I  find  the  first 
sketch  of  that  work  in  his  Common-place  Book,  beginning 
thus : — 

"  Sic  cogitavit  de  intellectu  humano  Johannes  Locke  an. 
1771. 

"Intellectus  humanus  cum  cognitionis  certitudine  et  as- 
sensus  firmitate. 

"  First,  I  imagine  that  all  knowledge  is  founded  on,  and 
ultimately  derives  itself  from,  sense,  or  something  analogous 
to  it,  and  may  be  called  sensation,  which  is  done  by  our 
senses  conversant  about  particular  objects,  which  gives  us 
the  simple  ideas  or  images  of  things,  and  thus  we  come  to 
have  ideas  of  heat  and  light,  hard  and  soft,  which  are  nothing 
but  the  reviving  again  in  our  minds  these  imaginations,  which 
those  objects,  when  they  affected  our  senses,  caused  in  us — 
whether  by  motion  or  otherwise,  it  matters  not  here  to  con- 
sider,— and  thus  we  do,  when  we  conceive  heat  or  light, 
yellow  or  blue,  sweet  or  bitter,  and  therefore  I  think  that 
those  things  which  we  call  sensible  qualities  are  the  simplest 
ideas  we  have,  and  the  first  object  of  our  understanding." 

The  essay  must  therefore  have  remained  in  the  author's 
possession  above  eighteen  years  before  he  gave  it  to  the 
world,  and  in  that  space  of  tune  considerable  corrections  and 
alterations  had  been  made.  His  earliest  work,  however,  was 
of  a  political  nature,  and  of  a  date  much  anterior,  and  although 
evidently  intended  for  publication,  was  never  printed.  It 
was  written  towards  the  end  of  1660 :  the  preface  to  the 
reader  is  curious,  as  the  earliest  specimen  of  his  style  and 
opinions,  and  strongly  shows  the  desire  of  reasonable  men 
of  all  parties  to  remove  the  difficulties  which  stood  in  the 
way  or  a  final  and  peaceable  settlement  of  affairs  in  State 
and  Church.  One  of  the  first  and  most  necessary  measures 
after  the  B/Cstoration,  and  one  of  the  most  difficult,  was  the 
settlement  of  the  Church.    The  King,  by  his  Declaration, 


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— 1664.]  HIS   COLLiaX  LIFE.  7 

had  promised  that  endeavours  should  be  used  to  effect  a 
comprehension,  and  that  such  alteration  should  be  made  in 
the  Liturgy,  as  should  make  it  totally  imobjectionable.  The 
tract  which  Locke  wrote  was  intended  to  reconcile  the  Low 
Church  party  to  an  obedience  to  the  civil  magistrate  in  all 
indifferent  things  in  public  worship,  not  otherwise  com- 
manded by  the  word  of  God.  It  is  an  answer  to  a  writer 
who  denied  the  right  of  the  civil  magistrate  (or  supreme 
power)  to  interfere  in  matters  of  religion ;  and  in  manner 
and  style  it  resembles  his  later  controversy  with  Sir  Bobert 
Filmer.  It  is  an  important  fjEwt  in  the  history  of  toleration, 
that  Dr  Owen,  the  Independent,  was  Dean  of  Christ  Church 
in  1651,  when  Locke  was  admitted  a  member  of  that  college 
"under  a  fanatical  tutor,"  as  A,  Wood  says  in  "AthensB 
Oxonienses."  The  charge  of  fanaticism  made  against  the 
tutor  is  either  ai\  unfounded  assertion  of  the  learned  but 
prejudiced  antiquary  of  Oxford;  or,  if  true,  the  fanatici,sm 
of  the  tutor  had  not  the  slightest  effect  on  the  mind  of  the 
pupil,  as  the  bias  in  this  treatise  inclines,  perhaps,  too  de- 
cidedly towards  the  side  of  authority.  Great  concessions  are 
made  in  order  to  avoid  the  danger  of  civil  discord,  and  for 
the  sake  of  religious  peace,  which  the  author  feared  might 
be  endangered  by  the  zealots  of  the  Millennium,  and,  as  he 
expresses  himself,  "that  the  several  bands  of  saints  would 
not  want  Venners  to  lead  them  on  in  the  work  of  the  Lord." 
The  subject  of  the  treatise  was  this : — 

"  Question : — Whether  the  civil  magistrate  may  lawfully 
impose  and  determine  the  use  of  indifferent  things  in  refer- 
ence to  Beligious  Worship  ?" 

In  the  preface,  the  author  thus  expresses  himself:  "  As  for 
myself^  there  is  no  one  can  have  a  greater  respect  and  vener- 
ation for  authority  than  I.  I  no  sooner  perceived  myself 
in  the  world,  but  I  found  myself  in  a  storm,  which  has  lasted 
almost  hitherto,  and  thereK)re  cannot  but  entertain  the  ap- 
proaches of  a  calm  with  the  greatest  joy  and  satisfaction: 
and  this,  methinks,  obliges  me  both  in  duty  and  gratitude  • 
to  endeavour  the  continuance  of  such  a  blessing  by  disposing 
men's  minds  to  obedience  to  that  government,  which  has 
brought  with  it  the  quiet  settlement  which  even  our  giddy 
folly  had  put  beyond  the  reach  not  only  of  our  contrivance 
but  hopes ;  and  I  would  men  would  be  persuaded  to  be  so 


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S  LIFE   i.KD   LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [I66I 

kind  to  their  religion,  their  country,  and  themselves,  as  not 
to  hazard  again  the  substantial  blessings  of  peace  and  settle- 
ment, in  an  over-zealous  contention  about  things  which  they 
themselves  confess  to  be  little,  and  at  most  are  but  indifferent. 

***** 
But  since  I  find  that  a  general  freedom  is  but  a  general 
bondage,  that  the  popular  assertors  of  public  liberty  are  the 
greatest  ingrossers  of  it  too,  and  not  unfitly  called  its  keepers, 
I  know  not  whether  experience  would  not  give  us  some  rea- 
son to  think,  that  were  the  part  of  freedom  contended  for  by 
our  author  generally  indulged  in  England,  it  would  prove 
only  a  liberty  for  contention,  censure,  and  persecution. 

***** 
I  have  not  therefore  the  same  apprehension  of  liberty  that 
some  have,  or  can  think  the  benefits  of  it  to  consist  in  a 
liberty  for  men,  at  pleasure,  to  adopt  themselves  children  of 
God,  and  from  thence  assume  a  title  to  inheritances  here, 
and  proclaim  themselves  heirs  of  the  world,  nor  a  liberty  for 
ambitious  men  to  pull  down  well-framed  constitutions,  that 
out  of  the  ruins  they  may  build  themselves  fortunes ;  not  a 
liberty  to  be  Christians  so  as  not  to  be  subjects.  All  the 
freedom  I  can  wish  my  country  or  myself  is,  to  enjoy  the 
protection  of  those  laws  which  the  prudence  and  providence 
of  our  ancestors  established,  and  the  happy  return  of  his 
Majesty  has  restored." 

it  may,  perhaps,  be  thought,  that  the  author,  in  his  desire 
to  avoid  the  tyranny  of  the  Saints,  which  he  seems  no  less 
to  have  dreaded  than  that  of  the  men  of  the  sword,  had 
overlooked  those  other  and  more  lasting  evils  which  have 
almost  always  attended  the  return  of  exiled  monarchs. 

The  circumstances  of  the  times,  and  the  altered  policy  of 
the  Government  towards  the  Presbyterian  party,  prevented 
the  publication  of  the  tract  to  which  the  preface  belonged 
from  which  the  above  extracts  are  taken.  The  High  Church 
pa,rty  felt  their  strength  in  the  new  Parliament,  and  the  at- 
tainment of  religious  peace  by  the  means  of  comprehension 
and  concession  was  no  longer  the  object  of  the  dominant 
faction.  The  Church  party  now,  in  their  turn,  determined 
to  exert  their  power  with  far  greater  rigour  than  had  been 
shown  towards  them  by  the  Presbyterians  when  in  power, 
and  now  resolved,  in  the  fulness  of  victory,  to  exclude  all 


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— 1664.]  HIS  COLLEGE  LITE.  9 

those  wlio  differed  from  them,  whether  m  things  essential 
or  in  things  indifferent,  but  at  all  events  to  exclude,  to  pun- 
ish, and  to  appropriate. 

Whether  Locke  had,  at  any  time,  serious  thoughts  of 
engaging  in  any  profession,  is  uncertain  ;  his  inclinations  led 
him  strongly  to  the  study  of  medicine,  which  seems  very 
much  to  have  occupied  his  thoughts  to  the  end  of  his  life,  as 
appears  from  the  frequent  memoranda  of  curious  cases  that 
are  to  be  found  in  his  diary ;  and  from  the  correspondence  of 
his  friends,  who  occasionally  consulted  him  to  a  very  late 
period,  and  from  the  number  of  medical  books  he  collected. 
The  praise  which  Sydenham,  the  greatest  authority  of  his 
time,  bestows  on  the  medical  skill  of  Locke  affords  a  bril- 
liant proof  of  the  high  estimation  which  his  acquirements  in 
the  science  of  medicine,  his  penetrating  judgment,  as  well  as 
his  many  private  virtues,  procured  from  all  who  knew  him. 
In  the  dedication  prefixea  to  Dr  Sydenham's  Observations 
on  the  History  and  Cure  of  Acute  Diseases,  1676,  he  boasts 
of  the  approbation  bestowed  on  his  method  by  Mr  J.  Locke, 
who  (to  borrow  Sydenham's  own  words)  had  examined  it  to 
the  bottom ;  and  who,  if  we  consider  his  genius,  and  penetra- 
tion, and  exact  judgment,  has  scarce  any  superior,  and  few 
equals  now  living.*    Mr  Dugald  Stewart,  in  his  admirable 
dissertation  on  the  progress  of  Philosophy  since  the  revival 
of  letters  in  Europe,  observes :   "  The  merit  of  this  method, 
therefore,  which  still  continues  to  be  regarded  as  a  model  by 
the  most  competent  judges,  may  Tbe  presumed  to  have  be- 
longed in  part  to  Mr  Locke, — ^a  circumstance  which  deserves 
to  be  noticed,  as  an  additional  confirmation  of  what  Bacon 
has  so  sagaciously  taught,  concerning  the  dependence  of  aU 
the  sciences,  relating  to  the  phenomena  either  of  matter  or 
of  mind,  on  principles  and  rules  derived  from  the  resources 
of  a  higher  philosophy.    On  the  other  hand,  no  science  could 
have  been  chosen  more  happily  calculated  than  medicine  to 
prepare  such  a  mind  as  that  of  Locke  for  the  prosecution  of 

♦  **  NSstri  praBterea  ^uam  kuic  mese  methodo  suffragantem  habeam,  qui 
earn  intimitia  per  omnia  perspexerat,  utrique  nostnim  conjunctissimiim, 
dominum  Joannem  Locke ;  quo  quidem  viro,  sive  ingenio  judicioque  acri  et 
subacto,  sive  etiam  antiquis,  hoc  est,  optimis  moribus,  vix  superiorem  quen- 
qoam,  inter  eos  qui  nunc  sunt  homines  repertum  iri  confido,  paucissimoa 
oerte  pares." 


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10  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [1664. 

those  speculations  which  have  immortalized  his  name ;  the 
complicated  and  fugitive,  and  often  equivocal  phenomena  of 
disease,  requiring  in  the  observer  a  far  greater  portion  of  dis- 
criminating sagacity  than  those  of  physics,  strictly  so  called ; 
resembling  in  this  respect,  much  more  nearly,  the  phenomena 
>about  which  metaphysics,  ethics,  and  politics  are  conversant." 
\  In  1664,  Locke  appears  for  the  first  time  to  have  engaged 
in^*the  practical  business  of  life,  when  he  accompanied,  as 
secretary,  Sir  "Walter  Vane,  the  King's  envoy  to  the  Elector 
of  Brandenburgh,  during  the  first  Dutch  war.  One  of  the 
following  papers  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  partly  defaced,  dated 
Cleve,  December,  1664 ;  it  will  show  his  observations  on  the 
politics  and  character  of  the  Court  which  he  visited.  The 
other  is  a  long  detailed  letter  written  for  the  amusement  of 
a  friend  in  England,  and  will  give  a  better  idea  of  the  social 
qualities  of  the  writer,  than  any  which  have  yet  appeared ; 
it  will  make  us  acquainted  with  him  in  his  most  familiar  in- 
tercourse, and  show  his  willingness  to  contribute  to  the 
amusement  of  those  he  lived  with  ;  and,  what  is  not  unim- 
portant, his  freedom  from  prejudices  in  an  age  of  prejudice. 

The  writer  had  desired  his  friend'  to  "  throw  the  letter  by, 
in  a  comer  of  his  study ;  it  will  serve  us  to  laugh  at :"  it  was 
thrown  by  in  the  study,  and  so  came  again  into  the  possession 
of  its  author,  with  some  other  letters  written  to  the  same 
friend,  and  in  that  way  preserved. 

COPY   OE  DBAFT  *0P  LETTEB  FEOM  LOCKE. 

Cleve,  December,  1664. 
"To  MeG. 
"  I  HATE,  by  the  post,  from  time  to  time,  constantly  given 
you  my  apprehension  of  things  here ;  but  since  Sir  Walter 
thinks  he  has  reason  to  suspect  that  some  of  his  despatches 
have  miscarried,  and,  therefore,  has  sent  an  express,  I  shall 
by  him  send  you  again  an  account  of  all  I  can  learn  here.  I 
have  hitherto  been  of  the  mind  that  their  counsels  here  tend 
to  the  preserving  a  neutrality,  and  the  reasons  I  had  to  think 
so  were,  that  I  saw  no  preparation  for  war,  no  levies  made, 
but  only  talked  of;  and  besides,  I  was  informed  that  there  is 
a  great  scarcity  of  money,  that  the  expenses  of  the  court  are 
great,  the  debts  greater,  and  the  revenue  small ;  and  that  the 
revenues  of  March  and  Cleve,  which  were  wont  to  pay  the 


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1064.]  SBOEBTAET  TO   BIB  IfALTSB  VAKE.  11 

use  of  old  debts,  are  now  employed  in  the  expenses  of  the 
household  during  the  Elector's  abode  here,  and  the  creditors 
are  to  be  content  now  without  either  use  or  principal.  The 
business  of  150,000  rix-dollars,  which  the  Elector  demands 
of  the  estates  of  March  and  Cleve,  moves  slowly ;  and  though 
at  our  first  coming  hither  it  was  told  that  it  would  be  granted 
in  two  or  three  days,  yet  I  cannot  find  that  the  Deputies  are 
yet  come  to  a  resolution,  or  are  like  to  grant  it  suddenly ;  but 
should  the  same  be  presently  granted  and  paid,  there  are 
other  ways  to  dispose  of  it  beside  armies,  some  of  which  I 
have  mentioned  to  you  in  my  former.  The  strong  party  the 
French^ and  Dutch  have  in  the  Court  (amongst  which  are 
two  by  whose  advice  the  Elector  is  much  swayed)  will  make 
it  difficult  to  draw  him  to  the  Bishop's*  side ;  and  the  con- 
sideration of  religion  may,  perhaps,  a  little  increase  the  diffi- 
culty, since  it  is  generally  apprehended  here  that  the  war  is 
upon  that  score ;  and,  perhaps,  the  fear  of  having  some  of  his 
scattered  countries  mwested  by  some  of  the  Bishop's  allies 
will  make  him  a  little  cautious  of  declaring  for  the  Dutch. 
The  use  you  will  find  in  the  despatch  they  make  of  late  news 
from  Ratisbon  I  cannot  think  any  other  than  a  pretence, 
since  I  am  told  that  the  Besolution  that  is  taken  at  the  meet- 
ing there  of  assisting  the  Bishop  is  not  so  new  that  the 
Elector  could  be  ignorant  of  it  tifi  now.  I  believe  there  is 
yet  a  neutrality,  and  that  at  least  they  are  not  forward  or 
hasty  to  appear  for  either  side  ;  and  perhaps  (since  money 
seems  to  me  to  be  here,  as  well  as  in  other  places,  the  great 
solder  of  pact  and  agreements)  they  delay  the  bargain  to 
raise  the  price,  and  wait  for  the  best  chapman.  They  treat 
with  Holland ;  they  treat  with  Erance  ;  and  in  what  terms 
they  stand  with  us,  you  will  see  by  Sir  Walter,  but  I  must 
not  mention ;  but  by  the  whole,  I  believe  you  will  find  they 
dally  with  them  all.  The  Dutch  have  filled  the  Elector's 
towns  upon  the  Bhein  with  their  French  soldiers,  and  they 
fill  them  with  outrages,  which  he  resents  and  complains  of ; 
but  it  still  continues  the  same,  and  by  this  procedure  the 
Dutch  seem  either  very  confident  of  his  friendship,  or  care- 
less of  his  enmity.  It  is  said  the  Bishop's  army  is  now  march- 
ing ;  if  it  be  upon  any  feasible  design,  he  seems  to  have 
chosen  a  fit  opportunity,  whUst  the  States  of  Holland  are 
♦  Munster, 


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12  LIFE   AND   LETTEBS   OE  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l664. 

questioning  their  generals  for  some  miscarriages  in  the  last 
campaign,  and  things  are  out  of  order  in  Holland.  The 
daughter  of  the  old  Princess  of  Orange  is  to  be  married  to 
the  Prince  of  Swerin ;  the  celebration,  which  is  designed 
here,  at  Cleve,  before  Easter,  and  at  the  Elector's  charge,  and 
other  expenses  of  the  Court,  will  not  leave  much  for  the 
raising  of  soldiers.  The  men  of  business,  who  are  his  coun- 
sellors, and  manage  the  Sector's  affairs,  are  only  three: 
Baron  Swerin,  a  man  nobly  born,  a  learned  and  experienced 
man,  that  well  understands  the  state  of  the  empire,  and  has 
most  power  with  the  Elector.  Next  to  him  is  Mr  Jeana,  a 
Doctor  of  Law,  formerly  professor  at  Heidelberg :  he  hath 
been  about  six  years  of  the  Elector's  council,  and  is,  as  I  am 
told,  a  knowing  and  confident  man.  The  other  is  Mr  Blas- 
pell,  a  man  of  mean  extraction,  whose  great  ability  lies  in 
the  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  Holland :  he  is  now  there, 
and  at  his  return,  I  hope  to  give  you  an  account  of  his 
negotiation,  and  will  endeavour  to  get  a  more  particular 
knowledge  of  his  parts,  humours,  and  inclinations.  He  got 
into  favour  and  counsel  of  the  Court  by  means  of  the  Princess 
Dowager,  mother  of  the  Electress,  and  I  believe  is  much  at 
her  devotion.  The  Baron  De  Q-oes,  envoy  of  the  Emperor, 
returned  hither  last  night  from  the  Bishop  of  Munster ;  and 
some  of  his  people,  with  whoai  I  talk,  told  me  that  the 
Bishop's  forces  were  about  16,000;  that  they  all  wanted 
money,  and  the  foot,  clothes ;  but  none  of  them  courage,  or 
victuals ;  that  they  were  aU  old  and  experienced  soldiers,  and 
they  seemed  all  to  prefer  them  much  to  the  Dutch  forces. 
They  told  me  that  many  of  the  Prench  ran  over  to  the  Bishop, 
being  luiwilling  to  fight  against  their  own  religion ;  that  the 
Bishop  used  them  kindly,  gave  them  leave  to  depart,  but  en- 
tertained none  of  them  in  his  service,  being  sure  of  soldiers 
enough  whenever  he  has  money.  The  Bishop  is  now  at  Cos- 
field,  a  strong  place  in  his  own  dominions,  where  they  saw 
some  of  the  chief  of  the  prisoners,  taken  at  the  last  rencontre, 
entertained  at  the  Bishop's  table.  His  forces  are  now  dis- 
persed in  several  places,  and  there  is  like  to  be  no  engagement 
this  winter.  They  all  spoke  very  highly  of  the  Bishop,  and 
more  affectionately  than  I  think  could  be  merely  to  comply 
with  that  concernment  they  might  think  I  had  in  his  affairs. 
Whether  hence  anything  may  be  guessed  of  the  inclination  of 


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1664.]  SECEETAET  TO   SIB  WALTEE  TAKE.  13 

the  Germans,  of  the  Baron  de  Goes,  or  of  the  Emperor,  I  am 
not  able  to  make  any  judgment  upon  so  slight  a  conversation, 
but  I  shall  endeavour  to  learn :  only  before  his  return,  I 
found  the  Monks  of  the  Convent  where  he  lodges  wholly  in- 
clined to  the  Bishop.  How  our  affairs  stand  in  the  Court,  - 
and  what  progress  is  made,  you  will  better  understand  by 
Sir  Walter's  despatches,  in  which,  whatever  shall  be  found,  I 
desire  I  may  be  considered  only  as  transcriber." 

TO  MB.  JOHN  STBACHT,  SUTTON  COUBT,  BBISTOL. 

Cleve,  1664. 
"Deab  Sib, 

"  Are  you  at  leisure  for  half-an-hour's  trouble  ?  Will  you 
be  content  I  should  keep  up  the  custom  of  writing  long 
letters  with  little  in  them  ?  'Tis  a  barren  place,  and  the  dull 
frozen  part  of  the  year,  and  therefore  you  must  not  expect 
great  matters.  *T  is  enough,  that  at  Christmas  you  have  empty 
Christmas  tales  fit  for  the  chimney-corner.  To  begin,  there- 
fore, December  15th  (here  25th),  Christmas-day,  about  one  in 
the  morning,  I  went  a  gossipping  to  our  Lady ;  think  me 
not  profane,  for  the  name  is  a  great  deal  modester  than  the 
service  I  was  at.  I  shall  not  describe  all  the  particulars  I 
observed  in  that  church,  being  the  principal  of  the  CathoHca 
in  Cleves ;  but  only  those  that  were  particular  to  the  occa- 
sion. Near  the  high  altar  was  a  little  altar  for  this  day's 
solemnity ;  the  scene  was  a  stable,  wherein  was  an  ox,  an 
ass,  a  cradle,  the  Virgin,  the  babe,  Joseph,  shepherds,  and 
angels,  dramatis  persona  :  had  they  but  given  them  motion, 
it  had  been  a  perfect  puppet-play,  and  might  have  deserved 
pence  a-piece ;  for  they  were  of  the  same  size  and  make  that 
our  English  puppets  are ;  and  I  am  confident,  these  shep- 
herds and  this  Joseph  are  kin  to  that  Judith  and  Holo- 
phemes  which  I  have  seen  at  Bartholomew  fair.  A  little 
without  the  stable  was  a  flock  of  sheep,  cut  out  of  cards ; 
and  these,  as  they  then  stood  without  their  shepherds,  ap- 
'peared  to  me  the  best  emblem  I  had  seen  a  long  time,  and 
metbought  represented  these  poor  innocent  people,  who, 
whilst  their  shepherds  pretend  so  much  to  follpw  Christ,  and 
pay  their  devotion  to  him,  are  left  unregarded  in  the  barren 
wilderness. 


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14  LIFE  AND  LETTEBS  OE  JOHF  LOCKE.  i  [l064. 

"  This  was  the  show :  the  music  to  it  was  all  vocal  in  the 
quire  adjoining,  hut  such  as  I  never  heard.  They  had  strong 
voices,  but  so  ill-tuned,  so  ill-managed,  that  it  was  their  mis- 
fortune, as  well  as  ours,  that  they  could  be  heard.  He  that 
could  not,  though  he  had  a  cold,  make  better  music  with  a 
chevy  chace  over  a  pot  of  smooth  ale,  deserved  well  to  pay 
the  reckoning,  and  go  away  athirst.  However,  I  think  they 
were  the  honestest  singing  men  I  have  ever  seen,  for  they 
endeavoured  to  deserve  their  money,  and  earned  it  certainly 
with  pains  enough ;  for  what  they  wanted  in  skill  they  made 
up  in  loudness  and  variety :  every  one  had  his  own  tune,  and 
the  result  of  all  was  like  the  noise  of  choosing  Parliament- 
men,  where  every  one  endeavours  to  cry  loudest. 

"  Besides  the  men,  there  were  a  company  of  little  choristers : 
I  thought  when  I  saw  them  at  first,  they  had  danced  to  the 
others'  music,  and  that  it  had  been  your  Q-ray's  Inn  revels ; 
for  they  were  jumping  up  and  down,  about  a  good  charcoal 
fire  that  was  in  the  middle  of  the  quire  (this  their  devotion 
and  their  singing  was  enough,  I  think,  to  keep  them  warm, 
though  it  were  a  very  cold  night)  ;  but  it  was  not  dancing, 
but  singing  they  served  for ;  when  it  came  to  their  turns, 
away  they  ran  to  their  places,  and  there  they  made  as  good 
harmony  as  a  concert  of  little  pigs  would,  and  they  were 
much  about  as  cleanly.  Their  part  being  done,  out  they 
sallied  again  to  the  nre,  where  they  played  till  their  cue 
called  them,  and  then  back  to  their  places  they  huddled. 

"  So  negligent  and  slight  are  they  m  their  service  in  a  place 
where  the  nearness  of  adversaries  might  teach  them  to  be 
more  careful ;  but  I  suppose  the  natural  tendency  of  these 
outside  performances,  and  these  mummeries  in  religion, 
would  brmg  it  everywhere  to  this  pass,  did  not  fear  and  the 
severity  of  the  magistrate  preserve  it;  which  being  taken 
away  here,  they  very  easily  suffer  themselves  to  slobber  over 
their  ceremonies,  which  in  other  places  are  kept  up  with  so 
much  zeal  and  exactness ;  but  methinks  they  are  not  to  be 
blamed,  since  the  one  seems  to  me  as  much  religion  as  the 
other. 

"  In  the  afternoon,  I  went  to  the  Carthusians'  church ;  they 
had  their  little  gentry  too,  but  in  finer  clothes ;  and  theip 
angels  with  surplices  on,  and  singing-books  in  their  hands ; 
for  here  is  nothmg  to  be  done  without  books.    Hither  were 


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1664.]  SECBETABT  TO   SIB  WALT5B  VATHB.  16 

crowded  a  great  throng  of  children  to  see  these  pretty  babies, 
and  I  amongst  them,  as  wise  and  as  devout  as  they,  and  for 
my  pains  had  a  good  sprinkle  of  holy  water,  and  now  I  may 
defy  the  devil :  thus  have  I  begun  the  holidays  with  Christ- 
mas gambols.  But  had  I  understood  the  langua|;e,  I  be- 
lieve, at  the  Eeformed  church,  I  had  found  something  more 
serious;  for  they  have  two  sermons  at  their  church,  for 
Christmas  lasts  no  longer  here. 

**  That  which  pleased  me  most  was,  that  at  the  same  Catholic 
church  the  next  day,  I  saw  our  Lady  all  in  white  linen, 
dressed  as  one  that  is  newly  lain  in,  and  on  her  lap  some- 
thing that,  perhaps  twenty  years  since,  was  designed  for  a 
baby,  but  now  it  was  grown  to  have  a  heard ;  and  methought 
was  not  so  well  used  as  our  country-fellows  used  to  be,  who, 
though  they  escape  all  the  year,  are  usually  trimmed  at 
Christmas.  They  must  pardon  me  for  being  merry,  for  it  is 
Christmas :  but,  to  be  serious  with  you,  the  Catholic  religion 
is  a  diflferent  thing  from  what  we  believe  it  in  England.  I 
have  other  thoughts  of  it  than  when  I  was  in  a  place  that  is 
filled  with  prejudices,  and  things  are  known  only  by  hearsay,  w 
I  have  not  met  with  any  so  gw)d-natured  people,  or  so  civil,  y{ 
as  the  Catholic  priests,  and  I  have  received  many  courtesies 
from  them,  which  I  shall  always  gratefully  acknowledge. 

"  But  to  leave  the  good-natured  Catholics,  and  to  give  you 
a  little  account  of  our  brethren  the  Calvinists,  that  differ 
very  little  from  our  English  Presbyterians.  I  met  lately, 
accidentally,  with  a  young  sucking  chvine,  that  thought  him- 
self no  small  champion ;  who,  as  if  he  had  been  some  knight- 
errant,  bound  by  oath  to  bid  battle  to  all  comers,  first  ac- 
costed me  in  courteous  voice;  but  the  customary  salute 
being  over,  I  found  myself  assaulted  most  furiously,  and 
heavy  loads  of  arguments  fell  upon  me.  I,  that  expected  no 
such  thing,  was  fain  to  guard  myself  under  the  trusty  broad 
shield  of  ignorance,  and  only  now  and  then  returned  a  blow 
by  way  of  iiiQuiry :  and  by  this  Parthian  way  of  flying,  de- 
fended myself  till  passion  and  want  of  breath  had  made  him 
weary,  and  so  we  came  to  an  accommodation ;  though,  had 
he  had  lungs  enough,  and  I  no  other  use  of  my  ears,  the 
combat  might  have  lasted  (if  that  may  be  called  a  combat, 
ubi  tu  cades  ego  vapulo  tcmttm)  as  long  as  the  wars  of  Troy, 
and  the  end  of  all  had  been  Uke  that,  nothing  but  some  rub- 


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16  LIFE   AlTD   LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [ltf64. 

bish  of  divinity  as  useless  and  incoherent  as  the  ruins  the 
Greeks  left  behind  them. 

"  This  was  a  probationer  in  theology,  and,  I  believe  (to  keep 
still  to  my  errantry),  they  are  bound  to  show  their  prowess 
with  some  valiant  unknown,  before  they  can  be  dubbed,  and 
receive  the  dignity  of  the  order.  I  cannot  imagine  why 
else  he  should  set  upon  me,  a  poor  innocent  wight,  who 
thought  nothing  of  a  combat,  and  desired  to  be  peaceable, 
and  was  too  far  from  my  own  dunghill  to  be  quarrelling ;  but 
it  is  no  matter,  there  were  no  wounds  made  but  in  Priscian's 
head,  who  suffers  much  in  this  country.  This  provocation  I 
have  sufficiently  revenged  upon  one  of  their  church,  our 
landlord,  who  is  wont  sometimes  to  Germanize  and  to  be  a 
little  too  much  of  the  creature.  These  frailties  I  threaten 
him  to  discover  to  his  pastor,  who  will  be  sure  to  rebuke  him 
(but  sparing  his  name)  the  next  Sunday  from  the  pulpit,  and 
severely  chastise  the  liberty  of  his  cups ;  thus  I  sew  up  the 
good  man's  mouth,  because  the  other  gaped  too  much,  and 
made  him  as  much  bear  my  tongue,  as  I  was  punished  with 
the  other's.  But  for  all  this,  he  will  sometimes  drink  him- 
self into  a  defiance  of  divines  and  discipline,  and  hearken 
only  to  Bacchus's  inspirations. 

"  You  must  not  expect  anything  remarkable  from  me  aU  the 
following  week,  for  I  have  spent  it  in  getting  a  pair  of  gloves, 
and  think,  too,  I  have  had  a  quick  despatch :  you  will  per- 
haps wonder  at  it,  and  think  I  talk  like  a  traveller ;  but  I 
will  give  you  the  particulars  of  the  business,  jfhree  days 
were  spent  in  finding  out  a  glover,  for  .though  I  can  walk  all 
the  town  over  in  less  than  an  hour,  yet  their  shops  are  so 
contrived,  as  if  they  were  designed  to  conceal,  not  expose 
their  wares ;  and  though  you  may  think  it  strange,  yet,  me- 
thinks,  it  is  very  well  done^  and  't  is  a  becoming  modesty  to 
conceal  that  which  they  have  reason  enough  to  be  ashamed  of. 

"  But  to  proceed ;  the  two  next  days  were  spent  in  drawing 
them  on,  the  right-hand  glove  for,  as  they  call  them  here, 
hand  shoe),  Thursday,  and  the  left  hand,  Friday,  and  I  '11 
promise  you  this  was  two  good  days'  workr,  and  little  enough 
to  bring  them  to  fit  my  hands  and  to  consent  to  be  fellowgi, 
which,  after  all,  they  are  so  far  from,  that  when  they  are  on, 
I  am  always  afraid  my  hands  should  go  to  cuffs,  one  with 
another,  they  so  disagree :   Saturday  we  concluded  on  the 


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1664.]  BECEBTiJlT  TO   SIB  WALTEB  VAKB.  17 

price,  computed,  and  changed  our  money,  for  it  requires  a 
great  deal  of  arithmetic  and  a  great  deal  of  brass  to  par 
twenty-eight  stivers  and  seven  doits  ;  but,  God  be  thanked, 
they  are  dl  well  fitted  with  counters  for  reckoning ;  for  their 
money  is  good  for  nothing  else,  and  I  am  poor  here  with  my 
pockets  fidl  of  it.  I  wondered  at  first  why  the  market  people 
Drought  their  wares  in  little  carts,  drawn  by  one  horse,  till  I 
found  it  necessary  to  carry  home  the  price  of  them ;  for  a 
horse-load  of  turnips  would  be  two  horse-load  of  money. 

"  A  fair  of  shoes  cannot  be  got  under  half  a  year :  I  lately 
saw  the  cow  killed,  out  of  whose  hide  I  hope  to  hf^ve  my  next 
pair.  The  first  thing  after  they  are  married  here  is  to  be- 
speak the  child's  coat,  and  truly  the  bridegroom  must  be  a 
bungler  that  gets  not  the  child  before  the  mantle  be  made ; 
for  it  is  far  easier  here  to  have  a  man  made  than  a  suit.  To 
be  serious  with  you,  they  are  the  slowest  people,  and  fullest 
of  delays,  that  ever  I  have  met  with,  and  their  money  as  bad. 

"  December  22nd,  I  saw  the  inscription  that  entitles  the 
Elector's  house  here  to  so  much  antiquity ;  it  stands  at  the 
tipper  end  of  a  large  room,  which  is  the  first  entrance  into 
the  house,  and  is  as  follows : — *  Anno  ab  urbe  Eoman4  con- 
dit&  698  Julius  CsBsar  Dictator  hisce  partibus  in  ditionem 
susceptis  arcem  banc  Clivensem  fund.'  I  know  not  how  old 
the  wall  was  that  bore  it,  but  the  inscription  was  certainly 
much  younger  than  I  am,  as  appears  by  the  characters  and 
other  circumstances ;  however,  I  believe  the  painter  rever- 
enced the  antiquity,  and  did  homage  to  the  memory  of  Csesar, 
and  was  not  averse  to  a  tradition  which  the  situation  and 
antique  mode  of  building  made  not  improbable.  The  same 
time,  I  had  the  favour  to  see  the  kitchen  and  the  cellar,  and 
though  in  the  middle  of  the  first  there  was  made  on  the  floor 
a  great  fire  big  enough  to  broil  half-a-dozen  St  Laurences, 
yet  methought  the  cellar  was  the  better  place,  and  so  I  made 
baste  to  leave  it,  and  have  little  to  say  of  it,  unless  you  think 
fit  I  should  tell  you  how  many  rummers  of  Ehenish  I  drank, 
and  how  many  biscuits  I  ate,  and  that  I  had  there  almost 
learned  to  speak  High  Dutch. 

**  December  24th. — At  the  Lutherans'  church,  after  a  good 
lusty,  rattling  High  Dutch  sermon,  the  sound  whereof  would 
have  made  one  think  it  had  the  design  of  reproof,  I  had  an 
opportunity  to  observe  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament, 


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is  UTE  AKD   liETTEBS  01*   JOHK  LOCKS.  [l664 

wHch  was  thus : — ^the  sermon  being  ended,  the  minister  that 
preached  not  (for  they  have  two  to  a  church)  stood  up  at  a 
little  desk  which  was  upon  the  communion  table,  almost  at 
the  upper  end  of  the  church,  and  then  read  a  little  while,  part 
of  which  reading  I  judged  to  be  prayer,  but  obserrea  no 
action  that  looked  like  consecration  (I  know  not  what  the 
words  were) ;  when  he  had  done,  he  placed  himself  at  the 
north  end  of  the  table,  and  the  other  mmister,  that  preached, 
at  the  south  end,  so  that  their  backs  were  toward  one  another ; 
then  there  marched  up  to  him  on  the  north  side  a  colhmuni- 
cant,  who,  when  he  came  to  the  minister,  made  a  low  bow^ 
and  knelt  down,  and  then  the  minister  put  water  into  his 
mouth ;  which  done,  he  rose,  made  his  obeisance,  and  went  to 
the  other  end,  where  he  did  the  same,  and  had  the  wine 
poured  into  his  mouth,  without  taking  the  cup  in  his  hand, 
and  then  came  back  to  his  place  by  the  south  side  of  the 
church.  Thus  did  four,  one  after  another,  which  were  all  that 
received  that  day,  and  amongst  them  was  a  boy,  about  thir- 
teen or  fourteen  years  old. 

*'  They  have  at  this  church  a  sacrament  every  Sunday  morn- 
ing :  in  the  afternoon,  at  the  Calvinists',  I  saw  a  christening. 
After  sermon  there  came  three  men  and  three  women  (one 
whereof  was  the  midwife,  with  a  child  in  her  arms,  the  rest 
were  godfathers  and  godmothers,  of  which  they  allow  a  greater 
number  than  we  do,  and  so  wisely  get  more  spoons) — to  the 
table  which  is  just  by  the  pulpit.  They  taking  their  places, 
the  minister  in  the  pulpit  read  a  little  of  the  Institution, 
then  read  a  short  prayer ;  then  another  minister,  that  was 
below,  took  the  child,  and  with  his  hand  poured  water  three 
times  on  its  forehead,  which  done,  he  in  the  pulpit  read 
another  short  prayer,  and  so  concluded.  All  this  was  not 
much  longer  than  the  Lord's  Prayer,  Creed,  and  Ten  Com- 
mandments ;  for  all  their  service  is  very  short,  beside  their 
preaching  and  singing,  and  there  they  allow  good  measure." 

TO  THE   SAME. 

"Deae  Sib, 

"The  old  opinion,  that  every  man  had  his  particular  genius 
that  ruled  and  directed  his  course  of  life,  hath  made  me 
sometimes  laugh  to  think  what  a  pleasant  thing  it  would  be 
if  we  could  see  little  sprites  bestride  men  (as  plainly  as  I  see 


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ie64.]  SSCBBTABT  TO  SIB  WALTSB  TAJSTE.  W 

here  women  bestride  horses),  ride  them  about,  and  spur  them 
on  in  that  way  which  they  ignorantly  think  they  choose 
themselves.  And  would  you  not  smile  to  observe  that  they 
make  use  of  us  as  we  do  of  our  palfreys,  to  trot  up  and  down 
for  their  pleasure  and  not  our  own  ? 

"  To  what  purpose  this  from  Cleves  ?  I  will  tell  you :  if 
there  be  any  such  thing  (as  I  cannot  vouch  the  contrary), 
certainly  mine  is  an  academic  goblin.  When  I  left  Oxford, 
I  thought  for  a  while  to  take  leave  of  all  University  affairs, 
and  should  have  least  expected  to  have  found  anything  of 
that  nature  here  at  Cleves  of  any  part  of  the  world.  But  do 
what  I  can,  I  am  still  kept  in  that  tract.  I  no  sooner  was 
got  here,  but  I  was  welcomed  with  a  divinity  disputation, 
which  I  gave  you  an  account  of  in  my  last ;  I  was  no  sooner 
rid  of  that,  but  I  found  myself  up  to  the  ears  in  poetry,  and 
overwhelmed  in  Helicon.  I  had  almost  or  rather  have  been- 
soused  in  the  Beyne,  as  frozen  as  it  was,  for  it  could  not 
have  been  more  cold  and  intolerable  than  the  poetry  I  met 
with.  The  remembrance  of  it  puts  me  in  a  chill  sweat,  and 
were  it  not  that  I  am  obliged  to  recount  all  particulars,  being 
under  the  laws  of  an  historian,  I  should  find  it  very  difficult 
to  recall  to  mind  this  part  of  my  story :  but  bavins  armed 
myself  with  a  good  piece  of  bag  pudding,  which  bears  a 
mighty  antipathy  to  poetry,  and  having  added  thereto  half-a- 
dozen  glasses  of  daring  wine,  I  thus  proceed  :— 

"  My  invisible  master,  therefore,  having  mounted  me,  rode 
me  out  to  a  place,  where  I  must  needs  meet  a  learned  bard 
in  a  threadbare  coat,  and  a  hat,  that  though  in  its  younger 
days  it  had  been  black,  yet  it  was  grown  grey  with  the  labour 
of  its  master's  brains,  and  his  hard  study  or  time  had  changed 
the  colour  of  that  as  well  as  its  master's  hair.  His  breeches 
had  the  marks  of  antiquity  upon  them,  were  bom,  I  believe, 
in  the  heroic  times,  and  retamed'stHL  the  gallantry  of  that 
age,  and  had  an  antipathy  to  base  pelf.  Stockings  I  know 
not  whether  he  had  anv,  but  I  am  sure  his  two  shoes  had  but 
one  heel,  which  made  his  own  foot  go  as  uneven  as  those  of 
hi^  verses.  He  was  so  poor,  that  he  had  not  so  much  as  a 
rich  fisice,  nor  the  promise  of  a  carbuncle  in  it,  so  that  I  must 
needs  say  that  his  outside  was  poet  enough. 

"  Afber  a  little  discourse,  wherein  he  sprinkled  some  bays 
on  our  British  Druid  0  weu;  out  he  drew  from  under  his  coat 

0  2 


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20  LIFE   AND   LETTEES  OF  JOHK  LOCKS.  [1664. 

a  folio  of  verses ;  and  that  you  may  be  sure  they  were  excel- 
lent, I  must  tell  you  that  they  were  acrostics  upon  the  name 
and  titles  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  I  could  not  escape 
reading  of  them :  when  I  had  done,  I  endeavoured  to  play 
the  poet  a  little  in  commending  them,  but  in  that  he  outdid 
me  clearly,  praised  faster  than  I  could,  preferred  them  to 
Lucan  and  Virgil,  showed  me  where  his  muse  flew  high, 
squeezed  out  all  the  verjuice  of  all  his  conceits,  and  there  was 
not  a  secret  conundrum  which  he  laid  not  open  to  me ;  and 
in  that  little  talk  I  had  with  him  afterwards,  he  quoted  his 
own  verses  a  dozen  times,  and  gloried  in  his  works.  The 
poem  was  designed  as  a  present  to  the  Elector,  but  I  being 
Owen's  countryman  had  the  honour  to  see  them  before  the 
Elector,  which  he  made  me  understand  was  a  singular  cour- 
tesy, though  I  believe  one  hundred  others  had  been  equally 
favoured. 

"  I  told  him  the  Elector  must  needs  give  him  a  co^- 
siderable  reward ;  he  seemed  angry  at  the  mention  of  it, 
and  told  me  he  had  only  a  design  to  show  his  affection  and 
parts,  and  spoke  as  if  he  thought  himself  fitter  to  give  than 
to  receive  anything  from  the  Elector,  and  that  he  was  the 
greater  person  of  the  two ;  and  indeed,  what  need  had  he  of 
any  gift,  who  had  all  Tagus  and  Pactolus  in  his  possession  ? 
could  make  himself  a  Tempe  when  he  pleased,  and  create  as 
many  Elysiums  as  he  had  a  mind  to.  I  applauded  his  gene- 
rosity and  great  mind,  thanked  him  for  the  favour  he  had 
done  me,  and  at  last  got  out  of  his  hands. 

"  But  my  University  goblin  left  me  not  so ;  for  the  next 
day,  when  I  thought  I  had  been  rode  out  only  to  airing,  I 
was  had  to  a  foddering  of  chopped  bay  or  logic  forsooth ! 
Poor  materia  prima  was  canvassed  cruelly,  stripped  of  all  the 
gay  dress  of  her  forms,  and  shown  naked  to  us,  though,  I 
must  confess,  I  had  not  eyes  good  enough  to  see  her ;  how- 
ever, the  dispute  was  good  sport,  and  would  have  made  a 
horse  laugh,  and  truly  I  was  like  to  have  broke  my  bridle. 
The  young  monks  (which  one  would  not  guess  by  their  looks) 
are  subtile  people,  and  dispute  as  eagerly  for  materia  prima, 
as  if  they  were  to  make  their  dinner  on  it,  and,  perhaps, 
sometimes  it  is  all  their  meal,  for  which  others'  charity  is 
more  to  be  blamed  than  their  stomachs. 

"  The  professor  of  philosophy  and  moderator  of  the  disputa- 


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1664.]  SECBETABT  TO   SIB  WALTEB  VAITB.  21 

tion  was  more  acute  at  it  than  Father  Hudibras;  he  was 
top-full  of  distinctions,  which  he  produced  with  so  much 
gri^vity,  and  applied  with  so  good  a  grace,  that  ignorant  I 
began  to  admire  logic  again,  and  could  not  have  thought  that 
*simpliciter  et  secundum  quid  materialiter  et  formaliter' 
had  been  sUch  gallant  things,  which,  with  the  right  stroking 
of  his  whiskers,  the  settling  of  his  hood,  and  his  stately  walk, 
made  him  seem  to  himself  and  me  something  more  than 
Aristotle  and  Democritus.  But  he  was  so  hotly  charged  by 
one  of  the  seniors  of  the  fraternity  that  I  was  afraid  some* 
times  what  it  would  produce,  and  feared  there  would  be  no 
other  way  to  decide  the  controversy  between  them  but  by 
cuffs ;  but  a  subtile  distinction  divided  the  matter  between 
them,  and  so  they  parted  good  friends.  The  truth  is,  here 
hog-shearing  is  much  in  its  glory,  and  our  disputing  in  Oxford 
comes  as  far  short  of  it  as  the  rhetoric  of  Carfax  does  that 
of  Billingsgate.  But  it  behoves  the  monks  to  cherish  this 
art  of  wrangling  in  its  declining  age,  which  they  first  nursed, 
and  sent  abroad  into  the  world,  to  give  it  a  troublesome,  idle 
employment.  I  being  a  brute,  that  was  rode  there  for  an- 
other's pleasure,  profited  little  by  all  their  reasonings,  and 
was  glad  when  they  had  done,  that  I  might  get  home  again 
to  my  ordinary  provender,  and  leave  them  their  sublime 
speculations,  which  certainly  their  spare  diet  and  private 
cells  inspire  abundantly,  which  such  gross  feeders  as  I  am 
are  not  capable  of." 

"Dec.  1664. 
"Dbab  Sib, 

"This  day  our  public  entertainment  upon  the  Elector's 
account  ended,  much  to  my  satisfaction ;  for  I  had  no  great 
pleasure  in  a  feast  where,  amidst  a  great  deal  of  meat  and 
company,  I  had  little  to  eat,  and  less  to  say.  The  advantage 
was,  the  lusty  Germans  fed  so  heartily  themselves,  that  they 
regarded  not  much  my  idleness ;  and  I  might  have  enjoyed 
a  perfect  quiet,  and  slept  out  the  meal,  had  not  a  glass  of 
wine  now  and  then  jogged  me ;  and  indeed  therein  lay  the 
care  of  their  entertainment,  and  the  sincerity  too,  for  the 
wine  was  such  as  might  be  known,  and  was  not  ashamed  of 
itself.  But  for  their  meats,  they  were  all  so  disguised,  that 
I  should  have  guessed  they  had  rather  designed  a  mass  than 
»  n^eal,  and  had  a  mind  rather  to  pose  than  feed  us.    But 


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22  Lir£  AND   LETTEBS  OF  JOWS  LOOSE.  [l664. 

the  cook  made  their  metamorphosis  like  Ovid's,  where  the 
change  is  usually  into  the  worse.    . 

"  I  had,  however,  courage  to  venture  upon  things  unknown ; 
and  I  could  not  often  tell  whether  I  ate  flesh  or  fish,  or  good 
red  herring,  so  much  did  they  dissemble  themselves;  onl^ 
now  and  then,  a  dish  of  good  honest  fresh-water  fish  came 
in,  so  far  from  all  manner  of  deceit  or  cheat,  as  they  hid  not 
so  much  as  their  tails  in  a  drop  of  butter;  nor  was  there 
any  sauce  near  to  disguise  them.  What  think  you  of  a  hen 
and  cabbage  ?  or  a  piece  of  powdered  beef  covered  over  with 
preserved  quinces  ?  These  are  no  miracles  here.  One  thing 
there  is  that  I  like  very  well,  which  is,  that  they  have  good 
salads  all  the  year,  and  use  them  frequently.  It  is  true,  the 
Elector  gave  his  victuals,  but  the  officers  that  attended  ua 
valued  their  services,  and  one  of  them  had  ready  in  his  pocket 
a  list  of  those  that  expected  rewards  at  such  a  rate,  that  the 
attendance  cost  more  than  the  meat  was  worth. 

"Dec.  9. — I  was  invited  and  dined  at  a  monastery  with 
the  Franciscan  friars,  who  had  before  brought  a  Latin  epistle 
to  us  for  relief;  for  they  live  upon  others'  charity,  or  more 
truly  live  idly  upon  others'  labours.  But  to  my  dinner,  for 
my  mouth  waters  to  be  at  it,  and  no  doubt  you  will  lone  for 
such  another  entertainment  when  yo.u  know  this.  After 
something  instead  of  grace  or  music,  choose  you  whether,  for 
I  could  make  neither  of  it ;  for  though  what  was  sung  were 
Latin,  yet  the  tune  was  such,  that  I  neither  understood  the 
Latin  nor  the  harmony.  The  beginning  of  the  Lord's  Prayer 
to  the  first  petition,  they  repeated  aloud,  but  went  on  silently 
to  *sed  libera  nos,'  &c.,  and  then  broke  out  into  a  loud 
chorus,  which  continued  to  the  end;  during  their  silence, 
they  stooped  forwards,  and  held  their  heads  as  if  they  had 
been  listening  to  one  another's  whispers. 

"After  this  preludium,  down  we  sat ;  the  chief  of  the  monks 
(I  suppose  the  prior)  in  the  inside  of  the  table,  just  in  the 
middle,  and  all  his  brethren  on  each  side  of  him ;  I  was 
placed  just  opposite  to  him,  as  if  I  had  designed  to  bid  battle 
to  them  all.  But  we  were  all  very  quiet,  and  after  some 
silence,  in  marched  a  solemn  procession  of  peas-porridge, 
every  one  his  dish.  I  could  not  tell  by  the  looks  what  it 
was,  till  putting  my  spoon  in  for  discovery,  some  few  peas  in 
the  bottom  peeped  up.    I  had  pity  on  them^  and  was  wiUing 


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1664.]  SECEETART  TO   SIB  WALTBB  VAITE.  28 

enough  to  spare  them,  but  waa  forced  by  good  manners, 
though  against  mj  nature  and  appetite,  to  destroy  some  of 
them,  and  so  on  I  fell. 

"  All  this  while  not  a  word ;  I  could  not  tell  whether  to 
impute  the  silence  to  the  eagerness  of  their  stomachs,  which 
allowed  their  mouths  no  other  emplojrment  but  to  fill  them, 
or  any  other  reason ;  I  was  confident  it  was  not  in  admiration 
of  their  late  music.  At  last,  the  oracle  of  the  place  spoke, 
and  told  them  he  gave  them  leave  to  speak  to  entertain  me. 
I  returned  my  compliment,  and  then  to  discourse  we  went, 
helter-skelter,  as  hard  as  our  bad  Latin,  and  worse  pronun- 
ciation on  each  side,  would  let  us ;  but  no  matter,  we  cared 
not  for  Priscian,  whose  head  sufiered  that  day  not  a  little. 
However,  this  saved  me  from  the  peas-pottage,  and  the  peas- 
pottage  from  me ;  for  now  I  had  something  else  to  do. 

"  Our  next  course  was,  every  one  his  act  of  fish,  and  butter 
to  boot ;  but  wheth^  it  were  intended  for  fresh  or  salt  fish 
I  cannot  tell,  and  I  believe  it  is  a  question  as  hard  as  any 
Thomas  ever  disputed.  Our  third  service  was  cheese  and 
butter,  and  the  cheese  had  this  peculiar  in  it,  which  I  never 
Baw  anywhere  else,  that  it  had  carrawa;^  seeds  in  it. 

"  The  prior  had  upon  the  table  by  mm  a  little  bell,  which 
he  rang  when  he  wanted  anything,  and  those  that  waited 
never  brought  him  anything  or  took  away  but  they  bowed 
with  much  reverence,  and  kissed  the  table.  The  prior  was 
a  good  plump  fellow,  that  hpd  more  belly  than  brains;  and\ 
methought  was  very  fit  to  be  reverenced,  and  not  much  unlike  A 
Bome  head  of  a  college.  I  liked  him  well  for  an  entertain- 
ment ;  for  if  we  had  had  a  good  dinner,  he  would  not  have 
disturbed  me  much  with  his  discourse. 

"  The  first  that  kissed  the  table  did  it  so  leisurely  that  I 
thought  he  had  held  his  head  there  that  the  prior,  during  our 
silence,  might  have  wrote  something  on  his  bald  crown,  and 
made  it  sink  that  way  into  his  understanding. 

"  Their  beer  was  pretty  good,  but  their  coimtenances  be- 
spoke better :  their  Dread  brown,  and  their  table-linen  neat 
enough.  After  dinner,  we  had  the  second  part  of  the  same 
tune,  and  after  that  I  departed. 

"  The  truth  is,  they  were  very  civil  and  courteous,  and 
seemed  good-natured :  it  was  their  time  of  fast  in  order  to 
Christmas :  if  I  have  another  feast  there,  you  shall  be  my 


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24  LIFE   JLKD  LETTEBS  OE  JOHIT  LOCKE.  [l664. 

guest.  Tou  will  perhaps  have  reason  to  think  that  whatever 
becomes  of  the  rest,  I  shall  bring  home  my  belly  well-im* 
proved,  since  all  I  tell  you  is  of  eating  and  drinking ;  but 
you  must  know  that  knight-errants  do  not  choose  their  ad- 
ventures, and  those  who  sometimes  live  pleasantly  in  brave 
castles,  amidst  feasting  and  ladies,  are  at  other  times  in  bat" 
ties  and  wildernesses,  and  you  must  take  them  as  they  come. 

"Dec.  10. — I  went  to  the  Lutheran  church,  and  found 
them  all  merrily  singing  with  their  hats  on ;  so  that  by  the 
posture  they  were  in,  and  the  fashion  of  the  building,  not 
altogether  unlike  a  theatre,  I  was  ready  to  fear  that  I  had 
mistook  the  place.  I  thought  they  had  met  only  to  exercise 
their  voices :  for  after  a  long  stay  they  still  continued  on 
their  melody,  and  I  verily  believe  they  sung  the  119th  Psalm, 
nothing  else  could  be  so  long :  that  that  made  it  a  little  toler- 
able was,  that  they  sung  better  than  we  do  in  our  churches, 
and  are  assisted  by  an  organ.  The  music  being  done,  up 
went  the  preacher,  and  prayed ;  and  then  they  simg  again ; 
and  then,  after  a  little  prayer  at  which  they  all  stood  up  (and, 
as  I  understand  since,  was  the  Lord's  Prayer),  read  some  of 
the  Bible ;  and  then,  laying  by  his  book,  preached  to  them 
memoriter.  His  sermon,  I  think,  was  in  blank  verse ;  for  by 
the  modulation  of  his  voice,  which  was  not  very  pleasant,  his 
periods  seemed  to  be  all  nearly  the  same  length  ;  but  if  his 
matter  were  no  better  than  his  delivery,  those  that  slept  had 
no  great  loss,  and  might  have  snored  as  harmoniously.  After 
sermon  a  prayer,  and  the  organ  and  voice  again ;  and  to  con- 
clude all,  up  stood  another  minister  at  a  little  desk,  above  the 
communion  table  (for  in  the  Lutheran  and  Calvinist  churches 
here  there  are  no  chancels),  gave  the  benediction,  which  I 
was  told  was  the  '  Ite  in  nomme  Domini !'  crossed  himself, 
and  so  dismissed  them. 

"  In  the  church  I  observed  two  pictures,  one  a  crucifix,  the 
other  I  could  not  well  discern ;  but  in  the  Calvinist  church 
no  picture  at  all.  Here  are,  besides  Catholics,  Calvinists  and 
Lutherans  (which  three  are  allowed),  Jews,  Anabaptists,  and 
Quakers.  The  Quakers,  who  are  about  thirty  families,  and 
some  of  them  not  of  the  meanest ;  and  they  increase,  for  as 
much  as  I  can  learn,  they  agree  with  ours  in  other  thin^  as 
well  as  name,  and  take  no  notice  of  the  Elector's  prohibiting 
their  meeting. 


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1664.]  BECBETJlUT  TO   SIB  'VC^i.LTEB  YAITE.  26 

**  Dec.  11. — ^I  had  formerly  seen  the  size  and  arms  of  the 
Duke's  guards,  but  to-day  I  had  a  sample  of  their  stomachs 
(I  mean  to  eat,  not  to  fight)  ;  for  if  they  be  able  to  do  as 
much  that  way  too,  no  question  but  imder  their  guard  the 
Duke  is  as  much  in  safety  as  1  believe  his  victuals  are  in 
danger. 

"  But  to  make  you  the  better  understand  my  story,  and 
the  decorum  which  made  me  take  notice  of  it,  I  must  first 
describe  the  place  to  you.  The  place  where  the  Elector  com- 
monly eats  is  a  large  room,  into  which  you  enter  at  the  lower 
end  by  an  ascent  of  some  few  steps  ;  just  without  this  is  a 
lobby:  as  this  evening  I  was  passing  through  it  into  the 
Qourt,  I  saw  a  company  of  soldiers  very  close  together,  and  a 
steam  rising  from  the  midst  of  them.  I,  as  strangers  use  to 
be,  being  a  little  curious,  drew  near  to  these  men  of  mettle, 
where  I  found  three  or  four  earthen  fortifications,  wherein 
were  intrenched  peas-porridge,  and  stewed  turnips  or  apples, 
jnost  valiantly  stormed  by  those  men  of  war :  they  stood  just 
opposite  to  the  Duke's  table,  and  within  view  of  it ;  and  had 
the  Duke  been  there  at  supper,  as  it  was  very  near  his  sup- 
per time,  I  should  have  thought  they  had  been  set-  there  to 
provoke  his  appetite  by  example,  and  serve  as  the  cocks  have 
done  in  some  countries  before  battle,  to  fight  the  soldiers 
into  courage,  and  certainly  these  soldiers  might  eat  others 
into  stomachs.  Here  you  might  have  seen  the  court  and 
camp  drawn  near  together,  there  a  supper  preparing  with 
great  ceremony,  and  just  by  it  a  hearty  meal  made  without 
stool,  trencher,  table-cloth,  or  napkins,  and  for  aught  1  could 
see,  without  beer,  bread,  or  salt ;  but  I  stayed  not  long,  for 
taethought  't  was  a  dangerous  place,  and  so  I  lefb  them  in 
the  engagement. 

"  I  doubt  by  that  time  you  come  to  the  end  of  this  course 
of  entertainment,  you  will  be  as  weary  of  reading  as  1  am  of 
writing,  and  therefore  I  shall  refer  you  for  the  rest  of  my 
adventiires  (wherein  you  are  not  to  expect  any  great  matter) 
to  the  next  chapter  of  my  history. 

'*  The  news  here  is,  that  the  Dutch  have  taken  Lochem 

from  the  Bishop  of  Munster,  and  he,  in  thanks,  has  taken 

'  and  killed  five  or  six  hundred  of  their  men.     The  French, 

they  say,  ran  away,  some  home,  and  some  to  the  Bishop,  who 

has  disposed  his  men  into  garrisons,  which  has  given  the 


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26  LIFE  AJSTD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [I666. 

Dutch  an  opportunity  to  besiege  another  of  his  towns,  but 
not  very  considerable :  all  things  here  seem  to  threaten  a 
great  deal  of  stir  next  summer,  but  as  yet  the  Elector  declares 
for  neither  side. 

"  I  sent  my  uncle  a  letter  of  attorney  before  I  left  Eng- 
land, to  authorize  him  to  dispose  of  my  affairs  there,  and 
order  my  estate  as  he  should  think  most  convenient :  I  hope 
he  received  it  J||Jy|aink  it  best  my  tenants  should  not  know- 
that  I  am  oul^^^^Kland,  for  perhaps  that  may  make  them 
the  more  slack^^^^fctheir  rents.  If  he  tells  you  anything 
that  concerns  ^^^H^end  word  to  your  faithful  friend, 

"  Throw  by  ^^^^wne  comer  of  your  study  till  I  come, 
and  then  we  ^j^^^|^  together,  for  it  may  serve  to  recall 
other  things  tc^^^Kiory,  for  'tis  like  I  may  have  no  other  . 

Locke  return ^^JjEngland  in  February,  1665,  and  Us  at 
that  time  undecidOTWIiether  or  not  to  continue  in  the  public 
employment,  and  accept  an  offer  to  go  to  Spain.  In  a  letter 
to  the  same  friend,  Mr  Strachy,  after  mentioning  the  latest 
news — 

"  That  the  French  fill  their  towns  towards  England  and 
Holland  with  soldiers ;  but  whatever  we  apprehend,  I  scarce 
believe  with  a  design  of  landing  in  England ;"  he  says,  "  what 
private  observations  I  have  made  will  be  fitter  for  our  table 
at  Sutton  than  a  letter,  and  if  I  have  the  opportunity  to  see 
you  shortly,  we  may  possibly  laugh  together  at  some  German 
stories ;  but  of  my  coming  into  the  country  I  write  doubt- 
fully to  you,  for  I  am  now  offered  a  fair  opportuniiy  of  going 
into  Spain  with  the  Ambassador :  if  I  embrace  it,  I  shaU 
conclude  this  my  wandering  year ;  if  not,  you  will  ere  long 
see  me  in  Somersetshire.  If  I  go,  I  shall  not  have  above  ten 
days'  stay  in  England :  I  am  pulled  both  ways  by  divers 
considerations,  and  do  yet  waver.  I  intend  to-morrow  for 
Oxford,  and  shall  there  take  my  resolution.  This  town  affords 
little  news,  and  though  the  return  of  the  Court  gives  confi- 
dence to  the  timorous  that  kept  from  it  for  fear  of  the  infec* 
tion,  yet  I  find  the  streets  very  thin,  and  methinks  the  town 
droops.  Yours  most  faithfully, 

JoiLN  Locke." 

"London,  Feb.  22,65." 


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1665.] 


DEOLDTIS   TO   CK)  TO   SPAIN. 


27 


The  resolution  was  taken,  soon  after  bis  arrival  at  Oxford, 
not  to  accept  the  offer  of  going  to  Spain. 

«Deab  Sib, 

*^  I  wrote  to  you  from  London  as  soon  as  I  came  thither,  to 
let  you  know  you  had  a  servant  returned  to  England,  but 


Tory  likely  to  leave  it  again  before  Lu  b. 
fair  offers  I  had  to  go  to  Spain  have  not 
whether  fate  or  fondness  kept  me  at 
•whether  I  have  let  slip  the  minnte  tb; 
bas  once  in  bis  life  to  make  himself,  I 
sure,  I  never  trouble  myself  for  the  losi 
bad ;  and  have  the  satisfaction  that  I ' 
at  Sutton   Court,  a  greater  rarity 
afforded  me ;   for,  believe  it,  one  may 
one  meet  a  friend.    Pray  write  by  the  pf 
^do,  and  what  you  can  tell  of  the 
xour  most  affectio; 


bow  jm  ( 


<«  Oxford,  Feb.  28,  65." 


But  those 
d  with  me : 
know  not ; 
y  every  one 
:  this  I  am 
hich  I  never 
;ly  to  see  you 
.travels   have 
g  way  before 
let  me  know 
srnment  of, 
end, 
J.  Locke."' 


The  following  letter  from  Locke  to  his  friend  Mr  Strachy, 
describing  the  disaster  at  Chatham,  when  the  Dutch  fleet 
sailed  into  the  Medway,  may  not  be  uninteresting :  it  was  in 
all  probability  written  during  his  residence  with  I^rd  Shaftes- 
bury in  London. 

"June  16,  67. 
"Sib, 

"  I  believe  report  hath  increased  the  ill  news  we  have  here ; 
therefore,  to  abate  what  possibly  fear  may  have  rumoured, 
I  send  you  what  is  vouched  here  for  nearest  the  truth.  The 
Dutch  have  burned  seven  of  our  ships  in  Chatham,  viz.  the 
Boyal  James,  Boyal  Oak,  London,  Unity,  St  Matthias, 
Charles  V.,  and  the  Eoyal  Charles,  which  some  say  they  have 
towed  off,  others  that  they  have  burned.  One  man  of  war  of 
theirs  was  blown  up,  and  three  others  they  say  are  stuck  in 
J^be  sands ;  the  rest  of  their  fleet  is  fallen  down  out  of  the 
Medway  into  the  Thames.  It  was  neither  excess  of  courage 
on  their  part,  nor  want  of  courage  in  us,  that  brought  this 
loss  upon  us ;  for  when  the  English  had  powder  and  shot, 
they  fought  like  themselves,  and  made  the  Dutch  feel  them ; 


«. 


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28  LITE  AITD  LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  tOCEE.  [l665-6. 

but  whether  it  were  fortune,  or  fate,  or  anything  else,  let 
time  and  tongues  tell  you,  for  I  profess  I  would  not  believe 
what  every  mouth  speaks.  It  is  said  this  morning  the  French 
fleet  are  seen  off  the  Isle  of  Wight.  I  have  neither  the  gift 
nor  heart  to  prophesy,  and  since  I  remember  you  bought  a 
new  cloak  in  the  hot  weather,  I  know  you  are  apt  enough  to 
provide  against  a  storm.  Should  I  tell  you  that  I  believe 
but  half  what  men  of  credit  and  eye-witnesses  report,  you 
would  think  the  world  very  wicked  and  foolish,  or  me  very 
credulous.  Things  and  persons  are  the  same  here,  and  go  on 
at  the  same  rate  they  did  before,  and  I,  among  the  rest,  de* 
sign  to  continue 

Your  faithful  friend  and  servant, 

J.L. 

"  I  think  the  hull  of  three  or  four  of  our  great  ships  are 
saved,  being  sunk  to  prevent  their  burning  totally.  We  are 
all  quiet  here,  but  raising  of  forces  apace." 

This  and  other  letters  to  Mr  Strachy  were  probably  re- 
turned to  Locke,  after  the  death  of  the  friend  to  whom  they 
had  been  written. 

He  had  again  an  offer  of  an  employment  abroad  in  the  fol- 
lowing August,  and  continued,  as  late  as  May,  1666,  to  receive 
letters  from  an  agent  in  Germany,  who  appears  to  have  been 
employed  to  send  intelligence  for  the  information  bf  some 
member  of  the  Grovemment  here.  There  exist  several  letters, 
dated  Cleve,  from  this  person  to  Locke,  then  at  Oxford ;  but 
as  they  relate  to  events  no  longer  of  any  importance,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  give  their  contents,  however  amusing  the 
German  description  of  the  Coyness  and  Coquetry  of  a  Ger- 
man Elector  and  his  Minister,  on  those  truly  national  and 
interesting  questions,  soldier-selling  and  subsidies. 

In  1666  an  offer  of  a  different  nature  was  made  through  a 
friend  in  Dublin  to  procure  a  considerable  preferment  in  the 
Church  from  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  then  Lord-Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  if  Locke  should  be  inclined  to  engage  in  the  clerical 
profession ;  and  a  draft  of  his  answer  has  been  preserved, 
•which  will  show  his  conscientious  scruples,  and  the  objec- 
tions which  determined  him  to  refrise  the  advantageous  offer 
then  held  out  to  him. 


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16«6.]  SSCLIKES  TO  XNTEB  THE   OHUBCH.  29 

After  expressing  how  much  he  felc  indebted  to  the  kind- 
ness of  his  fidend,  he  proceeds  thus : — 

"  The  proposals,  no  question,  are  very  considerable ;  but 
consider,  a  man's  affairs  and  whole  course  of  his  life  are  not 
to  be  changed  in  a  moment,  and  that  one  is  not  made  fit  for 
a  caUing,  and  that  in  a  day.     I  believe  you  think  me  too 

groud  to  undertake  anything  wherein  I  should  acquit  myself 
ut  unworthily.  I  am  sure  I  cannot  content  myself  with 
being  undermost,  possibly  the  middlemost  of  my  profession ; 
and  you  will  allow,  on  consideration,  care  is  to  be  taken  not 
to  engage  in  a  calling,  wherein,  if  one  chance  to  be  a  bungler, 
there  is  no  retreat.  A  person  must  needs  be  very  quick  or 
inconsiderate,  that  can  on  a  sudden  resolve  te  tnmsplant 
himself  from  a  country,  affairs,  and  study,  upon  probability, 
which,  though  your  interest  there  may  make  you  look  on  as 
certain,  yet  my  want  of  fitness  may  probably  disappoint ;  for 
certainly  something  is  required  on  my  side.  It  is  not  enough 
for  such  places  to  be  in  orders,  and  I  cannot  think  that  pre- 
ferment of  that  nature  should  be  thrown  upon  a  man  who 
has  never  given  any  proof  of  himself,  nor  ever  tried  the  pul- 
pit. WoTild  you  not  think  it  a  stranger  question,  if  I  were 
to  ask  you  whether  I  must  be  first  in  these  places  or  in 
orders ;  and  yet,  if  you  will  consider  with  me,  it  will  not 
perhaps  seem  altogether  irrational ;  for,  should  I  put  myself 
into  orders,  and,  by  the  meanness  of  my  abilities,  grow  un- 
worthy such  expectations  (for  you  do  not  think  that  divines 
are  now  made,  as  formerly,  by  inspiration  and  on  a  sudden, 
nor  learning  caused  by  laying  on  of  hands),  I  unavoidably 
lose  all  my  former  study,  and  put  myself  into  a  calling  that 
will  not  leave  me.  Were  it  a  profession  from  whence  there 
were  any  return — and  that,  amongst  all  the  occurrences  of 
life,  may  be  very  convenient — ^you  would  find  me  with  as 
great  forwardness  to  embrace  your  proposals,  as  I  now  ac- 
knowledge them  with  gratitude.  The  same  considerations 
have  made  me  a  long  time  reject  very  advantageous  offers  of 
several  very  considerable  firiends  in  England.  I  cannot  now 
be  forward  to  disgrace  you,  or  any  one  else,  by  being  lifted 
into  a  place  which  perhaps  I  cannot  fill,  and  fix)m  whence 
there  is  no  descending  without  tumbling.  If  any  shame  or 
misfortune  attend  me,  it  shall  be  only  mine ;  and  if  I  am 
covetous  of  any  good  fortune,  't  ia  that  one  I  love  may  share 


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30  LUFS  JlND  LSTITEBS  OE  JOHI?  LOOKB.  [1666. 

it  with  me.  But  your  great  obligation  is  not  the  less,  be- 
cause I  am  not  in  a  condition  to  receive  the  effect  of  it.  I 
return  all  manner  of  acknowledgment  due  to  so  great  a 
favour,  and  shall  watch  all  occasions  to  let  you  see  how 
sensible  I  am  of  it,  and  to  assure  you  I  am,"  &c.  &c. 

Had  he  accepted  this  offer  of  preferment ;  had  he  risen 
beyond  that  middlemost  station  m  the  Church,  which  his 
own  modesty  made  him  assign  to  himself,  and  to  which  his 
virtues  must  have  condemned  him ;  had  he  even  risen  to  the 
highest  station  in  that  profession,  he  might  have  acquired  all 
the  reputation  which  belongs  to  a  divine  of  great  talents  and 
learning,  or  the  Btill  higher  distinction  of  great  moderation, 
candour,  and  Christian  charity,  so  rare  in  a  high  churchman ; 
but  most  certainly  he  would  never  have  attained  the  name  of 
a  great  philosopher,  who  has  extended  the  bounds  of  human 
knowledge. 

There  occurred  in  the  course  of  Locke's  life  the  choice  of 
three  distinct  roads  to  fortune,  and  perhaps  to  celebrity, 
either  of  which  was  capable  of  influencing  most  powerfully, 
if  not  of  totally  changing,  his  future  destiny.  The  temptation 
of  considerable  preferment  ^n  the  Church,  already  mentioned, 
the  pract^^<=*  yf  p^iyaif^  y^a  a  prnfeaainn.  nr  the  opportunity  of 
engagmg  m  diplomatic  employments,  from  which  last  he 
seems,  by  his  own  account,  to  liave  had  a  narrow  escape.  It. 
would  liave  been  unfortunate  for  his  own  renown,  had  he 
been  swayed  by  the  advantages  which  at  different  times  were 
held  out  to  him ;  it  would  also  have  been  unfortunate  for  the 
progress  of  knowledge  in  the  world,  if  he  had  placed  himself 
imder  the  influence  of  circumstances  so  capable  of  diverting 
the  current  of  his  thoughts,  and  changing  his  labours  from 
their  proper  and  most  useful  destination ;  namely,  the  lifting 
of  the  veil  of  error ;  because  an  age  might  have  elapsed  be- 
fore the  appearance  of  so  bold  a  searcher  after  truth. 

It  appears,  from  Boyle's  General  History  of  the  Air,  that 
in  1666  Locke  was  engaged  in  experimental  philosophy ;  as 
he  began  a  register  of  the  state  of  the  air  in  the  month  of 
June  of  that  year,  and  continued  it,  with  many  interruptions, 
however,  and  some  of  very  long  continuance,  till  his  final 
departure  from  Oxford  in  1683.  In  a  letter  from  Mr  Boyle, 
somewhat  earlier  than  the  first  printed  observations,  after 
praising  the  industry  and  curiosi^  of  his  correspondent,  he 


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IM6.]       ACQVAIl<rTAirCB  WITH  LOBB  SHArTESBUBT.  81 

expresses  a  wish  that  be  should  ^  search  into  the  nature  of 
minerals/'  and  promisf^  to  send  some  sheets  of  articles  of 
inquiry  into  mines;  fnd  it  seems  that  Locke  was  at  that 
time  much  engaged  iq  chemical  as  well  as  physical  studies. 

In  the  same  year,  1666,  he  first  became  acquainted  with 
Lord  Ashley,  afterwards  the  celebrated  Earl  of  Shaftesbury ; 
And  as  accidents  are  frequently  said  to  haye  the  greatest  in- 
fluence in  determining  the  course  of  men's  liyes,  so,  in  this 
instance,  the  merest  accident  produced  an  acquaintance  which 
was  aftCTwards  ripened  into  the  closest  intimacy,  and  was 
the  cause  of  turning  his  attention  to  political  subjects,  and 
thus  materially  affected  the  course  of  his  fature  life. 

Lord  Ashley,  we  are  informed,  was  suffering  from  an  ab- 
scess in  his  breast,  the  consequence  of  a  fall  from  his  horse ; 
and  came  to  Oxford  in  order  to  drink  the  water  of  Astrop. 
He  had  written  to  Dr  Thomas  to  procure  the  waters  for 
him  on  his  arriyal  at  Oxford,  but  this  physician  happening  to 
be  called  away  from  that  place,  desired  Locke  to  execute  the 
commission.  By  some  accident,  the  waters  were  not  ready 
when  Lord  Ashley  arriyed ;  and  Locke  waited  upon  him  to 
apologize  for  the  disappointment  occasioned  by  the  fault  of 
the  messenger  sent  to  procure  them.  Lord  Ashley  received 
him  with  great  ciyility,  and  was  not  only  satisfied  with  his 
excuse,  but  was  so  much  pleased  with  his  conversation,  that 
he  desired  to  improve  an  acquaintance  thus  begun  by  acci- 
dent, and  which  afterwards  grew  into  a  friendslup  that  con- 
tinued imchanged  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

Lord  Ashley,  better  known  as  Lord  Shaftesbmy,  was  a 
man  of  the  greatest  penetration  and  genius,  to  which  he 
united  the  most  engaging  manners  and  address.  We  may 
therefore  readily  beheve  what  Le  Clerc  tells  us,  that  Locke, 
on  his  part,  was  no  less  anxious  to  cultivate  the  acquaintance 
of  so  distinguished  a  person.  If  the  first  services  which 
Locke  was  enabled  to  render  Lord  Ashley  were  derived  from 
his  medical  science,  his  sagacity  and  talent  for  business  of 
every  kind  soon  led  to  the  most  unreserved  confidence ;  and 
he  continued,  during  the  whole  course  of  his  life,  through 
good  report  and  evil  report,  steadily  attached  to  his  patron 
and  his  friend ;  nor  will  it  be  denied,  that  this  steadiness  of 
attachment  was  alike  honourable  to  both.  Mr  Fox  says, 
that  Locke  "  was  probably  caught  by  the  splendid  qualities 


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8^  LirS  Ain)  LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [I666. 

of  Slmftesbury ;  Lis  courage,  his  openness,  his  party  zeal,  his 
eloquence,  his  fair-dealing  with  his  friends,  and  his  superiority 
to  vulgar  corruption;  and  that  his  partiality  might  make 
him,  on  the  other  hand,  blind  to  the  i  adifFerence  with  which 
he  (Shaftesbury)  espoused  either  monarchical,  arbitrary,  or 
republican  principles,  as  best  suited  his  ambition.  The 
greatest  blots  in  Shaftesbury's  character  are  his  sitting  on 
the  Trials  of  the  Eegicides,  and  his  persecution  of  the  Papists 
in  the  affair  of  the  Popish  Plot,  merely,  as  it  should  seem, 
because  it  suited  the  parties  with  which  he  was  engaged.'* 

In  neither  of  these  transactions  could  Locke  have  had  the 
least  part,  as  he  had  resided  for  more  than  three  years  on  the 
Continent,  chiefly  in  France,  for  the  benefit  of  his  healtl^ 
and  remained  there  during  the  heat  and  fury  excited  by  the 
discovery  of  the  Popish  Plot.  He  had  left  England  in  De- 
cember, 1675,  and  returned  not  again  before  the  10th  of  May, 
1679.  It  will  be  remembered,  that  Bedloe's  Narrative,  and 
the  trials,  if  they  can  so  be  called,  of  the  Catholics  charged 
with  the  plot,  had  taken  place  in  1678,  and  were  finished  in 
the  early  part  of  the  following  year.  There  cannot,  there- 
fore, be  the  slightest  reason  to  suspect  that  Locke  could 
have  assisted  in  the  remotest  manner  to  excite  the  blind  No- 
Popery  rage  of  those  disgraceful  times.  Even  had  he  been 
within  the  atmosphere  of  the  raging  epidemic,  the  love  of 
truth,  which  at  all  times  so  nobly  distinguished  him,  would 
have  preserved  him  from  the  national  contagion.  Although 
it  is  impossible  to  give  the  same  verdict  of  not  guilty  in 
favour  of  Shaftesbury,  yet,  when  we  consider  the  temper  of 
the  age,  and  the  delusions  under  which  men  laboured,  some 
allowance  must  be  made  for  that  great  party-loader,  who, 
with  all  his  faults,  undoubtedly  possessed  many  great  quali- 
ties ;  and  before  passing  our  final  sentence  upon  him,  one 
thing  must  never  be  forgotten,  that  to  Shaftesbury  we  .owe 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act ;  a  political  merit  of  such  magnitude, 
that,  hke  the  virtue  of  charity,  it  may  justly  be  said  to  cover 
a  multitude  of  sins. 

To  return,  however,  to  the  early  period  of  the  connexion 
with  Lord  Ashley,  we  learn  that,  from  Oxford,  Locke  ac- 
companied him  to  Sunning-hill  "Wells,  and  afterwards  re- 
sided for  some  time,  towarck  the  end  of  the  year,  at  Exeter- 
House,  in  the  Strand.    Lord  Ashley,  also^  by  his  advice, 


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16T0-74.]  BESIDEFOB  WITH  LOBD  ASHLEY.  33 

underwent  an  operation,  wliich  saved  his  life,  the  opening  of 
an  abscess  on  his  breast. 

During  this  residence  with  Lord  Ashley  in  London,  he 
}iad  the  opportunity  of  seeing  many  of  the  most  distinguished  ^ 
characters  of  those  times,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  Lord  ^ 
Halifax,  &c.,  who,  we  are  told,  enjoyea  tne  style  oi  Ms  VUll-  ' 
versation,  which  was  a  happy  union  of  wit  and  good  sense. 
Le  Clerc  tells  a  story,  that  once,  when  three  or  four  of  these 
noblemen  had  met  at  Lord  Ashley's,  and,  without  much  pre- 
lude, sat  down  to  the  card-table,  Locke,  taking  out  his 
pocket-book,  and  looking  at  the  company,  began  to  write, 
with  the  appearance  of  ^reat  attention.  One  of  the  party, 
observing  hun  occupied  in  this  manner,  inquired  what  he 
was  writing ;  to  which  Locke  replied,  that  he  was  extremely 
desirous  of  profiting  by  their  Lordships*  conversation,  and 
having  waited  impatiently  for  the  opportunity  of  enjoying 
the  society  of  some  of  the  greatest  wits  of  the  age,  he  thought 
he  could  do  no  better  than  to  take  down  verbatim  what  they 
said,  and  he  began  to  read  the  notes  that  he  had  made.  Of 
course,  it  was  not  necessary  to  proceed  far ;  the  jest  pro- 
duced the  effect,  the  card-table  was  deserted,  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  evening  was  passed  in  a  teore  rational  and 
agreeable  manner. 

"We  learn  from  Le  Clerc,  that  Locke  was  consulted  by 
Lord  Ashley  in  all  his  affairs,  even  in  the  most  interesting 
concerns  of  his  family.  He  resided  partly  at  Exeter-House, 
and  partly  at  Oxford ;  at  which  last  place  we  know  that,  in 
1670,  his  great  work,  the  Essay  on  Human  Understanding, 
was  first  sketched  out.  It  arose  from  the  meeting,  as  the 
autV>r  says,  of  five  or  six  friends  at  his  chambers,  who  finding 
difficulties  in  the  inquiry  and  discussion  they  were  engaged 
in,  he  was  induced  to  examine  what  objects  our  understand- 
ings were,  or  were  not,  fitted  to  deal  with.  The  hasty  thoughts 
wliich  he  set  down  against  the  next  meeting,  gave  the  first 
entrance  to  that  discourse  which,  after  long  intervals,  and 
many  interruptions,  was  at  last,  during  a  period  of  leisure 
and  retirement,  brought  ifito  the  order  it  assumed,  when 
given  to  the  world  eighteen  y^ears  afterwards. 

It  has  been  said  before,  that  a  copy  of  the  Essay  exists  with 
the  date  of  1671,  and  it  may  t^re  be  added,  that  the  names 
of  two  of  the  friends  alluded  to>were  Tyrrell  and  Thomas,  a 


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34  LirB  AND  LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.        [l67^ 

part  of  whose  correspondence,  as  connected  with  the  public^ 
ation  of  the  Essay,  will  appear  when  we  come  to  that  time. 

In  1672,  Lord  Ashley,  after  filling  the  office  of  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  was  created  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  and  de- 
clared Lord  Chancellor.  He  then  appointed  Locke  his  Se- 
cretary for  the  presentation  of  benefices,  and  also  to  ,some 
office  in  the  Council  of  Trade ;  both  of  which  he  quitted  in 
1673,  when  Shaftesbury  quarrelled  with  the  Court,  and  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  Country  party  in  Parliament. 

It  was  at  the  opening  of  the  Parliament  in  1673,  that 
Shaftesbury  made  use  of  that  extraordinary  expression,  in 
reference  to  the  war  with  Holland,  "  delenda  est  Carthago  ;" 
not,  it  must  be  observed,  in  his  speech  as  a  peer,  expressing 
his  own  individual  opinion,  but  in  what  may  be  called  a 
supplemental  speech  made  by  the  Lord  Chancellor  (according 
to  the  practice  of  the  time)  to  that  delivered  by  the  King  in 
person,  and  previously  determined  upon  by  the  King  in  Coun- 
cil. Shaftesbury  expressed  to  Locke  the  vexation  he  felt  at 
being  made  the  organ  of  such  sentiments ;  and  practised  as 
he  was  as  a  speaker  and  politician,  and  possessing  as  he  did 
the  greatest  presence  of  mind  on  all  occasions,  yet  on  this  he 
desired  Locke  to  stand  near  him  with  a  copy  of  the  speech 
in  his  hand,  that  he  might  be  readv  to  assist  bis  memory,  in 
case  he  should  require  it,  in  the  painful  task  of  delivering  an 
official  speech  containing  opinions  so  contrary  to  his  own. 

During  this  administration,  that  unprincipled  measure, 
the  shutting  of  the  Exchequer,  had  been  perpetrated.  Clif- 
ford is  now  known  to  have  been  the  author  and  adviser,  but 
as  it  has  often  been  attributed  to  Shaftesbury,  it  is  due  to 
him  to  give  his  own  refutation  of  that  charge  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  Locke. 

A  second  letter  from  Shaftesbury,  unconnected  with  the 
question,  and  of  «  later  date,  has  been  added  as  a  specimen 
of  his  light  and  playful  style  of  correspondence. 

"  THESE  POB  HIS  MUCH-ESTEEMED  FBIEUD,  JOHW  LOCKE,  ESQ. 

"StGiles,  Nov.  23,  1674. 

"  Mr  Look:e, 

"  I  write  only  to  you,  and  not  to  Mr  Stringer,  because  you 
write  me  word  he  is  ill,  for  which  I  am  exceedingly  Borrji 


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i 


M74.]  LETTER  OF  LOBD   SHATTESBUET.  35 

and  pray  heartily  for  his  recovery,  as  being  very  much  con- 
cerned both  in  friendship  and  interest. 

"  As  for  Captain  Halstead's  affair,  I  have  this  day  received 
the  enclosed  letter  from  him,  which,  when  you  have  read, 
you  will  believe  I  have  reason  to  desire  to  be  freed  from  his 
clamour ;  therefore,  pray  speak  with  him  again,  and  tell  him 
that,  Mr  Stringer  being  sick,  I  have  desired  you  to  appear 
for  me  before  the  referees ;  and  that  whatever  they  shall 
award,  I  have  given  orders  to  pay  my  proportion ;  and  that, 
according  to  his  desire,  I  have  written  as  effectually  as  I  can 
to  the  other  Lords,  that  they  would  do  the  same.  Pray  keep 
his  letter,  and  let  me  have  itv  again.  I  have  herewith  sent 
an  answer  to  the  Lord  Craven,  and  the  rest  of  the  Lords' 
letters,  which  I  have  not  sealed,  that  you  may  read  it ;  when 
you  have  read  it,  you  may  seal  it,  if  you  please. 

"  Pray  speak  to  South  at  the  Custom-House,  that  he  would 
buy  me  one  bushel  of  the  best  sort  of  chestnuts ;  it  is  for 
planting ;  and  send  them  down  by  the  carrier. 

"  You  guess  very  right  at  the  design  of  the  pamphlet  you 
sent  me  ;  it  is  certainly  designed  to  throw  dirt  at  me,  but  is 
like  the  great  promoters  of  it,  foolish  as  well  as  false :  it  la- 
bours only  to  asperse  the  original  author  of  the  Counsel, 
which  it  will  have  to  be  one  person,  and  therefore  seems  to 
know,  and  never  considers  that  it  is  impossible  that  any 
statesman  should  be  so  mad  as  to  give  a  counsel  of  that  con- 
sequence to  a  junto  or  number  of  men,  or  to  any  but  the 
Kiiag  himself ;  who,  it  is  not  to  be  imagined,  will  ever  become 
a  witness  against  any  man  in  such  a  case,  especially  when  he 
hath  approved  the  Counsel  so  far  as  to  continue  the  stop  ever 
since  by  a  new  great  seal  every  year.  Besides,  I  am  very 
well  armed  to  clear  myself,  for  it  is  not  impossible  for  me  to 
prove  what  my  opinion  was  of  it,  when  it  was  first  proposed 
to  the  Counsel.  And  if  any  man  consider  the  circumstance 
of  time  when  it  was  done,  that  it  was  the  prologue  of  making 
the  Lord  Clifford  Lord  Treasurer,  he  will  not  suspect  me 
of  the  Counsel  for  that  business,  unless  he  thinks  me  at  the 
same  time  out  of  my  wits.  Besides,  if  any  of  the  bankers 
do  inquire  of  the  clerks  of  the  Treasury,  with  whom  they  are 
well  acquainted,  they  vnll  find  that  Sur  John  Duncome  and 
I  were  so  little  satisfied  with  that  way  of  proceeding,  as, 
from  the  time  of  the  stop,  we  instantly  quitted  all  paying 

D  2 


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.13  LTFE   AND   lETTEBS   OF   JOHW   lOCKE.  [l674. 

aud  borrowing  of  money,  and  the  whole  transaction  of  that 
part  of  the  affair,  to  the  Lord  Clifford,  by  whom  from  that 
time  forward  it  was  only  managed.  I  shall  not  deny  but 
that  I  knew  earlier  of  the  Counsel,  and  foresaw  what  neces- 
sarily must  produce  it  sooner  than  other  men,  having  the 
advantage  of  being  more  versed;  in  the  King's  secret  affairs  ; 
but  I  hope  it  will  not  be  expected  by  any  that  do  in  the  least 
know  me,  that  I  should  have  discovered  the  King's  secret, 
or  betrayed  his  business,  whatever  my  thoughts  were  of  it. 
This  worthy  scribbler,  if  his  law  be  true,  or  his  quotation  to 
the  purpose,  should  have  taken  notice  of  the  combination  of 
the  bankers,  who  take  the  protection  of  the  Court,  and  do 
not  take  the  remedy  of  the  law  against  those  upon  whom 
they  had  assignments,  by  which  they  might  have  been  enabled 
to  pay  their  creditors ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  thought  that  the 
King  will  put  a  stop  to  their  legal  proceedings  in  a  court  of 
justice.  Besides,  if  the  writer  had  been  really  concerned  for 
the  bankers,  he  would  have  spoken  a  little  freelier  against 
the  continuing  of  the  stop  in  a  time  of  peace,  as  well  as 
against  the  first  making  of  it  in  a  time  of  war ;  for,  as  I  re- 
member, there  were  some  reasons  offered  for  the  first  that 
had  their  weight,  namely,  that  the  bankers  were  grown  de- 
structive to  the  nation,  especially  to  the  country  gentlemen 
and  farmers,  and  their  interest:  that  under  the  pretence, 
and  by  the  advantage  of  lending  the  King  money  upon  very 
great  use,  th^y  got  all  the  ready  money  of  the  kingdom  into 
their  hands ;  .  so  that  no  gentleman,  farmer,  or  merchant, 
could,  without  great  difficulty,  compass  money  for  their  oc- 
casions, unless  at  almost  double  the  rate  the  law  allowed  to 
be  taken.  That,  as  to  the  King's  affairs,  they  were  grown 
to  that  pass,  that  twelve  in  the  hundred  did  not  content 
them ;  but  they  bought  up  all  the  King's  assignment  at 
twenty  or  thirty  per  cent,  profit,  so  that  the  King  was  at  a 
fifth  part  loss  in  all  the  issue  of  his  whole  revenue.  Besides, 
in  support  of  the  Counsel,  I  remember  it  was  alleged  by 
them  that  favoured  it  without  doors — for  I  speak  only  of 
them — that  the  King  might,  without  any  damage  to  the 
subject,  or  unreasonable  oppression  upon  the  bankers,  pay 
them  six  in  the  hundred  interest  during  the  war,  and  £300,000 
each  year  of  their  principal,  as  soon  as  there  was  peace; 
which,  why  it  is  not  now  done,  the  learned  writer,  I  believe, 


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1680.]  LETTEBS  OF  LOBD   SHATTESBUBT.  87 

hath  friends  can  best  tell  him.  This  I  write,  that  you  may 
show  my  friends  or  anybody  else.  The  messenger  staying 
for  me,  I  have  written  it  in  haste,  and  not  kept  a  copy ; 
therefore,  I  pray,  lose  not  the  letter. 

"  I  am  sorry  you  are  like  to  fare  so  ill  in  your  place,  but 
you  know  where  your  company  is  ever  most  desirable  and 
acceptable.  Pray  let  me  see  you  speedily,  and  I  shall  be 
ready  to  accommodate  you  in  your  annuity  at  seven  years' 
purchase,  if  you  get  not  elsewhere  a  better  bargain ;  for  I 
would  leave  you  free  from  care,  and  think  of  living  long  and 
at  ease.    This  from, 

Dear  Sir, 
Tour  truly  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

Shaftesburt." 

"  London,  March  20,  J  J. 
"Mb.  Locke, 

"  "We  long  to  see  you  here,  and  hope  you  have  almost 
ended  your  travels.  Somersetshire,  no  doubt,  will  perfect 
your  breeding ;  after  Prance  and  Oxford,  you  could  not  go 
to  a  more  proper  place.  My  wife  finds  you  profit  much 
there,  for  you  nave  recovered  your  skill  in  Chedder  cheese, 
and  for  a  demonstration  have  sent  us  one  of  the  best  we 
have  seen.  I  thank  you  for  your  care  about  my  grandchild, 
but,  having  wearied  myself  with  consideration  every  way,  I 
resolve  to  have  him  in  my  house  •  I  long  to  speak  with  you 
about  it. 

"  For  news  we  have  little,  only  our  Government  here  are 
80  truly  zealous  for  the  advancement  of  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion, as  it  is  established  in  the  Church  of  England,  that 
they  are  sending  the  Common  Prayer-book  the  second  time 
into  Scotland.  No  doubt  but  my  Lord  Lauderdale  knows  it 
will  agree  with  their  present  constitution ;  but  surely  he  was 
much  mistaken  when  he  administered  the  Covenant  to  Eng- 
land ;  but  we  shall  see  how  the  tripodes  and  the  holy  altar 
will  agree. 

"  My  Lord  of  Ormond  is  said  to  be  dying,  so  that  you 
have  Irish  and  Scotch  news ;  and  for  English,  you  make  as 
much  at  Bristol  as  in  any  part  of  the  kingdom.  Thus  recom- 
mending you  to  the  protection  of  the  Bishop  of  Bath  and 


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T 


38  LITE  AlTD   LETTEBS   OP  J0H2T  LOCKE.  [i680. 

"Wells  (whose  strong  beer  is  tlie  only  spiritual  thing  any 
Somersetshire  gentleman  knows),  I  rest, 

Your  affectionate  and  assured  friend, 

Shattesbttet.'*  * 

*  There  are  many  letters  from  Mr  Stringer  to  Locke,  during  his  absence 
in  France.  A  few  extracts  relative  to  Shaftesbury,  &c.,  are  here  mven. 
Mr  Stringer  was  Shaftesbury's  attorney  and  secretary,  and  lived  with  him 
at  Exeter  or  Thanet  House.  On  this  account  he  fell  under  suspicion,  was 
arrested,  and  carried  before  the  Privy  Council,  with  all  his  papers,  amongst 
which  was  the  original  draft  of  the  Exclusion  bill  against  the  Duke  of  York, 
with  alterations  and  corrections  in  the  handwriting  of  an  aspiring  lawyer, 
who  now  by  opposite  manoeuvres  had  become  the  King's  attorney-general, 
and  was  officially  present  at  poor  Stringer's  examination.  Mr  Attorney, 
glancing  over  the  papers  as  they  were  turned  out  of  the  green  bag  on  the 
council-board,  perceived  the  well-known  draft  and  the  work  of  his  own 
hand,  which  had  been  employed  in  giving  the  last  polish  to  that  bill.  Aware 
of  the  danger  he  himself  incurred,  with  great  presence  of  mind  he  sug- 
gested to  the  King,  that  this  great  mass  of  papers  could  be  much  more  care- 
fully and  properly  examined  by  dividing  the  labour  amongst  different  mem- 
bers of  the  coimcil,  and  adroitly  contrived  to  include  the  dreaded  draft 
amongst  those  papers  which  he  so  willingly  undertook  the  task  of  perusing. 

Mb  Stbingeb  to  Locke.— Extracts.    , 
"  Dear  Sib,  London,  April  9,  1677 

"  I  received  your  letter  from  Tolouse,  and  am  glad  to  hear  you  are  so 
far  on  your  journey  towards  us.  I  should  be  mighty  glad  all  things  would 
so  far  concur,  that  we  might  be  so  happy  to  see  you  perfectly  well  in  Eng- 
land this  summer.  My  Lord  is  yet  m  the  Tower,  with  the  other  three  to 
accompany  him  ;  but  we  expect  this  week  a  prorogation,  and  then  the  pri- 
soners will  be  enlarged.  There  have  been  great  endeavours  against  our 
little  friend ;  but  th^  air  is  now  grown  very  clear,  and  the  season  toward 
the  end  of  a  stormy  winter  puts  us  in  expectation  of  fair  weather  at  hand. 
"We  hear  of  no  other  discourses  concerning  your  two  other  friends,  Mr  H. 
and  S.,  but  that  the  fine  month  of  April,  that  ^ves  life  and  freshness  to  all 
other  things,  will  send  them  out  of  a  dirty  stmking  air,  from  ill-meaning, 
base,  and  despicable  company,  into  the  sweet  and  pleasant  country."    *    ♦ 

"  Our  old  friend  is  still  in  limbo,  and  now  closer  confined  than  ever.  Mr 
Hoskins,  myself,  and  all  but  two  or  three  that  are  necessary  to  his  person, 
are  excluded  from  seeing  him,  and  for  what  reason  we  know  not. 

"  Your  affectionate  and  humble  servant, 

nth  July,  1677.  T.  Stringbb." 

"  Dear  Sib,  Thanet  Home,  Aug.  16,  1677. 

"  I  thank  God  our  friends  at  the  Tower  and  here  are  in  very  good  health  ; 
they  want  nothing  but  liberty,  and  that  is  not  like  to  be  had  until  the  next 


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1875.]  8ECBETAET    TO   LOBD   SHATTESBTJBT.  30 

Anthony  Collins  gives  the  following  account  of  that  inter- 
esting paper,  which  details  the  whole  proceedings  in  the 
House  of  Lords  during  the  long-contested  bill  for  imposing 
what  was  caUed  the  Bishops'  test.  It  is  published  in  Locke's 
works  under  the  title  of  "  A  Letter  from  a  Person  of  Quality 
to  his  Friend  in  the  Country."  By  that  bill,  entitled  "  An 
Act  to  prevent  the  dangers  which  may  arise  from  persons 
disaffected  to  the  Grovemment,"  brought  in  by  the  Court 
party  in  April  and  May,  1675,  aU  such  as  enjoyed  any  bene- 
ficial office  or  employment,  civil  or  military,  to  which  was 

prorogation.  His  Lordsnip  desires  you  will  get  him  the  best  maps  of  Cham- 
paigne  and  Loraigne,  Luxemburgh,  and  the  country  between  the  riyer  Sam- 
bre  and  Luxemburgh,  because  the  war  in  all  probability  will  come  there 
again ;  and  likewise  he  desires  you  will  inquire  and  let  him  know  what 
books  the  Dolphin  was  first  initiated  in  to  learn  Latin.  He  apprehends 
there  are  some  books  both  Latin  and  French,  and  other  Janua  unguarum 
or  Colloquies,  and  also  he  desires  to  know  what  grammars ;  this  ne  con- 
ceives may  be  best  learnt  from  those  two  printers  that  printed  the  Dolphin's 
books.  Having  your  order,  I  opened  the  box  of  things,  and  have  furnished 
kirn  with  those  books  you  sent  over.  He  has  engaged  to  be  very  careftil  in 
restoring  them ;  and  in  order  thereunto,  hath  got  a  box  to  keep  them  in, 
apart  from  all  other  things ;  and  it  proves  a  very  good  entertainment,  in 
this  time  of  close  confinement,  when  his  friends  are  not  permitted  to  see 
him  without  particular  order  under  the  hand  of  one  of  the  Secretaries,  who 
are  generally  very  kind,  and  deny  none  that  ask  for  leave,  as  I  do  hear  of. 
Amongst  those  books  his  Lordship  finds  a  printed  paper  of  all  the  general 
officers  of  the  King  of  France,  for  the  year  1675  :  if  there  are  any  such 
papers  printed  for  the  years  1676,  1677,  he  desires  you  will  give  yourself 
the  trouble  of  sending  them  unto  him. 

"  Your  most  affectionate  faithfiu  servant, 

J.  Stbinger.'* 

"  I  have  lately  had  a  multitude  of  business,  occasioned  by  our  removal 
from  Exeter  House ;  and  the  gentleman  who  has  taken  it  is  coming  to  pull 
it  down  and  rebuild  it  all  into  small  tenements.  My  Lord  Ashley  and  his 
Lady,  with  their  two  youngest  sons,  are  ^one  to  Haddon,  to  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  this  summer  and  ensuing  winter  there,  to  save  charges  and 
gather  a  good  stock,  that  the  next  spring  they  may  begin  housekeeping  at 

.     St  Giles  bein^  empty,  my  Lord  of  Shaftesbury  and  his  Countess 

are  gone  thither  to  visit  Mrs  Antnony,  who  is  left  to  their  care  and  tuition, 
and  a  little  after  Michaelmas  they  resolve  again  to  come  to  London. 

"  My  Lord  begs  the  kindness  that  you  wul  deliver  the  enclosed,  wherein 
is  the  copy  of  his  note  for  trees.  That  which  his  Lordship  desires  is,  that 
you  will  pay  for  them  and  get  them  packed  up  and  sent  to  some  merchant 
nere  in  London ;  and  to  send  me  word  where  it  is  that  you  think  fit  to  di- 
rect them  unto,  and  also  to  settle  a  correspondence  with  some  person  there, 
that  my  Lord  upon  any  occasion  may  write  to  him  for  more/' 


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40  LTr£  AI<rD  LETTSBS  O?  JOHN  LOOSE.  [l675. 

afterwards  added  Privy  Counsellors,  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
and  Members  of  Parliament,  were  under  a  penalty  to  take 
the  oath  and  make  the  declaration  and  abhorrence  following : 

"  I,  A.  B^  do  declare  that  it  is  not  lawful  upon  any  pretence 
whatever,  to  take  up  arms  against  the  King ;  and  that  I  do 
abhor  the  traitorous  position  of  taking  up  arms  by  his  au- 
thority, against  his  person,  or  against  those  that  are  com- 
missioned by  him ;  and  I  do  swear  that  I  will  not  at  anytime 
endeavour  the  alteration  of  the  Q-overnment  either  in  Church 
or  State.     So  help  me  Grod." 

Such  of  the  Lords  as  had  no  dependence  iipon  the  Court, 
and  were  distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  Country  Lords, 
looked  upon  this  bill  as  a  step  the  C'Ourt  was  making  to  in- 
troduce arbitrary  power,  and  they  opposed  it  so  vigorously, 
that  the  debate  lasted  five  several  days  before  it  was  com- 
mitted to  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  and  afterwards 
it  took  up  sixteen  or  seventeen  whole  days,  the  House 
sitting  many  times  till  eight  or  niue  of  the  clock  at  night, 
and  sometimes  till  midnight.  However,  after  several  altera- 
tions, which  they  were  forced  to  make,  it  passed  the  Com- 
mittee, but,  a  contest  arising  between  the  two  Houses  con- 
cerning their  privileges,  they  were  so  inflamed  against  each 
other,  that  the  King  thought  it  advisable  to  prorogue  the 
Parliament,  so  the  bill  was  never  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee to  the  House. 

The  debates  occasioned  by  that  bill  failed  not  to  make  a 
great  noise  tl^oughout  the  whole  kingdom ;  and  because 
there  were  very  few  persons  duly  apprized  thereof,  and  every- 
body spoke  of  it  as  they  stood  affected,  my  Lord  Shaftesbury, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Country  party,  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  publish  an  account  of  evervthing  that  had  passed 
upon  that  occasion,  in  order  not  only  to  open  the  people's 
eyes  upon  the  secret  views  of  the  Court,  but  to  do  justice  to 
the  Country  Lords,  and  thereby  to  secure  to  them  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  affection  and  attachment  of  such  as  were  of 
the  same  opinion  with  themselves,  which  was  the  most  con- 
siderable part  of  the  nation.  But  though  this  Lord  had  all 
the  faculties  of  an  orator,  yet  not  having  time  to  exercise 
himself  in  the  art  of  writing,  he  desired  Mr  Locke  to  draw 
up  the  relation,  which  he  did  under  his  Lordship's  inspection, 
and  only  committed  to  writing  what  my  Lord  Shaftesbury 


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1676.]  810BJIITABT  TO  LOBD  SHATTSSBITBT.  41 

did  in  a  manner  dictate  to  him :  accordingly,  you  will  find 
in  it  a  great  many  strokes  which  could  proceed  from  nobody 
but  my  Lord  Shaftesbury  himself ;  and  amongst  others,  the 
characters  and  eulogiums  of  such  Lords  as  had  signalized 
themselves  in  the  cause  of  public  liberty. 

The  letter  was  privately  printed  soon  afterwards ;  and  the 
Court  was  so  incensed  at  it,  that  at  the  next  meeting  of 
Parliament,  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1675,  the  Court 
party,  who  still  kept  the  ascendant  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
ordered  it  to  be  burned  by  the  common  hangman.     "  The 

Particular  relation  of  the  debate,"  says  the  mgenious  Mr 
larvel,  "  which  lasted  many  days  with  great  eagerness  on 
both  sides,  and  the  reasons  but  on  one,  was,  in  the  next  ses- 
sions, burnt  by  order  of  the  Lords,  but  the  sparks  of  it  will 
eternally  fly  in  their  adversaries'  faces." 

The  following  letter,  in  Locke's  handwriting,  indorsed 
Charles  II.  to  Sir  George  Downing,  was  probably  procured 
from  Lord  Shaftesbury. 

"Whitehall,  Jan.  16,  0.  S.  1671. 
"SiB  Geoeob  Dowktnq, 

"  I  have  seen  all  the  letters  to  my  Lord  Arlington  since 
your  arrival  in  Holland,  and  because  I  find  you  sometimes 
divided  in  your  opinion  betwixt  what  seems  good  to  you  for 
my  affairs  in  the  various  emergencies  and  appearances  there, 
and  what  my  instructions  direct  you,  that  you  may  not  err  in 
the  future,  I  have  thought  fit  to  send  you  my  last  mind  upon 
the  hinge  of  the  whole  negotiation,  ana  in  my  own  hand,  that 
you  may  likewise  know  it  is  your  part  to  obey  punctually  my 
orders,  instead  of  putting  yourself  to  the  trouble  of  finding 
reasons  why  you  do  not  do  so,  as  I  find  in  your  last  of  the 
12th  current.  And  first  you  must  know  I  am  entirely  secure 
that  Prance  will  join  with  me  against  Holland,  and  not  separ- 
ate from  me  for  any  offers  HoUand  can  make  to  them ;  next, 
I  do  allow  of  your  transmitting  to  me  the  States'  answer  to 
your  Memorial  concerning  the  flags,  and  that  you  stay  there 
expecting  my  last  resolution  upon  it,  declaring  that  you  can- 
not proceed  to  any  new  matter  till  you  receive  it ;  but  upon 
the  whole. matter,  you  must  always  know  my  mind  and  reso- 
lution is,  not  only  to  insist  upon  the  having  my  flag  saluted 
even  on  their  very  fihores  (as  it  was  always  practised),  but 


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42  LIFE  AND  LETTEES   01"  JOHN  LOCKE.  [ie7i: 

in  having  mj  dominion  of  the  seas  asserted,  and  Van  G-ueni 
exemplarily  punished.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  I  would 
have  you  use  your  skill  so  to  amuse  them  that  they  may  not 
finally  despair  of  me,  and  thereby  give  me  time  to  make  my- 
self more  ready,  and  leave  them  more  remiss  in  their  prepar- 
ations. In  the  last  place,  I  must  again  enjoin  you  to  spare 
no  cost  in  informing  yourself  exactly  how  ready  their  ships 
of  war  are  in  all  their  ports,  how  soon  they  are  like  to  put  to 
sea,  and  to  send  what  you  learn  of  this  kind  hither  with  all 
speed.  I  am,  your  loving  friend, 

C'HAELES  R." 

It  appears  that  the  asthmatic  complaint  with  which  Locke 
was  afflicted  during  nearly  the  last  thirty  years  of  his  life, 
began  to  show  itself  at  least  as  early  as  1671.  We  find  from 
the  following  letter  to  Dr  Mappletoft,  that  a  residence  in  the 
South  of  France  was  at  that  time  in  contemplation ;  but 
whether  Locke  actually  went  to  reside  in  Prance  for  the 
benefit  of  his  health  before  1675  is  uncertain.  Monsieur  Le 
Clerc  says,  that  he  attended  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  to 
Paris  in  1668,  and  returned  after  a  short  time  in  consequence 
of  the  Earl's  death. 

LOCKE   TO   DE  MAPPLETOFT. 

"  Sutton,  Oct.  7,  71. 
"  Deab  Sib, 

"  Though  before  the  receipt  of  your  last  letter  (which,  by 
my  slow  progress  hither,  I  overtook  not  till  this  night)  I 
was  very  weU  assured  of  your  friendship,  yet  the  concern- 
ment you  express  for  my  health,  and  the  kindness  wherewith 
you  press  my  journey  iuto  France,  give  me  fresh  and  obliging 
testimonies  of  it.  This  is  so  far  from  an  offence  against  de- 
corum, or  needing  an  apology  on  that  score,  that  I  think  the 
harder  you  ask  for  it  is  the  only  thing  I  ought  to  take  amiss 
from  you,  if  I  could  take  amiss  anything  from  one  who  treats 
me  with  so  much  kindness  and  so  much  sincerity.  I  am  now 
making  haste  back  again  to  London,  to  return  you  my  thanks 
for  this  and  several  other  favours ;  and  then  having  made 
you  judge  of  my  state  of  health,  desire  your  advice  what  you 
think  best  to  be  done ;  wherein  you  are  to  deal  vdth  me 
with  the  same  freedom,  since  nothing  will  be  able  to  make  me 
leave  those  friends  I  have  in  England  but  the  positive  direc- 


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1677.]  HIS  IMPAIEED  HEALTH.  43 

tion  of  some  of  those  friends  for  my  going.  But  however  I 
dispose  of  myself,  I  shall  dwell  amidst  the  marks  of  your 
kindness,  and  shall  enjoy  the  air  of  Hampstead  Heath  or 
Montpellier  as  that  wherein  your  care  and  friendship  hath 
placed  me,  and  my  health  will  not  be  less  welcome  to  me 
when  it  comes  by  your  advice,  and  brings  with  it  the  hopes 
that  I  may  have  longer  time  in  the  world  to  assure  you  with 
what  affection  and  sincerity  I  am. 

Sir,  your  most  humble  servant. 

And  faithful  friend, 

J.  Locke." 

"  To  his  much-honoured  friend,  Br  John  Mappletoft, 
at  Mr  Trimmer's,  over  against  the  George, 
Lombard  Street,  London." 

TO   THE'  SAME. 

"  Paris,  22nd  June,  77. 
"  I  ABBiTED  here  about  the  beginning  of  the  month  with  the 
remains  of  a  very  untoward  ague  upon  me,  which  seized  and 
kept  me  awhile  upon  the  way,  but  I  thank  G-od  have  now 
pretty  well  recovered  my  strength,  so  that  if  you  have  any 
commands  for  me  here,  I  might  hope  to  execute  them ;  but  I 
have  little  expectation  of  any  from  you,  that  when  you  were 
here  yourself  and  breathed  the  air  of  this  place,  which  seems 
to  me  not  very  much  to  favour  the  severer  sects  of  philoso- 
phers, were  yet  so  great  a  one  as  to  provide  for  aU  your 
necessities  with  only  a  crown  or  two,  will  not,  I  guess,  now 
that  you  are  out  of  the  sight  of  all  our  gaudy  fashionable 
temptations,  have  much  employment  for  a  factor  here ;  but 
yet  if  either  absence  (which  sometimes  increases  our  desires) 
or  love  (which  we  see  every  day  produces  strange  effects  in 
the  world)  have  softened  you,  or  disposed  you  towards  any 
liking  of  any  of  our  fine  new  things,  't  is  but  sajring  so,  and 
I  am  ready  to  furnish  you,  and  shoujd  be  sorry  not  to  be 
employed.     Were  I  to  advise,  perhaps  I  should  say  to  you, 
that  the  lodging  at  Gresham  College  were  a  very  quiet  and 
comfortable  habitation.     I  know  not  how  I  am  got  into  this 
chapter  of  love,  unless  the  genius  of  the  place  inspires  me 
with  it,  for  I  do  not  find  that  my  ague  has  much  inclined  me 
to  the  thought  of  it.    My  health,  which  you  are  so  kind  to  in 
your  wishes,  is  the  only  mistress  I  have  a  long  time  courted, 
and  is  so  coy  a  one,  that  I  think  it  will  take  up  the  remainder 


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44  LITE  XVD  LETT2BS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [^678^^ 

of  my  days  to  obtain  her  good  graces  and  keep  her  in  good 
humour.  She  has  of  late  been  very  wayward,  out  I  hope  is 
now  coming  about  again.  I  shall  be  glad  that  my  constant 
addresses  should  at  last  prevail  with  her,  that  I  might  be  in 
a  better  condition  and  enjoy  and  serve  you.  Being  with  all 
sincerity,  Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

J.  LOOKB." 

"My  service,  I  beseech  you,  to  all  my  friends  in  your 
walks,  particularly  Dr  Sydenham  :  the  spell  held  till  I  had 
left  MontpeUier,  for  by  all  the  art  and  industry  I  could  use,  I 
could  not  ^et  a  book  of  his  to  MontpeUier  till  the  week  after 
I  had  left  it.  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  that  it  every  day  gains 
ground,  though  that  be  not  always  the  fate  of  useful  truth, 
especially  at  first  setting  out.  I  shall  perhaps  be  able  to  give 
him  an  account  of  what  some  ingenious  men  think  of  it  here : 
though  I  imagine  he  is  too  well  satisfied  with  the  truth  in  it^ 
and  the  design  that  made  him  publish  it,  that^  he  matters  not 
much  what  men  think,  yet  there  is  usually  a  very  great  and 
allowable  pleasure  to  see  the  tree  take  and  thrive  in  our  time 
which  we  ourselves  have  planted." 

TO  THE   SAME. 

"  Lyon,  8  November,  78. 
"Deab  Sib, 

"  If  all  the  world  should  go  to  Eome,  I  think  I  should 
never,  having  been  twice  firmly  bent  upon  it,  the  time  set, 
the  company  agreed,  and  as  many  times  defeated.  I  came 
hither  in  all  haste  from  MontpeUier  (from  whence  I  write  to 
you)  with  the  same  design ;  but  old  Father  Winter,  armed 
with  aU  his  snow  and  icicles,  keeps  guard  on  Mount  Cenis, 
and  wUl  not  let  me  pass.  But  smce  I  cannot  get  over  the 
hiU,  I  desire  your  letters  may  not :  they  may  now  keep  their 
old  road  to  M.  Charas's,  where  I  hope  in  a  few  days  to  see 
and  be  acquainted  with  your  friend  Dr  Badgen ;  and  so  having 
seen  the  winter  over  at  Paris,  return  to  you  early  in  the  spring. 
"Were  I  not  accustomed  to  have  Fortune  to  dispose  of  me  con- 
trary to  my  design  and  expectation,  I  should  be  very  angry 
to  be  thus  turned  out  of  my  way,  when  I  imagined  myself  al- 
most at  the  suburbs  of  Bome,  and  made  sure  in  a  few  days  to 
mount  the  Capitol  and  trace  the  footsteps  of  the  Scipios  and 


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1675.]  BESIDEIirCE  IN  FBi.TrOX.  45 

the  Caesars  ;  but  I  am  made  to  know  that 't  is  a  bold  thing  to 
be  projecting  of  things  for  to-morrow,  and  that  it  is  fit  such  a 
slight  bubble  as  I  am  should  let  itself  be  carried  at  the  fancy 
of  wind  and  tide,  without  pretending  to  direct  its  own  motion. 
I  think  I  shall  learn  to  do  so  hereafter,*— this  is  the  surest  way 
to  be  at  ease.  But  hold,  I  forget  vou  have  quitted  Ghilen  for 
Plutarch,  and  't  is- a  little  too  confident  to  talk  philosophy  to 
one  who  converses  daily  with  Xenophon. 

"  I  cannot  tell  how  to  blame  your  design,  but  I  must  con- 
fess to  you  I  like  our  calling  the  worse  since  you  have  quitted 
it :  yet  I  bope  it  is  not  to  make  way  for  another  with  more 
indissoluble  chains,  with  greater  cares  and  solicitudes  accom- 
panying it.  If  it  be  so,  you  need  be  well  prepared  with 
philosophy,  and  may  find  it  necessary  sometime  to  take  a 
dram  of  Tully  de  consolations,  I  cannot  forbear  to  touch,  en 
passant,  the  chapter  of  matrimony,  which  methinks  you  are 
still  haiakering  after ;  but  if  ever  you  should  chance  so  to  be 
given  up  as  to  marry,  and,  like  other  loving  husbands,  tell 
your  wife  who  has  dissuaded  you,  what  a  case  shall  I  be  in ! 
All  my  comfort  is  that 't  is  no  personal  malice  to  the  woman, 
and  I  am  sure  I  have  nothing  but  friendship  for  you,  for  I 
am  with  sincerity, 

Your  most  affectionate  humble  servant, 

J.  Locke." 
**  To  Dr  John  Mappletoft." 

In  1675,  Locke  went  to  reside  in  France  for  the  benefit 
of  his  health,  and,  from  the  time  of  his  landing  at  Calais,*  he 
kept  a  daily  Journal,  from  which  the  following  extracts  have 
been  made.  The  ori^nal  contains  a  description  of  the 
country,  and  of  such  thmgs  as  were  best  worth  seeing  in  the 
different  towns  of  France.  It  describes  with  much  minute- 
ness and  accuracy  the  cultivation  of  the  vine  and  olive  country, 
the  different  processes  of  the  fermentation  of  wine,  and  of 
preparing  the  oils,  and  the  different  sorts  of  fruit  there  in 
Whest  estimation.  It  gives  an  account  of  mechanical  and 
other  contrivances,  and  objects  of  use  and  convenience,  then 
more  common  in  France  than  in  England.  There  are  also 
many  medical  observations,  many  notes  and  references  to 
books,  which  it  has  been  thought  proper  for  the  sake  of  bre» 
vity  to  omit. 


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46  LIFE  Ain)  LETTEES  OF  JOHIT  LOCKE.  [l676. 

Por  the  same  reason,  the  first  part  only  of  the  Journal 
has  heen  printed  verbatim:  it  has  afterwards  been  much 
curtailed,  and  the  notes  and  dissertations  on  difierent  subjects, 
interspersed  in  different  parts,  are  collected  together  in  a 
connected  form  at  the  end  of  these  extracts. 

In  general,  the  particulars  which  have  been  selected  from 
the  Journal  are  such  as  are  either  curious  and  interesting, 
as  records  of  former  times,  or  as  they  afibrd  a  contrast  be- 
tween the  present  prosperous  state  of  France  and  its  former 
condition ;  where  the  extremes  of  splendour  and  misery 
marked  the  nature  of  the  old  and  despotic  Government,  the 
paradise  of  monarchs  and  courtiers,  out  the  purgatory  of 
honest  and  industrious  citizens  and  peasants,  whom  ^French 
lawyers  were  pleased  to  describe,  and  French  nobles  to  treat, 
as  "  tailleable  et  corv^able"  animals,  who  lived,  and  moved, 
and  had  their  beings  only  fpr  the  benefit  of  the  privileged 
orders. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  JOURNAL. 


Nov.  30, 1675.  The  way  from  Boulogne  is  made  up  of 
hills  and  plains,  covered  with  com  or  woods ;  in  the  latter 
we  looked  out  for  our  friends  of  St  Omer's,  but  the  Dons 
were  afraid  of  the  French  or  of  us  (I  do  not  imagine  they 
had  any  aversion  to  our  money),  and  so  we  saw  no  more 
whiskers.  After  this,  those  that  had  money  thought  it  their 
own,  and  believed  their  clothes  might  last  them  to  Paris, 
where  the  tailors  lie  in  wait :  and  I  know  not  whether  they 
with  their  yards  and  shears,  or  the  trooper  with  his  sword 
and  pistol,  be  the  more  dangerous  creature.  We  marched 
on  merrily  the  remainder  of  the  day^to  Montreuil ;  supper 
was  ready  before  our  boots  were  off,  and,  being  fish,  as  soon 
digested. 

Dec.  1.  Early  on  a  frosty  morning  we  were,  with  all  the 
train,  on  our  march  to  Abbeville,  ten  leagues ;  it  is  a  large 
town  on  the  Amiens  river:  here  his  Excellency  dismissed 
his  St  Omer's  trumpeter. 


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1675.]       EXTRACTS  TEOM  HIS  JOTJEKAJi  XS  FEANCE.  47 

2nd.  The  Ambassador  resolving  to  go  by  Amiens,  cup 
governor,  the  messenger,  resolved  to  take  the  ordinary  road 
by  Poy,  which  we,  who  went  to  seek  adventure  beyond  Paris, 
easily  consented  to.  "We  therefore  plodded  on  nine  leagues 
to  Poy ;  we  were  no  sooner  got  into  our  chambers,  but  we 
thought  we  were  come  there  too  soon,  as  the  highway  seemed 
the  cleaner  and  more  desirable  place.  It  being  decreed  we 
must  stay  there  all  night,  I  called,  entreated,  and  swaggered 
a  good  while  for  a  pair  of  slippers :  at  last  they  brought  them, 
and  I  sat  me  down  on  the  only  seat  we  had  in  our  apartment, 
which  at  present  was  a  form,  but  had  formerly  been  a  wood- 
en-horse :  I  thought  to  ease  myself  by  standing,  but  with 
no  very  good  success,  I  assure  you ;  for  the  soles  of  my 
pantofles,  being  sturdy  timber,  had  very  little  compliance  for 
my  feet,  and  so  made  it  somewhat  uncomfortable  to  keep 
myself,  as  the  French  call  it,  on  one  end. 

This  small  taste  of  sabot  gaA^e  me  a  surfeit  of  them,  and  I 
should  not  make  choice  of  a  country  to  pass  my  pilgrimage 
in  where  they  are  in  fsishion :  as  we  had  but  two  pair  between 
three  of  us,  there  could  not  be  a  nicer  case  in  breeding  than 
to  know  whether  to  take,  offer,  or  refuse  their  use.  Many 
compliments,  I  assure  you,  passed  on  the  occasion ;  we  shuf- 
fled favour,  obligation,  ana  honour,  and  many  such  words 
(very  useful  in  travelling),  forward  and  backward  until  sup- 
per came :  here  we  thought  to  divert  our  pain,  but  we  quickly 
found  a  supper  of  ill  meat,  and  worse  cooking :  soup  and  ra- 
gout, and  such  other  words  of  good  savour,  lost  here  their 
relish  quite,  and  out  of  five  or  six  dishes,  we  patched  up  a 
Very  uncomfortable  supper.  But  be  it  as  rascally  as  it  was, 
it  must  not  fail  to  be  fashionable ;  we  had  the  ceremony  of 
first  and  second  course,  and  a  dessert  at  the  close :  whatever 
the  fare,  the  treat  must  be  in  all  its  formality,  with  some 
haws,  if  no  better,  under  the  fine  name  of  Pomet  de  Paradise. 

After  supper,  we  retreated  to  the  place  that  usually  gives 
relief  to  aU  moderate  calamities,  but  our  beds  were  antidotes 
to  sleep :  I  do  not  complain  of  the  hardness,  but  the  tangible 
quality  of  what  was  next  me,  and  the  savour  of  all  about  made 
me  quite  forget  both  slippers  and  supper.  As  we  had  a  long 
journey  of  twelve  leagues  to  go  next  day,  our  stay  was  for- 
tunately short  here :  we  were  roused  before  day,  and  all  were 
glad  to  be  released  from  the  prison ;  we  willingly  left  it  to 


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\  - 

48  LIFE   IA-ND  LETTEES   of   JOHN  LOCKE.  [l675. 

the  miserable  souls  who  were  to  succeed  us.  If  Paris  be 
heaven  (for  the  French,  with  their  usual  justice,  extol  it 
above  all  things  on  earth),  Poy  certainly  is  Purgatory  in  the 
way  to  it. 

3rd.  We  dined  at  Beauvais,  where  I  saw  nothing  re- 
markable except  the  quire  of  a  church,  very  high  and  stately, 
built,  as  they  say,  by  the  English,  who,  it  seems,  had  not  time 
to  complete  the  whole,  and  the  French  have  never  thought 
fit  to  finish  it.  If  the  nave  of  the  church  were  added,  it 
would  be  a  magnificent  structure.  As  far  as  I  have  observed 
of  the  churches  of  both  countries,  to  make  them  in  every 
way  exact,  we  ought  to  build,  and  they  to  adorn  them. 
Hence,  we  went  three  leagues  to  Tilliard  to  bed.  Good 
mutton,  and  a  good  supper,  clean  linen  of  the  country,  and 
a  pretty  girl  to  lay  it  (who  was  an  angel  compared  with  the 
fiends  at  Poy),  made  us  some  amends  for  the  past  night's 
suffering.  Do  not  wonder  that  a  man  of  my  constitution 
and  gravity  mentions  to  you  a  handsome  face  amongst  his 
remarks,  for  I  imagine  that  a  traveller,  though  he  carry  a 
cough  with  him,  goes  not  out  of  his  way  when  he  takes  no- 
tice of  strange  and  extraordinary  things.* 

4th.  We  dined  at  Beaumont.  This  being  the  last  as- 
sembly we  were  like  to  have  of  our  company,  't  was  thought 
convenient  here  to  even  some  small  account  had  happened 
upon  the  road.  One  of  the  Frenchmen,  who  had  disbursed 
for  our  troop,  was,  by  the  natural  quickness  of  his  temper, 
carried  beyond  the  mark,  and  demanded  for  our  shares  more 
than  we  thought  due.  Whereupon,  one  of  the  English  de- 
sired an  account  of  particulars,  not  that  the  whole  was  so 
considerable,  but  to  keep  a  certain  custom  we  had  in  England 
not  to  pay  money  without  knowing  for  what.  Monsieur 
answered  briskly,  he  woidd  give  no  account;  the  other  as 
briskly,  that  he  would  have  it :  this  produced  a  reckoning  of 
the  several  disbursements,  and  an  abatement  of  one-fourth 
of  the  demand,  and  a  great  demonstration  of  good  nature. 
Monsieur  steward  showed  afterwards  more  civility  and  good 
nature,  after  the  little  contest,  than  he  had  done  all  the 
I'oumey  before. 

***** 

Thus,  in  seven  days,  we  came  from  Paris  to  Lyons,  100 
leagues;  the  passage  to  Chalons  was  troublesome;  from 


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1675.]  EESIDENCE   IN  FBAKCE.  49 

Chalons  by  water  was  very  easy  and  convenient,  and  the 
river  quiet. 

21st.  Lyons. — We  visited  Mr  Charleton,  who  treated  us 
extreme  civilly.  They  showed  us,  upon  the  top  of  the  hill, 
a  church,  now  dedicated  to  the  Virgin,  which  was  formerly 
a  Temple  of  Yenus :  near  it  dwelt  Thomas  Becket,  when 
banished  from  England. 

22nd.  We  saw  the  Jesuits'  College  ;  a  large  quadrangle, 
surrounded  by  high  buildings,  having  the  waUs  covered  with 
pretty  well-painted  figures.  The  library  is  the  best  that  ever 
I  saw,  except  Oidbrd,  being  one  very  high  oblong  square, 
with  a  gallery  round  to  come  at  the  books ;  it  is  yet  but  mode- 
rately furnished  with  books,  being  made,  as  they  told  us,  not 
above  a  year.  The  College  is  pleasantly  situated  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rhone,  and  hath  a  very  excellent  prospect. 
Saw  M.  Servis's  museum  of  pumps,  clocks,  and  curiosities. 

23rd.  Saw  St  John's  Church,  the  cathedral,  a  very  plain, 
ordinary  building,  nothing  very  observable  but  the  clock, 
which  they  say  cost  20,0(K)  livres :  at  every  hour,  the  image 
of  an  old  man,  designed  for  the  Father,  shakes  his  hand ; 
this  is  what  is  most  looked  at,  but  of  least  moment,  there 
being  other  things  far  more  considerable  ;  as  the  place  of  the 
sun,  dominical  letter,  Epact,  moveable  feasts,  and  other 
things  of  an  almanack,  for  almost  a  hundred  years  to  come, 

24th.  I  saw  a  little  castle,  called  Pierre  en  Cise,  upon 
the  river  Soane,  at  the  entrance  into  the  town.  It  is  a  place 
used  to  keep  prisoners ;  indeed,  it  is  much  better  fitted  to  keep 
criminals  in,  than  enemies  out.  It  is  a  little,  irregular  fortifica- 
tion on  a  rock,  which  hath  a  precipice  on  all  sides,  and  is  high 
towards  the  river  and  two  other  sides,  but  commanded  by  hills 
much  higher ;  here  Eouquet  was  once  prisoner.  Here  the 
hill  on  the  left  hand  turns  short  towards  the  Ehone,  and 
leaves  a  long  plain  neck  of  land  between  the  two  rivers,  on 
which  the  greatest  part  of  Lyons  is  built,  in  narrow,  irregu- 
lar streets ;  stone  houses,  flat-roofed,  covered  with  pantiles, 
and  some  turrets,  and  the  angle  of  the  roofs  with  tin.  A 
good  part  of  the  town  lies  also  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
Soane ;  and  the  sides  of  the  hills  are  covered  with  houses, 
gardens,  and  vineyards,  so  that  it  is  a  pleasant  place.  The 
town-house  is  a  stately  building. 

25th.    Saw  a  fine  fair  prospect  of  the  town  from  the  hills 


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50  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l675. 

on  the  north  side.  The  Hotel  Dieu,  a  fair  large  hospital, 
containing,  as  they  told  me,  five  hundred  sick  persons  :  they 
lie  in  a  room  which  is  a  large  cross,  and  three  rows  of  beds 
in  each :  two  of  the  arms  of  the  cross  have  men,  and  two 
women ;  in  the  centre  is  an  altar. 

26th.  I  saw  the  Charity,  consisting  of  nine  square  courts, 
and  there  are  in  them  1500,  as  I  am  told,  maintained  and 
lodged  here.  They  receive  bastards,  and,  as  soon  as  they  are 
able,  employ  them  in  winding  silk,  the  manner  whereof,  it 
being  holiday,  we  could  not  see:  The  mo*st  considerable 
thing  we  saw  was  their  granary,  one  hundred  steps  long  and 
thirty-six  broad,  windows  open  all  round:  there  are  con- 
stantly in  it  6000  asnees  of  wheat, — one  asnee  is  an  ass-load 
of  six  bushels.  They  turn  the  corn  every  day,  about  which 
seven  men  are  employed  ;  when  the  boys  are  grown  .up,  they 
bind  them  out  to  traders.  It  is  a  noble  foundation,  and  has 
a  large  revenue. 

27th.  By  the  old  town  of  Vienne  to  St  Yallier,  through  a 
pleasant  valley  of  the  Rhone,  with  mulberry  and  walnut 
trees  set  in  exact  quincunx  at  the  distance  of  our  apple  trees 
in  England. 

28th.  To  Valence,  seven  leagues.  Pretty  large  town,  ill- 
built  ;  the  cathedral  the  plainest  I  had  anywhere  seen.  The 
Scola  Juris  et  Medicinae  here  very  mean.  As  we  came  along, 
we  passed  by  the  Hermitage,  the  place  so  famous  for  wine ; 
it  is  on  the  side  of  a  hill  open  to  the  south  and  a  little  west, 
about  a  mile  long,  beginning  just  at  Thuin.  We  also  saw 
the  citadel,  which  we  got  into  with  some  difficulty;  and 
there  was  some  reason  for  the  caution,  we  being  four,  and 
there  being  a  garrison  in  it  of  but  one  man  and  one  great 
gun,  which  was  left  behind  (when  the  King  lately  took  away 
all  the  rest  for  his  ships)  for  a  fault  very  frequent  in  this 
country,  viz.  in  the  touch-hole, 

29th.  Montelimart.  Streets  broad  and  buildings  better, 
though  not  altogether  so  big  as  Valence. 

30th.  To  Pont  St  Esprit,  five  leagues.  To  this  place  we 
had  the  Rhone  on  our  right  hand,  and  the  high  barren  hills 
of  Dauphine  on  the  left.  The  valley  is  in  some  places  a 
league  or  two  broad ;  in  some  broader,  and  in  some  very  nar- 
row. In  great  part  of  the  journey  from  Lyons,  the  soil  was 
covered  with  great  round  pebbles,  in  some  places  so  thick 


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1675.]  EESIDEITCB  IK  EBAITOE.  51 

that  no  earth  was  seen,  and  yet  all  along  the  com  was  sown. 
In  many  places  the  mulberry  trees  and  almonds,  set  in  quin- 
cunx, covered  the  corn  as  thick  as  apple  trees  in  an  orchard 
in  England.  "We  saw  several  digging  the  ground,  and  some 
ploughing,  with  a  very  little  light  plough  with  one  handle, 
drawn  by  a  pair  of  cows,  steers,  or  asses.  The  soil  very  light 
and  sandy ;  they  turn  it  up  not  above  two  or  three  inches 
deep.  In  this  valley  we  crossed  many  rivers  and  rivulets ; 
one  by  ferry,  some  by  bridges  and  fords,  and  the  channels  of 
some  quite  dry ;  but  all  appeared  to  be  sometimes  great  and 
swift  torrents,  when  either  rain  or  melted  snow  is  poured 
down  into  them  from  the  high  hills  of  Dauphine. 

About  half  a  league  from  St  Vallier,  we  saw  a  house,'  a 
little  out  of  the  way,  where  they  say  Pilate  lived  in  banish- 
ment. "We  met  with  the  owner,  who  seemed  to  doubt  the 
truth  of  the  story ;  but  told  us  there  was  mosaic  work  very 
ancient  in  one  of  the  floors. 

At  Chateau  Neuf,  we  got  up  a  hiU  which  runs  directly  to 
the  Rhone,  and  the  Rhone  through  it,  as  the  Avon  at  the 
Hot  Wells.  Much  box  and  lavender :  a  prospect  of  a  large 
valley  much  broader  than  any  part  between  Vienne  and  Cha- 
teau Neuf.  Three  leagues  to  Pallu,  a  little  town  belonging 
to  the  Pope. 

One  league  from  hence,  we  came  to  Pont  St  Esprit,  a 
bridge  over  the  Rhone,  on  eighteen  great  arches,  1100  of  my 
steps  ;  the  ascent  to  the  top  one  hundred  and  twenty  steps, 
over  six  lesser  arches  on  the  east  side :  they  reckon  twenty- 
seven  arches  in  all,  besides  a  little  one  between  each  of  the 
eighteen  great  arches.  The  bridge  is  very  narrow,  paved 
with  little  square  stones  very  regularly  placed ;  at  the  end  of 
it,  on  the  west  side,  is  the  town  of  St  Esprit,  and  a  citadel ; 
in  it  we  saw  some  soldiers,  and  a  few  unmounted  small  brass 
guns.  The  bridge  is  not  exactly  straight,  but  about  the 
middle  makes  an  obtuse  angle  towards  the  current  of  the 
river. 

Three  leagues  from  Pont  St  Esprit,  we  came  to  Orange,  a 
little  town  within  a  square  wall,  less  than  Bath  within  the  walls. 
The  half-moons  at  the  entrance  of  the  gate  are  demolished 
by  the  King  of  France,  and  the  castles,  which  were  upon  a 
rocky  hill  just  over  it.  Here  we  also  saw  Marius's  triumphal 
arch,  a  piece  of  very  handsome  building  with  trophies  and 

b2 


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52  LIFE  AND  LETTEBS   OE  JOHJT  LOCKE  [l«76. 

Marius's  old  sibyl  on  it.  There  remains  also  a  very  stately 
piece  of  Roman  building,  very  high,  and  one  hundred  and 
seventy-six  of  my  steps  in  front,  on  seventeen  arches :  ihey 
call  it  an  amphitheatre ;   but  the  figure  of  it  seems  not  at 

all  to  favour  that  opinion,  being  thus  c 3  as  it  now 

stands.  There  is  also  in  the  floor  of  a  little  house  mosaic 
work  very  perfect ;  there  was  but  one  figure,  which  was  of  a 
cat.  Here  I  also  saw  the  way  of  winding  silk  by  an  engine, 
that  turns  at  once  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  bobbius ;  it 
is  too  intricate  to  be  described  on  so  short  a  view ;  but  all 
these  were  turned  by  one  woman,  and  they  both  twisted  and 
wound  off  the  silk  at  once.  The  proportion  of  population  of 
the  town,  are  twelve  ^Protestants  to  nine  Papists ;  two  Pro- 
testant and  two  Papist  consuls ;  two  Protestant  churches  in 
the  town ;  one  we  were  in  is  a  pretty  sort  of  building,  one 
stone  arch,  like  a  bridge,  running  the  whole  length  of  the 
church,  and  supporting  the  rafters,  like  the  main  beam  of 
the  building ;  a  new  but  not  incommodious  way  for  such  a 
room. 

31st.  Avignon,  four  leagues,  situated  in  a  large  valley  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ehone,  which  goes  about  half  round  it ;  the  walla 
are  all  entire,  and  no  house  near  them;  battlements  and 
towers  at  little  distances,  after  the  old  way  of  fortification : 
the  streets  wider  and  the  town  better  built  than  any  between 
this  and  Lyons.  The  Pope's  palace,  a  large  old  building 
with  high  towers ;  we  saw,  besides  the  hall,  three  or  four 
rooms  hung  with  damask,  and  in  another  part  of  the  palace 
a  large  handsome  room,  where  the  conclave  formerly  was 
kept  when  the  Pope  resided  here. 

Jan.  1st,  1676.  The  quire  of  St  Peter's  church  very  rich 
in  gilding  and  painting,  as  is  the  altar  of  the  Celestins ;  their 
convent,  a  very  large  one,  kept  very  clean.  The  Vice-Legate 
went  to  the  Jesuits'  church  with  a  guard  of  about  twelve 
Swiss.  The  Jews  have  a  quarter  to  themselves,  where  they 
have  a  synagogue ;  they  wear  yellow  hats  for  distinction. 
Here  are  some  arches  standing  of  a  bridge,  much  after  the 
fashion  of  Pont  St  Esprit ;  it  fell  down  some  years  since,  and 
to  encourage  the  rebuilding  of  it,  they  have  the  last  year  set 
up  the  statue  of  one  St  Benedict,  a  shepherd,  who  built  the 
former  bridge.  The  Rhone,  in  November,  1674,  rose,  fifteen 
feet  higher  than  the  top  of  the  water  as  it  now  is ;  we  sAw 


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lere.]  B£SIDEl!rOE  IK  fRAirCE.  58 

marks  of  the  inundation  far  from  cae  river.  Avimon  is 
governed  by  a  Yice-Legate ;  the  employment  is  worth  about 
£5000  sterling.  There  is  no  tax  laid  upon  the  country, 
which  is  long  and  broad ;  the  greatest  part  of  the  trade  is 
silk,  and  the  people  look  comfortable  and  thriving.  We  paid 
one  livre  per  meal  for  each  of  us,  and  one  livre  per  night  per 
horse. 

2nd.  We  passed  the  Ehone  partly  by  the  trill,  a  way  of 
ferry  usual  in  these  parts,  and  partly  by  the  remains  of  the 
bridge.  Our  portmanteaus  were  not  searched  as  we  ex- 
pected ;  our  voiturin  made  us  pass  for  Swiss.  Hence  we 
went  to  Pont  du  Gard,  an  admirable  structure ;  some  of  the 
arches  of  the  second  row  were  thirty  steps  wide.  Saw  them 
preparing  vines ;  somepruned. 

8rd.  To  Nismes.  Here  we  saw  the  amphitheatre,  an  ad- 
mirable structure  of  very  large  stones,  built  apparently  with- 
out mortar:  at  the  entrance,  which  is  under  an  arch,  the 
wall  is  seventeen  paces  thick ;  ascending  the  stairs,  we  come 
to  a  walk,  in  which  there  are  towards  the  outside  sixty  arches 
in  the  whole  circumference,  the  space  of  each  arch  being 
eleven  of  my  paces,  660  of  my  steps  in  a  circle  two  or  three 
yards  inside  the  outmost  bounds  oi  it.  In  all  those  arches, 
to  support  the  walls  over  the  passage  where  you  go  round, 
there  is  a  stone  laid,  about  twenty  inches  or  two  feet  square, 
and  about  six  times  the  length  of  my  sword,  which  was  near 
about  a  philosophical  yard  long;  upon  which  were  turned 
other  arches  contrary  to  those  by  which  the  light  entered  ; 
most  of  these  stones  I  observed  to  be  cracked,  which  I  sup- 
pose might  be  the  effect  of  the  fire  which  Deyron  tells  us,  m 
nis  "  Antiquit^s  de  Nismes,"  the  Christians  heretofore  ap- 
plied, with  design  to  destroy  this  amphitheatre.  It  would 
hold  20,000  persons,  and  was  built  by  Antoninus  Pius,  of 
great  squared  stones,  almost  as  hard  as  grey  marble.  Thus 
stands,  almost  entire  yet,  this  wonderful  structure,  in  spite 
of  the  force  of  1500  years,  and  the  attempts  of  the  nrst 
Christians,  who,  both  by  fire  and  with  tools,  endeavoured  to 
ruin  it. 

There  are  many  other  antiquities  in  this  town.  For  the 
use  of  Nismes,  the  Pont  du  Gard  was  built  over  the  river 
Gordon,  on  three  rows  of  arches,  one  over  the  other;  it 
carried  the  water  of  the  fountain  d'Aure  to  Nismes,  from 


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54  LIFE   AND   LETTERS   OF  JOHN   LOCKE.  [l676. 

whence  it  is  three  leagues;  but  the  aqueduct,  sometimes 
carried  on  arches,  sometimes  cut  through  rocks,  is  four  leagues 
long. 

The  Protestants  at  Nismes  have  now  but  one  temple,  the 
other  being  pulled  down  by  the  King's  order  about  four 
years  since.  Two  of  their  consuls  are  Papists,  and  two  Pro- 
testants, but  are  not  permitted  to  receive  the  sacrament  in 
their  robes  as  formerly.  The  Protestants  had  built  them- 
selves an  hospital  for  their  sick,  but  that  is  taken  from  them : 
a  chamber  in  it  is  left  for  their  sick,  but  never  used,  because 
the  priests  trouble  them  when  there ;  but  notwithstanding 
their  discouragement,  I  do  not  find  that  many  of  them  go 
over :  one  of  them  told  me,  when  I  asked  him  the  question, 
that  the  Papists  did  nothing  but  by  force  or  money. 

4th.  We  arrived  at  Montpellier  late  in  the  night,  having 
dined  at  a  Protestant  inn,  at  Lunel,  three  leagues  from 
Montpellier,  where  we  were  well  used.  We  paid  our  voiturin 
twelve  crowns  a-piece  from  Lyons  hither ;  when  we  went  out 
of  the  way,  we  were  to  pay  for  our  own  and  the  horses'  meat, 
fifteen  sous  dinner,  twenty-five  supper  (for  all  the  company 
eat  together),  and  fifteen  sous  horse-meat  a  night. 

8th.  I  walked,  and  found  thein  gathering  of  olives,  a  black 
fruit,  the  bigness  of  an  acorn,  with  which  the  trees  were 
thick  hung. 

All  the  highways  are  filled  with  gamesters  at  mall,  so  that 
walkers  are  in  some  danger  of  knocks. 

9th.  I  walked  to  a  fine  garden,  a  little  mile  from  the  town ; 
the  walks  were  bays  and  some  others,  cypress  trees  of  great 
height  and  some  pine  trees  :  at  the  entrance  there  is  a  fair 
large  pond,  where  it  is  said  the  ladies  bathe  in  summer,  and, 
if  the  weather  of  midsummer  answer  the  warmth  of  this  day, 
the  ladies  will  certainly  need  a  cooler.  Furniture  of  the 
kitchens,  some  pewter,  some  brass,  and  abundance  of  pip- 
kins.    All  the  world  at  mall,  and  the  mountebank's  tricks. 

13th.  Several  asses  and  mules  laden  with  green  brush- 
wood, of  evergreen  oak  and  bays,  brought  to  town  for  fuel ; 
most  of  their  labour  done  by  mules  and  asses.  Between 
Lyons  and  Vienne  we  met  people  riding  post  on  asses ;  and 
on  the  road  we  met  several  mules,  some  whereof  we  were 
told  had  800  weight  upon  them,  and  several  women  riding 
astride,  some  with  caps  and  feathers :  we  met  more  people 


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1676.]  EESIDENOE   IN  FEAK^CE.  65 

travelling  between  Lyons  and  Montpellier  by  much  than 
between  Paris  and  Lyons,  where  were  very  few. 

14th.  The  women  carrying  earth  in  little  baskets  on  their 
heads,  running  in  their  sabots  as  they  returned  for  new 
burthens.  Wages  for  men  twelve  sous,  for  women  five  sous, 
at  this  time ;  in  summer,  about  harvest,  eighteen  for  men, 
and  seven  for  women. 

18th.  About  nine  in  the  morning,  I  went  to  the  town- 
house,  where  the  States  of  Languedoc,  which  were  then  as- 
sembled in  the  town,  used  to  sit  every  day.  The  room  is  a 
fair  room ;  at  the  upper  end,  in  the  middle,  is  a  seat,  higher 
somewhat  than  the  rest,  where  the  Due  de  Yemule,  governor 
of  the  Province,  sits,  when  he  comes  to  the  assembly,  which 
is  but  seldom,  and  only  upon  occasions  of  proposing  some- 
thing to  them.  At  other  times,  Cardinal  Bonzi,  who  is 
Archbishop  of  Narbonne,  takes  that  seat  which  is  under  the 
canopy ;  on  the  right  hand  sit  the  bishops,  twenty-two,  and 
the  barons,  twenty-five;  the  deputies  of  the  town  about 
forty-four.  About  ten  they  began  to  drop  into  the  room, 
where  the  bishops  put  on  their  habits,  richly  laced ;  cardinal 
in  scarlet :  v^hen  he  arrives,  away  they  ^o  to  mass  at  N6tre 
Dame,  a  church  just  by,  and  so  about  eleven  they  return  and 
begin  to  sit,  and  rise  again  at  twelve,  seldom  sitting  in  the 
afternoon,  but  upon  extraordinary  occasions :  they  are  con- 
stantly assembled  four  months  in  the  year,  beginning  in 
October,  and  ending  in  Pebruary. 

19th.  The  Physic  garden,  well  contrived  for  plants  of  all 
sorts,  open  and  shady  and  boggy,  set  most  in  high  beds,  as  it 
were  in  long  stone  troughs,  vdth  walks  between,  and  numbers 
in  order  engraved  on  the  stone,  to  direct  the  student  to  the 
plant. 

[Then  follows  a  long  description  of  the  management  of  a 
vineyard,  which  is  omitted ;  description  and  process  of  making 
yerdigrise,  omitted ;  description  of  olive  harvest  and  oil  press- 
ing, ^  of  which  are  omitted.] 

ITzes,  a  tovim  in  the  province,  not  far  from  Nismes,  was 
wont  to  send  every  year  a  Protestant  Deputy  to  the  Assem- 
bly of  the  States  at  Montpellier,  the  greatest  part  being 
Protestant;  but  they  were  forbid  to  do  it  this  year;  and 
this  week  the  Protestants  have  an  order  from  the  King  to 
choose  no  more  consuls  of  the  town  of  their  religion,  and 


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56  LIFE  JlSD  letters  OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l676. 

their  temple  is  ordered  to  be  pulled  down,  the  only  one  they 
have  left  there,  though  three  quarters  of  the  town  be  Pro- 
testants. The  pretence  given  is,  that  their  temple  being  too 
near  the  Papist  church,  their  singing  of  psalms  disturbed  the 
service. 

Feb.  1st.  Here  was  in  the  street  a  bustle ;  the  cause  this, 
some  that  were  listing  soldiers  slid  money  into  a  country- 
man's pocket,  and  then  would  force  him  to  go  with  them, 
having,  as  they  said,  received  the  King's  money ;  he  refused 
to  go,  and  the  women,  by  crowding  and  force,  redeemed  him. 
These  artifices  are  employed  where  pressing  is  not  allowed ; 
it  is  a  usual  trick,  if  any  one  drink  the  King's  health,  to  give 
him  press  money,  and  force  him  to  go  a  soldier,  pretending 
that,  having  drunk  his  health,  he  is  bound  to  fight  for  him. 

Interest  by  law  here  is  6^  per  cent.,  but  those  who  have 
good  credit  may  borrow  at  ^ye. 

The  King  has  made  an  edict,  that  those  who  merchandize, 
but  do  not  use  the  yard,  shall  not  lose  their  gentility. 

Drums  beat  for  soldiers,  and  five  Luis  d'or  offered  to  any 
one  that  would  list  himself.     Their  coin  is  thus : — 

1  pistol  Luis  d'or,  11  livres. 

1  ecu,  3  livres. 

1  livre,  20  sous. 

5th.  Sunbeams  rather  troublesome.  A  little  out  of  Mont- 
pellier,  westward,  is  a  bed  of  oyster-shells,  in  a  hollow  way, 
m  some  places  two  yards  under  the  ground ;  it  appeared  all 
along,  for  a  good  way ;  some  of  the  shells  perfectly  fit  one  to 
the  other,  and  dirt  in  the  place  where  the  oysters  lay ;  the 
place  where  they  lie  is  much  higher  than  the  present  level  of 
the  sea. 

Q. — Have  not  these  been  left  there  by  the  sea,  since  re- 
treated ? 

The  Protestants  have  here  common  iustice  generally,  un- 
less it  be  against  a  new  convert,  whom  they  will  favour ;  they 
pay  no  more  taxes  than  their  neighbours,  but  are  incapable 
of  public  charges  and  oflSLces.  They  have  had,  within  these 
ten  years  at  least,  160  churches  pulled  down.  They  and  the 
Papist  laity  live  together  friendly  enough  in  these  parts; 
they  sometimes  get,  and  sometimes  lose,  proselytes.  There 
is  nothing  done  against  those  that  come  over  to  the  reformed 


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1576.]  BESIDXNCB  IS  EBAKCX.  57 

religion,  imless  tbey  be  such  as  have  before  tamed  Papists, 
and  relapsed ;  tbese  sometimes  they  prosecute.  The  number 
of  Protestants  in  these  latter  years  neither  increases  nor  de- 
creases much  ;  those  that  go  over  to  the  Church  of  Rome  are 
usually  drawn  away  by  fair  promises,  which  most  commonly 
fail  them :  the  Protestant  live  not  better  than  the  Papist. 

Sent  several  sorts  of  vines  to  England,  Muscat,  Cforinth, 
Marokin,  St  John's,  Claret. 

They  seldom  make  red  wine  without  the  mixture  of  some 
sorts  of  white  grapes,  else  it  would  be  too  thick  and  deep- 
coloured. 

The  States  every  morning  go  to  N6tre  Dame  to  prayers, 
where  mass  is  sung ;  while  the  priest  is  at  the  altar  saying 
the  mass,  you  cannot  hear  him  a  word  ;  indeed  the  music  is 
the  pleasanter  of  the  two.  The  Cardinal  and  the  bishops 
are  all  on  the  right  hand  of  the  quire,  that  is,  standing  at 
the  altar  and  loolnng  to  the  west  end  of  the  church ;  and  all 
the  lay  barons  to  the  left,  or  south  side :  the  Cardinal  sat 
nearest  the  altar,  and  had  a  velvet  cushion  richly  laced,  the 
bishops  had  none :  the  Cardinal  repeated  part  of  the  office 
with  an  imconcemed  look,  talking  every  now  and  then,  and 
laughing  with  the  bishops  next  him. 

8th.  This  day  the  Assembly  of  the  States  was  dissolved : 
they  have  all  the  solemnity  and  outward  appearance  of  a 
Parliament :  the  King  proposes,  and  they  debate  and  resolve ; 
here  is  aU  the  difference,  that  they  never  do,  and  some  say, 
dare  not,  refuse  whatever  the  King  demands ;  they  gave  the 
King  this  year,  2,100,000  livres,  and  for  their  liberality  are 
promised  no  soldiers  shall  quarter  in  this  country,  which 
nevertheless  sometimes  happens.  When  soldiers  are  sent 
to  quarter  in  Montpellier,  as  some  Switz  did  here,  that  were 
going  towards  Catalonia,  the  magistrates  of  the  town  give 
them  billets,  and  take  care  according  to  the  billet  that  their 
landlords  be  paid  eight  sous  per  diem  for  each  foot  soldier, 
which  is  paid  by  the  town.  Reside  the  2,100,000  given  the 
King  for  this  year,  they  gave  him  also  for  the  canal  300,000 
livres;  and  besides  all  this,  they  maintain  11,000  men  in 
.  Catalonia  raised  and  paid  by  this  province.  These  taxes 
and  all  public  charges  come  sometimes  to  eight,  sometimes 
to  twelve  per  cent,  of  the  yearly  value  of  estates. 

The  States  being  to  break  up  to-day,  the  ceremony  was 


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58  LirE  Ain)  lettees  op  johis:  iockb.  [i676. 

this :  Te  Deum  was  sung  in  the  State-house ;  and  that  being 
done,  the  Cardinal,  with  a  very  good  grace,  gave  the  bene- 
diction, first  putting  on  his  cap ;  and  at  the  latter  end  of  the 
benediction  he  pulled  off  his  cap,  made  a  cross  first  towards 
the  bishops,  then  towards  the  nobility,  then  straight  forward 
towards  the  people,  who  were  on  their  knees* 

Mr  Herbert's  man  enticed  into  a  shop,  and  there  fallen 
upon  by  three  or  .four :  a  man  shot  dead  by  another  in  the 
street :  the  same  happened  at  Lyons  when  I  was  there. 

11th.  At  the  Carmes'  church  this  day  was  an  end  of  theii* 
octave  of  open  house,  as  one  may  say,  upon  the  occasion  of 
the  canonization  of  St  John  de  Croix,  one  of  their  Order 
lately  canonized  at  Eome,  dead  eighty  years  ago.  Daring  the 
eight  days  of  the  celebration,  there  was  plenary  indulgence 
over  the  door,  and  a  pavilion  with  emblems,  and  his  picture  in 
the  middle ;  this  bemg  the  close  of  the  solemnity,  there  was 
a  sermon,  which  was  the  recital  of  his  life,  virtues,  and  mira- 
cles he  did :  as  preserving  his  baptismal  grace  and  innocence 
to  the  end  of  his  life,  his  driving  out  evil  spirits  of  the  pos- 
sessed, &c.  Music  at  the  vespers;  the  Due  de  Vernules 
present ;  the  Duchess  and  her  guard  of  musketeers  with  her. 

The  usual  rate  of  good  oil  here,  is  three  to  four  livres  a 
quartal  of  eight  pots. 

12th.  I  visited  Mr  Birto.  The  Protestants  have  not  had 
a  general  synod  these  ten  years :  a  provincial  synod  of  Lan- 
guedoc  they  have  of  course  every  year,  but  not  without  leave 
from  the  King,  wherein  they  make  ecclesiastical  laws  for  this 
province,  but  suitable  still  to  the  laws  made  by  the  national 
synod.  Their  synod  consists  of  about  fifty  pastors,  and  as 
many  deacons  or  elders ;  they  have  power  to  reprehend  or 
wholly  displace  any  scandalous  pastor ;  they  also  admit  peo- 
ple to  ordination,  and  to  be  pastors  in  certain  churches,  no- 
body being  by  them  admitted  into  orders  that  hath  not  a 
place.  The  manner  is  this :  when  any  church  wants  a  pastor, 
as  for  example,  Montpellier,  if  any  of  their  four  pastors  is 
dead  or  gone,  the  candidates  apply  themselves  to  the  consis- 
tory of  that  church :  whom  they  like  best,  they  appoint  to 
preach  before  the  congregation ;  if  they  approve,  he  presents 
himself  at  the  next  synod,  and  they  appomt  four  pastors  to 
examine  him  in  the  tongues,  university  learning,  and  divinity ; 
especially  he  is  to  produce  the  testimonials  of  the  university 


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1676.]  EESIDEKCB  IK  rEAITCE.  59 

where  lie  studied,  of  his  life  and  learning:  he  preaches  a 
French  and  Latin  sermon,  and  if  all  these  are  passable,  they 
appoint  two  pastors  to  ordain  him,  who,  after  a  sermon  on 
the  duties  of  a  minister,  come  out  of  the  pulpit  and  read 
several  chapters  to  him  out  of  the  Epistles,  wherein  the  min- 
ister's duty  is  considered ;  and  then,  after  a  prayer,  they 
lay  their  hands  upon  him  and  make  a  declaration,  that  by 
authority  of  the  synod,  he  has  power  to  preach,  to  forgive 
sins,  to  bless  marriages,  and  to  administer  the  sacrament ; 
after  this,  he  is  minister  of  the  place.  His  allowance  depends 
on  the  Consistory. 

If  any  one  hold  tenets  here  contrary  to  their  articles 
of  faith,  the  King  punishes  him  ;  so  that  you  must  here  be 
either  of  the  Romish  or  of  their  church,  'riot  long  since,  it 
happened  to  one  here,  who  was  inclining  to,  and  vented  some 
Arian  doctrines,  the  Q-ovemor  complaiaed  to  the  King ;  he 
sent  order  that  he  should  be  tried,  and  so  was  sent  to  Thou- 
lose,  where,  upon  trial,  he  denying  it  utterly,  he  was  permitted 
to  escape  out  of  prison ;  but  had  he  owned  it,  he  had  been 
burnt  as  an  heretic. 

The  State  have  given  400,000  livres  for  each  of  the  next 
four  years,  having  given  300,000  for  the  last  six  years,  in  all 
3,400,000  for  carrying  on  the  canal,  besides  other  taxes  to- 
wards the  war.  Montpellier  has  30,000  people  in  it,  of  whom 
there  are  8000  communicants  of  the  Protestant  church. 
They  tell  me  the  number  of  Protestants  within  the  last 
twenly  Or  thirty  years  has  manifestly  increased  here,  and 
does  daily,  notwithstanding  their  loss  every  day  of  some  pri- 
vilege or  other.  Their  consistories  had  power  formerly  to 
examine  witnesses  upon  oath,  which  within  these  ten  years 
has  been  taken  from  them. 

Parasols,  a  pretty  sort  of  cover  for  women  riding  in  the 
sun,  made  of  straw,  something  like  the  fashion  of  tin  coyers 
for  dishes. 

The  Deputies  of  the  State  are  all  paid  by  their  respective 
towns  and  countries  fifty  ecus  per  month,  but  the  Bishops 
and  Barons  receive  it  not:  of  the  tweniy-two  Bishops, 
seventeen  have  revenues,  about  £3000  sterling;  the  other 
five  much  more. 

15th.  Bought  of  a  Genoese  twelve  orange  and  citron  trees, 
at  one  Hvre  a-piece. 


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60  LIFE  AKD   LETTESS   OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l67e<. 

All  the  power  of  church  discipline  is  in  the  Consistory ; 
that  of  Montpellier  consists  of  their  four  pastors,  and 
twenty -four  ancients  ;  these,  by  a  majority  of  votes,  order  all 
the  church  affairs,  public  stock,  censures,  &c. ;  the  majority 
of  votes  determines  the  matter,  though  there  be  no  one  of. 
the  pastors  of  that  side.  If  there  is  any  controversy  of  law 
amongst  them,  they  refer  it  to  some  of  the  sober  gentry  of 
the  town  and  lawyers  that  are  Protestants ;  they  have  still 
six  counsellors  of  their  religion,  and  the  advocates  may  be  of 
what  religion  they  please 

The  Church  censures  are  managed  thus :  if  any  one  live 
scandalously,,  they  first  reprove  him  in  private ;  if  he  mends 
not,  he  is  called  before  the  Consistory,  and  admonished ;  if 
that  works  not,  the  same  is  done  in  the  public  congregation ; 
if  after  all  he  stands  incorrigible,  he  is  excluded  from  the 
Eucharist. 

18th.  Shrove-day,  the  height  and  consummation  of  the 
Carnival :  the  town  filled  with  masquerades  for  the  last  week ; 
dancing  in  the  streets  in  all  manner  of  habits  and  disguises, 
to  all  sorts  of  music,  brass  kettles  and  frying-pans  not  ex- 
cepted. 

Grana  kermes  grow  on  a  shrub  of  the  size  of  the  chene 
vert,  called  ilex  coccifera,  are  a  sort  of  oak  apples  with  little 
insects  in  them. 

Sent  by  Mr  Waldo  seeds  for  England. 

19th.  Ash  Wednesday.  Public  admonitions  happen  sel- 
dom :  the  last  instances  were,  one  for  striking  a  cuff  on  the 
ear  in  the  church,  on  a  communion-day,  for  which  he  was 
hindered  from  receiving ;  the  other  for  marrying  his  daughter 
to  a  Papist,  for  which  he  stood  excommunicated  six  months. 
It  reaches  no  further  than  exclusion  from  the  Eucharist,  not 
from  church  or  sermons. 

[Here  follow  accurate  notes  of  weights  and  measures.  A 
detailed  account  of  the  Church  of  France,  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  Abbes,  &c.  Their  revenue  is  estimated  in  toto  at 
twenty-four  millions  sterling.] 

21st.  The  King  has  made  a  law  that  persons  of  different 
religion  shall  not  marry,  which  often  causes  the  change  of 
religion,  especially  sequioris  seams. 

At  churcn  to-day  abundance  of  coughing. 

24th.  The  Province  of  Languedoc  is  thus  governed :  the 


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1676.  EESIDENCE  IN  TRAKCB,  61 

Duke  of  Yemule,  the  Q-ovemor,  commands  over  the  whole 
Province,  and  has  a  power  somewhat  like  the  King's,  though 
he  he  more  properly  Lord-Lieutenant.  I  do  not  hear  that 
he  meddles  at  all  injudicial  causes,  either  civil  or  criminal : 
in  his  absence,  the  Province  is  divided  into  three  districts, 
6ach  having  a  Deputy-governor  with  the  same  power ;  every 
city  also  has  its  governor,  whose  power  is  much  like  the  go- 
vernor of  a  garrison.  Montpellier  has  six  Consuls,  who  have 
the  government  of  the  police  of  the  town,  look  after  weights 
and  measures,  determine  causes  under  five  livres  ;  they  had 
formerly  a  considerable  authority,  but  now  they  are  little 
more  than  servants  of  the  governor  of  the  town ;  they  were 
formerly  three  Protestants  and  three  Papists,  but  the  Pro- 
testants are  excluded  the  last  year. 

The  civil  causes  are  judged  by  the  Court  of  Aides ;  the 
premier  president,  and  eight  presidents,  and  thirty  counsel- 
tors  ;  the  cause  determined  by  plurality  of  votes. 

[Then  follows  an  account  of  the  several  criminal  courts, 
and  of  the  taxes.] 

From  these  taxes  are  exempted  all  noble  land,  which  is  to 
pay  a  year's  value  to  the  King  every  twenty  years ;  but  as 
they  order  the  matter,  they  pay  not  above  three-quarters  of  a 
year's  value.  All  ancient  privileged  land  of  the  Church  is 
also  exempt,  but  if  any  is  given  to  the  Church  that  hath  been 
used  to  pay  taxes,  it  pays  it  after  the  donation :  besides  this, 
excise  is  paid  on  several  commodities. 

25th.  Very  high  wind. 

^OBLIGATION  OP  PENAL  LAWS. 

There  are  virtues  and  vices  antecedent  to,  and  abstract 
from,  society,  as  love  of  God,  unnatural  lust :  other  virtues 
and  vices  there  are  which  suppose  society  and  laws,  as  obedi- 
ence to  magistrates,  or  dispossessing  a  man  of  his  heritage ; 
in  both  these  the  rule  and  obligation  is  antecedent  to  human 
laws,  though  the  matter  about  which  that  rule  is,  may  be  con- 
sequent to  them,  as  property  in  land,  distinction,  and  power 
of  persons.  All  things  not  commanded,  or  forbidden  by  the 
law  of  Q-od,  are  indifferent,  nor  is  it  in  the  power  of  man  to 
dter  their  nature ;  and  so  no  human  law  can  lay  any  obliga- 
ion  on  the  conscience,  and  therefore  all  human  laws  are 
rarely  penal,  i.  e.  have  no  other  obligation  but  to  make  the 


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62  LIEB  AJSTD   LETTEES   OP  JOHS  LOCKE.  [l676. 

transgressors  liable  to  punishment  in  this  life.  All  Divine 
laws  oblige  the  conscience,  i.  e.  render  the  transgressors 
liable  to  answer  at  Q-od's  tribunal,  and  receive  punishment  at 
his  hands ;  but  because  very  frequently  both  these  obliga- 
tions concur,  the  same  action  comes  to  be  commanded  or  for- 
bidden by  both  laws  together,  and  so  in  these  cases  men's 
consciences  are  obliged.  Men  have  thought  that  civil  laws 
oblige  their  consciences  to  entire  obedience ;  whereas,  in 
things  in  their  own  nature  indifferent,  the  conscience  is 
obliged  only  to  active  or  passive  obedience,  and  that  not  by 
virtue  of  that  human  law  which  the  man  either  practises  oris 
punished  by,  but  by  that  law  of  G-od  which  forbids  disturb- 
ance or  dissolution  of  governments.  The  Gospel  alters  not 
in  the  least  civil  affairs,  but  leaves  husband  and  wife,  master 
and  servant,  magistrate  and  subject,  every  one  of  them,  with 
the  same  power  and  privileges  that  it  found  them,  neither 
more  nor  less ;  and  therefore,  when  the  New  Testament  says, 
obey  your  superiors  in  all  things,  it  cannot  be  thought  that 
it  laid  any  new  obligation  upon  the  Christians  after  their 
conversion,  other  than  what  they  were  under  before ;  nor  that 
the  magistrate  had  anyotherextent  of  jurisdiction  over  them 
than  over  his  heathen  subjects :  so  that  the  magistrate  has 
the  same  power  still  over  his  Christian  as  he  had  over  his 
heathen  subjects ;  so  that,  where  he  had  power  to  command, 
they  had  stUl,  notwithstanding  the  liberty  and  privileges  of 
the  Gospel,  obligations  to  obey. 

Now,  amongst  heathen  politics  (which  cannot  be  supposed 
to  be  instituted  by  G-od  for  the  preservation  and  propagation 
of  true  religion)  there  can  be  no  other  end  assigned,  but  the 
preservation  of  the  members  of  that  society  in  peace  and  safety 
together:  this  being  found  to  be  the  end,' will  give  us  the  rule 
of  civil  obedience.  For  if  the  end  of  civil  society  be  civil 
peace,  the  immediate  obligation  of  every  subject  must  be  to 
preserve  that  society  or  government  which  was  ordained  to 
produce  it ;  and  no  member  of  any  society  can  possibly  have 
any  obligation  of  conscience  beyond  this.  So  that  he  that 
obeys  the  magistrate  to  the  degree,  as  not  to  endanger  or  dis- 
turb the  government,  under  what  ibrm  of  government  soever 
he  live,  fulfilling  all  the  law  of  God  concerning  government, 
i.  e.  obeys  to  the  utmost  that  the  magistrate  or  society  can 
oblige  his  conscience,  which  can  be  supposed  to  have  no  other 


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1676.]  BESIDEKOE  TS  TBAITOE.  63 

rule  set  it  bj  God  but  this.  The  end  of  the  institution  being 
always  the  measure  of  the  obligation  of  conscience  then  upon 
every  subject,  being  to  preserve  the  government,  'tis  plain, 
that  where  any  law  is  made  with  a  penalty,  is  submitted  to, 
i.  e.  the  penally  is  quietly  undergone,  the  government  cannot 
be  disturbed  or  endangered ;  for  whilst  the  magistrate  has 
power  to  increase  the  penal^,  even  to  the  loss  of  life,  and 
the  subject  submits  patiently  to  the  penalty,  which  he  is  in 
conscience  obliged  to  do,  the  government  can  never  be  in 
danger,  nor  can  the  public  want  active  obedience  in  any  case 
where  it  hath  power  to  require  it  under  pain  of  death ;  for 
no  man  can  be  supposed  to  refuse  his  active  obedience  in 
a  lawful  or  indifferent  thing,  when  the  refusal  will  cost  him 
his  life,  and  lose  all  his  civil  rights  at  once,  for  want  of  per- 
forming one  civil  action ;  for  civil  laws  have  only  to  do  with 
civil  actions. 

This,  thus  stated,  clears  a  man  from  that  infinite  number 
of  sins  that  otherwise  he  must  unavoidably  be  guilty  of,  if 
all  penal  laws  oblige  the  conscience  further  than  this.  One 
thing  further  is  to  be  considered,  that  all  human  laws  are 
penal,  for  where  the  penalty  is  npt  expressed,  it  is  by  the 
judge  to  be  proportioned  to  the  consequence  and  circumstance 
of  the  fault.  See  the  practice  of  the  King's  Bench.  Penal- 
ties are  so  necessary  to  civil  laws,  that  Q-od  found  it  neces 
sary  to  annex  them  even  to  the  civil  laws  he  gave  the  Jews. 

29th.  The  goodness  of  Muscat  wine  to  drmk  depends  on 
two  causes,  besides  the  pressing  and  ordering  the  fermenta- 
tion ;  one  is  the  soil  they  plant  in,  on  which  very  much  de- 
pends the  goodness  of  the  wine ;  and  it  is  a  constant  rule, 
setting  aside  all  other  quialities  of  the  soil,  that  the  vineyards 
must  nave  an  opening  towards  the  east  or  south,  or  else  no 
good  is  to  be  expected.  The  other  is  a  mingling  of  good  sorts 
of  vines  in  their  vineyards.  [Then  follow  description  of  plant- 
ing vineyards,  manuring  them :  the  same  then  of  olives.] 

Mar.  3rd.  At  the  physical  school,  a  scholar  answering  the 
first  time,  a  professor  moderating,  six  other  professors  oppose, 
with  great  violence  of  Latin,  French,  grimace,  and  hand. 

5th.  To  Erontignan,  thence  to  port  Cette.  The  mole  at 
Cette  is  a  mighty  work,  and  far  advanced ;  but  the  sand  in 
the  port  now,  and  the  breach  made  in  the  mole  last  winter, 
show  how  hard  one  defends  a  place  against  Neptune,  which 


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64  LIFE  AlTD  LETTERS   OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l676. 

he  attacks  with  great  and  small  shot  too.  To  the  hot-batbs 
at  Balaruc.     Betum  to  Montpellier. 

18th.  The  manner  of  making  a  doctor  of  physic  was  this  : 
the  procession,  in  scarlet  robes  and  black  caps  ;  the  professor 
took  his  seat,  and,  after  a  company  of  fiddlers  had  played  a 
certain  time,  he  made  them  a  sign  to  hold,  that  he  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  entertain  the  company,  which  he  did 
with  a  speech  against  innovation ;  the  musicians  then  took 
their  turn.  The  inceptor  then  began  his  speech,  wherein  I 
found  little  edification,  being  designed  to  compliment  the 
chancellor  and  professors  who  were  present ;  the  doctor  then 
put  on  his  head  the  cap,  that  had  marched  in  on  the  beadle's 
staff,  in  sign  of  his  doctorship,  put  a  ring  on  his  finger,  girt 
himself  about  the  loins  with  a  gold  chain,  made  him  sit  down 
by  him  ;  that,  having  taken  pains,  he  might  now  take  ease, 
and  kissed  and  embraced  him,  in  token  of  the  friendship  that 
ought  to  be  amongst  them. 

Monsieur  Eenaie,  a  gentleman  of  the  town,  in  whose  house 
Sir  J.  Eushworth  lay,  about  four  years  ago,  sacrificed  a  child 
to  the  devil — a  child  of  a  servant  of  his  own,  upon  a  design 
to  get  the  devil  to  be  his  friend,  and  help  him  to  get  some 
money.  Several  murders  committed  here  since  I  came,  and 
more  attempted ;  one  by  a  brother  on  his  sister,  in  the  house 
where  I  lay. 

22nd.  The  new  philosophy  of  Des  Cartes  prohibited  to  be 
taught  in  universities,  schools,  and  academies. 

24th.  Dined  at  Lunel.  To  Aigues  Mortes.  The  sea  for- 
merly washed  the  walls,  but  is  now  removed  a  league  from 
the  town ;  there  remains  only  a  little  6tang  navigable  for 
very  little  boats.  In  the  walls  on  the  south  side  the  gates 
are  walled  up ;  there  are  some  iron  rings  yet  remaining,  and 
the  sign  of  others  that  were  fastened  in  the  walls  to  secure 
*the  vessels  to.  The  town,  said  to  have  been  built  by  St 
Louis,  laid  out  very  regularlv ;  the  Constance's  Tower  more 
ancient.  The  country  roimd,  a  great  plain  for  many  leagues 
about,  very  much  covered  with  water.  Nigh  the  town  is 
the  Marquis  de  Yard's  house,  who  is  governor  of  the  town 
and  country  about  half  a  league  about,  as  far  as  the  tower  la 
Carbonier.  Passing  between  la  Carbonier  and  the  town, 
we  saw  abundance  of  partridges,  hares,  and  other  game,  pre- 
served there  by  the  smct  order  and  seventy  of  the  Maquis 


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1676.]  SESIDENCE  TS  TBAITCIS.  65 

de  Yard,  who  not  long  since  clapped  a  townsman  up  in  a 
little  hole  in  Constance  Tower,  where  he  had  just  room  to 
stand  upright,  but  could  not  sit  nor  lie  down,  and  kept  him 
there  three  days,  for  committing  some  small  t^respass  on  his 
game.     The  hedges  in  this  country  are  all  tamerisk. 

At  Picais  is  made  all  the  salt  that  is  used  in  this  part  of 
France:  the  manner  is  this;  a  great  square  pond,  divided 
into  squares  by  little  banks,  with  channels  between  each  to 
bring  in  the  salt  water,  which  is  raised  from  the  6tang  by 
wheels,  with  wooden  buckets.  They  cover  the  squares  or 
tables,  as  they  call  them,  five  or  six  inches  deep ;  and  when 
the  sun  has«ezhaled  almost  all  the  moisture,  they  supply  it 
with  more  sait-water,  and  so  continue  all  the  heat  of  the 
jrear :  at  the  latter  end,  they  have  a  cake  of  salt  four  or  five 
inches  thick,  according  to  the  heat  and  drought  of  the  year. 
They  that  are  owners  of  the  soil,  are  at  the  charge  of  making 
the  salt,  and  sell  it  to  the  farmers  for  five  sous  the  minot ;  a 
measure  of  seven  inches  deep,  and  twenty-three  and  a  half 
diam.,  weighs  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds.  The  salt 
which  the  owner  sells  for  five  sous,  the  former  sells  again 
for  sixteen  livres.  For  this  favour,  they  say,  the  farmers 
give  two  millions  a-year  to  the  King,  and  are  at  as  much 
more  charge  in  officers  and  guards  employed,  keeping 
constantly  in  pay  18,000  men.  The  defrauding  the  duty  of 
the  commodity  is  of  such  consequence,  that  if  a  man  should 
be  taken  with  but  a  handful  of  salt  not  bought  from  the  far- 
mers, he  would  be  sent  to  the  galleys. 

26th.  From  Pont  Lunel  to  Castries  two  long  leagues. 
Here,  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  is  the  house  of  the  Marquis  de 
Castries ;  it  was  begun  to  be  built  about  eighteen  years  ago 
by  the  late  Marquis,  the  governor  of  Montpellier.  The  house 
is  two  sides  of  a  square,  about  sixty  steps  long,  the  other  side 
unfinished.  At  the  entrance  into  the  house  is  the  great 
stair,  then  the  hall,  and  several  other  ordinary  rooms ;  all 
this  lower  story  is  arched.  Below  the  house,  lies  a  very 
spacious  garden,  with  a  very  large  basin  in  it,  all  imperfect 
except  an  aqueduct,  which  is  a  mighty  work,  too  big,  one 
would  think,  for  a  private  house ;  by  this  the  water  is  brought 
a  league  distant  for  the  house  and  garden ;  some  part  in  a 
covered  channel,  winding  on  the  sides  of  the  mountain; 
some  part  on  a  wall  seven,  eight,  or  ten  feet  high,  as  is  occa 


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66        LITE  AKD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.      [l67«. 

sion ;  and  some  part  of  the  way  over  arches,  some  whereof 
are  of  a  great  height.  To  carry  it  from  the  side  of  a  moun- 
tain, over  a  valley  near  the  house,  there  are  eighty-five  arches, 
most  above  thirty  feet  in  the  clear;  the  pedestals  of  the 
arches  ten  or  twelve  feet;  the  arches  are  all  turned  with 
stone,  four  feet  ten  inches,  which  is  the  thickness  of  the  arch. 
They  say  the  house  and  aqueduct  cost  400,000  livres.  The 
descents  to  the  gardens  are  not  by  steps,  but  by  gentle  decH- 
yities  very  easy  and  handsome ;  the  waUs  on  the  sides  of 
squared  stones,  just  as  high  as  the  earth. 

We  met  some  travellers ;  few  with  boots,  many  with  cloaks, 
especially  purple ;  none  without  pistols,  even  those  that  rode 
into  the  fields  to  see  their  workmen. 

27th.  Hain.  Imaginary  space  seems  to  me  to  be  no  more 
anything  than  an  imaginary  world ;  for  if  a  man  and  his  soul 
remained,  and  the  whole  world  were  annihilated,  there  is  left 
him  the  power  of  imagining  either  the  world,  or  the  extension 
it  had,  which  is  all  one  with  the  space  it  filled ;  but  it  proves 
not  that  the  imaginary  space  is  anything  real  or  positive. 
Por  space  or  extension,  separated  in  our  thoughts  from  mat- 
ter or  body,  seems  to  have  no  more  real  existence  than 
number  has  (sine  enumeration)  without  anything  to  be 
numbered ;  and  one  may  as  well  say  the  number  of  the  sea- 
sand  does  really  exist,  and  is  something,  the  world  being  an- 
nihilated, as  that  the  space  or  extension  of  the  sea  does  exist, 
or  is  anything,  afber  such  annihilation.  These  are  only  af- 
fections of  real  existences ;  the  one,  of  any  being  whatsoever ; 
the  other,  only  of  material  beings,  which  the  mind  has  a 
power  not  only  to  conceive  abstractedly,  but  increase  by  re- 
petition, or  adding  one  to  another,  ana  to  enlarge  which,  it 
hath  not  any  other  ideas  but  those  of  quantity,  which  amount 
at  last  bat  to  the  fEiculty  of  imagining  and  repeating,  adding 
units,  or  numbering.  But  if  the  world  were  annihilated, 
one  had  no  more  reason  to  think  space  anything  than  the 
darkness  that  will  certainly  be  in  it. 

28th.  The  christenings  of  the  religion  at  Montpellier  are 
about  three  hundred,  and  the  funerals  about  two  hundred 
and  sixty. 

31st.  Many  murders  committed  here.  He  that  endea- 
voured to  kill  his  sister  in  our  house,  had  before  killed  a  man, 
and  it  had  cost  his  father  five  hundred  6cus  to  get  him  off; 


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1676.]  EEStDENCB  JK  FEUTCE.  67 

by  their  secret  distribution,  gaining  the  favour  of  the  coun- 
sellors. 

April  2nd.  The  Papists  visit  all  the  churches,  or  at  least 
seven  or  eight,  and  in  each  say  four  Paternosters,  and  five 
Ave  Marias.  A  crucifix  is  exposed  on  the  rails  of  the  altar, 
which  they  kiss  with  great  devotion,  and  give  money  ;  there 
being  persons  set  at  all  the  avenues  of  all  the  churches  with 
basins  to  beg. 

7th.  To  Aries.     To  Marseilles. 

9th.  A  large  valley,  covered  with  country-houses,  the 
finest  views  I  had  ever  seen. 

10th.  We  went  on  board  the  Eoyal,  the  Admiral's  galley ; 
the  slaves  clad  in  the  King's  livery,  blue,  in  the  other  gal- 
leys red.  This  galley  has  twenty-nine  oars  of  a  side,  two 
hundred  and  eighty  slaves,  sixty  seamen,  five  hundred  sol- 
diers. The  slaves  in  good  plight.  At  the  end  of  the  quay 
are  two  docks  to  build  gaueys;  the  docks  are  covered,  to 
work  out  of  the  rain  and  sunshine.  Every  galley  in  this 
arsenal  has  its  peculiar  storehouse.  Great  bake-houses; 
storehouses  for  bread,  biscuit,  and  meat.  A  great  gallery 
one  hundred  and  twenty  fathoms  long,  to  make  ropes  and 
cables.  An  armoury  well  furnished.  A  large  hospital  for 
sick  slaves,  all  very  fit  and  magnificent.  There  go  out  this 
year  twenty-six  gsdleys. 

The  quay  is  handsome,  and  full  of  people  walking,  especi- 
ally in  the  evening,  where  the  best  company  meet.  Round 
about  the  town  is  a  valley  encompassed  with  high  tills,  or 
rather  rocks,  and  a  vast  number  of  little  countrv-houses, 
called  bastiles,  which  stand  within  a  bow-shot  one  of  another, 
some  say  nfear  20,000  in  number.  They  have  little  plots  of 
ground  walled  in  about  them,  filled  with  vines  and  fruit-trees, 
olive-trees,  artichokes,  and  com  in  most  of  them. 

12th.  Set  out  for  Toulon.  The  mountains,  though  perfectly 
rocky,  are  covered  with  pine,  out  of  which  they  draw  their 
turpentine,  by  cutting  the  bark  and  sap  of  the  tree  seven  or 
eight  rings  deep,  out  of  which  the  turpentine  oozes  and  runs 
down  into  a  hole  cut  to  receive  it ;  it  is  afterwards  boiled  to 
resin.  When,  after  many  years,  this  treatment  has  killed  the 
trees,  they  make  charcoal  of  them. 

13th.  The  way  between  high  mountains  of  rocks ;  but 
where  the  valleys  open  and  there  is  any  earth,  they  endeavour 

F  2 


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68  LIFE  JlTSTD  LETTBBS  of  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l076. 

to  preserve  it  b  j  walls  one  above  the  other,  on  the  side  of  the 
hills ;  it  is  full  of  corn,  vines,  figs.  Near  Toulon,  we  saw 
gardens  full  of  great  orange  trees,  and  myrtles  on  the  sides 
of  the  road.  In  the  fair  weather  the  wind  accompanies  the 
sun,  and  blows  east  at  morning,  south  at  noon,  west  at  night ; 
and  in  summer  about  noon,  constantly  a  sea-breeze  from  the 
south.' 

We  saw  the  .port.  In  the  basin  rode  the  Boyal  Louis,  one 
hundred  and  sixty-three  feet  long,  forty-five  wide,  mightDy 
adorned  with  gilded  figures  ;  cost  of  gilding  150,000  Hvres. 
She  has  portals  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  guns.  The 
Dauphin,  of  one  hundred  guns,  lies  near  her ;  by  them  lay 
four  other  great  vessels,  and  nine  vessels  in  the  port.  The 
port  is  very  large,  capable  of  holding  the  biggest  fleet  in 
Europe,  and  in  the  basin  itself  there  is  room  for  a  great  fleet. 
It  is  separated  from  the  road  by  a  mole,  made  within  these 
four  or  five  years.  The  water  in  most  places  deep. — Memo- 
randa :  A  pump  with  balls  instead  of  windfalls.  The  crane 
with  the  worm. 

To  Hyeres  three  leagues.  Hyeres  is  situated  on  the  south 
side  of  a  high  mountain.  Below  the  town,  the  side  of  the 
hiU  is  covered  with  orange  gardens.  Eij)e  China  oranges  in 
incredible  plenty,  sometimes  nine  or  ten  in  a  bunch.  These 
gardens  form  the  most  delightful  wood  I  had  ever  seen: 
there  are  little  rivulets  of  water  conveyed  tnrough  it  to 
water  the  trees  in  summer,  without  which  there  would  be 
little  fruit.  The  piece  of  ground,  which  formerly  yielded 
thirty-six  charges  of  corn,  now  yields  the  owner  30  or  40,000 
livres,  or  rather  18,000,  as  he  pays  to  the  king  four  hundred 
ecus  for  tax.  For  the  best  China  oranges  here  we  were 
asked  thirty  sous  per  hundred. 

Here  we  had  for  supper,  amongst  other  things,  a  dish  of 
green  beans,  dressed  with  gravy,  the  best  thing  I  ever  eat. 
Above  the  town  is  a  nunnery,  of  the  order  of  St  Bernard,  of 
persons  of  quality ;  they  all  eat  alone  in  their  chambers  apart, 
keep  a  maid-servant  and  a  lackey,  and  go  out  of  the  nunnery 
and  walk  about  where  they  please.  The  situation  very  plea- 
sant, overlooking  the  town,  the  valley,  the  orange-gardens, 
and  the  sea. 

[The  journal  is  continued,  and  a  descnption  given  of  the 
country  and  cultivation  by  St  Maximin  to  Aix :]   Thence  to 


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1676.]  BESIDEKCE   IK  TBANCE.  69 

Vauduse,  the  famous  fountain  just  at  the  foot  of  an  exceed- 
ing high  rock ;  the  basin  is  a  stone's  cast  over ;  the  water 
runs  out  amongst  the  rocks,  and  is  the  source  of  a  great  river 
in  the  valley  below,  and  has  all  its  water  from  hence.  The 
basin  about  Easter  is  usually  a  yard  or  two  higher,  as  one 
may  see  by  the  mark ;  about  August  it  sinks  about  twenty- 
five  cans  below  the  height  it  was  now ;  they  say  they  cannot 
find  any  bottom. 

Thence  by  Avignon ;  crossed  the  Ehone  to  the  Carthusian 
Convent,  where  are  sixty  friars ;  their  chapel  well  adorned 
with  plate,  crosses,  and  relics,  very  rich ;  amongst  the  rest, 
a  chakce  of  gold,  given  by  E6n6,  the  last  King  of  Naples  of 
the  Anjou  race.  I  was  going  to  take  it;  in  my  hand,  but  the 
Carthusian  withdrew  it  till  he  had  put  a  cloth  about  the 
handle,  and  so  gave  it  into  my  hand,  nobody  being  suffered 
to  touch  these  holy  things  but  a  priest.  In  this  chapel  Pope 
Innocent  VI.  lies  interred ;  he  died  1362.  In  a  little  chapel 
in  their  convent  stands  a  plain  old  chair,  wherein  he  was  in* 
fallible :  I  sat  too  little  a  while  in  it  to  get  that  privilege. 
In  their  devotions  they  use  much  prostration  and  kissing 
the  ground;  they  leave  no  more  hai^  but  one  little  circle 
growing  round  their  heads,  which  is  cut  as  short  as  one's 
whiskers.  They  have  each  a  little  habitation  apart;  their 
chapel,  hall,  and  refectory  very  clean. 

A  league  from  Avignon,  we  passed  the  Durance,  and  then 
left  the  Pope's  dominions  ;  the  rest  of  the  way  to  Tarascon 
was  on  the  side  of  a  not  unfruitful  valley,  but  seemed  not  to 
be  so  well  cultivated :  moderate  taxes,  and  a  freedom  from 
quarter,  give  the  Pope's  subjects,  as  it  seems,  more  industry. 
"Five  companies  of  the  regiment  of  Champagne,  poor  weak 
tattered  fellows, return  to 

Montpellier,  May  1st.  The  rent  of  lands  in  France  fallen 
one  half  in  these  few  years,  by  reason  of  the  poverty  of  the 
people ;  merchants  and  handicraftsmen  pay  near  half  their 
gain.  Noble  land  pays  nothing  in  Languedoc  in  whose 
hands  soever :  in  some  other  parts  of  France,  lands  in  the 
bands  of  the  nobles,  of  what  sort  soever,  pay  nothing :  these 
noble  lands,  which  are  exempted  from  taxes,  sell  for  one-half 
and  two-thirds  more  than  others.  The  Protestants  in  France 
are  thought  to  be  one  sixteenth  part ;  in  Languedoc  200,000. 

For  returns  of  money,  Mr  Herbert  found  this  train  very 


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70  LIFE   AND  LETTERS  OF  JOKN^  LOCKE.  [1676. 

good,  and  the  men  very  civil.  Mr  Bouverie,  in  St  Mary 
Axe,  to  Madame  Herinx  et  son  fils  a  Paris ;  they  to  Messrs 
Covureur  a  Lyon ;  they  to  Sen.  Jacomo  et  Jo.  Morleves,  at 
Livorne ;  they  to  their  correspondent  at  Bome. 

Eogation  Procession,  May  16th.  Several  orders  of  Eriars, 
with  a  great  company  of  little  children  dressed  up,  carrying 
pictures  and  banners  ;  this  is  Rogation  week  for  a  blessing 
on  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  which,  though  little  children  can- 
not pray  for,  yet  the  prayers  being  made  in  their  names, 
and  offered  up  as  from  them  by  the  parents  and  friends  of 
those  innocents,  they  think  will  be  more  prevalent. 

[Description  of  silk-worms,  of  making  soap,  of  bleaching 
wax,  at  great  length,  all  omitted.  Several  extracts  from 
statistical  works  on  France,  revenues  of  the  Church  of 
Trance,  the  same  of  Spain,  all  likewise  omitted.] 

Locke,  during  his  residence  at  Montpellier,  emploved  his 
leisure  in  reading  books  of  travels,  of  the  best  of  which  he 
was  a  great  admirer.  At  this  time  he  read  Bemier's  Account 
of  Hindoostan,  a  work  of  the  greatest  merit,  and  still  held  in 
high  estimation ;  Delia  Valle's  Travels  in  the  East.  Of  other 
books,  the  most  frequent  extracts  are  from  Les  Entretiens 
d' Ariste :  a  few  specimens  are  here  inserted. 

"  Le  bon  sens  est  gay,  vif,  plein  de  feu,  come  celuy  qui 
paroist  dans  les  Essays  de  Montaigne  et  dans  le  Testament 
de  la  Hoquette. 

"  Le  Cavalier  Marin  n'est  pas  un  bel  esprit,  car  il  ne  s'est 
jamais  vu  une  imagination  plus  fertile,  ni  moins  regime  que 
la  sienne ;  s*il  parle  d'une  rose,  il  en  dit  tout  ce  qu'on  pent 
imaginer ;  bien  loin  de  rejetter  ce  qui  se  pr^sente,  il  va  cher- 
cher  ce  qui  ne  se  presente  pas ;  il  6puise  toujours  son  sujet. 

Le  Tasse  n'est  pas  toujours  le  plus  raisonnable  du  monde ; 
k  la  verite  on  ne  pent  pas  avoir  plus  de  genie  qu*il  en  a.  Ses 
imaginations  sont  nobles  et  agr^ables,  ses  sentimens  sent 
forts  ou  delicats  selon  ce  que  le  sujet  en  demande ;  ses  pas- 
sions sont  bien  touch^es,  et  bien  conduites,  toutes  ses  com- 
paraisons  sont  justes,  toutes  ses  descriptions  sont  merveil- 
leuses ;  mais  son  g6nie  Temporte  quelquefois  trop  loin ;  il  est 
trop  fleuri  en  quelques  endroits.  II  badine  dans  les  endroits 
assez  serieux  ;  il  ne  garde  pas  aussi  exactement  que  Virgile 
toutes  les  biens^ances  des  moeurs. 

"  C*est  un  des  grands  talens  de  Voiture  de  choisir  ce  qu'il 


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1677.]  BBStDBKCB  DT  PEAKCE.  71 

J  a  ae  bon  dans  les  livres,  et  le  rendre  meilleur  par  Tusage 
qu'il  en  fait.  En  imitant  les  autres,  il  s'est  rendu  inimitable ; 
les  traits  qu'il  en  emprunte  quelque  fois  de  Terence,  et 
d'Horace,  semblent  faits  pour  son  sujet,  et  sont  bien  plus 
beaux  dans  les  endroits  ou  il  les  met,  que  dans  ceux  d*ou  il 
les  a  pris. 

"  Gracian  est  parmi  les  Espagnols  modemes  un  de  ces 
genies  incomprehensibles :  il  a  oeaucoup  d*^l^yation,  de  sub- 
Hmite,  de  force,  et  meme  de  bon  sens :  mais  on  ne  sait  le 
plus  souvent  ce  qu'il  veut  dire ;  et  il  ne  S9ait  pas  peut-^tre 
luj  m^me :  quelques-uns  de  ses  ouvrages  ne  semblent  6tre 
£Eiit8  que  pour  n*etre  point  entendus. 

''  Ges  diseurs  6temels  de  beaux  mots  et  de  belles  sen- 
tences :  ces  copistes  et  ces  singes  de  Seneque,  ces  Mancini, 
ces  Malvezze  et  ces  Loredans  qui  courent  toujours  apres  les 
brillans ;  et  j'ay  bien  de  la  peine  de  souffrir  Seneque  luy 
mSme  avec  ses  points,  et  sea  antitheses  perp^tuelles." 

In  March,  16^7,  Locke  quitted  Montpeluer,  where  he  had 
resided  fourteen  mpnths,  and  travelled  by  the  way  of  Toulouse 
and  Bourdeaux  towards  Paris. 

Extract,  May  14, 1677.  I  rode  out,  and,  amongst  other 
things,  I  saw  the  President  Pontac's  vineyard  at  Hautbrion ; 
it  is  a  little  rise  of  ^ound,  open  most  to  the  west ;  white 
sand  mixed  with  a  httle  gravel,  scarce  fit  to  bear  anything. 
The  vines  are  trained,  some  to  stakes,  and  some  to  laths ;  not 
understanding  G^scoin,  I  could  not  learn  the  cause  of  the 
difference  from  the  workmen.  This  ground  may  be  estimated 
to  yield  about  twenty-five  tun  of  wine ;  however,  the  owner 
makes  a  shifb  to  make  every  vintage  fifty,  which  he  sells  for 
105  6cus  per  tun :  it  was  sold  some  years  since  for  sixty,  but 
the  English  have  raised  the  market  on  themselves.  This, 
however,  they  say,  that  the  wine  in  the  very  next  vineyard  to 
it,  though  seeming  equal  to  me,  is  not  so  good.  A  tun  of 
wine  (1^  hogsheads  !&iglish,  or  perhaps  four  per  cent,  more) 
of  the  best  quality  at  Bourdeaux,  which  is  that  of  Medoc  or 
Pontac,  is  worth,  the  first  penny,  80  or  100  crowns :  for 
this  the  English  may  thank  their  own  folly ;  for  whereas, 
some  years  since,  the  same  wine  was  sold  for  fifty  or  sixty 
crowns  per  tun,  the  fashionable,  sending  over  orders  to  have 
the  best  wine  sent  them  at  any  rate,  they  have,  by  striving 
who  should  get  it,  brought  it  up  to  that  price;  but  very 


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72  LIPB  AKD  LSTTEB8  OT  JOHW  LOCKE.  [l67r. 

good  wines  may  be  bad  bere  for  tbirty-five,  forty,  and  fifily 
crowns. 

Tbe  journey  is  tben  continued  by  Poictiers  and  Tours. 

26tb.  Tours  stands  upon  a  little  rise,  between  tbe  Loire 
and  tbe  Cber,  witb  very  good  meadows  on  tbe  soutb  side ;  it 
is  a  long  town,  well  peopled,  and  tbriving,  wbicb  it  owes  to 
tbe  great  manufacture  of  silk. 

Tney  gave  tbe  King  tbis  year  45,000  livres,  to  be  excused 
from  winter  quarters,  wbicb  came  to  one-tentb  on  tbe  rent 
of  tbeir  bouses.  Wine  and  wood  tbat  enter  tbe  town  pay 
tax  to  tbe  King ;  besides,  be  sends  to  tbe  several  companies 
of  tbe  trades  for  so  mucb  money  as  be  tbinks  fit ;  tbe  officer 
of  eacb  corps  de  mestier  taxes  every  one  according  to  bis 
wortb ;  wbicb,  perbaps,  amounts  to  one  6cu,  or  four  livres,  a 
man.  But  a  bourgeois  tbat  lives  in  tbe  town,  if  be  bave  land 
in  tbe  country  and  lets  it,  pays  notbing ;  but  tbe  paisanfc 
wbo  rents  it,  tf  be  be  wortb  anytbing,  pays  for  wbat  be  bas, 
but  be  makes  no  defalcation  of  bis  rent.  Tbe  manner  of 
taxing  in  tbe  country  is  tbis :  tbe  tax  to  be  paid  being  laid 
upon  tbe  parisb,  tbe  collectors  for  tbe  jear  assess  every  one 
of  tbe  inbabitants,  according  as  tbey  judge  bim  worth,  but 
consider  not  tbe  land  in  tbe  parisb  belonging  to  any  living 
out  of  it ;  tbis  is  tbat  wbicb  so  grinds  tbe  paisant  in  France. 
Tbe  collectors  make  tbeir  rates  usually  witb  great  inequality ; 
tbere  lies  an  appeal  for  tbe  over-taxed,  but  I  find  not  tbat 
tbe  remedy  is  made  mucb  use  of. 

Arrived  at  Paris,  June  2nd.  At  tbe  King's  Library,  tbe 
MS.  Livy ;  Henry  the  Fourth's  love-letters  in  bis  own  hand; 
tbe  first  Bible  ever  printed,  1462,  upon  vellum ;  but  wbat 
seemed  of  all  tbe  most  curious,  was  eighteen  large  folios  of 
plants,  drawn  to  tbe  life,  and  six  of  birds,  so  exactly  well 
done,  tbat  whoever  knew  any  of  tbe  plants  or  birds  before, 
would  then  know  them  at  first  sight ;  they  were  done  by  one 
Mr  Eobert,  who  is  still  employed  witb  the  same  work.  M. 
Silvester  is  employed  in  drawmg  tbe  King's  twelve  houses. 
Tbe  library  keeper  told  us  tbere  were  14,000  MSS. 

Aug.  7th.  M.  Colbert's  son  answered  in  philosophy  at  tbe 
Cordeliers,  his  brother  moderating  over  him,  where  were 
present  three  Cardinals,  BoulHon,  D'Estr^,  and  Bontzi,  tbe 
Premier  President  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  a  great  num- 
ber of  bishops  and  clergy^  and  of  tbe  long  robe,  a  state 


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1677.]  BESIDXirCE  Hr  TOAKCI.  78 

being  ere^;ted  for  the  Dauphin,  to  whom  his  thesis  was 
dedicated. 

At  Mr  Butterfield's,  au  roy  d' Angleterre,  I  saw  a  levelling 
instrument,  made  to  hang  and  turn  horizontallj :  the  sight 
was  taken  by  a  perspective  glass  of  four  glasses,  about  a  foot 
long ;  between  the  nrst  and  second  glass  was  placed  a  single 
filament  of  silk  stretched  horizontally,  by  which  the  level  wa« 
taken ;  there  was  a  heavy  weight  of  lead  hung  down  perpen« 
dicular  about  a  foot  long,  to  keep  the  telescope  horizontal. 

28th.  The  Jacobins  in  Paris  fell  into  civil  war  one  with 
another,  and  went  together  by  the  ears,  and  the  battle  arew 
BO  fierce  between  them,  that  the  convent  was  not  brge 
enough  to  contain  the  combatants,  but  that  several  of  them 
sallied  out  into  the  streets,  and  there  cuffed  it  out  stoutly. 
The  occasion,  they  say,  was,  that  the  Prior  endeavoured  to 
reduce  them  into  a  stricter  way  of  living  than  they  had  for 
some  time  past  observed,  for  which,  in  the  firay,  he  was 
soundly  beaten.  At  the  Observatory  we  saw  the  Moon  in  a 
twenty-two  foot  glass,  and  Jupiter,  with  his  satellites,  in  the 
same.  The  most  remote  was  on  the  east,  and  the  other  three 
on  the  west.  We  saw  also  Saturn  and  his  ring,  in  a  twelve- 
foot  glass,  and  one  of  his  satellites.  Monsieur  Cassini  told 
me,  that  the  declination  of  the  needle  at  Pans  is  about  two 
and  a  half  degrees  to  the  west. 

Monsieur  Bemier  told  me  that  the  heathens  of  Hindoostan 
pretend  to  ^eat  antiquity ;  that  they  have  books  and  his- 
tories in  their  language ;  that  their  nodus  in  their  numbers 
is  ten,  as  ours,  and  their  circuit  of  days  seven.  That  they 
are  in  niunber  about  ten  to  one  to  the  Mahometans.  That 
Aurengezebe  had  lately  engaged  himself  very  inconveniently 
in  wars  with  them  upon  account  of  religion,  endeavouring  to 
bring  them  by  force  to  Mahometanism.  And,  to  discourage 
and  bring  over  the  Banians,  or  undo  them,  he  had  given  ex- 
emption of  customs  to  the  trading  Mahometans,  by  which 
means  his  revenue  was  much  lessened ;  the  Banians  mak^ing 
use  of  the  names  of  Mahometans  to  trade  under,  and  so 
eluding  his  partiality. 

4th.  Saw  the  Palais  Mazariu ;  a  house  very  well  furnished 
with  pictures  and  statues,  and  cabinets  in  great  plenty,  and 
veiT  fine.  The  roofs  of  the  rooms  extremdy  richly  painted 
and 


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74  LIFE  AND  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l677. 

Garde  Meubles  at  tlie  Louvre.  We  saw  abundance  of 
riches  both  in  agate,  gold,  and  silver  vessels.  Two  frames  of 
looking-glasses  newly  made,  each  weighed  in  silver  2400 
marks,  each  mark,  so  wrought,  costing'  the  King  fiftj-two 
livres;  and  beds  exceedingly  rich  in  embroidery;  one  of 
which  was  begun  by  Francis  the  First,  which  Cardinal  Eiche- 
lieu  had  fbiished,  and  presented  the  King,  cost  200,000  6cus. 

At  the  G-obelins  we  saw  the  hangings ;  very  rich  and  good 
figures.  In  every  piece,  Louis  le  Grand  was  the  hero,  and 
the  rest  the  marks  of  some  conquest.  Li  one,  his  making  a 
league  with  the  Swiss,  where  he  lays  his  hand  on  the  book  to 
swear  the  articles,  with  his  hat  on,  and  the  Swiss  ambassador, 
in  a  submissive  posture,  with  his  hat  oflF". 

From  Paris  to  Versailles  four  leagues.  The  chateau  there 
a  fine  house,  and  a  much  finer  garden,  situated  on  a  little 
rise  of  ground,  having  a  morass  on  the  east  side  of  it,  and 
though  a  place  naturally  without  water,  has  more  jet  d'eaux 
and  water-works  than  are  elsewhere  to  be  seen.  Looking 
out  from  the  King's  apartments,  one  sees  almost  nothing  but 
water  for  a  whole  league  forward ;  basins,  jet  d'eaux,  a  canal, 
in  which  is  a  man  of  war  of  thirty  guns,  two  yachts,  and 
several  lesser  vessels.  The  cascades,  basins,  &o.  in  the  garden 
are  so  many,  and  so  variously  contrived,  it  would  require 
much  time  to  describe  them.  We  had  the  honour  to  see 
them  with  the  King,  who  walked  about  with  Madame  Mon- 
tespan,  from  one  to  another,  after  having  driven  her  and  two 
other  ladies  in  the  coach  with  him  about  a  good  part  of  the 
garden.  The  coach  had  six  horses.  The  rooms  at  the  cha- 
teau are  but  little,  and  the  stairs  seem  very  little  in  propor- 
tion to  the  greatness  of  the  persons  who  are  to  mount  by 
them. 

The  great  men's  houses  seem  at  first  sight  to  stand  irre- 
gularly, scattered  at  a  distance,  like  cottages  in  a  country 
village,  amongst  which  the  chateau,  being  higher  and  bigger 
than  the  rest,  looks  like  the  manor-house.  But  when  one 
takes  a  view  of  them  from  the  centre  of  the  chateau,  they 
appear  to  be  ranged  in  good  order,  and  they  make  a  pleasing 
prospect,  considering  they  are  in  a  place  where  Nature  seems 
to  have  conferred  no  favour. 

We  saw  the  house  and  lodgings ;  the  King  and  Queen's 
apartments  are  very  fine,  but  little  rooms,  near  square.     In 


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1677.]  BESrOBKCB  IS  FBANCE.  75 

the  new  lodgings  they  are  somewhat  bigger ;  there  are  six  of 
them,  one  within  another,  all  vaulted  roofs.  The  King's 
cupboard  is  without  the  room,  on  the  stair-head  in  the  pas- 
sage, and  standing  in  the  hollow  of  a  window ;  and  so  is  the 
Dauphin's  on  the  other  side  the  court,  on  the  stairs  that  go 
up  there :  both  the  King  apd  he  eat  in  the  rooms  next  the 
stairs,  and  have  no  antechamber  to  them.  The  water  that  is 
employed  in  the  garden,  is  raised  into  a  reservoir  over  the 
grotto,  out  of  a  well,  by  ten  horses  that  turn  two  spindles, 
and  keep  two  pumps  continually  going ;  and  into  the  well  it 
is  raisedf  out  of  an  ^tang  in  the  bottom  by  windmills :  out  of 
the  works  in  the  garden  it  falls  into  the  canal,  and  so  to  the 
6tang  again.  One  hundred  and  twenty  horses  are  employed 
night  and  day  to  supply  the  ^tang. 

•  •  •  •  • 

Pans.  At  the  Academy  for  Painting  and  Sculpture,  one 
sees  in  the  great  room  several  pieces  done  by  the  chief  mas- 
ters of  that  academy. 

They  are  about  eighty  in  number ;  out  of  them  are  chosen 
two  every  two  months  to  teach  those  who  are  admitted. 
The  King  gives  a  prize  by  the  hands  of  Monsieur  Colbert, 
who  is  protector  of  this  academy ;  the  prizes  three  or  four 
medals  of  gold,  worth  four  hundred  livres.  Those  usually 
who  get  it  are  sent  into  Italy,  and  maintained  there  at  the 
King's  cost  to  perfect  them. 

24th.  From  Paris  to  Fontarableau.  One  passes  through 
the  great  forest  for  three  or  four  miles,  before  one  comes  to 
the  town,  situated  in  a  little  open  plain,  encompassed  with 
rocky,  woody  hUls. 

At  night  we  saw  the  opera  of  Aiceste.  The  King  and 
Queen  sat  on  chairs  with  arms ;  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
King  sat  Madame  Montespan,  and  a  little  nearer  the  stage, 
on  her  right  hand,  Mademoiselle  the  King  of  England's 
niece :  on  the  lefb  hand  of  the  Queen  sat  Monsieur,  and  at 
his  lefb  hand,  advancing  towards  the  stage,  Madame,  and  so 
forward  towards  the  stage  other  ladies  of  the  Court,  all  on 
tabourets  except  the  King  and  Queen. 

We  saw  the  house  at  Pontainbleau,  and  at  night  a  ball, 
where  the  King  and  Queen  and  the  great  persons  of  the 
Court  danced,  and  the  King  himself  took  pains  to  clear  the 


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76  LIFE  AND   LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l678. 

room  to  make  place  for  the  danci^rs.  The  Queen  was  very 
rich  in  jewels :  the  King  and  Queen,  &c.  were  placed  as  at 
the  Opera,     ^he  Due  d'Enghien  sat  behind. 

At  I'ontainbleau  the  King  and  Court  went  a  stag-hunting 
in  the  afternoon,  and  at  night  had  an  opera,  at  all  which 
Madame  appeared  in  a  peruke,  and  upper  part  dressed  like  a 
man. 

Feb.  1st,  1678.  I  saw  the  review  of  the  gardes  du  corps, 
the  musquetaires,  and  the  grenadiers,  in  the  plain  de  Duue, 
near  St  G-ermain.  The  garde  du  corps,  eleven  or  twelve 
squadrons,  and  might  be  1200  or  1400  men,  all  lustj,  well 
horsed,  and  well  clad,  all  in  blue,  new,  and  alike,  even  to 
their  hats  and  gloves;  armed  with  pistols,  carabines,  and 
long  back-swords,  with  well-guarded  hilts,  llie  musquetaires 
were  foiur  squadrons,  about  400  men,  clad  all  alike  in  red 
coats,  but  their  cloaks  blue.  Their  hats  and  gloves  all  the 
same,  even  to  the  ribbons :  they  aU  wore  great  whiskers ;  I 
think  all  black,  thinking  perhaps  to  make  themselves  more 
terrible ;  their  arms,  pistols,  carabine,  and  other  things,  fit 
for  the  manage  of  their  granados. 

The  King  came  to  take  a  view  of  these  troops  between 
eleven  and  twelve  o'clock,  which  he  did  so  narrowly  that  he 
made  them,  squadron  after  squadron,  march  in  file,  man  after 
man,  just  before  him,  and  made  the  number  in  each  squadron, 
as  they  passed,  be  counted,  taking  in  the  mean  time  a  strict 
survey  of  their  horses.  The  King,  when  he  alighted  out  of 
his  coach,  had  a  hat  laced  about  the  edge  with  gold  lace,  and 
a  white  feather ;  after  a  while  he  had  been  on  horseback,  it 
beginning  to  rain,  he  changed  it  for  a  plain  hat  that  had  only 
a  black  ribbon  about  it,  and  was  I  think  by  the  Audace 
k  Cordebec. 

The  Queen  towards  the  latter  end  came  in  a  coach  and 
eight  horses :  the  King  led  her  along  the  head  of  all  these 
squadrons,  they  being  drawn  up  all  in  a  line  three  deep,  with 
little  intervals  between  each  squadron.  At  going  off  the 
field,  which  was  at  three  in  the  afternoon,  the  grenadiers 
were  made  to  exercise  before  him,  which  was  done  very  readi-  ^ 
ly  by  wheeling  every  four  men  of  the  same  rank  together, 
by  which  means  they  without  any  disorder  faced  about,  and 
were  immediately  in  rank  again.  When  this  was  done,  the 
King  went  alone  into  his  chariot,  taking  his  best  hat  again, 


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1673.]  BESIDEKCE  IS  TBAITCB.  77 

and  returned.  There  were  at  this  muster  two  Marshals  of 
France,  viz.  Luxembourg  and  De  Lorge,  each  of  them  Cap- 
tain of  a  company  of  gardes  du  corps,  at  the  head  of  which 
each  of  them  took  his  place,  and  saluted  the  King  as  he  re- 
turned, having  passed  along  all  these  squadrons. 

May  26th,  1678.  At  the  Garde  Meubles  no  increase,  that 
I  found,  of  silver  vessels,  but  rather  a  diminution  since  I 
saw  it  last  in  October.  Sumptuary  laws,  when  the  age 
inclines  to  luxury,  do  not  restrain,  but  rather  increase  the 
evil,  as  one  may  observe  in  Tacitus,  An.  1.  3.  Perhaps  the 
better  way  to  set  bounds  to  people's  expenses,  and  hinder 
them  from  spending  beyond  their  income,  would  be  to  enact 
that  no  landed  men  should  be  obliged  to  pay  any  book-debt 
to  tradesmen,  whereby  the  interest  of  tradesmen  would 
make  them  very  cautious  of  trusting  those  who  usually  are 
the  leaders  of  fashions,  and  thereby  a  great  restraint  would 
be  brought  on  the  usual  excess;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
credit  of  poor  labouring  people  would  be  preserved  as  before 
for  the  supply  of  their  necessities. 

June  5th.  Invalides,  a  great  hospital  nearly  finished. 
Abbeys,  priories,  and  monasteries,  were  formerly  obliged  to 
entertain,  some  two,  some  five  lay-brothers,  which  were 
maimed  soldiers  ;  the  maintenance  came  to  be  changed  into 
a  pension  of  100  Hvres  per  ann.  for  each  person ;  this,  some 
few  years  ago,  was  augmented  to  150  livres  per  ann.,  and 
presently  afterwards  taken  from  the  present  possessors,  and 
applied  to  the  invalids,  beside  which,  all  the  lands  and 
revenues  belonging  to  Hospitals  for  lepers  are  appropriated 
to  the  Invalides. 

Locke  quitted  Paris  in  July,  returning  to  Montpellier  by 
the  way  of  Tours,  Orleans,  and  by  the  road  leading  towards 
Eocheile. 

Many  of  the  towns  they  called  bourgs ;  but  considering 
how  poor  and  few  the  houses  in  most  of  them  are,  would  in 
England  scarce  amount  to  villages.  The  houses  generally 
were  but  one  story ;  and  though  such  low  buildings  cost  not 
much  to  keep  them  up,  yet,  like  groveling  bodies  without 
souls,  they  also  sink  lower  when  they  want  inhabitants,  of 
which  sort  of  ruins  we  saw  great  numbers  in  all  these 
bourgs,  whereby  one  would  guess  that  the  people  of  France 
do  not  at  present  increase ;  but  yet  the  country  is  all  tilled 


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78  LIFE  AND  LBTTEB8  OP  JOHW  LOCKE.  [l678. 

and  cultivated.  The  gentlemen*  s  seats,  of  wliich  we  saw 
many,  were  most  of  them  rather  bearing  marks  of  decay 
than  of  thriving  and  being  well  kept,  except  the  great 
chateau  de  Richelieu,  the  moat  complete  piece  of  building  in 
France,  where  on  the  outside  is  exact  symmetry,  in  the  in- 
side convenience,  riches,  and  beauty,  the  richest  gildiug,  the 
finest  statues  ;  the  avenues  on  aU  sides  exceeding  handsome 
and  magnificent ;  the  situation  low  and  unhealthy :  the 
town  is  built  with  the  same  exactness,  and  though  it  has  not 
the  convenience  of  a  town  of  great  trade,  yet  the  great 
privileges  the  Cardinal  has  got  settled  upon  it,  it  being  a 
free  town,  exempt  from  taille  and  salt,  vinll  always  keep  it 
full  of  people,  and  the  houses  dear  in  it. 

August  10th.  Vernet,  the  seat  of  the  Abbe  Defiat,  son  of 
the  Marshal  D'Efiat :  he  has  several  church  benefices,  which 
makes  him  a  great  revenue ;  they  talk  of  90,000  livres. 

Great  Abbey  of  Normoutier,  where  the  new  buildings,  not 
yet  finished,  are  very  handsome ;  the  gardens  large,  but  the 
cellars  much  larger,  being  cut  in  under  the  sides  of  the  hill 
into  the  rock :  they  had  the  last  year  there  1380  pieces  of 
wine;  we  saw  a  great  cave  which  will  hold  200  tuns  of 
wine. 

At  Niort  they  complained  of  the  oppression  and  grievance 
suffered  by  the  quartering  of  troops  on  the  inhabitants : 
here  a  poor  bookseller's  wife,  who  by  the  largeness  and 
furniture  of  her  shop  seemed  not  to  have  either  much  stock 
or  trade,  told  me  that  there  being  last  winter  1200  soldiers 
quartered  in  the  town,  two  were  appointed  for  their  share, 
which,  considering  that  they  were  to  have  three  meals  a  day 
of  fiesh,  besides  a  collation  in  the  afternoon,  aU  which  waa 
better  to  give  them,  and  a  fifth  meal  too  if  they  desired  it, 
rather  than  displease  them;  these  two  soldiers,  for  three 
months  and  a  half  they  were  there,  cost  them  at  least  forty 
ecus. 

Sept  15th.  Bordeaux.  They  usually  have  in  a  year  for  the 
trade  of  this  part  of  Trance  2000  vessels ;  the  present  pro- 
hibitions in  England  trouble  them :  all  wines  low  in  price, 
except  the  best  Fontac  and  Medoc. 

Saw  the  chateau  Trompett,  a  strong  fort  on  the  river  side, 
of  four  bastions ;  one  of  the  best  streets  and  four  churches 
have  been  pulled  down  to  set  the  citadel  in  a  fair  open 


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ie78.J  BESIDEKOB  TS  FBAITOB.  79 

roaoe :  a  house  was  yet  pulling  down  when  we  were  there 
that  had  cost  lately  the  building  about  50,000  ^cus.  There 
are  in  the  garrison  600  French  soldiers  and  200  Swiss ;  the 
Erench  have  two  sous  per  diem,  and  bread,  which  is  worth 
about  one  more;  the  Swiss  have  five  sous  per  diem  aqd 
bread. 

We  rode  abroad  a  league  or  two  into  the  country  west- 
ward, which  they  call  G-rave,  from  whence  comes  the  Grave 
wine ;  all  vineyard.  Talking  with  a  poor  paisant,  he  told 
me  he  had  three  children ;  that  he  usually  got  seven  sous  a 
day,  finding  himself,  which  was  to  maintain  their  family,  five 
in  number.  His  wife  got  three  sous  when  she  could  get 
work,  which  was  but  seldom ;  other  times  the  spinning, 
which  was  for  their  cloth,  yielded  more  money.  Out  of  these 
seven  sous  they  five  were  to  be  maintained,  and  house-rent 
paid,  and  their  taille,  and  Sundays,  and  holidays  provided 
lor.  For  their  house,  which,  Gk)d  wot!  was  a  poor  one- 
room,  one  story,  open  to  the  tiles,  without  windows,  and  a 
Httle  vineyard,  which  was  as  bad  as  nothing —  (for  though 
they  made  out  of  it  four  or  five  tiers  of  wine,  three  tiers 
make  two  hogsheads,  yet  the  labour  and  cost  about  the  vine- 
yard, making  the  wine,  and  cost  of  the  casks  to  put  it  in, 
being  cast  up,  the  profit  of  it  was  very  little), — ^they  paid 
twelve  ^cus  for  rent,  and  for  taille  four  livres,  for  which,  not 
long  since,  the  collector  had  taken  their  fiying-pan  and 
dishes,  money  not  being  ready.  Their  ordinary  food  rye- 
bread  and  water ;  flesh  seldom  seasons  their  pots  :  they  can 
make  no  distinction  between  flesh  and  fasting  days,  but 
when  their  money  reaches  to  a  more  costly  meal,  they  buy 
the  inwards  of  some  beast  in  the  market,  and  then  they 
feast  themselves.  In  Xantonge,  and  several  other  parts  of 
France,  the  paisants  are  much  more  miserable :  the  paisants 
who  live  in  Grave  they  count  to  be  flourishing. 

Taxes :  one-eighth  of  the  purchase  to  be  paid  of  all  church 
or  corporation  lands  that  have  at  any  time  been  alienated  : 
if  they  be  decayed  since  the  purchase,  they  pay  one-eighth 
of  the  purchase ;  if  meliorated,  they  pay  according  to  the 
improved  value.  He  that  refuses  hath  a  garrison  of  soldiers 
presently  sent  to  his  house. 

Saw  the  Carthusian  convent  a  quarter  of  a  mile  without 
the  town ;  the  altar  adorned  with  pillars  of  the  finest  marble 


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80  LITB  AUD  LETTEBS  OP  JOHN  LOCEX.  [1678. 

that  I  have  seen ;  the  marble  of  so  excellent  a  kind  (inter- 
laced with  veins,  as  it  were,  of  gold),  that  the  King  hath 
been  tempted  to  send  for  them  away. 

Sept.  26th.  From  Bordeaux  to  Cadillac.  Saw  the  great 
chateau  built  by  the  D.  d'Espemon,  built  on  three  sides  of 
a  court,  as  all  the  great  houses  in  France  are,  four  stories 
high,  and  much  more  capacious  than  the  chateau  of  Eiche- 
lieu ;  a  broad  long  terrace  wall  surrounds  the  building. 

At  Toulouse  saw  the  Charteraux,  very  large  and  fine ;  saw 
the  reliques  at  St  Semin,  where  they  have  the  greatest  store 
of  them  that  I  have  met  with ;  besides  others,  there  are  six 
Apostles,  and  the  head  of  the  seventh,  viz.  two  Jameses, 
Philip,  Simon,  Jude,  Barnabas,  and  the  head  of  Barthelmy. 
We  were  told  of  the  wonders  these  and  other  reliques  had 
done  being  carried  in  procession,  but  more  especially  the 
head  of  St  Edward,  one  of  our  Kings  of  England,  which, 
carried  in  procession,  deKvered  the  town  from  a  plague 
some  years  since. 

[Locke  arrived  at  Montpellier  the  middle  of  October,  and 
after  a  short  residence  of  less  than  a  fortnight,  set  out 
before  the  end  of  the  month  on  his  return  to  Paris,  by 
way  of  Lyons  and  Orleans,  having  probably  been  recalled 
by  Shaftesbury,  who  was  then  at  the  head  of  the  English 
aaministration.  The  particulars  of  this  journey  home  are 
omitted.  The  mode  of  travelling  at  that  time  was  generally 
on  horseback,  hired  from  one  great  town  to  another ;  the 
day's  journey  seven,  eight,  and  ten  leagues ;  the  hire  of 
horses  for  a  journey  three  livres  a-day  for  three  horses,  and 
three  livres  for  their  meat ;  to  the  guide  that  rode  one,  ten 
sous  a  day  for  his  hire,  and  ten  sous  for  his  meat,  and  the 
same  rate  of  seven  livres  a  day  for  the  return.  Twenty  sous, 
dinner ;  thirty  sous,  coucher. 

He  arrived  at  Paris  the  latter  end  of  November,  and 
remained  there  about  five  months. 

At  this  time  are  many  notes  of  and  comparison  between 
French  and  English  measures ;  of  length  and  capacity,  oi 
weight  and  fineness,  of  the  respective  monies  oi  the  two 
countries,  and  of  Holland,  ascertained  by  experiment  and 
by  information  furnished  by  M.  Briot,  M.  Toynard,  and 
Bomer.] 

Dec.  20th.    In  the  library  of  the  Abb^  of  St  G^rmainB, 


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1670.]  EESIDENCE   IN  FBANCB.  81 

M.  Covell  and  I  saw  two  Yery  old  manuscripts  of  the  ^ew 
Testament,  the  newest  of  which  was,  as  appeared  by  the 
date  of  it,  at  least  800  years  old,  in  each  of  which  1  John, 
ch.v.  ver.7,  was  quite  wanting,  and  the  end  of  the  eighth  verse 
ran  thus,  "  tres  unum  sunt ;"  in  another  old  copy  the  seventh 
verse  was,  but  with  interlining;  in  another  much  more 
modem  copy,  ver.  7  was  also,  but  differently  from  the  old 
copy;  and  in  two  other  old  manuscripts,  also,  ver.  7  was 
quite  out,  but  as  I  remember  in  all  of  them  the  end  of  the 
eighth  verse  was  "tres  unum  sunt." 

The  story  of  the  nuns  of  Lodun  possessed,  was  nothing 
but  a  contrivance  of  Cardinal  Eichelieu  to  destroy  G-raudier, 
a  man  he  suspected  to  have  wrote  a  book  against  him,  who 
was  condemned  for  witchcraft  in  the  case,  and  burnt  for  it. 
The  scene  was  managed  by  the  Capuchins,  and  the  nuns 
played  their  tricks  well,  but  all  was  a  cheat. 

23rd.  At  the  King's  levee,  which  I  saw  this  morning  at 
St  Germains,  there  is  nothing  so  remarkable  as  his  great 
devotion,  which  is  very  exemplary ;  for  as  soon  as  ever  he  is 
dressed,  he  goes  to  his  bed-side,  where  he  kneels  down  to 
his  prayers,  several  priests  kneeling  by  him,  in  which  posture 
he  continues  for  a  pretty  while,  not  oeing  disturbed  by  the 
noise  and  buzz  of  the  rest  of  the  chamber,  which  is  full  of 
people  standing  and  talking  one  to  another. 

The  Marquis  de  Bordage,  who  married  M.  Turenne's 
niece,  being  at  Rome  about  the  year  66  or  67,  being  at  a 
mass  where  the  Pope  was  present,  and  not  above  a  yard  or 
two -from  him,  a  very  considerable  Cardinal,  who  waa  just  by 
him,  asked  him  just  after  the  elevation :  "  Che  dice  vostra 
Signioria  di  tutta  qufista  fenfantaria  ?  " 

#  #  4f  •  • 

Amongst  other  things,  M.  Covell  told  me  how  the  patriarchs 
of  Constantinople  are  made  at  present  by  the  Grand  Seignior ! 
how  they  buy  out  one  another ;  and  how  the  non-conformist 
Protestants  were  induced  by  him  to  take  the  sacrament 
kneeling. 

1679 — January  4th.  This  day  was  the  review  of  the  in- 
fantry of  the  Maison  du  Roi.  There  were  thirty  companies, 
if  one  may  reckon  by  their  colours,  of  French,  and  ten  of 
Swiss,  all  new  habited.  The  officers  of  the  French,  gold 
embroidery  on  blue ;  the  Swiss,  gold  embroidery  on  red,  and 


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82  LIFE  AKD  LETTERS   Or  JOHlir   LOCKE.  [l67d* 

mucli  the  richer.  The  French  common  soldiers  all  in  new 
clothes :  the  coat  and  breeches  of  cloth  almost  white ;  red 
vests  laced  with  counterfeit  silver  lace;  as  much  as  was 
seen,  at  least,  was  red  cloth,  though  if  one  looked  further, 
one  should  have  found  it  grafted  to  linen;  shoulder-belt&, 
and  bandeliers  of  buff  leather,  laced  at  their  vests;  red 
stockings,  a  new  hat  laced,  adorned  with  a  great  white 
woollen  feather — some  were  red ;  a  new  pair  of  white  gloves 
with  woollen  fringe,  and  a  new  sword,  copper  gQt  hilt ;  aU 
which,  I  am  told,  with  a  coat  of  grey  stuff  to  wear  over  it, 
cost  forty-four  Hvres,  which  is  abated  out  of  their  pay ;  of 
which,  all  defalcations  made,  there  remains  for  their  main- 
tenance five  sous  per  diem.  The  soldiers,  as  I  overtook  thein 
coming  home  to  JParis,  had  most  of  them  oiled  hat  cases, 
a  pSLit,  I  suppose,  of  their  furniture,  and  coarse  linen  bus- 
kins, after  the  fashion  of  their  country,  to  save  their  red 
stockings.  The  Swiss  soldiers  were  habited  in  red  coats  and 
blue  breeches  cut  after  their  fashion,  with  their  points  at 
their  knees,  and  had  no  feathers.  The  pike-men  of  both  had 
back  and  breast-plates ;  but  the  Swiss  also  had  head-pieces, 
which  the  French  had  not.  For  the  Swiss,  the  King  pays 
each  captain  for  himself,  and  all  the  men  in  his  company, 
eighteen  livres  per  mensem ;  the  captain's  profit  lies  in  this, 
that  he  agrees  with  his  officers  as  he  can,  and  so  with  the 
soldiers,  who  have  some  ten,  some  fourteen  livres  per  men- 
sem, as  they  can  agree. 

The  King  passed  at  the  head  of  the  line  as  they  stood 
drawn  up ;  the  officers  at  the  head  of  their  companies  and 
regiments  in  armour,  with  pikes  in  their  hands,  saluting  him 
with  their  pikes,  then  with  their  hats.  He  very  courteously 
put  off  his  hat  to  them  again ;  so  he  did,  when  taking  hia 
stand  they  marched  before  him.  He  passed  twice  along  the 
whole  front  forwards  and  backwards;  first  by  himself,  the 
Dauphin,  &c.  accompanying  him ;  and  then  with  the  Queen, 
he  nding  by  her  coach  side. 

The  sergeants  complaining  that  their  pay  would  not  reach 
to  make  them  so  fine  as  was  required,  i.  e.  scarlet  coats  with 
true  gold  galloon ;  to  make  them  amends  for  it,  they  were 
allowed  to  take  more  on  their  quarters.  The  French  for  ex- 
cusing from  quarters  make  them  pay  twenty -four,  the  Swiss 
but  eighteen  livres. 


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1679.J  BESrDEKCE  IS  PBAKCX.  88 

At  Paris,  the  bills  of  mortality  usually  amount  to  19  or 
20,000 ;  and  they  count  in  the  town  about  600,000  souls, 
50,000  more  than  at  London,  where  the  bills  are  less.  Quere, 
whether  the  Quakers,  Anabaptists,  and  Jews,  that  die  in 
London,  are  reckoned  in  the  bills  of  mortality. 

Exchange  on  London  fifty-four  pence  five-eighths  d' Angle- 
terre,  for  one  ^cu  of  France ;  so,  with  commission,  <fec.,  I  re- 
ceived 1306  livres  two  sous  for  £100  sterling. 

M.  Toinard  showed  me  a  new  system  of  our  tourbillion, 
wherein  the  centre  of  the  sun  described  a  circle  of  the  tour- 
billion,  in  which  it  made  its  periodical  circuit,  and  Mercury 
moved  about  the  sun  as  the  moon  does  about  the  earth. 

Pomey  and  Chanson  were  burnt  at  Paris  about  the  year 
64,  for  keeping  a  bawdy-house  of  Catemites.    M.  Toinard. 

February  13th.  I  saw  the  library  of  M.  de  Thou,  a  great 
collection  of  choice,  well-bound  books,  which  are  now  to  be 
sold ;  amongst  others,  a  Ghreek  manuscript,  written  by  one 
Angelot,  by  which  Stephens'  Greek  characters  were  first 
made.  There  was  also  a  picture  of  a  procession  in  the  time 
of  the  League,  wherein  the  monks  of  the  several  orders  are 
represented  armed,  as  indeed  they  were.  Here  also  I  had 
the  honoxir  to  see  the  Prince  of  Conti,  now  in  his  seven- 
teenth year,  a  very  comely  young  gentleman ;  but  the  beauty 
of  his  mind  far  excels  that  of  his  body,  being  for  his  age 
veiy  learned.  He  speaks  Italian  and  German  as  a  native, 
understands  Latin  well,  Spanish  indifierently,  and  is,  as  I  am 
told,  going  to  learn  English :  a  great  lover  of  justice  and 
honour,  very  civil  and  obliging  to  all,  and  desires  the  ac- 
quaintance of  persons  of  merit  of  any  kind ;  and  though  I 
can  pretend  to  none  that  might  recommend  me  to  one  of 
the  first  princes  of  the  blood  of  France,  yet  he  did  me  the 
honour  to  ask  me  several  questions  then,  and  to  repeat  his 
commands  to  me  to  wait  upon  him  at  his  house. 

Friday.  The  observation  of  Lent  at  Paris  is  come  almost 
to  nothing.  Meat  is  openly  to  be  had  in  the  shambles,  and 
a  dispensation  commonly  to  be  had  from  the  curate  without 
difficulty.  People  of  sense  laugh  at  it,  and  in  Italy  itself, 
for  twenty  sous,  a  dispensation  is  certainly  to  be  had.  The 
best  edition  of  the  French  Bible  is  that  in  folio,  in  two  vols., 
Elzevir,  but  the  notes  are  not  very  good.    The  best  notes  aro 

o2 


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84  LIFE  AND   LETTEB8   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l679. 

those  of  Diodati,  and  his  Italian  Bible  is  very  good.   Mr 
Justel. 

They  tell  here,  that  the  Bishop  of  Bellay  having  writ 
against  the  Capuchins,  and  they  against  him,  Cardinal  Eiche- 
lieu  undertook  their  reconciliation,  and  they  both  promised 
peace ;  but  the  Capuchins  writing  again  under  another  name, 
the  Bishop  replied ;  so  that  the  Cardinal,  seeing  him  some 
time  after,  told  him,  that  had  he  held  his  peace  he  would 
have  canonized  him.  "That  would  do  well,"  replied  the 
Bishop,  "  for  then  we  should  each  of  us  have  what  we  desire ; 
i.  e.  one  should  be  a  Pope,  and  the  other  a  saint." 

Cardinal  Eichelieu  having  given  him  the  Prince  of  Balzac 
and  the  Minister  Silhon  to  read  (which  he  had  caused  to  be 
writ,  one  as  a  character  of  the  King,  and  the  other  of  him- 
self), demanded  one  day,  before  the  King,  his  opinion  of 
them ;  to  which  the  Bishop  replied,  "  Le  Prince  n'est  pas 
grand  chose,  et  le  Ministre  ne  vaut  rien ! " 

A  devout  lady  being  sick,  and  besieged  by  the  Cannes, 
made  her  will,  and  gave  them  all :  the  Bishop  of  Bellay  com- 
ing to  see  her,  after  it  was  done,  asked  whether  she  had  made 
her  will ;  she  answered  yes,  and  told  him  how ;  he  convinced 
her  it  was  not  well,  and  she  desiring  to  alter  it,  found  a 
difficulty  how  to  do  it,  being  so  beset  by  the  friars.  The 
Bishop  bid  her  not  trouble  herself  for  it,  but  presently  took 
order  that  two  notaries,  habited  as  physicians,  should  come 
to  her,  who  being  by  her  bed-side,  the  Bishop  told  the  com- 
pany it  was  convenient  all  should  withdraw ;  and  so  the  for- 
mer will  was  revoked,  and  a  new  one  made  and  put  into  the 
Bishop's  hands.  The  lady  dies,  the  Cannes  produce  their 
will,  and  for  some  time  the  Bishop  lets  them  enjoy  the  plea- 
sure of  their  inheritance ;  but  at  last,  taking  out  the  other 
will,  he  says  to  them,  "  Mes  freres,  you  are  the  sons  of  Eliah, 
children  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  have  no  share  in  the 
New."  This  is  that  Bishop  of  Bellay  who  has  writ  so  much 
against  monks  and  monkery. 

II  y  a ^  Paris  vingt-quatre  belles  maisons  qu'on  pent  voir; 
Luxembourg 
L'Hotel  de  Guise 
—     de  Soissons 
—     de  la  Basinierre 
■  de  la  Perte 


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1679.]  BESIDSNCE   IN  FBAKCE.  85 

L'Hotel  de  Qrammont 

de  M.  Colbert 

de  la  Vrillierre 

de  Mazariu 

de  Lyonne 

Bretonyilliera 

. Justin 

de  M.  Lambert 

de  Chaumont 

-  de  Lesdiguiers 

de  Conti 

de  Lamoignon 

de  Jars 

de  Turenne 

M.  Amelot  Bisicul 

M.  de  Boisfranc 

de  Vendome 

d'Espemon 

de  Longueville. 

The  Memoires  de  Sully  are  full  of  falsities  and  self-flattery, 
so  concluded  by  the  company  chez  Mr  Justel;  the  same 
which  Mr  Falayseau  had  before  told  me :  those  of  the  Due 
de  Ghuise,  a  romance;  but  those  of  Modena,  concerning 
Naples,  good. 

I  saw  the  Pere  Cherubin,  the  Capuchin  so  famous  for 
optics,  at  least  the  practical  part  in  telescopes,  at  his  convent 
in  the  Bue  St  Honor6. 

The  Capuchins  are  the  strictest  and  severest  order  in 
France,  so  that  to  mortify  those  of  their  order,  they  com- 
mand them  the  most  unreasonable  things,  irrational  and 
ridiculous :  as  to  plant  cabbage-plants  the  roots  upwards,  and 
then  reprehend  them,  the  planters,  because  they  do  not 
grow.  As  soon  as  they  find  any  one  to  have  any  inclinations 
any  way,  as  Pere  Cherubin  in  optics  and  telescopes,  to  take 
from  him  all  that  he  has  done,  or  may  be  useful  to  him 
in  that  science,  and  employ  him  in  something  quite  contrary ; 
but  he  has  now  a  particular  lock  and  key  to  his  cell,  which 
the  guardian's  key  opeus  not. 

This  severity  makes  them  not  compassionate  one  to  an- 
other, whatever  they  would  be  to  others. 

Within  this  year  past,  were  bUls  set  up  about  Paris,  with 


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to  LITE  JLSJ>  LSTTEBS   OT  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l677. 

a  privilege  for  a  receipt  to  kill  lice,  whereof  the  Duke  of 
Bouillon  had  the  monopoly,  and  the  bills  were  in  his  name. 

"  Par  permission  et  privilege  du  Eoy,  accords  k  perpetuite 
a  Monsieur  le  Due  de  Bouillon,  Grand  Cbambellan  de 
France,  par  lettres  patentes  du  17  Sept.  1677,  verifies  en 
Parlement  par  arret  du  13  Dec.  au  dit  an,  le  publique  sera 
averti  que  1  on  vend  k  Paris  un  petit  sachet  de  la  grandeur 
d'une  piece  de  quinze  sols,  pour  garantir  toute  sorte  de  per- 
sonnes  de  la  vermine,  et  en  retirer  ceux  qui  en  sont  incom- 
modes sans  mercure. 

'*  11  est  fait  defense  k  toutes  personnes  de  le  faire,  ni  con- 
trefaire,  k  peine  de  trois  miUe  hvres  d'amende."  Eitrait  de 
Taffiche. 

At  the  seminary  of  St  Sulpice,  over  the  door  opposite  to 
the  gate,  is  the  Virgin,  a  child  crowning  her,  and  under  her 
feet  this  inscription :  Interveni  pro  clero. 

The  Protestants  within  these  twenty  years  have  had  above 
three  hundred  churches  demolished,  and  within  these  two 
months  fifteen  more  condemned. 

[During  his  residence  at  Paris,  Locke  made  acquaintance 
with  Mr  Justel  (whose  house  wad  then  the  resort  of  the 
literati  of  France),  and  with  him  he  continued  to  correspond 
lon^  after  his  return  to  England.  He  also  formed  an  ac- 
quaintance with  Mr  Guenelon,  the  celebrated  physician  of 
Amsterdam,  whose  friendship  was  most  useful  some  years 
afterwards,  during  his  retreat  in  Holland.  He  became  also 
intimately  acquainted  with  Monsieur  Toinard,  the  author  of 
Harmonia  Evangeliorum. 

At  tbe  beginning  of  May,  Locke  lefb  Paris,  and  arrived  in 
the  Thames  on  the  8th ;  he  resided  for  some  time  at  Thanet- 
House  in  Aldersgate-street,  Shaftesbury  being  then  at  the 
head  of  the  English  administration. 

Before  proceeding  further,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  insert 
the  notes  and  dissertations  on  different  subjects  scattered  at 
intervals  through  the  Journal.] 

CKOWIiSDGE,  ITS  EXTENT  ASD  MBASXTBE. 

Quod  Yolumiis  facile  credimns. 

Feb.  8, 1677.— Question.  How  far,  and  by  what  meanSi 
the  will  works  upon  the  understanding  and  assent  t 


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1677.]  STIJDT  DUEINa  A  JOUBNET.  87 

Our  minds  are  not  made  as  large  as  truth,  nor  suited 
to  the  whole  extent  of  things  j  amongst  those  that  come 
within  its  reach,  it  meets  with  a  great  many  too  hig  for  its 
grasp,  and  there  are  not  a  few  that  it  is  fair  to  give  up  as  in- 
comprehensible. It  finds  itself  lost  in  the  vast  extent  of 
space,  and  the  least  particle  of  matter  puzzles  it  with  an  in- 
conceivable divisibility ;  and  those  who,  out  of  a  great  care 
not  to  admit  unintelligible  things,  deny  or  question  an  eter- 
nal omniscient  spirit,  run  themselves  into  a  greater  difficulty 
by  making  an  eternal  and  intelligent  matter.  Nay,  our 
minds,  whdst  they  think  and  (*****)  our  bodies,  find  it  past 
their  capacity  to  conceive  how  they  do  the  one  or  the  other. 

This  state  of  our  minds,  however  remote  from  the  perfec- 
tion whereof  we  ourselves  have  an  idea,  ought  not,  however, 
to  discourage  our  endeavours  in  the  search  of  truth,  or  make 
us  think  we  are  incapable  of  knowing  anything,  because  we 
cannot  understand  aU  things.  We  shall  find  that  we  are 
sent  out  into  the  world  furnished  with  those  faculties  that 
are  fit  to  obtain  knowledge,  and  knowledge  sufficient,  if  we 
will  but  confine  it  within  those  purposes,  and  direct  it  to 
those  ends,  which  the  constitution  of  our  nature,  and  the  cir- 
cumstance of  our  being,  point  out  to  us. 

If  we  consider  ourselves  in  the  condition  we  are  in  the 
world,  we  cannot  but  observe  that  we  are  in  an  estate,  the 
necessities  whereof  call  for  a  constant  supply  of  meat,  drink, 
clothing,  and  defence  from  the  weather ;  and  our  conveni- 
ences demand  yet  a  great  deal  more.  To  provide  these 
things,  Nature  furnishes  us  only  with  the  material,  for  the 
most  part  rough,  and  unfitted  to  our  use ;  it  requires  labour, 
art,  and  thought,  to  suit  them  to  our  occasions ;  and  if  the 
knowledge  oi  man  had  not  found  out  ways  to  shorten  tho 
labour,  and  improve  several  things  which  seem  not,  at  first 
sight,  to  be  of  any  use  to  us,  we  should  spend  all  our  time  to 
make  a  scanty  provision  for  a  poor  and  miserable  life :  a  suf- 
ficient  instance  whereof  we  have  in  the  inhabitants  of  that 
large  and  fertile  part  of  the  world  the  "West  Indies,  whc 
lived  a  poor  uncomfortable  life,  scarce  able  to  subsist ;  and 
that,  perhaps,  only  for  want  of  knowing  the  use  of  that  store 
out  of  whicn  the  mhabitants  of  the  Old  World  had  the  skill 
to  draw  iron,  and  thereof  make  themselves  utensils  necessary 
lor  the  carrying  on  and  improvement  of  all  other  arts ;  no 


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88  LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [1677. 

one  of  winch  can  subsist  well,  if  at  all,  without  that  one 
metal. 

Here,  then,  is  a  large  field  for  knowledge,  proper  for  the 
use  and  advantage  of  men  in  this  world ;  viz.  to  find  out  new 
inventions  of  despatch  to  shorten  or  ease  our  labour,  or 
applying  sagaciously  together  several  agents  and  materials, 
to  procure  new  and  beneficial  productions  fit  for  our  use, 
whereby  our  stock  of  riches  (i.  e.  things  useful  for  the  con- 
veniences of  our  life)  may  be  increased,  or  better  preserved : 
and  for  such  discoveries  as  these  the  mind  of  man  is  well 
fitted;  though,  perhaps,  the  essence  of  things,  their  first 
original,  their  secret  way  of  working,  and  the  whole  extent  of 
corporeal  beings,  be  as  far  beyond  our  capacity  as  it  is  beside 
our  use ;  and  we  have  no  reason  to  complain  that  we  do  not 
know  the  nature  of  the  sun  or  stars,  that  the  consideration 
of  light  itself  leaves  us  in  the  dark,  and  a  thousand  other 
speculations  in  Nature,  sineo,  if  we  knew  them,  they  would 
be  of  no  solid  acfvantage  to  us,  nor  help  to  make  our  lives 
the  happier,  they  being  but  the  useless  employment  of  idle 
or  over-curious  Drains,  which  amuse  themselves  about  things 
out  of  which  they  can  by  no  means  draw  any  real  benefit. 

So  that,  if  we  will  consider  man  as  in  the  world,  and  that 
his  mind  and  faculties  were  given  him  for  any  use,  we  must 
necessarily  conclude  it  must  be  to  procure  him  the  happiness 
which  this  world  is  capable  of;  which  certainly  is  nothing 
else  but  plenty  of  all  sorts  of  those  things  which  can  with 
most  ease,  pleasure,  and  variety,  preserve  him  longest  in  it ; 
so  that,  had  mankind  no  concernment  but  in  the  world,  no 
apprehensions  of  any  being  after  this  life,  they  need  trouble 
their  heads  with  nothing  but  the  history  of  nature,  and  an 
inquiry  into  the  qualities  of  the  things  in  the  mansion  of  the 
universe  which  hath  fallen  to  their  lot,  and,  being  well-skill- 
ed in  the  knowledge  of  material  causes  and  effect  of  things 
in  their  power,  directing  their  thoughts  to  the  improvement 
of  such  arts  and  inventions,  engines,  and  utensils,  as  might 
best  contribute  to  their  continuation  in  it  with  couveniency 
and  delight,  they  might  well  spare  themselves  the  trouble  of 
looking  any  further :  they  neea  not  perplex  themselves  about 
the  original  frame  or  constitution  of  the  universe,  drawing 
the  great  machine  into  systems  of  their  own  contrivance,  and 
building  hypotheses,  obscure,  perplexed,  and  of  no  other  use 


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1«77.]  BTITDT  DXTBHTO  A  JOXTBITET.  89 

but  to  raise  dispute  and  continual  wrangling :  Por  what  need 
have  we  to  complain  of  our  ignorance  in  the  more  general 
and  foreign  parts  of  nature,  when  all  our  business  lies  at 
home  ?  Why  should  we  bemoan  our  want  of  knowledge  in 
the  particular  apartments  of  the  universe,  when  our  portion 
here  only  lies  in  the  little  spot  of  earth  where  we  and  all  our 
concernments  are  shut  up  ?  Why  should  we  think  ourselves 
hardly  dealt  with,  that  we  are  not  furnished  with  compass 
nor  plummet  to  sail  and  fathom  that  restless,  unnavigable 
ocean,  of  the  universal  matter,  motion,  and  space  P  Since 
there  be  shores  to  bound  our  voyage  and  travels,  there  are 
at  least  no  commodities  to  be  brought  from  thence  service- 
able to  our  use,  nor  that  will  better  our  condition ;  and  we 
need  not  be  displeased  that  we  have  not  knowledge  enough 
to  discover  whether  we  have  any  neighbours  or  no  in  those 
large  bulks  of  matter  we  see  floating  in  the  abyss,  or  of  what 
kind  they  are,  since  we  can  never  have  any  communication 
with  them  that  might  turn  to  our  advantage. 

So  that,  considering  man  barely  as  an  animal  of  three  or 
four  score  years'  duration,  and  then  to  end,  his  condition  and 
state  requires  no  other  knowledge  than  what  may  furnish 
him  with  those  things  which  may  help  him  to  pass  out  to  the 
end  of  that  time  with  ease,  safety,  and  delight,  which  is  all 
the  happiness  he  is  capable  of:  and  for  the  attainment  of  a 
correspondent  measure  mankind  is  sufficiently  provided* 
He  has  faculties  and  organs  well  adapted  for  the  discovery, 
if  he  thinks  fit  to  employ  and  use  them. 

Another  use  of  his  knowledge  is  to  live  in  peace  with  his 
fellow-men,  and  this  also  he  is  capable  of.  Besides  a  plenty 
of  the  good  things  of  this  world,  with  life,  health,  and  peace 
to  enjoy  them,  we  can  think  of  no  other  concernment  man- 
kind hath  that  leads  him  not  out  of  it,  and  places  him  not  be- 
yond the  confines  of  this  earth ;  and  it  seems  probable  that 
there  should  be  some  better  state  somewhere  else  to  which 
man  might  arise,  since,  when  he  hath  all  that  this  world  can 
afiford,  he  is  still  unsatisfied,  uneasy,  and  far  from  happiness. 
It  is  certain,  and  that  all  men  must  consent  to,  that  there  is 
a  possibility  of  another  state  when  this  scene  is  over ;  and 
that  the  happiness  and  misery  of  that  depends  on  the  order- 
ing of  ourselves  in  our  actions  in  this  time  of  our  probation 
here.     The  acknowledgment  of  a  God  will  easily  lead  any 


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90  LIFE  Ain>  LETTSBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l677. 

one  to  this,  and  he  bath  left  so  many  footsteps  of  himself,  so 
many  proofs  of  his  being  in  every  creature,  as  are  suflScient 
to  convince  any  vrho  will  but  make  use  of  their  faculties  that 
way, — and  I  dare  say  nobody  escapes  this  conviction  for 
want  of  sight ;  but  if  any  be  so  blind,  it  is  only  because  they 
will  not  open  their  eyes  and  see ;  and  those  only  doubt  of  a 
Supreme  Ruler  and  a  universal  law,  who  would  willingly  be 
under  no  law,  accountable  to  no  judge ;  those  only  question 
another  life  hereafter,  who  intend  to  lead  such  a  one  here  as 
they  fear  to  have  examined,  and  would  be  loth  to  answer  for 
when  it  is  over. 

This  opinion  I  shall  always  be  of,  till  I  see  that  those  who 
would  cast  off  all  thoughts  of  God,  heaven,  and  hell,  lead 
such  lives  as  would  become  rational  creatures,  or  observe 
that  one  unquestionable  moral  rule,  Do  as  you  would  be 
done  to. 

It  being  then  possible,  and  at  least  probable,  that  there  is 
another  life,  wherein  we  shall  give  an  account  of  our  past 
actions  in  this  to  the  great  God  of  heaven  and  earth ;  here 
comes  in  another,  and  that  the  main  concernment  of  man- 
kind, to  know  what  those  actions  are  that  he  is  to  do,  what 
those  are  he  is  to  avoid,  what  the  law  is  he  is  to  live  by 
here,  and  shall  be  judged  by  hereafter ;  and  in  this  part  too 
he  is  not  left  so  in  the  dark,  but  that  he  is  furnished  with 
principles  of  knowledge,  and  faculties  able  to  discover  light 
enough  to  guide  him ;  his  understanding  seldom  fails  him  in 
this  part,  unless  where  his  will  would  have  it  so.  If  he  take 
a  wrong  course,  it  is  most  commonly  because  he  goes  wil- 
fully out  of  the  way,  or,  at  least,  chooses  to  be  bewildered ; 
and  there  are  few,  if  anv,  who  dreadfully  mistake,  that  are 
willing  to  be  in  the  right ;  and  I  think  one  may  safely  say, 
that  amidst  the  great  ignorance  which  is  so  justly  com- 
plained of  amongst  mankind,  where  any  one  endeavoured  to 
know  his  duty  sincerely,  with  a  design  to  do  it,  scarce  ever 
any  one  miscarried  for  want  of  knowledge. 

The  business  of  men  being  to  be  happy  in  this  world,  by 
the  enjoyment  of  the  things  of  nature  subservient  to  life, 
health,  ease,  and  pleasure,  and  by  the  comfortable  hopes  of 
another  life  when  this  is  ended ;  and  in  the  other  world,  by 
an  accumulation  of  higher  degrees  of  bliss  in  an  everlasting 
aecurity,  we  need  no  other  l^owledge  for  the  attainment  of 


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1677.]  BTXTDT  DUBESra  A  JOITEinET.  91 

those  ends  but  of  the  history  and  observation  of  the  effect 
and  operation  of  natural  bodies  within  our  power,  and  of  our 
duty  in  the  management  of  our  own  actions,  as  far  as  they 
depend  on  our  will,  i.  e.  as  far  also  as  they  are  in  our  power. 
One  of  those  is  the  proper  enjoyment  of  our  bodies,  and  the 
highest  perfection  of  that,  and  the  other  of  our  souls  ;  and 
to  attain  both  these  we  are  fitted  with  faculties  both  of  body 
and  soul.  Whilst  then  we  have  ability  to  improve  our  know- 
ledge in  experimental  natural  philosophy,  whilst  we  want  not 
principles  whereon  to  establish  moral  rules,  nor  light  (if  we 
please  to  make  use  of  it)  to  distinguish  good  from  bad 
actions,  we  have  no  reason  to  complain  if  we  meet  with  dif- 
ficulties in  other  things  which  put  our  reasons  to  a  nonplus, 
confound  our  understandings,  and  leave  us  perfectly  in  the 
dark  under  the  sense  of  our  own  weakness :  for  those  re- 
lating not  to  our  happiness  any  way  are  no  part  of  our 
business,  and  therefore  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  if  we  have 
not  abilities  given  us  to  deal  with  things  that  are  not  to  our 
purpose,  nor  conformable  to  our  state  or  end. 

(Jod  having  made  the  great  machine  of  the  universe  suit- 
able to  his  infinite  power  and  wisdom,  why  should  we  think 
so  proudly  of  ourselves,  whom  he  hath  put  into  a  small 
canton,  and  perhaps  the  most  inconsiderable  part  of  it,  that 
he  hath  made  us  tne  surveyors  of  it,  and  that  it  is  not  as  it 
should  be  unless  we  can  thoroughly  comprehend  it  in  all  the 
parts  of  it?  It  is  agreeable  to  his  goodness,  and  to  our 
condition,  that  we  should  be  able  to  apply  them  to  our  use, 
to  understand  so  far  some  parts  of  that  we  have  to  do  with, 
as  to  be  able  to  make  them  subservient  to  the  convenience 
of  our  life,  as  proper  to  fill  our  hearts  with  praise  of  hia 
bounty.  But  it  is  also  agreeable  to  his  greatness,  that  it 
should  exceed  our  capacity,  and  the  highest  flight  of  our 
imagination,  the  better  to  fill  us  with  admiration  of  hia^ 
power  and  wisdom ; — besides  its  serving  to  other  ends,  and 
being  suited  probably  to  the  use  of  other  more  intelligent 
creatures  which  we  know  not  of  K  it  be  not  reasonable  to 
expect  that  we  should  be  able  to  penetrate  into  all  the 
depths  of  nature,  and  understand  the  whole  constitution  of 
the  universe,  it  is  yet  a  higher  insolence  to  doubt  the 
existence  of  a  G-od  because  we  cannot  comprehend  him — to 
think  there  is  not  an  infinite  Being  because  we  are  not  so. 


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92  XTEE  AND  LETTEES  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l677. 

If  all  tilings  must  stand  or  fall  by  the  measure  of  our  under- 
standings, and  that  denied  to  be,  Wherein  we  find  inextricable 
difficulties,  there  will  very  little  remain  in  the  world,  and  we 
shall  scarce  leave  ourselves  so  much  as  understandings,  souls, 
or  bodies.  It  will  become  us  better  to  consider  well  our  own 
weakness  and  exigencies,  what  we  are  made  for,  and  what 
we  are  capable  of,  and  to  apply  the  powers  of  our  bodies 
and  faculties  of  our  souls,  which  are  well  suited  to  our  con- 
dition, in  the  search  of  that  natural  and  moral  knowledge, 
which,  as  it  is  not  beyond  our  strength,  so  is  not  beside  our 
purpose,  but  may  be  attained  by  moderate  industry,  and 
improved  to  our  infinite  advantage. 


[This  excellent  article  was  begun  in  March,  continued  at 
intervals,  and  finished  in  May,  apparently  during  a 
journey.] 

STUDY. 

1677,  March  6th.  |The  end  of  study  is  knowledge,  and  the 
end  of  knowledge  practice  or  communicatiog)  This  true  de- 
light is  commonly  joined  with  all  improfements  of  know- 
ledge ;  but  when  we  study  only  for  that  end,  it  is  to  be  con- 
sidered rather  astjffrersion  than  business,  and  so  is  to  be 
reckoned  among  our  recreationsX 

The  extent  of  knowledge  oi<Siings  knowable  is  so  vast, 
our  duration  here  so  short,  and  the  entrance  by  which  the 
knowledge  of  things  gets  into  our  understanding  so  narrow, 
that  the  time  of  our  whole  life  would  be  found  too  short 
without  the  necessary  allowances  for  childhood  and  old  age 
(which  are  not  capable  of  much  improvement),  for  the  re- 
freshment of  our  bodies  and  unavoidable  avocations,  and  in. 
most  conditions  for  the  ordinary  employment  of  their  call- 
ings, which  if  they  neglect,  they  cannot  eat  nor  live.  I  say 
that  the  whole  time  of  our  life,  without  these  necessary  de- 
falcations, is  not  enough  to  acquaint  us  with  all  those  things, 
I  will  not  say  which  we  are  capable  of  knowing,  but  which 
it  would  not  be  only  convenient  but  very  advantageous  to 
know.    He  that  will  consider  how  many  doubts  and  dif- 


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1677.]  STTTDT  DTTEINd  A  JOTIENET.  93 

ficulties  Have  remained  in  the  minds  of  the  most  knowing 
men  after  long  and  studious  inquiry ;  bow  muchj  in  those 
several  provinces  of  knowledge  they  have  surveyed,  they 
have  left  imdiscovered ;  how  many  other  provinces  of  the 
"  mundus  intelligibilis,"  as  I  may  call  it,  they  never  once 
travelled  on,  will  easily  consent  to  the  disproportionateness 
of  our  time  and  strength  to  this  greatness  of  business,  of 
knowledge  taken  in  its  full  latitude,  and  which  if  it  be  not 
our  main  business  here,  yet  it  is  so  necessary  to  it,  and  so 
interwoven  with  it,  that  we  can  make  little  further  progress 
in  doing  than  we  do  in  knowing — at  least  to  little  purpose ; 
acting  without  understanding  being  usually  at  best  but  lost 
labour. 

It  therefore  much  behoves  us  to  improve  the  best  we  can 
our  time  and  talent  in  this  respect,  and  since  we  have  a  16ng 
journey  to  go,  and  the  days  are  but  short,  to  take  the 
straightest  and  most  direct  road  we  can.  To  this  purpose, 
it  may  not  perhaps  be  amiss  to  decline  some  things  that  are 
likely  to  bewilder  us,  or  at  least  lie  out  of  our  way. — Pirst, 
as  aU  that  maze  of  words  and  phrases  which  have  been  in- 
tented  and  employed  only  to  instruct  and  amuse  people  in 
the  art  of  disputing,  and  will  be  found  perhaps,  when  looked 
into,  to  have  little  or  no  meaning ;  and  with  this  kind  of 
stuff  the  logics,  physics,  ethics,  metaphysics,  and  divinity  of 
the  schools  are  thought  by  some  to  be  too  much  filled.  This 
I  am  sure,  that  where  we  leave  distinctions  without  finding 
a  difference  in  things ;  where  we  make  variety  of  phrases,  or 
think  we  furnish  ourselves  with  arguments  without  a  pro- 
gress in  the  real  knowledge  of  things,  we  only  fill  our  heads 
with  empty  sounds,  which,  however  thought  to  belong  to 
learning  and  knowledge,  will  no  more  improve  our  under- 
standings and  strengthen  our  reason,  than  the  noise  of  a 
jack  will  fill  our  bellies  or  strengthen  our  bodies :  and  the 
art  to  fence  with  those  which  are  called  subtleties,  is  of  no 
more  use  than  it  would  be  to  be  dexterous  in  tying  and  un- 
tying knots  in  cobwebs.  Words  are  of  no  value  nor  use,  but 
as  they  are  the  signs  of  things;  when  they  stand  for 
nothing,  they  are  less  than  cyphers,  for,  instead  of  augment- 
ing the  value  of  those  they  are  joined  with,  they  lessen  it, 
and  make  it  nothing;  and  where  they  have  not  a  clear 


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M  XIEB  AND  LETTEB8  OF  JOKET  LOCEZ.  [l6r7. 

distinct  signification,  they  are  like  unusual  or  ill-made 
figures  that  confound  our  meaning. 

2nd.  An  aim  and  desire  to  boiow  what  hath  been  other 
men's  opinions.  Truth  needs  no  recommendation,  and  error 
is  not  mended  by  it ;  and  in  our  inquiry  after  knowledge,  it 
as  little  concerns  us  what  other  men  have  thought,  as  it  does 
one  who  is  to  go  from  Oxford  to  London,  to  know  what 
scholars  walk  quietly  on  foot,  inquiring  the  way  and  sur- 
veying the  country  as  they  went,  who  rode  post  after  their 
guide  without  minding  the  way  he  went,  wno  were  carried 
along  muffled  up  in  a  coach  with  their  company,  or  where 
one  doctor  lost  or  went  out  of  his  way,  or  where  another 
stuck  in  the  mire.  K  a  traveller  gets  a  knowledge  of  the 
right  way,  it  is  no  matter  whether  he  knows  the  infinite 
windings,  by-ways,  and  turnings  where  others  have  been 
misled;  the  knowledge  of  the  right  secures  him  from  the 
wrong,  and  that  is  his  great  business  :  and  so  methinks  it  is 
in  our  pilgrimage  through  this  world;  men's  fancies  have 
been  innnite  even  of  the  learned,  and  the  history  of  them 
endless :  and  some  not  knowing  whither  they  would  go,  have 
kept  going,  though  they  have  only  moved  ;  others  have  fol- 
lowed only  their  own  imaginations,  though  they  meant  right, 
which  is  an  errant  which  with  the  wisest  leads  us  through 
strange  mazes.  Interest  has  blinded  some  and  prejudiced 
others,  who  have  yet  marched  confidently  on ;  and  however 
out  of  the  way,  they  have  thought  themselves  most  in  the 
right.  I  do  not  say  this  to  imdervalue  the  light  we  receive 
from  others,  or  to  think  there  are  not  those  who  assist  us 
mightily  in  our  endeavours  after  knowledge ;  perhaps  without 
books  we  should  be  as  ignorant  as  the  Indians,  whose  minds 
are  as  ill  clad  as  their  bodies ;  but  I  think  it  is  an  idle  and 
useless  thing  to  make  it  one's  business  to  study  what  have 
been  other  men's  sentiments  in  things  where  reason  is  only 
to  be  judge,  on  purpose  to  be  furnished  with  them,  and  to  be 
able  to  cite  them  on  all  occasions.  However  it  be  esteemed 
a  great  part  of  learning,  yet  to  a  man  that  considers  how  little 
time  he  has,  and  how  much  work  to  do,  how  many  things  he 
is  to  learn,  how  many  doubts  to  clear  in  religion,  how  many 
rules  to  establish  to  himself  in  morality,  how  much  pains  to  oe 
taken  with  himself  to  master  his  imruly  desires  and  passions, 
how  to  provide  himself  against  a  thousand  cases  and  accidents 


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1677.]  STTTDT  DTTBIKG  A  JOTJBirBT.  95 

that  will  happen,  and  an  infinite  deal  more  bath  in  his  general 
and  particular  calling ;  I  say  to  a  man  that  considers  this 
well,  it  will  not  seem  much  his  business  to  acquaint  himself 
designedly  with  the  yarious  conceits  of  men  that  are  to  be 
found  in  books  even  upon  subjects  of  moment.  I  deny  not 
but  the  knowing  of  these  opinions  in  all  their  variety,  con- 
tradiction, and  extravagancy,  may  serve  to  instruct  us  in  the 
vanity  and  ignorance  of  mankind,  and  both  to  hiunble  and 
caution  us  upon  that  consideration ;  but  this  seems  not  reason 
enough  to  me  to  engage  purposely  in  this  study,  and  in  our 
inquiries  after  more  material  points,  we  shaU  meet  with 
enough  of  this  medley  to  acquamt  us  with  the  weakness  of 
man's  understanding. 

3rd.  Purity  of  language,  a  polished  style,  or  exact  criticism 
in  foreign  languages — ^thus  I  think  Greek  and  Latin  may  be 
called,  as  well  as  French  and  Italian, — and  to  spend  much 
time  in  these  may  perhaps  serve  to  set  one  off  in  the  world, 
and  give  one  the  reputation  of  a  scholar ;  but  if  that  be  all, 
methinks  it  is  labouring  for  an  outside  ;  it  is  at  best  but  a 
handsome  dress  of  truth  or  falsehood  that  one  busies  one's 
self  about,  and  makes  most  of  those  who  lay  out  their  time 
this  way  rather  as  fashionable  gentlemen  than  as  wise  or 
useful  men. 

There  are  so  many  advantages  of  speaking  one's  own  lan- 

fuage  well,  and  being  a  master  in  it,  that  let  a  man's  calling 
e  what  it  will,  it  cannot  but  be  worth  our  taking  some  pains 
in  it,  but  it  is  by  no  means  to  have  the  first  place  in  ouf 
studies ;  but  he  that  makes  good  language  subservient  to  a 
good  life  and  an  instrument  of  virtue,  is  doubly  enabled  to 
do  good  to  others. 

when  I  speak  against  the  laying  out  our  time  and  study 
on  criticisms,  I  mean  such  as  may  serve  to  make  us  great 
masters  in  Pindar  and  Persius,  Herodotus  and  Tacitus ;  aud 
I  must  always  be  understood  to  except  all  study  of  languages 
and  critical  learning,  that  may  aid  us  in  imderstanding  the 
Scriptures  ;  for  they  being  an  eternal  foundation  of  truth  as 
immediately  coming  firom  the  fountain  of  truth,  whatever 
doth  help  us  to  understand  their  true  sense,  doth  well  deserve 
our  pains  and  study. 

4th.  Antiquity  and  history,  as  far  as  they  are  designed 
only  to  furnish  us  with  story  and  talk.    Por  the  stories  of 


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96  LIFE  JlSJ)  LETTEES  0¥  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l677. 

Alexander  and  Caesar,  no  further  than  they  instruct  us  in  the 
art  of  living  well,  and  furnish  us  with  observations  of  wisdom 
and  prudence,  are  not  one  jot  to  be  preferred  to  the  history 
of  Iwbin  Hood,  or  the  Seven  "Wise  Masters.  I  do  not  deny 
but  history  is  very  useful,  and  very  instructive  of  hiunan  life ; 
but  if  it  be  studied  only  for  the  reputation  of  being  an  his- 
torian, it  is  a  very  empty  thing ;  and  he  that  can  tell  all  the 
particulars  of  Herodotus  and  Plutarch,  Curtius  and'  Livy, 
without  making  any  other  use  of  them,  may  be  an  ignorant 
n^an  with  a  good  memory,  and  with  all  his  pains  hath  only 
filled  his  head  with  Christmas  tales.  And  which  is  worse,  the 
greatest  part  of  history  being  made  up  of  wars  and  conquests, 
and  their  style,  especially  the  Eomans,  speaking  of  valour  as 
the  chief,  if  not  the  only  virtue,  we  are  in  danger  to  be  misled 
by  the  general  current  and  business  of  history,  and,  looking 
on  Alexander  and  CsBsar,  and  such  like  heroes,  as  the  highest 
instances  of  human  greatness,  because  they  each  of  them 
caused  the  death  of  several  100,000  men,  and  the  ruin  of  a 
much  greater  number,  overrun  a  great  part  of  the  earth,  and 
killed  the  inhabitants  to  posfecss  themselves  of  their  coun- 
tries— ^we  are  apt  to  make  butchery  and  rapine  the  chief 
marks  and  very  essence  of  human  greatness.  And  if  civil 
history  be  a  great  dealer  of  it,  and  to  many  readers  thus  use- 
less, curious  and  difficult  inquirings  in  antiquity  are  much 
more  so ;  and  the  exact  dimensions  of  the  Colossus,  or  figure 
of  the  Capitol,  the  ceremonies  of  the  Greek  jmd  Eoman  mar- 
riages, or  who  it  was  that  first  coined  money ;  these,  I  con- 
fess, set  a  man  well  off  in  the  world,  especially  amongst  the 
learned,  but  set  him  very  little  on  in  his  way. 

5th.  Nice  questions  and  remote  useless  speculations,  as 
where  tKe  earthly  Paradise  was — or  what  fruit  it  was  that 
was  forbidden — where  Lazarus's  soul  was  whilst  his  body 
lay  dead — and  what  kind  of  bodies  we  shall  have  at  the  Eesur- 
rection  ?  &c.  &c.  These  things  well  regulated,  will  cut  off 
at  once  a  great  deal  of  business  &om  one  who  is  setting  out 
into  a  course  of  study ;  not  that  all  these  are  to  be  counted 
utterly  useless,  and  lost  time  cast  away  on  them.  The  four 
last  may  be  each  of  them  the  full  and  laudable  employment 
of  several  persons  who  may  with  great  advantage  make  lan- 
guages, historj^,  or  antiquity,  their  study.  For  as  for  words 
without  meaning,  which  is  the  first  head  I  mentioned,  I  can- 


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len.]  STUDY  DITETNG  A  JOTJBNET  97 

not  imagine  them  any  way  worth  hearing  or  reading,  much 
less  studying ;  but  there  is  such  a  harmony  in  all  sorts  of 
truth  and  knowledge,  they  do  aU  support  and  give  light  so  to 
one  another,  that  one  cannot  deny  but  languages  and  criti- 
cisms, history  and  antiquity,  strange  opinions  and  odd  specu- 
lations, serve  often  to  clear  and  confirm  very  material  and 
useful  doctrines.  My  meaning  therefore  is,  not  that  they 
are  not  to  be  looked  into  by  a  studious  man  at  any  time ;  ail 
that  T  contend  is,  that  they  are  not  to  be  made  our  chief  aim, 
nor  first  business,  and  that  they  are  always  to  be  handled 
with  some  caution :  for  since  having  but  a  little  time,  we 
have  need  of  much  care  in  the  husbanding  of  it.  These  parts 
of  knowledge  ought  not  to  have  either  the  first  or  greatest 
part  of  our  studies,  and  we  have  the  more  need  of  this  cau- 
tion, because  they  are  much  in  vogue  amongst  men  of  letters, 
and  carry  with  them  a  great  exterior  of  learning,  and  so  are 
a  glittering  temptation  in  a  studious  man's  way,  and  such  as 
is  very  likely  to  mislead  him. 

But  if  it  were  fit  for  me  to  marshal  the  parts  of  knowledge, 
and  allot  to  any  one  its  place  and  precedency,  thereby  to 
direct  one's  studies,  I  should  think  it  were  natural  to  set 
them  in  this  order. 

1.  Heaven  being  our  great  business  and  interest,  the 
knowledge  which  may  direct  us  thither  is  certainly  so  too,  so 
that  this  is*vdthout  peradventure  the  study  that  ought  to 
take  the  first  and  chiefest  place  in  our  thoughts ;  but  wherein 
it  consists,  its  parts,  method,  and  application,  will  deserve  a 
chapter  by  itself. 

2.  The  next  thing  to  happiness  in  the  other  world,  is  a 
quiet  prosperous  passage  through  this,  which  requires  a  dis- 
creet conduct  and  management  of  ourselves  in  the  several 
occurrences  of  our  lives.  The  study  of  prudence  then  seems 
to  me  to  deserve  the  second  place  in  our  thoughts  and  studies. 
A  man  may  be,  perhaps,  a  good  man  (which  lives  in  truth 
and  sincerity  of  heart  towards  Grod),  vnih  a  small  portion  of 
prudence,  but  he  will  never  be  very  happy  in  himself,  nor 
useful  to  others  without ;  these  two  are  every  man's  business. 

3.  If  those  who  are  left  by  their  predecessors  with  a  plenti- 
ful fortune  are  excused  from  having  a  particular  calling,  in 
order  to  their  subsistence  in  this  life,  it  is  yet  certain  that,  by 
the  law  of  God,  they  are  under  an  obligation  of  doing  some- 


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98  LIFE   AITD   LETTERS   OP  JOHlf  L00E:E.  [1677. 

thing ;  which,  having  been  judiciously  treated  by  an  able  pen, 
I  shall  not  meddle  with,  but  pass  to  those  who  have  made 
letters  their  business ;  and  in  these  I  think  it  is  incumbent 
to  make  the  proper  business  of  their  calling  the  third  place 
in  their  study. 

This  order  being  laid,  it  will  be  easy  for  every  one  to  de- 
termine with  himself  what  tongues  and  histories  are  to  be 
studied  by  him,  and  how  far  in  subserviency  to  his  general  or 
particular  calling. 

Our  happiness  being  thus  parcelled  out,  and  being  in  every 
part  of  it  very  large,  it  is  certain  we  should  set  ourselves  on 
work  without  ceasing,  did  not  both  the  parts  we  are  made  up 
of  bid  us  hold.  Our  bodies  and  our  minds  are  neither  of 
them  capable  of  continual  study,  and  if  we  take  not  a  just 
measure  of  our  strength  in  endeavouring  to  do  a  great  deal, 
we  shall  do  nothing  at  all. 

The  knowledge  we  acquire  in  this  world  I  am  apt  to  think 
extends  not  beyond  the  limits  of  this  life.  The  beatific 
vision  of  the  other  life  needs  not  the  help  of  this  dim  twilight ; 
but  be  that  as  it  will,  I  am  sure  the  principal  end  why  we 
are  to  get  knowledge  here,  is  to  make  use  of  it  for  the  benefit 
of  ourselves  and  others  in  this  world ;  but  if  by  gaining  it  we 
destroy  our  health,  we  labour  for  a  thing  that  vnll  be  useless 
in  our  hands  ;  and  if  by  harassing  our  bodies  (though  with  a 
design  to  render  ourselves  more  useful)  we  deprive  ourselves 
of  the  abilities  and  opportunities  of  doing  that  good  we  might 
have  done  with  a  meaner  talent,  which  G-od  thought  sufficient 
for  us  by  having  denied  us  the  strength  to  improve  it  to  that 
pitch  which  men  of  stronger  constitutions  can  attain  to,  we 
rob  God  of  so  much  service,  and  our  neighbour  of  all  that 
help  which,  in  a  state  of  health,  with  moderate  knowledge, 
we  might  have  been  able  to  perform.  He  that  sinks  his 
vessel  by  overloading  it,  though  it  be  with  gold  and  silver 
and  precious  stones,  vnll  give  his  ovnier  but  an  ill  account  of 
his  voyage. 

It  being  past  doubt,  then,  that  allowance  is  to  be  made  for 
the  temper  and  strength  of  our  bodies,  and  that  our  health 
is  to  regulate  the  measure  of  our  studies,  the  great  secret  is 
to  find  out  the  proportion ;  the  difficulty  whereof  lies  in  this, 
that  it  must  not  only  be  varied  according  to  the  constitution 
and  strength  of  every  individual  man,  but  it  must  also  change 


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1677.]  STTJDT  DTJEING  A  JOUENET.  99 

with  the  temper,  vigour,  and  circumstances,  and  health  of 
every  particular  man,  in  the  different  varieties  of  health,  or 
indisposition  of  body,  which  everything  our  bodies  have  any 
commerce  with  is  able  to  alter :  so  that  it  is  as  hard  to  say 
how  many  hours  a  day  a  man  shall  studv  constantly,  as  to  say 
how  much  meat  he  shall  eat  every  day,  wherein  his  own 
prudence,  governed  by  the  present  circumstances,  can  only 
judge.  .  .  The  regular  proceeding  of  our  watch  not  being  the 
fit  measure  of  time,  but  the  secret  motions  of  a  much  more 
curious  engine,  our  bodies  being  to  limit  out  the  portion  of 
time  in  this  occasion :  however,  it  may  be  so  contrived  that 
all  the  time  may  not  be  lost,  for  the  conversation  of  an  inge- 
nious friend  upon  what  one  hath  read  in  the  morning,  or 
any  other  profitable  subject,  may  perhaps  let  into  the  mind 
as  much  improvement  of  knowledge,  though  with  less  preju- 
dice to  the  health,  as  settled  solemn  poring  over  books,  which 
we  generally  call  study ;  which,  though  a  necessary  part,  yet 
I  am  sure  is  not  the  only,  and  perhaps  not  the  best,  way  of 
improving  the  understanding. 

2.  Great  care  is  to  be  taken  that  our  studies  encroach  not 
upon  our  sleep :  this  I  am  sure,  sleep  is  the  great  balsam  of 
life  and  restorative  of  nature,  and  studious  sedentary  men 
have  more  need  of  it  than  the  active  and  laborious,  because 
those  men's  business  and  their  bodily  labours,  though  they 
waste  their  spirits,  help  transpiration,  and  carry  away  their 
excrements,  which  are  the  foundation  of  diseases ;  whereas 
the  studious  sedentary  man,  employing  his  spirits  within, 
equally  or  more  wastes  them  than  the  other,  but  without  the 
benefit  of  transpiration,  allowing  the  matter  of  disease  in- 
sensibly to  accumulate.  "We  are  to  lay  by  our  books  and 
meditations  when  we  find  either  our  heads  or  stomachs  in- 
disposed upon  any  occasion ;  study  at  such  time  doing  great 
harm  to  the  body,  and  very  little  good  to  the  mind. 

Ist.  As  the  body,  so  the  mind  also,  gives  laws  to  our 
studies  ;  I  mean,  to  the  duration  and  continuance  of  them  ; 
let  it  be  never  so  capacious,  never  so  active,  it  is  not  capable 
of  constant  labour  nor  total  rest.  The  labour  of  the  mind 
is  study,  or  intention  of  thought,  and  when  we  find  it  is 
weary,  eibher  in  pursuing  other  men's  thoughts,  as  in  reading, 
or  tumbling  or  tossing  its  own,  as  in  meditation,  it  is  time 
to  give  off  and  let  it  recover  itself.     Sometimes  meditation 

n  2 


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100  LIFE  AJTD  LETTEES  OV  JOHH"  IiOCKB.  [1677. 

gives  a  refreshment  to  the  weariness  of  reading,  and  vice 
versd  ;  sometimes  the  change  of  ground,  i.  e.  going  from  one 
subject  or  science  to  another,  rouses  the  mind,  and  fills  it 
with  fresh  vigour ;  oftentimes  discourse  enlivens  it  when  it 
flags,  and  puts  an  end  to  the  weariness  without  stopping  it 
one  jofc,  but  rather  forwarding  it  in  its  journey  ;  and  some- 
times it  is  so  tired,  that  nothing  but  a  perfect  relaxation  will 
serve  the  turn.  All  these  are  to  be  made  use  of  according 
as  every  one  finds  most  successful  in  himself  to  the  best 
husbandry  of  his  time  and  thought. 

2nd.  The  mind  has  sympathies  and  antipathies  as  well  as 
the  body  ;  it  has  a  natural  preference  often  of  one  study  be- 
fore another.  It  would  be  well  if  one  had  a  perfect  command 
of  them,  and  sometimes  one  is  to  try  for  the  mastery,  to  bring 
the  mind  into  order  and  a  pliant  obedience ;  but  generally  it 
is  better  to  follow  the  bent  and  tendency  of  the  mind  itself, 
so  long  as  it  keeps  within  the  bounds  of  our  proper  business, 
wherein  there  is  generally  latitude  enough.  By  this  means, 
we  shall  go  not  only  a  great  deal  faster,  and  hold  out  a  great 
deal  longer,  but  the  discovery  we  shall  make  will  be  a  great 
deal  clearer,  and  make  deeper  impressions  in  our  minds. 
The  inclination  of  the  mind  is  as  t;he  palate  to  the  stomach ; 
that  seldom  digests  well  in  the  stomach,  or  adds  much 
strength  to  the  body,  that  nauseates  the  palate,  and  is  not  re- 
commended by  it. 

There  is  a  kind  of  restiveness  in  almost  every  one's  mind ; 
sometimes,  without  perceiving  the  cause,  it  will  boggle  and 
stand  still,  and  one  cannot  get  it  a  step  forward ;  and  at  an- 
other time  it  will  press  forward,  and  there  is  no  holding  it 
in.  It  is  always  good  to  take  it  when  it  is  willing,  and  keep 
on  whilst  it  goes  at  ease,  though  it  be  to  the  breach  of  some 
of  the  other  rules  concerning  the  body.  But  one  must  take 
care  of  trespassing  on  that  side  too  often,  for  one  that  takes 
pleasure  in  study,  flatters  himself  that  a  little  now,  apd  a 
little  to-morrow,  does  no  harm,  that  he  feels  no  ill  effects  of 
an  hour's  sitting  up, — insensibly  undermines  his  health,  and, 
when  the  disease  breaks  out,  it  is  seldom  charged  to  these 
past  miscarriages  that  laid  in  the  provision  for  it. 

The  subject  being  chosen,  the  body  and  mind  being  botb 
ill  a  temper  fit  for  study,  what  remains  but  that  a  man  betake 
himself  to  it  ?   T^esp  certainljir  are  good  preparatories,  yet  if 


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Wr7.]  8TUDT  DUBINa  A  JOTJEKET.  101 

there  be  not  something  else  done,  perhaps  we  shall  not  make 
all  the  profit  we  might. 

1st.  It  is  a  duty  we  owe  to  Gt)d,  as  the  fountain  and  author 
of  all  truth,  who  is  truth  itself ;  and  it  is  a  duty  also  we  owe 
our  own  selves,  if  we  will  deal  candidly  and  sincerely  with 
our  own  souls ;  to  have  oar  minds  constantly  disposed  to  en- 
tertain and  receive  truth  wheresoever  we  meet  with  it,  or 
under  whatsoever  appearance  of  plain  or  ordinary,  strange, 
new,  or  perhaps  displeasing,  it  may  come  in  our  way. 
Truth  is  the  proper  object,  the  proper  riches  and  furniture 
of  the  mind,  and  according  as  his  stock  of  this  is,  so  is  the 
difference  and  value  of  one  man  above  another.  He  that 
fills  his  head  with  vain  notions  and  false  opinions,  may  have 
his  mind  perhaps  puffed  up  and  seemingly  much  enlarged, 
but  in  truth  it  is  narrow  and  empty ;  for  all  that  it  compre- 
hends, all  that  it  contains,  amounts  to  nothing,  or  less  than 
nothing ;  for  falsehood  is  below  ignorance,  and  a  lie  worse 
than  nothing. 

Our  first  and  great  duty  then  is,  to  bring  to  our  studies 
and  to  our  inquiries  after  knowledge  a  mind  covetous  of 
truth ;  that  seeks  after  nothing  else,  and  after  that  impar- 
tially, and  embraces  it,  how  poor,  how  contemptible,  how  un- 
fashionable soever  it  may  seem.  This  is  that  which  all  studi- 
ous men  profess  to  do,  and  yet  it  is  that  where  I  think  very 
many  miscarry.  "Who  is  there  almost  that  has  not  opinions 
planted  in  him  by  education  time  out  of  mind ;  which  by 
that  means  come  to  be  as  the  municipal  laws  of  the  country, 
which  must  not  be  questioned,  but  are  then  looked  on  with 
reverence  as  the  standards  of  right  and  wrong,  truth  and 
falsehood ;  when  perhaps  these  so  sacred  opinions  were  but 
the  oracles  of  the  nursery,  or  the  traditional  grave  talk  o{ 
those  who  pretend  to  inform  our  childhood ;  who  receive 
them  from  band  to  hand  without  ever  examining  them  P  This 
is  the  fate  of  our  tender  age,  which  being  thus  seasoned  early, 
it  grows  by  continuation  of  time,  as  it  were,  into  the  very 
constitution  of  the  mind,  which  afterwards  very  difficultly  re- 
ceives a  different  tincture.  When  we  are  grown  up,  we  find 
the  world  divided  into  bands  and  companies ;  not  only  as  con- 
gregated under  several  polities  and  governments,  but  united 
only  upon  account  of  opinions,  and  in  that  respect  combined 
strictly  one  with  another,  and  distinguished  from  others, 


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102  LIFE   AKD   LETTKES  OT  JOHN  LOCEE^  [l677. 

especially  in  matters  of  religion.  If  birth  or  chance  have 
not  thrown  a  man  young  into  any  of  these,  which  yet  seldom 
fails  to  happen,  choice,  when  he  is  grown  up,  certainly  puts 
him  into  some  or  other  of  them ;  often  out  ol  an  opinion  that 
that  party  is  in  the  right,  and  sometimes  because  he  finds  it 
is  not  safe  to  stand  alone,  and  therefore  thinks  it  convenient 
to  herd  somewhere.  Now,  in  every  one  of  these  parties  of 
men  there  are  a  certain  number  of  opinions  which  are  re- 
ceived and  owned  as  the  doctrines  and  tenets  of  that  society, 
with  the  profession  and  practice  whereof  all  who  are  of  their 
communion  ought  to  give  up  themselves,  or  else  they  will  be 
scarce  looked  on  as  of  that  society,  or  at  best  be  thought  but 
lukewarm  brothers,  or  in  danger  to  apostatize. 

It  is  plain,  in  the  great  difference  and  contrariety  of 
opinions  that  are  amongst  these  several  parties,  that  there  is 
much  falsehood  and  abundance  of  mistakes  in  most  of  them. 
Cunning  in  some,  and  ignorance  in  others,  first  made  them 
keep  them  up ;  and  yet  how  seldom  is  it  that  implicit  faith, 
fear  of  losing  credit  with  the  party  or  interest  (for  all  these 
operate  in  their  turns),  suffers  any  one  to  question  the  tenet 
of  his  party ;  but  altogether  in  a  bundle  he  receives,  em- 
braces, and,  without  examining,  he  professes  and  sticks  to 
them,  and  measures  all  other  opinions  by  them.  Worldly 
interest  also  insinuates  into  several  men's  minds  divera 
opinions,  which,  suiting  with  their  temporal  advantage,  are 
kindly  received,  and  in  time  so  riveted  there,  that  it  is  not 
easy  to  remove  them. 

By  these,  and  perhaps  other  means,  opinions  come  to  be 
settled  and  fixed  in  men's  minds,  which,  whether  true  or  false, 
there  they  remain  in  reputation  as  substantial  material  truths, 
and  80  are  seldom  questioned  or  examined  by  those  who  en- 
tertain them :  and  if  they  happen  to  be  false,  as  in  most  men 
the  greatest  part  must  necessarily  be,  they  put  a  man  quite 
out  of  the  way  in  the  whole  course  of  his  studies;  and 
though  in  his  reading  and  inquiries  he  flatters  himself  that 
his  design  is  to  iuform  his  understanding  in  the  real  know- 
ledge of  truth,  yet  in  effect  it  tends  and  reaches  to  nothing 
but  the  confirming  of  his  already  received  opinions,  the  things 
he  meets  with  in  other  men's  writings  and  discoveries  being 
received  or  neglected  as  they  hold  proportion  with  those  an- 
ticipations which  before  had  taken  possession  of  his  mind. 


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1677.]  STUDY   DTJEIirO  A  JOUEKET.  .       103 

This  will  plainly  appear  if  we  look  but  on  an  instance  or 
two  of  it.  It  is  a  principal  doctrine  of  the  Roman  party  to 
believe  that  their  Church  is  infallible  ;  this  is  received  as  the 
mark  of  a  good  Catholic,  and  implicit  faith,  or  fear,  or  inter- 
est, keeps  all  men  from  questioning  it.  This  being  enter- 
tained as  an  undoubted  principle,  see  what  work  it  makes 
with  Scripture  and  reason  ;  neither  of  them  will  be  heard — 
the  speaking  with  never  so  much  clearness  and  demonstra- 
tion— ^when  they  contradict  any  of  the  doctrines  or  institu- 
tions ;  and  though  it  is  not  grown  to  that  height,  barefaced 
to  deny  the  Scripture,  yet  interpretations  and  distinctions, 
evidently  contrary  to  the  plain  sense  and  to  the  common  ap- 
prehensions of  men,  are  made  use  of  to  elude  its  meaning, 
and  preserve  entire  the  authority  of  this  their  principle,  that 
the  Church  is  infallible. 

On  the  other  side,  make  the  light  within  our  guide,  and 
see  what  will  become  of  reason  and  Scripture.  An  Hobbist, 
with  his  principle  of  self-preservation,  whereof  himself  is  to 
be  judge,  will  not  easily  admit  a  great  many  plain  duties  of 
morality.  The  same  must  necessarily  be  found  in  all  men 
who  have  taken  up  principles  without  examining  the  truth 
of  them.  It  being  here,  then,  that  men  take  up  prejudice  to 
truth  without  being  aware  of  it,  and  afterwards,  like  men  of 
corrupted  appetites,  when  they  think  to  noiunsh  themselves, 
generally  feed  only  on  those  things  that  suit  with  and  in- 
crease the  vicious  humour, — ^this  part  is  carefully  to  be  looked 
after.  These  ancient  predccupations  of  our  minds,  these  se- 
veral and  almost  sacred  opinions,  are  to  be  examined,  if  we 
will  make  way  for  truth,  and  put  our  minds  in  that  freedom 
which  belongs  and  is  necessary  to  them.  A  mistake  is  not 
the  less  so,  and  will  never  grow  into  a  truth,  because  we  have 
believed  it  a  long  time,  though  perhaps  it  be  the  harder  to 
part  with ;  and  an  error  is  not  the  less  dangerous,  nor  the 
less  contrary  to  truth,  because  it  is  cried  up  and  had  in  ven- 
eration by  any  party,  though  it  is  likely  we  shall  be  the  less 
disposed  to  think  it  so. 

Here,  therefore,  we  have  need  of  all  our  force  and  all  our 
sincerity ;  and  here  it  is  we  have  use  of  the  assistance  of  a 
serious  and  sober  friend,  who  may  help  us  sedately  to  examine 
these  our  received  and  beloved  opinions;  for  the  mind  by 
itself  being  prepossessed  with  them  cannot  so  easily  question. 


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104  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OF   JOHN   LOCKE.  [l677. 

look  round,  and  argue  against  them.  They  are  the  darlings 
of  our  minds,  and  it  is  as  hard  to  find  fault  with  them,  as  for 
a  man  in  love  to  dislike  his  mistress :  there  is  need,  therefore, 
of  the  assistance  of  another,  at  least  it  is  very  useful  impar- 
tially to  show  us  their  defects,  and  help  us  to  try  them  by 
the  plain  and  evident  principle  of  reason  or  religion. 

2.  This  grand  miscarriage  in  our  study  draws  after  it  an- 
other of  less  consequence,  which  yet  is  very  natural  for 
bookish  men  to  run  into,  and  that  is  the  reading  of  authors 
very  intently  and  diligently  to  mind  the  arguments  pro  and 
con  they  use,  and  endeavour  to  lodge  them  safe  in  their 
memory,  to  serve  them  upon  occasion.  This,  when  it  suc- 
ceeds to  the  purpose  designed  (which  it  only  does  in  very 
good  memories,  and,  indeed,  is  rather  the  business  of  the 
memory  than  judgment),  sets  a  man  off  before  the  world  as 
a  very  knowing  learned  man,  but  upon  trial  will  not  be  found 
to  be  so ;  indeed,  it  may  make  a  man  a  ready  talker  and  dis- 
putant, but  not  an  able  man.  It  teaches  a  man  to  be  a 
fencer;  but  in  the  irreconcileable  war  between  truth  and 
falsehood,  it  seldom  or  never  enables  him  to  choose  the  right 
side,  or  to  defend  it  well,  being  got  of  it. 

He  that  desires  to  be  knowing  indeed,  that  covets  rather 
the  possession  of  truth  than  the  show  of  learning,  that  designs 
to  improve  himself  in  the  solid  substantial  knowledge  of 
things,  ought,  I  think,  to  take  another  course;  i.  e.  to  en- 
deavour to  get  a  clear  and  true  notion  of  things  as  they  are  in 
themselves.  This,  being  fiied  in  the  mind  well  (without 
trusting  to  or  troubling  the  memory,  which  ofben  fails  us), 
always  naturally  suggests  arguments  upon  all  occasions,  either 
to  defend  the  truth  or  comound  error.  This  seems  to  me 
to  be  that  which  makes  some  men's  discourses  to  be  so  clear, 
evident,  and  demonstrative,  even  in  a  few  words ;  for  it  is 
but  laying  before  us  the  true  nature  of  anything  we  would 
discourse  of,  and  our  faculty  of  reasoning  is  so  natural  to  us 
that  the  clear  inferences  do,  as  it  were,  make  themselves : 
we  have,  as  it  were,  an  instinctive  knowledge  of  the  truth, 
which  is  always  most  acceptable  to  the  mind,  and  the  mind 
embraces  it  in  native  and  naked  beauty.  This  way  also  of 
knowledge,  as  it  is  in  less  danger  to  be  lost,  because  it  bur- 
dens not  the  memory,  but  is  placed  in  the  judgment ;  so  it 
makes  a  man  talk  always  coherently  and  confidently  to  him- 


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1677.]  STUDY  DUEINO  A  JOTTENET.  105 

self  on  wliicli  side  soever  he  is  attacked,  or  with  whatever 
arguments  :  the  same  truth,  by  its  natural  light  and  contra- 
riety to  firisehood,  still  shows,  without  much  ado,  or  any  great 
and  lon^  deduction  of  words,  the  weakness  and  absurdity  of 
the  opposition :  whereas  the  topical  man,  with  his  great  stock 
of  borrowed  and  collected  arguments,  will  be  found  often  to 
contradict  himself;  for  the  arguments  of  divers  men  being 
often  founded  upon  different  notions,  and  deduced  from  con- 
trary principles,  though  they  may  bo  all  directed  to  the  sup- 
port or  confutation  of  some  one  opinion,  do,  notwithstanding, 
often  really  clash  one  with  another. 

3.  Another  thing,  which  is  of  great  use  for  the  clear  con- 
ception of  truth,  is,  if  we  can  bring  ourselves  to  it,  to  think 
upon  things  abstracted  and  separate  from  words.  Words, 
without  doubt,  are  the  great  and  almost  only  way  of  convey- 
ance of  one  man's  thoughts  to  another  man's  understanding ; 
but  when  a  man  thinks,  reasons,  and  discourses  within  himself, 
I  see  not  what  need  he  has  of  them.  I  am  sure  it  is  better 
to  lay  them  aside,  and  have  an  immediate  converse  with  the 
ideas  of  the  things ;  for  words  are,  in  their  own  nature,  so 
doubtfiil  and  obscure,  their  signification  for  the  most  part 
80  uncertain  and  undetermined  which  men  even  designedly 
have  in  their  use  of  them  increased,  that  if,  in  our  meditations, 
our  thoughts  busy  themselves  about  words,  and  stick  at  the 
names  of  things,  it  is  odds  but  they  are  misled  or  confounded. 
This,  perhaps,  at  first  sight  may  seem  but  a  useless  nicety, 
and  in  the  practice,  perhaps,  it  will  be  found  more  difficult 
than  one  would  imagine ;  but  yet  upon  trial  I  dare  say  any 
one's  experience  will  tell  him  it  was  worth  while  to  endeavour 
it.  He  that  would  call  to  mind. his  absent  friend,  or  preserve 
his  memory,  does  it  best  and  most  effectually  by  reviving  in 
his  mind  the  idea  of  him,  and  contemplating  that ;  and  it  is 
but  a  very  faint  imperfect  way  of  thinking  of  one's  friend 
barely  to  remember  his  name,  and  think  upon  the  sound  he 
is  usually  called  by. 

4.  It  is  of  great  use  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  not  to  be 
too  confident  nor  too  distrustful  of  our  own  judgment,  nor 
to  believe  we  can  comprehend  all  things  nor  nothing.  He 
that  distrusts  his  own  judgment  in  everything,  and  thinks 
his  understanding  not  to  be  relied  on  in  the  search  of  truth, 
cuts  off  his  own  legs  that  he  may  be  carried  up  and  down  by 


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106  LIFE   AlfD   LETTEB8   OP  JOHK  LOOKE.  [l677 

others,  and  makes  himself  a  ridiculous  dependant  upon  the 
knowledge  of  others,  which  can  possibly  be  of  no  use  to  him ; 
for  I  can  no  more  know  anything  by  another  man's  under- 
standing than  I  can  see  by  another  man's  eyes.  So  much 
I  know,  so  much  truth  I  have  got ;  so  far  I  am  in  the  right, 
as  I  do  really  know  myself ;  whatever  other  men  have,  it  is 
in  their  possession,  it  belongs  not  to  me,  nor  can  be  commu- 
nicated to  me  but  by  making  me  alike  knowing ;  it  is  a 
treasure  that  cannot  be  lent  or  made  over.  On  the  other 
side,  he  that  thinks  his  understanding  capable  of  all  things, 
mounts  upon  wings  of  his  own  fancy,  though  indeed  Nature 
never  meant  him  any,  and  so,  venturing  into  the  vMt  expanse 
of  incomprehensible  verities,  only  makes  good  tlie  fable  of 
Icarus,  and  loses  himself  in  the  abyss.  We  are  here  in  the 
state  of  mediocrity ;  finite  creatures,  furnished  with  powers 
and  faculties  very  well  fitted  to  some  purposes,  but  very  dis- 
proportionate to  the  vaat  and  unlimited  extent  of  things. 

5.  It  would,  therefore,  be  of  great  service  to  us  to  know 
how  far  our  faculties  can  reach,  that  so  we  might  not  go  about 
to  fathom  where  our  line  is  too  short ;  to  know  what  things 
are  the  proper  objects  of  our  inquiries  and  understanding, 
and  where  it  is  we  ought  to  stop,  and  launch  out  no  further 
for  fear  of  losing  ourselves  or  our  labour.  This,  perhaps,  is 
an  inquiry  of  as  much  difficulty  as  any  we  shall  find  in  our 
way  of  knowledge,  and  fit  to  be  resolved  by  a  man  when  he 
is  Come  to  the  end  of  his  study,  and  not  to  be  proj>osed  to 
one  at  his  setting  out ;  it  being  properly  the  result  to  be  ex* 
pected  after  a  long  and  diligent  research  to  determine  what 
IS  knowable  and  what  not,  and  not  a  question  to  be  resolved 
by  the  guesses  of  one  who  has  scarce  yet  acquainted  himself 
with  obvious  truths.  I  shall  therefore,  at  present,  suspend 
the  thoughts  I  have  had  upon  this  subject,  which  ought  ma- 
turely to  be  considered  of;  always  remembering  th^t  things 
infinite  are  too  large  for  our  capacity ;  we  can  have  no  com- 
prehensive knowledge  of  them,  and  our  thoughts  are  at  a  loss 
and  confounded  when  they  pry  too  curiously  into  them. 

The  essences  also  of  substantial  beings  are  beyond  our 
ken ;  the  manner  also  how  Nature,  in  this  great  machine  of 
the  world,  produces  the  several  phenomena,  and  continues 
the  species  of  things  in  a  successive  generation,  Ac,  is  what 
I  think  lies  also  out  of  the  reach  of  our  understanding. 


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1677.]  8TITDT  DTTEIKO  A  JOUENKT.  107 

That  which  seems  to  me  to  be  suited  to  the  end  of  man,  and 
lie  level  to  his  understanding,  is  the  improvement  of  natural 
experiments  for  the  conveniences  of  this  life,  and  the  way  of 
ordering  himself  so  as  to  attain  happiness  in  the  other — i.  e. 
moral  philosophy,  which,  in  my  sense,  comprehends  religion 
too,  or  a  man's  whole  duty.    [But  vid.  this  alibi.] 

6th.  For  the  shortening  of  our  pains,  and  keeping  us 
from  incurable  doubt  and  perplexity  of  mind,  and  an  endless 
inquiry  after  greater  certainty  than  is  to  be  had,  it  would  be 
very  convenient  in  the  several  points  that  are  to  be  known 
and  studied,  to  consider  what  proofs  the  matter  in  hand  is 
capable  of,  and  not  to  expect  other  kind  of  evidence  than  the 
nature  of  the  thing  will  bear.  Where  it  hath  all  the  proofs 
that  such  a  matter  is  capable  of,  there  we  ought  to  ac- 
quiesce, and  receive  it  as  an  established  and  demonstrated 
truth ;  for  that  which  hath  all  the  evidence  it  can  have,  all 
that  belongs  to  it,  in  the  common  state  and  order  of  things, 
and  that  supposing  it  to  be  as  true  as  anything  ever  was, 
yet  you  cannot  possibly  contrive  nor  imagine  how  to  have 
better  proofs  of  it  than  you  have  without  a  miracle  :  what- 
soever is  so,  though  there  may  be  some  doubts,  some  obscur- 
ity, yet  is  clear  enough  to  determine  our  thoughts  and  fix 
our  assent.  The  want  of  this  caution,  I  fear,  has  been  the 
cause  why  some  men  have  turned  sceptics  in  points  of  great 
importance,  which  yet  have  all  the  proofs  that,  considering 
the  nature  and  circumstances  of  the  thing,  any  rational  man 
can  demand,  or  the  most  cautious  fancy. 

7th.  A  great  help  to  the  memory,  and  means  to  avoid 
confusion  in  our  thoughts,  is  to  draw  out  and  have  fre- 
quently before  us  a  scheme  of  those  sciences  we  employ  our 
studies  in,  a  map,  as  it  were,  of  the  mundus  intelligibilis. 
This,  perhaps,  will  be  best  done  by  every  one  himself  for  his 
own  use,  as  best  agreeable  to  his  own  notion,  though  the 
nearer  it  comes  to  the  nature  and  order  of  things  it  is  still 
the  better.  However,  it  cannot  be  decent  for  me  to  think 
my  crude  draught  fit  to  regulate  another's  thoughts  by, 
especially  when,  perhaps,  our  studies  lie  different  ways ; 
though  I  cannot  but  confess  to  have  received  this  benefit  by 
it,  that  though  I  have  changed  often  the  subject  I  have  been 
studying,  read  books  by  patches  and  accidentally,  as  they 
have  come  in  my  way,  and  observed  no  method  nor  order  in 


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108  LIFE   AND   LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE  [l677. 

my  studies,  yet  making  now  and  then  some  little  reflection 
upon  the  order  of  things  as  they  are,  or  at  least  I  have 
fancied  them  to  have  in  themselves,  I  have  avoided  confusion 
in  my  thoughts;  the  scheme  I  had  made  serving  like  a 
regular  chest  of  drawers,  to  lodge  those  things  orderly,  and 
in  the  proper  places,  which  came  to  hand  confusedly,  and 
without  any  method  at  aU. 

8th.  It  will  be  no  hinderance  at  all  to  our  study  if  we 
sometimes  study  ourselves,  i.  e.  our  own  abilities  and  defects. 
There  are  peculiar  endowments  and  natural  fitnesses,  as  well 
as  defects  and  weaknesses,  almost  in  every  man's  mind : 
when  we  have  considered  and  made  ourselves  acquainted 
with  them,  we  shall  not  only  be  the  better  enabled  to  find 
out  remedies  for  the  infirmities,  but  we  shall  know  the 
better  how  to  turn  ourselves  to  those  things  which  we  are 
best  fitted  to  deal  with,  and  so  to  apply  ourselves  in  the 
course  of  our  studies,  as  we  may  be  able  to  make  the 
greatest  advantage.  He  that  has  a  bittle  and  wedges  put 
into  his  hand,  may  easily  conclude  he  is  ordered  to  cleave 
knotty  pieces,  and  a  plane  and  carving  tools  to  design  hand- 
some figures. 

It  is  too  obvious  a  thing  to  mention  the  reading  only  the 
best  authors  on  those  subjects  we  would  inform  ourselves  in. 
The  reading  of  bad  books  is  not  only  the  loss  of  time  and 
standing  still,  but  going  backwards  quite  out  of  one's  way ; 
and  he  that  has  his  head  filled  with  wrong  notions  is  much 
more  at  a  distance  from  truth  than  he  that  is  perfectly 
ignorant. 

I  will  only  say  this  one  thing  concerning  books,  that 
however  it  has  got  the  name,  yet  converse  with  books  ia 
not,  in  my  opinion,  the  principal  part  of  study ;  there  are 
two  others  that  ought  to  be  joined  with  it,  each  whereof 
contributes  their  share  to  our  improvement  in  knowledge ; 
and  those  are,  meditation  and  discourse.  Beading,  methinka, 
is  but  collecting  the  rough  materials,  amongst  which  a  great 
deal  must  be  laid  aside  as  useless.  Meditation  is,  as  it  were, 
choosing  and  fitting  the  materials,  framing  the  timbers, 
squaring  and  laying  the  stones,  and  raising  the  building; 
and  discourse  with  a  friend  (for  wrangling  in  a  dispute  is  of 
little  use)  is,  as  it  were,  surveying  the  structure,  walking  in 
the  rooms,  and  observing  the  symmetry  and  agreement  of 


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1678.]  EESIDENCB  IK  FBAHTCE.  109 

the  parts,  taking  notice  of  the  solidity  or  defects  of  the 
works,  and  the  best  way  to  find  out  and  correct  what  is 
amiss ;  besides  that  it  helps  often  to  discover  truths,  and  fix 
them  in  our  minds,  as  much  as  either  of  the  other  two. 

It  is  time  to  make  an  end  of  this  long  and  overgrown 
discourse.  I  shall  only  add  one  word,  and  then  conclude ; 
and  that  is,  that  whereas  in  the  beginning  I  cut  off  history 
from  our  study,  as  a  useless  part,  as  certainly  it  is,  where  it 
is  read  only  as  a  tale  that  is  told ;  here,  on  the  other  side, 
I  recommend  it  to  one  who  hath  well  settled  in  his  mind  the 
priilciples  of  morality,  and  knows  how  to  make  a  judgment 
on  the  actions  of  men,  as  one  of  the  most  useM  studies  he 
can  apply  himself  to.  There  he  shall  see  a  picture  of  the 
world  and  the  nature  of  mankind,  and  so  learn  to  think  of 
men  as  they  are.  There  he  shall  see  the  rise  of  opinions, 
and  find  from  what  slight,  and  sometimes  shameful  occasions, 
some  of  them  have  taken  their  rise,  which  yet  afterwards 
have  had  great  authority,  and  passed  almost  for  sacred  in  the 
world,  and  borne  down  all  before  them.  There  also  one  may 
learn  great  and  useful  instructions  of  prudence,  and  be 
warned  against  the  cheats  and  rogueries  of  the  world,  with 
many^more  advantages,  which  I  shall  not  here  enumerate. 


Monday,  Dec:  12th,  1678. — The  principal  spring  from 
which  the  actions  of  men  take  their  nse,  the  rule  they  con- 
duct them  by,  and  the  end  to  which  they  direct  them,  seems 
to  be  credit  and  reputation,  and  that  which  at  any  rate  they 
avoid,  is  in  the  greatest  part  shame  and  disgrace.  This 
makes  the  Hurons  and  other  people  of  Canada  with  such 
constancy  endure  inexpressible  torments :  this  makes  mer- 
chants in  one  country,  and  soldiers  in  another:  this  puts 
men  upon  school  divinity  in  one  country,  and  physics  and 
mathematics  in  another :  this  cuts  out  the  dresses  for  the 
women,  and  makes  the  fashions  for  the  men;  and  makes 
them  endure  the  inconveniences  of  all.  This  makes  men 
drunkards  and  sober,  thieves  and  honest,  and  robbers  them- 
selves true  to  one  another.  Beligions  are  upheld  by  this 
and  factions  maintained,  and  the  shame  of  being  disesteemed 
by  those  with  whom  one  hath  lived,  and  to  whom  one  would 
recommend  oneself,  is  the  great  source  and  director  of  most 


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110  LIFE  JlSD   LETTEBS  OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l678. 

of  the  actions  of  men.  "Where  riches  are  in  credit,  knavery 
and  injustice  that  produce  them  are  not  out  of  countenance, 
because,  the  state  being  got,  esteem  follows  it,  as  in  some 
countries  the  crown  ennobles  the  blood.  Where  power,  and 
not  the  good  exercise  of  it,  gives  reputation,  all  the  in- 
justice, fdsehood,  violence,  and  oppression  that  attains  that, 
goes  for  wisdom  and  abili^.  Where  love  of  one's  country 
is  the  thing  in  credit,  there  we  shall  see  a  race  of  brave 
Romans ;  and  when  being  a  favourite  at  court  was  the  only 
thing  in  fashion,  one  may  observe  the  same  race  of  Bomans 
all  turned  flatterers  and  informers.  He  therefore  that  would 
govern  the  world  well,  had  need  consider  rather  what 
fashions  he  makes  than  what  laws ;  and  to  bring  anything 
into  use  he  need  only  give  it  reputation. 

"SOBTJPIJLOSITT,*  1678. 

"  Shall  I  not  pass  with  you  for  a  great  empiric  if  I  offer 
but  one  remedy  to  th^  three  maladies  you  complain  of  ?  Or 
at  least  will  you  not  think  me  to  use  less  care  and  appli- 
cation than  becomes  the  name  of  friend  you  honour  me  with, 
if  I  think  to  make  one  answer  serve  the  three  papers  you 
have  sent  me  in  matters  very  different  ?  But  yet  if  it  be 
found,  as  I  imagine  it  will,  that  they  all  depend  on  the  same 
causes,  I  believe  you  will  think  they  will  not  need  different 
cures. 

"  I  conceive,  then,  that  the  great  difficulty,  uncertainty, 
and  perplexity  of  thought  you  complain  of  in  these  par- 
ticulars, arise  in  great  measure  from  this  ground,  that  you 
think  that  a  man  is  obliged  strictly  and  precisely  at  all 
times  to  do  that  which  is  absolutely  best ;  and  that  there  is 
always  some  action  so  incumbent  upon  a  man,  so  necessary 
to  be  done,  preferable  to  all  others,  that  if  that  be  omitted, 
one  certainly  fails  in  one's  duty,  and  all  other  actions  what- 
soever, otherwise  good  in  themselves,  yet  coming  in  the 
place  of  some  more  important  and  better  that  at  the  time 
might  be  done,  are  tainted  with  guilt,  and  can  be  no  more 
an  acceptable  offering  to  God  than  a  blemished  victim  under 
the  law. 

*  Probably  a  draft  of  a  letter  to  Mr  Herbert,  afterwards  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, to  whom  Locke  dedicated  the  Essay. 


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1878.]  EESIDENCE   IK   FEANCE.  Ill 

"  I  confess  sometimes  our  duty  is  so  evident,  and  the  rule 
and  circumstance  so  determine  it  to  the  present  perform- 
ance, that  there  is  no  latitude  left ;  nothing  ought  at  that 
time  to  come  in  the  room  of  it.  But  this  I  think  happens 
seldom,  at  least  I  may  confidently  say  it  does  not  in  the 
greatest  part  of  the  actions  of  our  lives,  wherein  I  think 
€K>d,  out  of  his  infinite  goodness,  considering  our  ignorance 
and  frailty,  hath  left  us  a  great  liberty.  Love  to  Grod  and 
charity  to  ourselves  and  neighbours  are,  no  doubt,  at  all 
times  indispensably  necessary:  but  whilst  we  keep  these 
warm  in  our  hearts,  and  sincerely  practise  what  they  upon 
all  occasions  suggest  to  us,  I  cannot  but  think  that  Gtod 
allows  us  in  the  ordinary  actions  of  our  lives  a  great  latitude ; 
so  that  two  or  more  things  being  proposed  to  be  done, 
neither  of  which  crosses  that  fundamental  law,  but  may  very 
well  consist  with  the  sincerity  wherewith  we  love  God  and 
our  neighbour,  I  think  it  is  at  our  choice  to  do  either  of 
them. 

"  The  reasons  that  make  me  of  this  opinion  are :  Ist. 
That  I  cannot  imagine  that  Q-od,  who  has  compassion  upon 
our  weakness  and  knows  how  we  are  made,  would  put  poor 
men,  nay,  the  best  of  men,  those  that  seek  him  with  sincerity 
and  truth,  under  almost  an  absolute  necessity  of  sinning 
perpetually  against  him,  which  will  almost  inevitably  follow 
if  there  be  no  latitude  at  all  allowed  us  in  the  occurrences 
of  our  lives,  but  that  every  instant  of  our  being  in  the  world 
has  &iyrsja  incumbent  on  it  one  certain  action  exclusive  of 
all  others.  For  according  to  this  supposition,  the  best  being 
idways  to  be  done,  and  that  being  but  one,  it  is  almost  im- 
possible to  know  which  is  that  one  best,  there  being  so 
many  actions  which  may  all  have  some  peculiar  and  con- 
siderable goodness,  which  we  are  at  the  same  time  capable 
of  doing,  and  so  many  nice  circumstances  and  considerations 
to  be  weighed  one  against  another,  before  we  can  come  to 
make  any  judgment  which  is  best,  and  after  all  are  in  great 
danger  to  be  mistaken :  the  comparison  of  those  actions  that 
stand  in  competition  together,  with  all  their  grounds,  mo- 
tives, and  consequences  as  they  lie  before  us,  being  very 
hard  to  be  made;  and  what  makes  the  difficulty  yet  far 
greater  is,  that  a  great  many  of  those  which  are  of  moment, 
and  should  come  into  the  reckoning,  always  escape  us ;  our 


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112  LIFE  AITD  LETTEE8  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [1678. 

short  sight  never  penetrating  far  enough  into  any  action  to 
discover  all  that  is  comparatively  good  or  bad  in  it,  or  the 
extent  of  our  thoughts  to  reach  all  the  actions  which  at  any 
one  time  we  are  capable  of  doing ;  so  that  at  last,  when  we 
come  to  choose  which  is  best,  in  making  our  judgment  upon 
wrong  and  scanty  measures,  we  cannot  secure  ourselves  from 
being  in  the  wrong :  this  is  so  evident  in  all  the  consulta- 
tions of  mankind,  that  should  you  select  any  niunber  of  the 
best  and  wisest  men  you  could  think  of,  to  deliberate  in 
almost  any  case  what  were  best  to  be  done,  you  should  find 
them  make  almost  all  different  propositions,  wherein  one  (if 
one)  only  lighting  on  what  is  best,  all  the  rest  acting  by  the 
best  of  their  skill  and  caution  would  have  been  sinners  as 
missing  of  that  one  best.  The  Apostles  themselves  were  not 
always  of  one  mind. 

"  2nd.  I  cannot  conceive  it  to  be  the  design  of  Q-od,  nor  to 
consist  with  either  his  goodness  or  our  business  in  the  world, 
to  clog  the  actions  of  our  lives,  even  the  minutest  of  them 
(which  will  follow,  if  one  thing  that  is  best  is  always  to  be 
done),  with  infinite  consideration  before  we  begin  it,  and  un- 
avoidable perplexity  and  doubt  when  it  is  done.  When  I 
sat  down  to  write  to  you  this  hasty  account,  before  I  set  pen 
to  paper,  I  might  have  considered  whether  it  were  best  for 
me  ever  to  meddle  with  the  answering  your  questions ;  my 
want  of  ability,  it  being  beside  my  business,  the  difficulty  of 
advising  anybody,  and  presumption  of  advising  one  so  far 
above  me,  would  suggest  doubts  enough  in  the  case.  I 
might  have  debated  with  myself,  whether  it  were  best  to 
take  time  to  answer  your  demands,  or,  as  I  do,  set  to  it  pre- 
sently. 

"  3rd.  "Whether  there  were  not  somewhat  better  that  I 
could  do  at  this  time. 

"  4th.  I  might  doubt  whether  it  were  best  to  read  any 
books  on  this  subject  before  I  gave  you  my  opinion,  or  send 
you  my  own  naked  thoughts.  To  those  a  tliousand  other 
scruples,  as  considerable,  might  be  added,  which  would  still 
beget  others,  in  every  one  of  which  there  would  be,  no  doubt, 
still  a  better  and  a  worse ;  which,  if  I  should  sit  down  and 
with  serious  consideration  endeavour  to  find  and  determine 
clearly  and  precisely  with  myself  to  the  minutest  difference, 
before  I  betake  myself  to  give  you  an  answer,  perhaps  my 


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/^ 


1678.]  EESIDEKCE   12f  rBANCI.  113 

whole  age  might  be  spent  in  the  deliberation  about  writing 
two  sides  of  paper  to  you,  and  I  should  perpetually  blot  out 
one  word  and  put  in  another,  erase  to-morrow  what  I  write 
to-day ;  whereas,  having  this  single  consideration  of  comply- 
ing with  the  desire  of  a  firiend  whom  I  honour,  and  whose 
desires  I  think  ought  to  have  weight  with  me,  who  persuades 
me  that  I  have  an  opportunity  of  giving  him  some  pleasure 
in  it,  I  cannot  think  I  ought  to  be  scrupulous  in  the  point, 
or  neglect  obeying  your  commands,  though  I  cannot  be  sure 
but  that  I  might  do  better  not  to  offer  you  my  opinion, 
which  may  be  instable ;  and  probably  J  should  do  better  to 
employ  my  thoughts  how  to  be  able  to  cure  you  of  a  quartan 
ague,  or  to  cure  in  myself  some  other  and  more  dangerous 
faults,  which  is  more  properly  my  business.  But  my  inten- 
tion being  respect  and  service  to  you,  and  all  the  design  of 
my  writing  consisting  with  the  love  I  owe  to  Gtod  and  my 
neighbour,  I  should  be  very  well  satisfied  with  what  I  write, 
could  I  be  as  well  assured  it  would  be  useful  as  I  am  past 
doubt  it  is  lawful,  and  that  I  have  the  liberty  to  do  it ;  and 
yet  I  cannot  say,  and  I  believe  you  will  not  think,  it  is  the 
best  thing  I  could  do.  If  we  were  never  to  do  but  what  is 
absolutely  the  best,  all  our  lives  would  go  away  in  delibera- 
tion and  distraction,  and  we  should  never  come  to  action. 

"5th.  I  have  often  thought  that  our  state  here  in  this 
world  is  a  state  of  mediocrity,  which  is  not  capable  of  ex- 
tremes, though  on  one  side  there  may  be  great  excellency 
and  perfection ;  that  we  are  not  capable  of  continual  rest, 
nor  continual  exercise,  though  the  latter  has  certainly  much 
more  of  excellcDce  in  it.  We  are  not  able  to  labour  always 
with  the  body,  nor  always  with  the  mind ;  and,  to  come  to 
our  present  purpose,  we  are  not  capable  of  living  altogether 
exactly  by  a  rule,  not  altogether  without  it, — not  always  re- 
tired, not  always  in  company ;  but  this  being  but  an  odd 
notion  of  mine,  it  may  suffice  only  to  have  mentioned  it,  my 
authority  being  no  great  argument  in  the  case ;  only  give  me 
leave  to  say,  that  if  it  holds  true,  it  will  be  applicable  in 
several  cases,  and  be  of  use  to  us  in  the  conduct  of  our  lives 
and  actions  ;  but  I  have  been  too  long  already  to  enlarge  on 
this  fancy  any  further  at  present. 

"  As  to  our  actions  in  general  things,  this  in  short  I  think : 
"  Ist.  That  all  negative  precepts  are  always  to  be  obeyed* 


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114  LIFE   ASD  LETTESS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l678. 

"  2nd.  That  positive  commands  only  sometimes  upon  oc- 
casions; but  ^e  ought  to  be  always  furnished  with  the 
habits  and  dispositions  to  those  positive  duties  against  those 
occasions. 

"3rd.  That  between  these  two;  i.  e.  between  unlawful, 
which  are  always,  and  necessary,  quoad  hie  et  nunc,  which 
are  but  sometimes,  there  is  a  great  latitude,  and  therein  we 
have  our  liberty,  which  we  may  use  without  scrupulously 
thinking  ourselves  obliged  to  that  which  in  itself  may  be  best. 

"  If  this  be  so,  as  I  question  not  that  you  will  conclude 
with  me  it  is,  the  greatest  cause  of  your  scruples  and  doubts, 
I  suppose,  will  be  removed;  and  so  the  difficulties  in  the 
cases  proposed  will  in  a  good  measure  be  removed  too. 
When  1  Imow  from  you  whether  I  have  guessed  right  or  no, 
I  may  be  encouraged  to  venture  on  two  other  causes,  which 
I  think  may  be  concerned  also  in  all  the  cases  you  propose ; 
but,  being  of  much  less  moment  than  this  I  have  mentioned 
here,  may  be  deferred  to  another  time,  and  then  considered 
en  passant,  before  we  come  to  take  up  the  particular  cases 
separately. 

Memorandum.  The  two  general  causes  that  I  suppose  re- 
maining, are : 

'^Ist.  Thinking  things  inconsistent  that  are  not;  viz. 
worldly  business  and  devotion. 

"  2nd.  Natural  inconstancy  of  temper ;  where  the  cures 
are  to  be  considered,  at  least  as  far  as  this  inconstancy  is 
prejudicial,  for  no  further  than  that  ought  it  to  be  cured.'* 

"  Sib,  1678. 

"  By  yours  of  the  21st  Nov.  you  assure  me  that  in  my  last, 
on  this  occasion,  I  hit  right  on  the  principal  and  original 
cause  of  some  disquiet  you  had  upon  the  matter  under  con- 
sideration. I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  known  also, 
whether  the  cure  I  there  offered  were  any  way  effectual ;  or 
wherein  the  reasons  I  gave  came  short  of  that  satisfaction  as 
to  the  point,  viz.  that  we  are  not  obliged  to  do  always  that 
which  is  precisely  best,  as  was  desired.  For  I  think  it  most 
proper  to  the  subduing  those  enemies  of  our  quiet — fear, 
doubts,  and  scruples,  and  for  establishing  a  lasting  peace,  to 
do  as  those  who  design  the  conquest  of  new  territories,  viz. 


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1878.]  EESlDElfOE   IK  rEANCB.  115 

clear  the  country  as  we  go,  and  leave  behind  us  no  enemies 
unmastered,  no  lurking-holes  unsearched,  no  garrisons  unre- 
duced, which  may  give  occasions  to  disorder  and  insurrection, 
and  excite  disturbances. 

"If,  therefore,  in  that,  or  any  other  papers,  any  of  my  argu- 
ments and  reasonings  shall  appear  weak  and  obscure ;  if  they 
reach  not  the  bottom  of  the  matter,  are  wide  of  the  particu- 
lar case,  or  have  not  so  cleared  up  the  question  in  all  the 
parts  and  extent  of  it,  as  to  settle  the  truth  with  evidence 
and  certainty,  I  must  beg  you  to  let  me  know  what  doubts 
still  remain,  and  upon  what  reasons  grounded,  that  so  in  pur 
progress  we  may  look  upon  those  propositions  that  you  are 
once  thoroughly  convinced  of,  to  be  settled  and  established 
truths,  of  which  you  are  not  to  doubt  any  more  without  new 
reasons  that  have  not  yet  been  examined.  Or,  on  the  other 
side,  by  your  answers  to  my  reasons  I  may  be  set  right  and 
recovered  from  an  error.  For  as  I  write  you  nothing  but 
my  own  thoughts  (which  is  vanity  enough — but  you  will 
have  it  so),  yet  I  am  not  so  vain  as  to  imagine  them  infalli- 
ble, and  therefore  expect  from  you  that  mutual  great  office 
of  friendship,  to  show  me  my  mistakes,  and  to  reason  me 
into  a  better  understanding ;  for  it  matters  not  on  which 
side  the  truth  lies,  so  we  do  but  find  and  embrace  it. 

"  This  way  of  proceeding  is  necessary  on  both  our  accounts ; 
on  mine,  because  in  my  friendship  with  you,  as  well  as  others, 
I  design  to  gain  by  the  bargain  that  which  I  esteem  the  great 
benefit  of  finendship,  the  rectifying  my  mistakes  and  errors, 
which  makes  me  so  willingly  expose  my  crude  extemporary 
thoughts  to  your  view,  and  lay  them,  such  as  they  are,  before 
you :  and  on  your  account  also  I  think  it  very  necessary,  for 
your  mind  having  been  long  accustomed  to  think  it  true,  that 
the  thing  absolutely  in  itself  best  ought  always  indispensably 
to  be  done,  you  ought,  in  order  to  the  establishing  your 
peace  perfectly,  to  examine  and  clear  up  that  question,  so 
as  at  the  end  of  the  debate  to  retain  it  still  fcr  true,  or 
perfectly  reject  it  as  a  mistaken  or  wrong  measure;  and 
to  settle  it  as  a  maxim  in  your  mind,  that  you  are  no  more 
to  govern  yourself  or  thoughts  by  that  false  rule,  but  wholly 
lay  it  aside  as  condemned,  without  putting  yourself  to  the 
trouble,  every  time  you  reflect  on  it,  to  weigh  again  all 
those  reasons  upon  which  you  made  that;  conclusion ;  and  so 

I  2 


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116  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OF   JOHN  LOCKE.  [l678. 

also  in  any  other  opinions  or  principles,  when  you  once  come 
to  be  convinced  of  their  falsehood. 

"  If  this  be  not  done,  it  will  certainly  happen  that  this  prin- 
ciple  (and  so  of  the  rest),  having  been  for  a  long  time  settled 
in  your  mind,  will,  upon  every  occasion,  recur ;  and  the  rea- 
sons upon  which  you  rejected  it  not  being  so  familiar  to  your 
mind,  nor  so  ready  at  hand  to  oppose  it,  the  old  acquaintance 
Avill  be  apt  to  resume  his  former  station  and  influence,  and  be 
apt  to  disturb  that  quiet  which  had  not  its  foundation  per- 
fectly established. 

"  For  these  reasons  it  is  that  I  think  we  ought  to  clear  all 
as  we  go,  and  come  to  a  plenary  result  in  all  the  propositions 
that  come  under  debate,  before  we  go  any  further.  This  has 
been  usually  my  way  with  myself,  to  which,  I  think,  I  owe  a 
great  part  of  my  quiet ;  and,  I  believe,  a  few  good  principles, 
well  established,  will  reach  further,  and  resolve  more  doubts, 
than  at  first  sight  perhaps  one  would  imagine  ;  and  the 
grounds  and  rules  on  which  the  right  and  wrong  of  our  actions  . 
turn,  and  which  will  generally  serve  to  conduct  us  in  the  cares 
and  occurrences  of  our  lives,  in  all  states  and  conditions,  lie 
possibly  in  a  narrower  compass,  and  in  a  less  number,  than  is 
ordinarily  supposed ;  but,  to  come  to  them,  one  must  go  by 
sure  and  well-grounded  steps." 

[The  argument  is  continued  at  great  length,  with  the  in- 
tent of  reconciling  worldly  business  and  devotion.] 

1678. — Happiness.  That  the  happiness  of  man  consists 
in  pleasure,  whether  of  body  or  mind,  according  to  every  one's 
relish.  The  summum  malum  is  pain,  or  dolor  of  body  and 
mind ;  that  this  is  so,  I  appeal  not  only  to  the  experience  of 
all  mankind,  and  the  thoughts  of  every  man's  breast,  but  to 
the  best  rule  of  this — the  Scripture,  which  tells  that  at  the 
right-hand  of  God,  the  place  of  bliss,  are  pleasures  for  ever- 
more ;  and  that  which  men  are  condemned  for,  is  not  for 
seeking  pleasure,  but  for  preferring  the  momentary  pleasures 
of  this  life  to  those  joys  which  shall  have  no  end. 

ViETUE.  To  make  a  man  virtuous,  three  things  are  neces- 
sary :  1st.  Natural  parts  and  disposition.  2nd.  Precepts  and 
instruction.  3rd.  ITse  and  practice ;  which  is  able  better  to 
correct  the  first,  and  improve  the  latter. 

May  17th,  1678. — According  to  the  right  of  inheritance, 
by  the  law  of  Moses,  the  land  of  inheritance  ought  to  have 


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1678.]  BESIDENCB   IK  TEAKCE.  117 

been  divided  into  thirteen  parts  for  tbe  twelve  sons  of  Jacob : 
viz.  a  double  portion,  i.  e.  two  thirteenths  for  Eeuben  the 
eldest,  and  one-thirteenth  to  each  of  the  rest.  Eeuben,  by 
his  incest,  forfeited  one-half  of  his  birthright,  and  was  disin- 
herited ;  and  Joseph  (who  had  saved  the  family,  and  was  the 
eldest  son  of  Eacnel,  designed  by  Jacob  for  his  first  wife) 
had  this  double  portion  shared  betwixt  his  two  sons,  Ephraim 
and  Manasses.  Levi,  in  the  mean  time,  had  not  its  one- 
thirteenth  of  land,  but  one-tenth  of  all  the  product;  by 
which  account,  it  follows,  that  the  rest  of  the  tribes  paid  but 
one-fortieth  to  the  tribe  of  Levi  by  their  tithes,  as  having 
the  one-thirteenth  pi^rt  of  the  land  of  inheritance  belonging 
to  the  tribe  of  Levi,  all  except  some  few  towns  allotted  the 
Levites  for  habitation,  divided  amongst  them  the  lay  tribes. 

May  2l8t,  1678. — ^A  civil  law  is  nothing  but  the  agreement 
of  a  society  of  men  either  by  themselves,  or  one  or  more 
authorized  by  them  :  determining  the  rights,  and  appointing 
rewards  and  punishments  to  certain  actions  of  all  within  that 
society. 

Eeementation.  I  saw  by  chance  an  experiment  which 
confirmed  me  in  an  opinion  I  have  long  had,  that  in  ferment- 
ation a  new  air  is  generated.*  M.  Tomard  produced  a  large 
bottle  of  Muscat ;  it  was  clear  when  he  set  it  on  the  table, 
but  when  he  had  drawn  out  the  stopper,  a  multitude  of  little 
bubbles  arose,  and  swelled  the  wine  above  the  mouth  of  the 
bottle.  It  comes  from  this,  that  the  air  which  was  included 
and  disseminated  in  the  liquor,  had  liberty  to  expand  itself, 
and  so  to  become  visible,  and  being  much  lighter  than  the 
liquor,  to  mount  with  great  quickness.  Q.  Whether  this  be 
air  new  generated,  or  whether  the  springy  particles  of  air  in 
the  fruits  out  of  which  these  fermenting  liquors  are  drawn, 
have  by  the  artifice  of  Nature  been  pressed  close  together, 
wad  thereby  other  particles  fastened  and  held  so:  and  whether 
fermentation  does  not  loose  these  bonds,  and  give  them  liberty 
to  expand  themselves  again  ?  Take  a  bottle  of  fermenting 
liquor,  and  tie  a  bladder  on  the  mouth.  Q.  How  much  new 
air  will  it  produce  ?  whether  this  has  the  quality  of  common 
airP 

*  Locke  in  this  place  appears  to  have  come  very  near  one  of  the  greatest 
discoveries  in  physical  science,  that  of  fixed  air,  which  a  century  later 
changed  the  whole  face  of  chemistry. 


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118  LIFE   A.TSD  LETTBES   OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l678. 

Sept.  4th,  1678. — In  the  reading  of  books,  methinka  these 
are  the  principal  parts  or  heads  of  things  to  be  taken  notice 
of.  Ist.  The  knowledge  of  things ;  their  essence  and  nature, 
properties,  causes,  and  consequences  of  each  species,  which  I 
call  Philosophica,  and  must  be  divided  according  to  the 
several  orders  and  species  of  things  :  and  of  these,  so  far  as 
we  have  the  true  notion  of  things  as  reaUy  they  are  in  their 
indistinct  beings,  so  far  we  advance  in  real  and  true  know- 
ledge. This  improvement  of  our  understandings  is  to  be  got 
more  by  meditation  than  reading,  though  that  also  is  not  to 
be  neglected,  and  the  faculty  chiefly  exercised  about  this,  the 
judgment.  The  second  head  is  history,  wherein  it  being  both 
impossible  in  itself,  and  useless  also  to  us,  to  remember  every 
particular,  I  think  the  most  useful,  to  observe  the  opinions 
we  find  amongst  mankind  Concerning  God,  religion,  and 
morality,  and  the  rules  they  have  made  to  themselves,  or 
practice  has  established  in  any  of  these  matters ;  and  here 
the  memorv  is  principally  employed.  The  third  head  is  that 
which  is  of  most  use ;  that  is,  what  things  we  find  amongst 
other  people  fit  for  our  imitation,  whether  politic  or  private 
wisdom  ;  any  arts  conducing  to  the  conveniences  of  life.  The 
fourth  is  any  natural  production  that  may  be  transplanted 
into  our  country,  or  commodities  which  may  be  an  advantage- 
ous commerce ;  and  these  concern  practice  or  action* 

The  first  1  call  Adversaria  Philosophica,  which  must  be 
divided  into  the  several  species  of  things  as  they  come  in 
one's  way.— — The  second.  Adversaria  Historica,  compre- 
hending the  opinions  or  traditions  which  are  to  be  found 
amongst  men,  concerning  G-od,  Creation,  Revelation,  Pro- 
phecies, Miracles. — 2nd.  Their  rules  or  institutes,  concerning 
things  that  are  duties,  sins,  or  indifferent  in  matters  of 
religion,  or  things  that  are  commanded,  forbidden,  or  per- 
mitted by  their  municipal  laws  in  order  to  civil  society, 
which  I  call  Instituta,  which  contain — 
0£icia  Eeligiosa  ] 

Peccata  >    Lege  divina  et  ad  cultum  divinum. 

Indifferentia     ) 
Officia  Civilia  \ 

Crimina  >    Lege  civili. 

Licita  ) 

The  ways  they  use  to  obtain  blessings  from  the  Dinnity,  or 


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1680.]  EXTBACTS   FROM   HIS  JOURNAL.  119 

atone  for  their  sins,  which  I  call  Petitoria  Expiatoria  ;  and 
last  of  all,  any  supernatural  things  that  are  to  be  observed 
amongst  them,  magical  arts  or  r^l  predictions. 

The  third  I  call  Adversaria  Immitanda,  and  that  is,  vrhat- 
ever  wise  practices  are  to  be  found  either  for  governing  of 
policies,  or  a  man's  private  conduct,  or  any  beneficial  arts 
employed  on  natural  bodies  for  their  improvement  to  our  use, 
which  contains  these  heads — 

Politica  sive  sapientia  civilis. 

Prudentia  sive  sapientia  privata. 

Physica  sive  artes  drca 
Potum. 
Cibum. 
Medicinam. 

Motus  ubi  mechanica. 

Sensuum  objecta. 
The  fourth  I  call  Adversaria  Acquirenda,  which  are  the 
natural  products  of  the  country,  fit  to  be  transplanted  into 
ours,  and  there  propagated,  or  else  brought  thither  for  some 
useful  quality  they  have :  or  else  to  mark  the  commodities  of 
the  country,  whether  natural  or  artificial,  which  they  send 
out,  and  are  the  proper  business  of  merchandise  to  get  by 
their  commerce ;  and  these  are  the  following,  Acquirenda  and 
Merces.  There  is  yet  one  more,  which  is  the  history  of  na- 
tural causes  and  effects,  wherein  it  may  be  convenient  in  our 
reading  to  observe  these  several  properties  of  bodies,  and  the 
several  effects  that  several  bodies  or  their  qualities  have  one 
upon  another ;  and  principally  to  remark  those  that  may  con- 
tnbute  either  to  the  improvement  of  arts,  or  give  light  into 
the  nature  of  things,  which  is  that  which  I  called  above  Phi- 
losophica ;  which  I  conceive  to  consist  in  having  a  true,  clear, 
and  distinct  idea  of  the  nature  of  anything,  which  in  natural 
things,  or  real  things,  because  we  are  ignorant  of  their 
essence,  takes  in  their  causes,  properties,  and  effects,  or  as 
much  of  them  as  we  can  know,  and  in  moral  beings  their 
essence  and  consequences.  This  Natural  History  I  call  His- 
torica  Physica  referenda  secundum  Species. 

December  28th,  1680.— Eushworth,  an.  1640,  p.  1221.  This 
note  to  be  added  in  -the  margin.  This  second  coming  in  of 
the  Scots  was  occasioned  and  principally  encouraged  by  a 
letter  which  the  Lord  Saville,  afterwards  Earl  of  Sussex,  writ 


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120  LIFE   AKD   LETTERS   OF   JOHK  LOCKE.  [I68I. 

with  his  own  hand,  and  forged  the  names  of  a  dozen  or  four- 
teen of  the  chiefest  of  the  English  nobility,  together  with  his 
own,  which  he  sent  into  Scotland  by  the  hands  of  Mr  H. 
Darley,  who  remained  there  as  agent  from  the  said  EugHsh 
Lords  until  he  had  brought  the  Scots  in.  At  the  meeting  of 
the  Grand  Council,  when  the  English  and  Scotch  Lords 
came  together,  the  letter  caused  great  dispute  amongst  them  ; 
till  at  last  my  Lord  Saville,  being  reconciled  to  the  Court, 
confessed  to  the  King  the  whole  matter. — A.  E.  6.* 

.  The  like  marginal  note  to  be  added,  p.  1260.  This  petition 
was  presented  to  the  King  at  York,  by  the  hands  of  the  Lord 
Mandevill  and  the  Lord  Edward  Howard.  The  King  imme- 
diately called  a  Cabinet  Council,  wherein  it  was  concluded  to 
cut  off  both  the  Lords'  heads  the  next  day ;  when  the  council 
was  up,  and  the  King  gone,  Duke  Hamilton,  and  the  Earl  of 
Strafford,  G-eneral  of  the  army,  remaining  behind,  when  Duke 
Hamilton,  asking  the  Earl  of  Strafford  whether  the  army  would 
stand  to  them,  the  Earl  of  Strafford  answered  he  feared  not, 
and  protested  he  did  not  think  of  that  before  then.  Hamilton 
replied,  if  we  are  not  sure  of  thb  army,  it  may  be  our  heads 
instead  of  theirs  ;  whereupon  they  both  agreed  to  go  to  the 
King  and  alter  the  council,  which  accordingly  they  did. 

May  5th,  1681. — Coleman's  Sermon  on  Job  ii.  20.  4to, 
London,  45,  p.  35. 

The  1st  Cor.  5,  and  Matt.  18,  are  the  common  places  on 
which  are  erected  Church  Q-overnment.  Padre  Paolo  writ 
many  years  before,  that  when  the  English  hierarchy  shall  fall 
into  the  hands  of  busy  and  audacious  men,  or  meet  with  a 
Prince  tractable  to  Prelacy,  then  much  mischief  is  likely  to 
ensue  in  that  kingdom.  lb.  p.  33. — Quaere.  Whether 
there  be  any.  such  thing  ? 

May  16th,  1681. — The  three  great  things  that  govern 
mankind  are  Eeason,  Passion,  and  Superstition ;  the  first 
governs  a  few,  the  two  last  share  the  bulk  of  mankind,  and 
possess  them  in  their  turns ;  but  superstition  is  most  power- 
ful, and  produces  the  greatest  mischiefs. 

June  24th. — There  are  two  sorts  of  knowledge  in  the 

world,  general  and  particular,  founded  upon  two  different 

principles ;  i.  e.  true  ideas,  and  matter  of  fact,  or  history. 

All  general  knowledge  is  founded  only  upon  true  ideas  j  and 

•  Does  A.  E.  S.  mean  Anthony  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  ? 


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1681.]  EXTBACTS  7B0H  HIS  JOUBNAL.  121 

80  far  as  we  have  these,  we  are  capable  of  demonstration,  or 
certain  knowledge  ;  for  he  that  has  the  true  idea  of  a  triangle 
or  circle,  is  capable  of  knowing  any  demonstration  concern- 
ing these  figures ;  but  if  he  have  not  the  true  idea  of  a  scaJe- 
non,  he  cannot  know  a,nything  concerning  a  scalenon,  though 
he  may  have  some  confused  or  imperfect  opinion  concerning 
a  scalenon,  upon  a  confused  or  imperfect  idea  of  it ;  or  when 
he  believes  what  others  say  concerning  a  scalenon,  he  may 
have  some  uncertain  opinion  concerning  its  properties,  but 
this  is  a  belief,  and  not  knowledge.  Upon  the  same  reason,  he 
that  has  a  true  idea  of  Q-od,  of  himself  as  his  creature,  or  the 
relation  he  stands  in  to  Q-od  and  his  fellow-creatures,  and  of 
justice,  goodness,  law,  happiness,  &c.  &c.,  is  capable  of  know- 
ing moral  things,  or  have  a  demonstrative  certainty  in  them. 

But  though  I  say  a  man  that  hath  such  ideas  is  capable 
of  certain  knowledge  in  them,  yet  I  do  not  say  that  presently 
he  hath  thereby  that  certain  knowledge,  no  more  than  that 
he  that  hath  a  true  idea  of  a  triangle  and  a  right  angle,  doth 
presently  thereby  know  that  three  angles  of  a  triangle  are 
equal  to  two  right  ones.  He  may  believe  others  that  tell  him 
so,  but  know  it  not  till  he  himself  hath  employed  his  thoughts 
on  and  seen  the  connection  and  agreement  of  their  ideas, 
and  so  made  to  himself  the  demonstration ;  i.  e.  upon  exam- 
ination seen  it  to  be  so. 

The  first  great  step,  therefore,  to  knowledge,  is  to  get  the 
mind  furnished  with  true  ideas,  which  the  mind  being  capa- 
ble of  knowing  of  moral  things  as  well  as  figures,  I  cannot 
but  think  morality,  as  well  as  mathematics,  capable  of  de- 
monstration, if  men  would  employ  their  understandings  to 
think  more  about  it,  and  not  give  themselves  up  to  the  lazy, 
traditional  way  of  talking  one  after  another :  by  the  know- 
ledge of  natural  bodies,  and  their  operation  reaching  little 
further  than  bare  matter-of-fact,  without  having  perfect  ideas 
of  the  ways  and  manners  they  are  produced,  nor  the  concur- 
rent causes  they  depend  on  ;  and  also  the  well  management 
of  public  or  private  affairs  depending  upon  the  various  and 
unknown  humours,  interests,  and  capacity  of  men  we  have 
to  do  with  in  the  world,  and  not  upon  any  settled  ideas  of 
things.  Physique,  polity,  and  prudence,  are  not  capable  of 
demonstration,  but  a  man  is  principally  helped  in  them  by 
the  history  of  matter-of-fact,  and  a  sagacity  of  inquiring  into 


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122  LIFE  AND   LETTEES   OF   JOHN  LOCIOE.  [I68I* 

probable  causes,  and  finding  out  an  analogy  in  their  opera- 
tions and  effects. 

Knowledge  then  depends  upon  right  and  true  ideas ; 
opinion,  ypon  history  and  matter-of-fect :  and  hence  it  comes 
to  pass,  that  our  knowledge  of  general  things  are  eternw 
veritates,  and  depend  not  upon  the  existence  or  accidents  of 
things,  for  the  truths  of  mathematics  and  morality  are  cer- 
tain, whether  men  make  true  mathematical  figures,  or  suit 
their  actions  to  the  rules  of  morality  or  no.  Por  that  the 
three  angles  of  a  triangle  are  equal  to  two  right  ones,  is  in- 
falliably  true,  whether  there  be  any  such  figure  as  a  triangle 
existing  in  the  world  or  no.  And  it  is  true,  that  it  is  every 
man's  duty  to  be  just,  whether  there  be  any  such  thing  as 
a  just  man  in  the  world  or  no.  But  whether  this  course  in 
public  o;*  private  affairs  will  succeed  well, — whether  rhubarb 
will  purge,  or  quinquina  cure  an  ague,  is  only  known  by 
experience ;  and  there  is  but  probability  grounded  upon  ex- 
perience or  analogicf^l  reasoning,  but  no  certain  knowledge 
or  demonstration. 

By  having  true  and  perfect  ideas,  we  come  to  be  in  a  ca- 
pacity of  having  perfect  knowledge,  which  consists  in  two 
parts :  1st.  The  knowing  the  properties  of  the  thing  itself; 
thus  he  that  hath  the  true  idea  of  a  triangle,  may  know,  if 
he  will  examine  and  follow  the  conduct  of  his  reason,  that 
its  three  angles  are  equal  to  two  right  ones,  and  the  like. 
2nd.  The  knowing  how  it  stands  related  to  any  other  figure, 
of  which  he  has  p  perfect  idea ;  viz.  that  of  a  triangle.  But 
without  the  having  these  ideas  true  and  perfect,  he  is  not 
capable  of  knowing  any  of  these  properties  in  the  thing  itself, 
or  relative  to  any  other,  though  he  may  be  able  to  say,  after 
others,  when  he  has  affirmed  it,  that  the  three  angles  of  a 
triangle  are  equal  to  two  right  ones,  and  believe  them  to 
signify  truth ;  though  he  himself  knows  not  what  these 
words  signify,  if  he  have  no  true  ideas  of  a  triangle  or  right 
angles,  or  knows  them  not  to  be  true,  if  he  have  not  made 
out  to  himself  that  demonstration  which  is  by  comparing  the 
ideas  and  their  parts  together. 

The  best  Algebra  yet  extant  is  Outred's,  though  to  all 
Algebra  there  needs  but  two  theorems  of  Euclid,  and  five 
rules  of  De3cartes,  but  those  who  are  not  masters  of  it  make 
use  of  more. 


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1681.]  EXTRACTS  TROM   HIS   JOUEKAL.  123 

"  Les  esprits  popxilaires  a'cffensent  de  tout  ce  qui  repugne 
a  leurs  prejuges;"  one  ought  to  take  care,  therefore,  in  all 
discourses,  whether  narrative  or  matter-of-fact,  instructive 
to  teach  any  doctrine,  or  persuasive,  to  take  care  of  shocking 
the  received  opinion  of  those  one  has  to  deal  with,  whether 
true  or  false. 

June  26th. — To  choose  is  to  will  one  thing  before  another, 
and  to  will  is  to  bend  our  souls  to  the  having  or  doing  of 
that  which  they  see  to  be  good  (Hooker,  653,  p.  78)  ;  or 
rather,  to  will  is,  after  consideration,  or  upon  knowledge  and 
choice,  to  begin  or  continue  any  thought  of  the  mind,  op 
motion  of  the  body,  in  our  power. 

Sunday,  August  7th,  1681. — Whatsoever  carries  any  excel- 
lency with  it,  and  includes  not  imperfection,  must  needs 
make  a  part  of  the  idea  we  have  of  God.  So  that  with  being, 
and  the  continuation  of  it,  or  perpetual  duration,  power  and 
wisdom  and  goodness  must  be  ingredients  of  the  perfect  or 
Buper-excellent  being  which  we  call  God,  and  that  in  the 
utmost  or  infinite  degree.  But  jet  that  unlimited  power 
cannot  be  an  excellency  witKout  it  be  regulated  by  wisdom 
and  goodness;  for  since  God  is  eternal  and  perfect  in  his  own 
being,  he  cannot  make  use  of  that  power  to  change  his  own 
being  into  a  better  or  another  state ;  and  therefore  all  the 
exercise  of  that  power  must  be  in  and  upon  his  creatures, 
which  cannot  but  be  employed  for  their  good  and  benefit,  as 
much  as  the  order  and  perfection  of  the  whole  can  allow  each 
individual  in  its  particular  rank  and  station :  and  therefore 
looking  on  God  as  a  being  infinite  in  goodness  as  well  as 
power,  "we  cannot  imagine  he  hath  made  anything  with  a  de- 
sign that  it  should  be  miserable,  but  that  he  hath  alTorded  it 
all  the  means  of  being  happy  that  its  nature  and  estate  is 
capable  of:  and  though  justice  be  also  a  perfection  which  we 
must  necessarily  ascribe  to  the  Supreme  Being,  yet  we  can- 
not suppose  the  exercise  of  it  should  extend  further  than  his 
goodness  has  need  of  it  for  the  preservation  of  his  creatures 
in  the  order  and  beauty  of  the  state  that  he  has  placed  each 
of  them  in ;  for  since  our  actions  cannot  reach  unto  him,  op 
bring  him  any  profit  or  damage,  the  punishments  he  inflicts 
on  any  of  his  creatures,  i.  e.  the  misery  or  destruction  he 
brings  upon  them,  can  be  nothing  else  but  to  preserve  the 
greater  or  more  considerable  part,  and  so  being  only  for  pre- 


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124  LIFE   AlfD  LETTEBS   OT  JOHK  LOCKE.  [I68I. 

servation,  his  justice  is  nothing  but  a  branch  of  his  goodness, 
which  is  fain  by  severity  to  restrain  the  irregular  and  destruc- 
tive parts  from  doing  harm ;  for  to  imagine  God  under  a 
necessity  of  punishing  for  any  other  reason  but  this,  is  to 
make  his  justice  a  great  imperfection,  and  to  suppose  a  power 
over  him  that  necessitates  him  to  operate  contrary  to  the 
rules  of  his  wisdom  and  goodness,  which  cannot  be  supposed 
to  make  anything  so  idly  as  that  it  should  be  purposely 
destined  or  be  put  in  a  worse  state  than  destruction  (misery 
being  as  much  a  worse  state  than  annihilation,  as  pain  is  than 
insensibility,  or  the  torments  of  a  rack  less  eligible  than  quiet 
sound  sleeping)  :  the  justice  then  of  G-od  can  be  supposed  to 
extend  no  further  than  infinite  goodness  shall  find  it  neces- 
sary for  the  preservation  of  his  works. 

Sunday,  Sept.  18th,  1681. — Eeligion*  being  that  homage 
and  obedience  which  man  pays  immediately  to  God,  it  sup- 
poses that  man  is  capable  of  knowing  that  there  is  a  God,  and 
what  is  required  by,  and  is  acceptable  to  Him,  thereby  to 
avoid  his  anger  and  procure  his  favour.  That  there  is  a  God, 
and  what  that  God  is,  nothing  can  discover  to  us,  nor  judge 
in  us,  but  natural  reason.  For  whatever  discovery  we  receive 
any  other  way,  must  come  originally  from  inspiration,  which 
is  an  opinion  or  persuasion  in  the  mind  whereof  a  jnan  knows 
not  the  rise  nor  reason,  but  is  received  there  as  a  truth  com- 
ing from  an  unknown,  and  therefore  a  supernatural  cause, 
and  not  founded  upon  those  principles  nor  observations  in  the 
way  of  reasoning  which  makes  the  understanding  admit  other 
things  for  truths.  But  no  such  inspiration  conceruing  God, 
or  his  worship,  can  be  admitted  for  truth  by  him  that  thinks 
himself  thus  inspired,  much  less  by  any  other  whom  he  would 
persuade  to  believe  him  inspired,  any  further  than  it  is  con- 
formable to  reason ;  not  only  because  where  reason  is  not,  I 
judge  it  is  impossible  for  a  man  himself  to  distinguish  be- 
twixt inspiration  and  fancy,  truth  and  error ;  but  also  it  is 
impossible  to  have  such  a  notion  of  God,  as  to  believe  that 
he  should  make  a  creature  to  whom  the  knowledge  of  himself 
was  necessary,  and  yet  not  to  be  discovered  by  that  way  which 
discovers  everything  else  that  concerns  us,  but  was  to  come 
into  the  minds  of  men  only  by  such  a  way  by  which  all  man- 

•  These  remarks  anticmate  the  argument  in  Archbishop  Tillotson's  c^e- 
brated  disoourse  against  Transubstantiation. 


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1681.]  EXTRACTS   PROM  HIS   JOURNAL.  126 

ner  of  errors  come  in,  and  is  more  likely  to  let  in  falsehoods 
than  truths,  since  nobody  can  doubt,  from  the  contradiction 
and  strangeness  of  opinions  concerning  Q-od  and  religion  in 
this  world,  that  men  are  likely  to  have  more  frenzies  than 
inspirations.  Inspiration  then,  barely  in  itself,  cannot  be  a 
ground  to  receive  any  doctrine  not  conformable  to  reason. 

In  the  next  place,  let  us  see  how  far  inspiration  can  enforce 
on  the  mind  any  opinion  concerning  God  or  his  worship, 
when  accompanied  with  a  power  to  do  a  miracle ;  and  here 
too,  I  say,  the  last  determination  must  be  that  of  reason. 

1st.  Because  reason  must  be  the  judge  what  is  a  miracle 
and  what  not ;  which  not  knowing  how  far  the  power  of 
natural  causes  do  extend  themselves,  and  what  strange  effects 
they  may  produce,  is  very  hard  to  determine. 

2nd.  It  will  always  be  as  great  a  miracle,  that  God  should 
alter  the  course  of  natural  things,  to  overturn  the  principles 
of  knowledge  and  understanding  in  a  man,  by  setting  up  any- 
thing to  be  received  by  him  as  a  truth,  which  his  reason  can- 
not assent  to,  as  the  miracle  itself ;  and  so  at  best,  it  will  be 
but  one  miracle  against  another,  and  the  greater  still  on 
reason's  side ;  it  being  harder  to  believe  that  God  should 
alter,  and  put  out  of  its  ordinary  course  some  phenomenon 
of  the  great  world  for  once,  and  make  things  act  contrary  to 
their  ordinary  rule,  purposely  that  the  mind  of  man  might  do 
8o  always  afterwards,  than  that  this  is  some  fallacy  or  natural 
effect,  of  which  he  knows  not  the  cause,  let  it  look  never  so 
strange. 

3rd.  Because  man  does  not  know  whether  there  be  not 
several  sorts  of  creatures  above  him,  and  between  him  and 
the  Supreme,  amongst  which  there  may  be  some  that  have 
the  power  to  produce  in  Nature  such  extraordinary  effects  as 
we  call  miracles,  and  may  have  the  will  to  do  it,  for  other 
reasons  than  the  confirmation  of  truth  ;  for  the  magicians  of 
Egypt  turned  their  rods  into  serpents  as  well  as  Moses  ;  and 
since  so  great  a  miracle  as  that  was  done  in  opposition  to  the 
true  God,  and  the  revelation  sent  by  Him,  what  miracle  can 
have  certainty  and  assurance  greater  than  that  of  a  man's 
reason  ? 

And  if  inspiration  have  so  much  the  disadvantage  of  reason 
in  the  man  himself  who  is  inspired,  it  has  much  more  so  in 


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126  LIFE  AJSTD  LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l682 

him  who  receives  the  revelation  only  by  tradition  from 
another,  and  that  too  very  remote  in  time  and  place. 

I  do  not  hereby  deny  in  the  least  that  God  can  do,  or  hath 
done,  miracles  for  the  confirmation  of  truth ;  but  I  only  say 
that  we  cannot  think  he  should  do  them  to  enforce  doctrines 
or  notions  of  himself,  or  any  worship  of  him  not  conformable 
to  reason,  or  that  we  can  receive  such  for  truth  for  the  mira- 
cle's sake :  and  even  in  those  books  which  have  the  greatest 
proof  of  revelation  from  God,  and  the  attestation  of  miracles 
to  confirm  their  being  so,  the  miracles  are  to  be  judged  hf 
the  doctrine,  and  not  the  doctrine  by  the  miracles,  v,  Deut. 
xiii.  1 ;  Matt.  xiv.  24.  And  St  Paul  says,  "  If  an  angel  from 
Heaven  should  teach  any  other  doctrine,"  &c.  &c. 

Sunday,  Peb.  19th,  1682. — ^A  strong  and  firm  persuasion  of 
any  proposition  relating  to  religion,  for  which  a  man  hath 
either  no  or  not  sufficient  proofe  from,  reason,  but  receives 
them  as  truths  wrought  in  the  mind  extraordinarily  by  influ- 
ence coming  immediately  from  Qt)d  himself,  seems  to  me  to 
be  enthusiasm,  which  can  be  no  evidence  or  ground  of  assur- 
ance at  all,  nor  can  by  any  means  betaken  for  knowledge.  If 
such  groundless  thoughts  as  these,  concerning  ordinary  mat- 
ters, and  not  religion,  possess  the  mind  strongly,  we  call  it 
raving,  and  every  one  thinks  it  a  degree  of  madness ;  but  in 
religion,  men,  accustomed  to  the  thoughts  of  revelation,  make 
a  greater  allowance  to  it,  though  indeed  it  be  a  more  danger- 
ous madness ;  but  men  are  apt  to  think  in  religion  they  may, 
and  ought,  to  quit  their  reason. 

I  find  that  the  Christians,  Mahometans,  and  Brahmins,  all 
pretend  to  this  immediate  inspiration ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
contradictions  and  Msehoods  cannot  come  from  God ;  nop 
can  any  one  that  is  of  the  true  religion  be  assured  of  any- 
thing by  a  way  whereof  those  of  a  false  religion  may  be  and 
are  equally  confirmed  in  theirs.  For  the  Turkish  dervishes 
pretend  to  revelations,  ecstasies,  visions,  raptures,  to  be  trans- 
ported with  illumination  of  Q-od,  v.  Eicaut.  The  Jaugis, 
amongst  the  Hindoos,  talk  of  being  illuminated  and  entirely 
united  to  God,  v.  Bemier,  as  well  as  the  most  spiritualized 
Christians. 

April  6th. — It  is  to  be  observed  concerning  these  illumina- 
tions, that  how  clear  soever  they  may  seem,  they  carry  no 


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1682.]  EXTEA.CTB  PBOM  HIS  JOTTHNAL.  127 

knowledge  nor  certainty  any  further  than  there  are  proofb  of 
the  truth  of  those  things  that  are  discoTered  by  them ;  and 
so  far  they  are  parts  of  reason,  and  have  the  same  foundation 
with  other  persuasions  in  a  man's  mind,  whereof  his  reason 
judges.  If  there  be  no  proofs  of  them,  they  pass  for  nothing 
but  mere  imaginations  of  the  fancy,  how  clearly  soever  they 
appear,  or  acceptable  they  may  be  to  the  mind.  For  it  is  not 
the  clearness  of  the  fancy,  but  the  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the 
thing,  which  makes  the  certainty.  He  that  should  pretend 
to  have  a  clear  sight  of  a  Turkish  paradise,  and  of  an  angel 
sent  to  direct  him  thither,  might,  perhaps,  have  a  very  clear 
imagination  of  all  this ;  but  it  altogether  no  more  proted  that 
either  there  were  such  a  place,  or  that  an  angel  had  the  con- 
duct of  him  thither,  than  if  he  saw  all  this  in  colours  well 
drawn  by  a  painter :  these  two  pictures  being  no  more  differ- 
ent as  to  the  appearance  of  anything  resembled  by  them,  than 
that  one  is  a  fleeting  draught  in  the  imagination,  the  other  a 
lasting  one  on  a  sensible  body. 

That  which  makes  aU  the  pretenders  to  supernatural 
illumination  further  to  be  suspected  to  be  merely  the  effect 
and  operation  of  the  fancy,  is,  that  all  the  preparations  and 
ways  used  to  dispose  the  mind  to  those  illuminations,  and 
make  it  capable  of  them,  are  such  as  are  apt  to  disturb  and 
depress  the  rational  power  of  the  mind,  and  to  advance  and 
set  on  work  the  fancy ;  such  are  fasting,  solitude,  intense  and 
long  meditation  on  the  same  thing,  opium,  intoxicating 
liquors,  long  and  vehement  turning  round,  all  which  are  used 
by  some  or  other  of  those  who  would  attain  to  those  extra- 
ordinary discourses,  as  fit  preparations  of  the  mind  to  receive 
them,  all  which  do  really  weaken  and  disturb  the  rational 
faculty,  let  loose  the  imagination,  and  thereby  make  the  mind 
less  steady  in  distinguishing  betwixt  truth  and  fancy. 

I  do  not  remember  that  I  have  read  of  any  enthusiasts 
amongst  the  Americans,  or  any  who  have  not  pretended  to  a 
revealed  religion,  as  all  those  before  mentioned  do ;  which  if 
80,  it  naturally  suggests  this  inquiry — Whether  those  that 
found  their  religion  upon  Revelation,  do  not  from  thence 
take  occasion  to  imagine,  that  since  Q-od  has  been  pleased 
by  Revelation  to  discover  to  them  the  general  precepts  of 
their  religion,  they  that  have  a  particular  interest  in  his 
favour  have  reason  to  expect  that  he  will  reveal  Himself  to 


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128  LITE   AND   LETTERS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l682. 

them,  if  they  take  the  right  way  to  seek  it  in  those  things 
that  concern  them  in  particular,  in  reference  to  their  con- 
duct, state,  or  comfort.  But  of  this  I  shall  conclude  nothing 
till  I  shall  be  more  fiilly  assured  in  matter-of-fact. 

Enthusiasm  is  a  fault  in  the  mind  opposite  to  brutish  sen- 
suality ;  as  far  in  the  other  extreme  exceeding  the  just  mea 
sure  of  reason,  as  thoughts  grovelling  only  in  matter,  and 
things  of  sense,  come  short  of  it. 

April  20. — The  usual  physical  proof  (if  I  may  so  call  it) 
of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  is  this  ;  matter  cannot  think, 
ergo  the  soul  is  immaterial ;  nothing  can  really  destroy  an 
immateHal  thing,  ergo,  the  soul  is  really  immaterial. 

Those  who  oppose  these  men,  press  them  very  hard  with 
the  souls  of  beasts ;  for,  say  they,  beasts  feel  and  think,  and 
therefore  their  souls  are  immaterial,  and  consequently  im- 
mortal. This  has  by  some  men  been  judged  so  urgent,  that 
they  have  rather  thought  fit  to  conclude  all  beasts  perfect 
machines,  rather  than  allow  their  souls  immortality  or  an- 
nihilation, both  which  seem  harsh  doctrines ;  the  one  being 
out  of  the  reach  of  Nature,  and  so  cannot  be  received  afl  the 
natural  state  of  beasts  after  this  life ;  the  other  equalling 
them,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  state  of  man,  if  they  shall 
be  immortal  as  well  as  he. 

But  methinks,  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  so,  neither  of 
these  speak  to  the  point  in  question,  and  perfectly  mistake 
immortality ;  whereby  is  not  meant  a  state  of  bare  substan- 
tial existence  and  duration,  but  a  state  of  sensibility ;  for 
that  way  that  they  use  of  proving  the  soul  to  be  immortal, 
will  as  well  prove  the  body  to  be  so  too  ;  for  since  nothing 
can  really  destroy  a  material  substance  more  than  immate- 
rial, the  body  will  naturally  endure  as  well  as  the  soul  for 
ever ;  and,  therefore,  in  the  body  they  distioguish  betwixt 
duration  and  life  or  sense,  but  not  in  the  soul ;  supposing 
it  in  the  body  to  depend  on  texture,  and  a  certain  union 
with  the  soul,  but  in  the  soul  upon  its  indivisible  and  immut- 
able constitution  and  essence;  and  so  that  it  can  no  mor^ 
cease  to  think  and  perceive,  than  it  can  cease  to  be  imma- 
terial or  something. 

But  this  is  manifestly  false,  and  there  is  scarce  a  man  that 
has  not  experience  to  the  contrary  every  twenty-four  hours. 
For  I  ask  what  sense  or  thought  the  soul  (which  is  certainly 


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1682.]  XXTBACTS  PBOK  HIS  JOXTBKAL.  129 

then  in  a  man)  has  during  two  or  three  hours  of  sound  sleep 
without  dreaming,  whereby  it  is  plain  that  the  soul  may  exist 
or  have  duration  for  some  time  without  sense  or  perception ; 
and  if  it  may  have  for  this  hour,  it  may  also  have  the  same 
duration  without  pain  or  pleasure,  or  anything  else,  for  the 
next  hour,  and  so  to  eternity ;  so  that  to  prove  that  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  simply  because,  it  being  naturally  not  to 
be  destroyed  by  anything,  it  will  have  an  eternal  duration, 
which  duration  may  be  without  any  perception,  is  to  prove 
no  other  immortality  of  the  soul  tlian  what  belongs  to  one 
of  Epicurus's  atoms,  viz.  that  it  perpetually  exists,  but  has 
no  sense  either  of  happiness  or  misery. 

If  they  say,  as  some  do,  that  the  soul  during  a  sound  quiet 
'sleep  perceives  and  thinks,  but  remembers  it  not,  one  may, 
with  as  much  certainty  and  evidence,  say  that  the  bed-post 
thinks  and  perceives  too  all  the  while,  but  remembers  it  not ; 
for  I  ask  whether  during  this  profound  sleep  the  soul  has 
any  sense  of  happiness  or  misery  ?  and  if  the  soul  should 
continue  in  that  state  to  eternity  (with  all  that  sense  about 
it  whereof  it  hath  no  consciousness  nor  memory),  whether 
there  could  be  any  such  distinct  state  of  heaven  or  hell, 
which  we  suppose  to  belong  to  souls  after  this  life,  and  for 
which  only  we  are  concerned  for  and  inquisitive  after  its 
immortality  ?  And  to  this  I  leave  every  man  to  answer  to  his 
own  self,  viz.  if  he  should  continue  to  eternity  in  the  same 
sound  sleep  he  has  sometimes  been  in,  whether  he  would  be 
ever  a  jot  more  happy  or  miserable  during  that  eternity  than 
the  bedstead  he  lay  on  ? 

Since,  then,  experience  of  what  we  find  daily  in  sleep,  and 
very  firequently  in  swooning  and  apoplexy,  &c.,  put  it  past 
doubt  that  the  soul  may  subsist  in  a  state  of  insensibility, 
without  partaking  in  the  least  degree  of  happiness,  misery, 
or  any  perception  whatsoever  (and  whether  death,  which 
the  Scripture  calls  sleep,  may  not  put  the  souls  of  some  men 
at  least  into  such  a  condition,  I  leave  those  who  have  well 
considered  the  story  of  Lazarus  to  conjecture),  shall  establish 
the  existence  of  the  soul,  will  not,  therefore,  prove  its  being 
in  a  state  of  happiness  or  misery,  since  it  is  evident  that 
perception  is  no  more  necessary  to  its  being  than  motion  is 
to  the  being  of  body.  Let,  therefore,  spirit  be  in  its  own 
nature  as  durable  as  matter,  that  no  power  can  destroy  it 

K 


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130  LIFE   AND  LETTEES  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l682. 

but  that  Omnipotence  that  at  first  created  it ;  they  may 
both  lie  dead  and  inactive,  the  one  without  thought,  the 
other  without  motion,  a  minute,  an  hour,  or  to  eternity,  which 
wholly  depends  upon  the  will  and  good  pleasure  of  the  first 
Author ;  and  he  that  will  not  live  conformable  to  such  a  fu- 
ture state,  out  of  the  undoubted  certainty  that  Q-od  can,  and 
the  strong  probability,  amounting  almost  to  certainty,  that 
he  will,  put  the  souls  of  men  into  a  state^of  life  or  perception 
after  the  dissolution  of  their  bodies,  will  hardly  be  brought 
to  do  it  upon  the  force  of  positions,  which  are,  by  their  own 
experience,  daily  contradicted,  and  will  at  bestj  if  admitted 
for  true,  make  the  souls  of  beasts  immortal  as  well  as  theirs. 

"  Apnl  26th,  1682. — *  Necjue  ante  Philosophiam  patefactam 
qU8B  nuper  inventa  est.' — Cicero.  If  Philosophy  had  been  in 
TuUy's  time  not  long  in  the  world,  it  is  likely  the  world  is 
not  older  than  our  account,  since  it  is  impossible  to  imagine 
that  the  world  should  be  so  old  as  some  would  reckon,  much 
more  that  the  generation  of  men  should  have  been  from  eter-» 
nity,  and  yet  jmilosophy  not  be  found  out  by  the  inquisitive 
mind  of  man  till  a  little  before  Tully's  time. 

"*Natur^  futura  praesentiunt  aut  aquarum  fluxiones  aut 
deflagrationem  futuram  aliquando'coeli^atque  terrarum,' — an 
old  opinion,  it  seems,  that  the  world  should  perish  by  fire. 

"  The  loadstone  itself,  that  we  have  reason  to  think  is  as 
old  as  the  world,  and  is  to  be  found  plentifully  in  several 
parts  of  it,  and  very  apt  to  make  itself  be  taken  notice  of  by 
so  sensible  and  so  surprising  an  efiect  as  is  its  attraction  of 
iron,  and  its  steady  adhesion  to  it ;  and  can  one  imagine  the 
busy  inquisitive  nature  of  man,  in  an  infinite  number  of  ages, 
should  never  by  chance,  or  out  of  curiosity,  observe  that 
working  and  pointing  to  the  north  which  that  stone  has  in 
itself,  and  so  readily  communicates  to  iron  ?  Can  we  think 
it  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  required  as  long  a  duration 
as  was  from  eternity  to  oui'  great-grandfathers*  days,  to  dis- 
cover this  useful  quality  in  that  common  metal  ?  in  which  it 
is  so  near  natural,  that  almost  every  place  has  the  virtue  of  a 
loadstone  to  produce  it ;  our  common  utensils  get  it  only  by 
standing  in  our  chimney-comers.  And  yet  the  discovery,  when 
once  made,  does,  by  its  proper  use,  so  unavoidably  spread  it- 
self over  all  the  world,  that  nothing  less  than  total  extirpa- 
tion of  all  mankind  can  ever  possibly  make  it  be  forgotten. 


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leSl.]  EXTBACTS  FEOM  HIS  JOTJENAL.  131 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  great  admiration  how  the  art  of  print- 
ing should  be  so  many  ages  undiscovered,  and  how  the  an- 
cients, who  were  skilled  in  graving  on  brass,  should  miss  this 
great  art  of  despatch,  when  it  was  so  natural  to  consider  how 
easy  it  would  be  to  imprint,  in  a  moment,  on  paper,  all  those 
graved  characters,  which  it  would  cost  a  great  deal  of  time 
even  first  to  write  with  a  pen ;  though  this  thought  never 
occurred  in  several  ages  ;  so  fair  a  beginning  was  never  im- 
proved into  the  art  of  printing  till  about  200  years  since ; 
yet  eternity  of  the  world  could  by  no  means  admit  so  late  a 
discovery  of  it,  and  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  that  men,  in 
an  infinite  succession  of  generations,  should  not  infinitely 
sooner  have  perfected  so  useful  and  obvious  an  invention, 
which  when  once  brought  to  light,  must  needs  continue  to 
eternity,  if  the  world  should  last  so  long." 

Some  of  these  last  articles  are  selected  from  the  journal 
subsequent  to  Locke's  arrival  in  England,  as  may  be  observed 
from  their  dates ;  they  have  been  arranged  in  their  present 
order  to  prevent  confusion.  For  some  years  after  that  period 
the  journal  contains  very  little  except  private  memoranda^ 
medical  observations,  extracts  from  books,  and  dates  of  the 
change  of  residence.  There  are  occasionally  notices  of  other 
things,  such  as  the  following : 

"  1681,  March  1st.  This  day  I  saw  Alice  George,  a  woman, 
as  she  said,  of  108  years  old  at  Allhallow-tide  last :  she  lived 
in  St  GHes'  parish,  Oxford,  and  has  lived  in  and  about  Ox- 
ford since  she  was  a  young  woman ;  she  was  bom  at  Salt- 
wych,  in  "Worcestershire ;  her  father  lived  to  eighty-three,  her 
mother  to  ninety-six,  and  her  mother's  mother  to  111.  When 
she  was  young  she  was  neither  fat  nor  lean,  but  very  slender 
in  the  waist;  for  her  size  she  was  to  be  reckoned  rather 
amongst  the  tall  than  the  short  women ;  her  condition  was 
but  mean,  and  her  maintenance  her  labour.  She  said  she 
was  able  to  have  reaped  as  much  in  a  dav  as  a  man,  and  had 
as  much  wages ;  she  was  marned  at  thu-ty,  and  had  fifteen 
diildren,  viz.  t^n  sons  and  five  daughters,  besides  five  mis- 
carriages; she  has  three  sons  still  alive,  her  eldest,  John, 
living  next  door  to  her,  seventy-seven  years  old  the  25th  of 
this  month.  She  goes  upright  with  a  staff"  in  one  hand,  but 
I  saw  her  stoop  twice  without  resting  upon  anjrthing,  tak- 
ing up  once  a  pot,  and  at  another  time  her  glove  from  the 

s  2 


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132  LIFE   AND   LETTERS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [I68I. 

ground.  Her  hearing  is  very  good,  and  her  smelling  so  quick, 
that  as  soon  as  she  came  near  me,  she  said  I  smelt  very  sweet, 
I  having  a  pair  of  new  gloves  on  that  were  not  strong  scent- 
ed. Her  eyes  she  complains  of  as  failing  her  since  her  last 
sickness,  which  was  an  ague  that  seized  her  about  two  years 
since,  and  held  her  about  a  year ;  and  yet  she  made  a  shift  to 
thread  a  needle  before  us,  though  she  seemed  not  to  see  the 
end  of  the  thread  very  perfectly.  She  has  as  comely  a  face  as 
ever  I  saw  any  old  woman  have,  and  age  has  neither  made 
her  deformed  nor  decrepit.  The  greatest  part  of  her  food 
now  is  bread  and  cheese,  or  bread  and  butter,  and  ale.  Sack 
revives  her  when  she  can  get  it ;  for  flesh  she  cannot  now  eat, 
unless  it  be  roasting  pig,  which  she  loves.  She  had,  she  said^ 
in  her  years,  a  good  stomach,  and  ate  what  came  in  her  way, 
oftener  wanting  victuals  than  a  stomach.  Her  memory  and 
understanding  perfectly  good  and  quick.  Amongst  a  great 
deal  of  discourse  we  had  with  her,  and  stories  she  told,  she 
spoke  not  one  idle  or  impertinent  word.  Before  this  last 
ague  she  used  to  go  to  church  constantly,  Sundays,  Wednes- 
days, and  Saturdays ;  since  that  she  walks  not  beyond  her 
little  garden.  She  has  been  ever  since  her  being  married 
troubled  sometimes  with  vapours,  and  so  is  still,  but  never 
took  any  physic  but  once,  about  forty  years  since.  She  said 
she  was  sixteen  in  1588,  and  went  then  to  Worcester  to  see 
Queen  Elizabeth,  but  came  an  hour  too  late,  which  agrees 
with  her  account  of  her  age." 

In  this  part  of  the  journal  there  is  at  length  an  account  of 
Captain  Wood's  reasons  for,  and  observations  on,  his  attempt 
of  the  North-west  passage  in  1676  ;  it  was  grounded  on  the 
opinion  of  one  William  Barants,  a  Hollander,  who  attempted 
the  passage  in  1605,  and  it  was  then  thought  that  an  open 
sea  would  have  been  found  at  the  Pole.  After  giving  the  au- 
thority and  information  of  several  Dutch  captains,  &c.,  "  upon 
these  considerations  he  set  out  in  the  Speedwell  with  sixty- 
eight  men  and  boys,  and  a  pink,  called  the  Prosperous,  to  at- 
tend her  at  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  May  28, 1676,  from 
the  buoy  at  the  Nore ;  and  on  the  29th  of  June  following, 
their  ship  split  upon  a  ledge  of  rocks,  at  Nova  Zembla,  where 
they  endured  great  hardships  ;  being  relieved  and  taken  in 
by  the  Prosperous,  they  returned  to  the  buoy  at  the  Nore  on 
the  2Brd  of  August  following," 


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1680.]  ZXTBACT8  FR03C  HIS  JOITRKAL.  133 

•  •  •  •  • 

*^  He  (the  Captain)  conceives  the  Dutch  relations  are  all 
&lae,  lying  pamphlets,  and  so  also  the  relations  of  our  own 
countiymen.  He  beHeves  that  if  there  be  no  land  north  of 
lat.  80,  that  the  sea  there  is  all  frozen,"  &c.  &c. 

•  •  ♦  •  • 

I  shall  conclude  these  extracts  with  the  following  little 
incident,  belonging  to  an  episcopal  visitation  in  the  century 
before  the  last. 

'*  Monday,  August  2nd,  1680.  From  Salisbury  to  Basing- 
stoke, thirty  miles ;  where  being  a  visitation  of  the  Bishops, 
Mr  Carter,  who  found  it  a  long  time  now  to  the  next  pre- 
sentment, sat  drinking  with  his  churchwardens  next  chamber 
to  me,  and  affcer  drink  had  well  warmed  them,  a  case  of  doc- 
trine or  discipline  engaged  them  in  a  quarrel,  which  broke 
out  into  defiimce  and  cuffs,  and  about  midnight  raised  the 
house  to  keep  the  peace,  but  so  fruitlessly,  that  between 
skirmishing,  parleys,  and  loud  defiances,  the  whole  night  was 
spent  in  noise  and  tumult,  of  which  I  had  more  than  sleep. 
In  the  morning  when  I  rose  all  was  quiet,  and  the  pardon 
a-bed,  where  he  was  like  to  be  kept  past  his  ale  and  sleep,  his 

fown  having  more  of  the  honour  of  a  tattered  colours  than  a 
ivinity  robe ! " 

The  following  directions  appear  to  have  been  set  down  for 
some  foreigner  about  to  visit  fei^gland.  They  are  curious,  as 
affording  a  comparison  with  the  improvement  of  the  present 
time. 

"Ekoland.— 1679. 

"  The  sports  of  England,  which^perhaps,  a  curious  stranger 
would  be  glad  to  see,  are  horse-racing,  hawking,  and  hunting. 
Bowling. — ^At  Marebone  and  Putney  he  may  see  several 
persons  of  quality  bowling  two  or  three  times  a  week  all  the 
summer ;  wrestling,  in  Lincoln's  Inne  Field  every  evening  all 
the  summer ;  bear  and  bull-baiting,  and  sometime  prizes,  at 
the  Bear-Gkirden ;  shooting  in  the  long-bow  and  stob-ball,  in 
Tothill  Fields  ;  cudgel-playing,  in  several  places  in  the 
country ;  and  hurling,  in  Cornwall. 

"  London  : — See  the  East  India  House,  and  their  maga- 
zines ;   the  Custom  House  ;    the  Thames,  by  water,  from 


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134  LITE   AND   LBTTEES  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l679. 

London  Bridge  to  Deptford ;  and  the  King's  yard  at  Dept- 
ford ;  the  sawing-windmill ;  Tradescant's  garden  and  closet ; 
Sir  James  Morland's  doset  and  water-works  ;  the  iron  mills 
at  Wandsworth,  four  miles  above  London,  upon  the  Thames, 
or  rather  those  in  Sussex ;  Paradise  by  Hatton  Q-arden ;  the 
glass-house  at  the  Savoy,  and  at  Vauxhall.  Eat  fish  in  Fish 
Street,  especially  lobsters,  Colchester  oysters,  and  a  fresh 
cod's-head.  The  veal  and  beef  are  excellent  good  in  London ; 
the  mutton  better  in  several  counties  in  England.  A  venison 
pasty  and  a  chine  of  beef  are  good  everywhere ;  and  so  are 
crammed  capons  and  fat  chickens.  Bailes  and  heath-polts, 
ruffs,  and  reeves,  are  excellent  meat  wherever  they  can  be 
met  with.  Puddings  of  several  sorts,  and  creams  of  several 
fashions,  both  excellent,  but  they  are  seldom  to  be  found,  at 
least  in  their  perfection,  at  common  eating-houses.  Mango 
and  saio  are  two  sorts  of  sauces  brought  from  the  East  Lidies. 
Bermuda  oranges  and  potatoes,  both  exceeding  good  in  their 
kind.     Chedder  and  Cheshire  cheese. 

"  Men  excellent  in  their  Arts  :— 

"  Mr  Cox,  in  Long  Acre,  for  all  sorts  of  dioptrical  glasses. 

"  Mr  Opheel,  near  the  Savoy,  for  all  sorts  of  machines. 

"  Mr ,  for  a  new  invention  he  has,  and  teaches  to 

copy  all  sorts  of  pictures,  plans,  or  to  take  prospects  of 


"  The  King's  gunsmith,  at  the  Yard  by  Whitehall. 

"  Mr  Not,  in  the  Pall  Mall,  for  binding  of  books. 

"  The  Eire-eater. 

"At  an  iijnmonger's,  near  the  May-pole,  in  the  Strand,  is 
to  be  found  ■  great  variety  of  iron  instruments,  and  utensils 
of  all  kinds.  ^ 

"  At  Bristol  see  the  Hot-well ;  St  G-eorge's  Cave,  where 
the  Bristol  diamonds  are  found ;  Batcliff  Church ;  and  at 
Kingwood  the  coal-pits.  Taste  there  Milford  oysters,  mar- 
row-puddings, cock-ale,  metheglin,  white  and  red  muggets, 
elvers,  sherry,  sack  (which,  with  sugar,  is  called  Bristol 
milk) ;  and  some  other  urines,  which,  perhaps,  you  will  not 
drink  so  good  at  London. 

"  At  Glocester  observe  the  whispering  place  in  the  Cathe- 
dral. 

"  At  Oxford  see  all  the  colleges,  and  their  libraries ;  the 
schools,  and  public  library;   and  the  physic-garden.     Buy 


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1(579.]      DIEECTIONS  FOE  A  FOEEIGITEE  IS  ENGLAJTD.        135 

there  knives  and  gloves,  especially  wbite  kid-skin ;  and  the 
cuts  of  all  the  colleges  graved  by  Loggins. 

"  If  you  go  into  the  North,  see  the  Peak  in  Derbyshire, 
described  by  Hobbs,  in  a  Latin  poem,  called  *Mirabilia 
Pecci.' 

"  Home-made  drinks  of  England  are  beer  and  ale,  strong 
and  small ;  those  of  most  note  that  are  to  be  sold,  are  Lam- 
beth ale,  Margaret  ale,  and  Derby  ale ;  Herefordshire  cider, 
perry,  mede.  There  are  also  several  sorts  of  compounded  ales, 
as  cock-ale,  worm-wood  ale,  lemon-ale,  scurvygrass  ale.  Col- 
lege-ale, &c.  These  are  to  be  had  at  Hercules  Pillars,  near  the 
Temple ;  at  the  Trumpet,  and  other  houses  in  Sheer  Lane, 
Bell  Alley ;  and,  as  I  remember,  at  the  English  Tavern  near 
Charing  Cross. 

"  Foreign  drinks  to  be  found  in  England  are  all  sorts  of 
Spanish,  Q-reek,  Italian,  Rhenish,  and  other  wines,  which  are 
to  be  got  up  and  down. at  several  taverns.  Coff6,  th6,  and 
chocolate,  at  coffee-houses.  Mum  at  the  mum  houses,  and 
other  places ;  and!  Molly,  a  drink  of  Barbadoes,  by  chance  at 
some  Barbadoes  merchants.  Punch,  a  compounded  drink,  on 
board  some  West  India  ships ;  and  Turkish  sherbet  amongst 
the  merchants. 

"  Manufa<;tures  of  cloth,  that  will  keep  out  rain ;  flannel, 
knives,  locks,  and  keys ;  scabbards  for  swords ;  several  things 
wrought  in  steel,  as  little  boxes,  heads  for  canes,  boots, 
riding-whips,  Bippon  spurs,  saddles,  &c. 

'^  At  Nottingham  dwells  a  man  who  makes  fans,  hatbands, 
necklaces,  and  other  things  of  glass,  drawn  out  into  very 
small  threads." 

Locke  arrived  in  London  from  the  Continent  on  the  8th 
(^  May,  as  has  been  before  mentioned.  He  had  perhaps 
prolonged  intentionally  his  residence  at  Paris,  to  avoid  wit- 
nessing the  folly  and  fury  of  his  friends  in  England  on  the 
subject  of  the  Popish  Plot.  It  is  indeed  very  probable  that 
the  two  following  reflections  in  his  Journal,  which  he  wrote 
whilst  at  Paris,  were  suggested  by  the  state,  I  will  not  say 
of  public  opinion,  but  of  public  fury  in  England.  His  words 
are,  "  Where  power  and  not  the  good  exercise  of  it  give  re- 
putation, all  the  injustice,  falsehood,  violence,  and  oppression 
that  attains  that  (power),  goes  for  wisdom  and  ability;" 
and  again,  ^'Beligions  are  upheld  and  factions  maintained, 


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136  LIFE  AKD   LETTEBS  07  JOHIT  LOCKE.  [l679. 

and  the  shame  of  being  disesteemed  by^  those  with  whom 
one  hath  lived,  and  to  whom  one  would  recommend  oneself 
is  the  great  source  and  direction  of  most  of  the  actions  of 
men." 

On  his  return  to  England,  this  observation  is  found  in  his 
Journal. 

"  June  17th,  1679. — Opikiok.  A  thinking  and  considerate 
man  cannot  believe  anything  with  a  firmer  assent  than  is 
due  to  the  evidence  and  validity  of  those  reasons  on  which  it 
is  founded ;  yet  the  greatest  part  of  men  not  examining  the 
probability  of  things  in  their  own  nature,  nor  the  testimony 
of  those  who  are  their  vouchers,  take  the  common  belief  or 
opinion  of  those  of  their  country,  neighbourhood,  or  party, 
to  be  proof  enough,  and  so  believe  as  well  as  live  by  fashion 
and  example ;  and  these  men  are  z€^ous  Turks  as  well  as 
Christians." 

It  is  evident  from  these  liotes,  that  the  writer  partook  not 
of  the  popular  phrensy  which  had  so  long  prevailed  in  Eng- 
land, and  had  not  as  yet  entirely  subsided. 

The  same  asthmatic  complaint  which  had  induced  him  to 
leave  England  in  1675,  was  now  an  obstacle  to  any  long- 
continued  residence  in  London,  and  obliged  him  to  pass  the 
winter  season  for  the  most  part  either  at  Oxford  or  in  the 
"West.  This  absence  must  have  been  a  subject  of  regret, 
since  Shaftesbury,  who  had  recalled  him  from  France,  was 
now  either  in  power,  or  deeply  engaged  in  the  politics  of  that 
eventful  period. 

The  events  of  Locke's  life  henceforward  became  so  much 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  time,  that  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  give  a  short  outline  of  the  political  transactions 
which  ended  in  the  triumph  of  the  Court,  and  enabled 
Charles  II.  to  trample  on  the  liberties  of  his  country. 

The  Parliament  which  had  originally  been  chosen  in  1661, 
that  pensioned  Parliament  as  it  was  called,  that  obedient 
and  subservient  Parliament  as  it  certainly  was,  beginning  at 
last  to  manifest  distrust  of  the  King,  was  after  a  long  life 
dissolved  in  December,  1678,  and  the  next  Parliament,  which 
met  in  March,  1679,  proving  equally  unmanageable,  the  King 
determined,  by  the  advice  of  Temple,  to  call  some  of  the  po- 
pular leaders  to  his  Council,  of  which  Shaftesbury  was  made 
President.    It  did  not  escape  the  penetration  of  that  great 


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1680.]  TXB  NEW  PABLIAHSNT  07  1680.  187 

politiciaii,  that  he  never  possessed  more  than  the  appearance 
of  Court  &Toiir.  He  resolved,  therefore,  although  in  the 
King's  cabinet,  to  adhere  to  the  popular  party  by  strongly 
supporting  the  Bills  for  the  exclusion  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
or  those  for  the  limitation  of  his  power,  which  were  frequently 
urged  forward  by  the  popular  leaders  in  Parliament.  He 
was  also  mainly  instrumental  in  passing  the  Habeas  Corpus, 
Act,  a  measure  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  Court. 

A  new  Parliament  having  been  chosen,  the  King,  who, 
with  all  the  Tory  party,  looked  with  great  apprehension  to 
the  expected  meeting,  determined  by  his  own  act,  without 
the  concurrence  of  his  Council,  »r<wr»o  tnotu,  to  prevent  its 
assembling  by  a  prorogation.  He  knew  well  that  he  should 
be  opposed  by  the  popular  leaders  whom  he  had  admitted  to 
his  Council,  and  therefore  decided  without  their  advice. 
Upon  this,  Lord  Eussell  resigned  in  disgust,  and  Shaftesbury 
quitted  his  office  of  President  of  the  Council. 

After  dissolutions,  and  new  Parliaments  in  rapid  succes* 
sion,  the  Parliament  which  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Oxford, 
1680,  was  the  last  that  was  allowed  to  assemble  in  the  r^ign 
of  Charles  II.  The  country  party  had  a  decided  majority  in 
the  election  of  the  members  of  that  House  of  Commons ;  and 
even  in  the  county  of  Oxford  it  seems  that  all  the  four  can* 
didates  were  on  that  side.  The  chief  difficulty,  therefore,  for 
the  leaders  of  the  country  party,  was  a  proper  choice  of 
friends,  as  appears  by  a  letter  from  Shaftesbury  to  Locke  on 
the  subject  or  the  elections. 

"Feb.  19th,  1681. 
"  Me  Looeb, 

*'  I  am  extremely  obliged  to  you,  and  so  are  all  the  rest  of 
the  Lords,  for  the  trouble  we  have  put  you  to.  This  bearer 
comes  from  us  all,  to  take  possession  of  our  allotments  in 
BaUol  College,  and  to  provide  things  necessary.  He  is  or- 
dered in  the  first  place  to  address  himself  to  you. 

"  We  are  told  here,  that  you  have  four  very  worthv  men 
stand  for  Knights  of  the  county  of  Oxford.  'Tis  unnappy 
that  we  should  make  trouble  and  expense  amongst  ourselves ; 
the  two  last  Kjiights  were  very  worthy  men,  and  therefore 
'tis  much  wished  here,  that  you  or  some  other  worthy  person 
should  persuade  Sir  Philip  Harcourt  and  Sir  John  Norris  to 
sit  down.    Those  that  deserved  well  in  the  last  Parliament 


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138  LIFE   AND   LETTEES  OF  JOHK  L0j»0O.  [l68l. 

ought  in  right  to  have  the  preference ;  and  at  this  rate  of 
Parliaments,  I  wish  all  our  friends  hare  not  ndore  than  time 
enough  to  be  weary.  I  shall  trouble  you  no  further  at 
present.  1  am  » 

Your  most  affectionate  friend  and  seifrant, 

Shaftesbury.'* 

If  the  only  difficulty  which  the  country  party  at  that  time 
had,  was  to  make  the  best  selection  of  members  most  friendly 
to  their  cause ;  if  the  temper  of  the  Commons  was  generaUy 
adverse  to  the  Court,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  it 
was  so,  since  the  Exclusion  Bill  and  all  the 'Other  obnoidous 
measures  were  pressed  on  in  Parliament  with  much  activity, — 
the  triumph  which  the  King  gained  in  the  course  of  the  next 
two  years  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Oxford  Parliament  is 
the  mpre  extraordinary.  He  had,  we  know,  the  powerful 
assistance  of  the  Church,  acting  in  perfect  union  zealously 
to  enforce  and  firmly  to  estabSsh  in  practice  the  slavish 
principles  contained  in  their  famous  manifesto  of  passive 
obedience  and  non-resistance.  Then  began  the  campaign  of 
judicial  murders,  which  continued  without  remorse  or  pity  to 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  Argyle,  Eussell,  and 
Sydney,  fell  martyrs  to  the  vindictive  spirit  of  the  Court. 
Shaftesbury  was  indicted  of  high  treason,  but  was  saved  by 
a  verdict  of  ignoramus  given  by  the  G^rand  Jury.  He  was 
indebted  for  his  escape  much  more  to  the  contrivance  of  his 
friends  than  to  the  fairness  of  a  Court  of  Justice.  Hume,  who 
cannot  be  supposed  to  be  favourable  to  him,  says, "  that  as  far 
as  swearing  could  go,  the  treason  was  clearly  proved  against 
Shaftesbury ;  or  rather  so  clearly  as  to  merit  no  kind  of  cre- 
dit or  attention.  That  veteran  leader  of  a  party,  inured  from 
his  youth  to  faction  and  intrigue,  to  cabals  and  conspiracies, 
was  represented  as  opening  without  reserve  his  treasonable 
intentions  to  these  obscure  banditti,  aad  throwing  out  such 
violent  and  outrageous  reproaches  upon  the  King,  as  none 
but  men  of  low  education  like  themselves  could  be  supposed 
to  employ." 

This  was  the  last  defeat  which  the  Court  sustained :  the 
sheriffs,  after  this  time,  were  appointed  by  the  Crown,  the 
juries  packed,  and  writs  of  Quo  Warranto  issued  against  the 
corporations  throughout  England.    As  it  was  evidently  un* 


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1683.]  HE  TAKES  BEPUGB  IK  HOLLATH).  139 

safe  for  any  person  who  bad  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the 
Court  .to  remain  within  its  power,  Shaftesbury*  made  bis 
retreat  to  Holland  at  the  end  of  the  year  1682.  Locke,  who 
bad  so  long  been  connected  with  him,  and  had  been  so  much 
trusted  by  him,  thought  it  more  prudent  to  take  refuge  also 
in  Holland  about  the  end  of  August,  1688. 

Lord  Bussell  had  already  been  executed,  and  as  prepara- 
tions were  at  that  very  time  making  for  the  trial,  or,  what  is 
the  same  thing,  the  execution  of  Sydney,  it  was  evident  that 
no  person  who  had  been  connected  with  Shaftesbury  and  that 
party,  however  innocent  he  might  be,  could  consider  himself 
safe,  so  long  as  he  remained  within  reach  of  a  vindictive 
Court,  whose  will  was  law,  and  whose  judges  were  often  its 
degraded  advocates,  and  always  the  instruments  of  its  venge- 
ance. 

Nothing  perhaps  can  more  clearly  prove  the  unscrupulous 
atrocity  and  violence  of  those  unhappy  times,  than  the  form 
of  Prayer,  or  rather  of  commination,  against  the  country 
party,  ordered  by  the  -King's  proclamation  to  be  read,  to- 
gether with  his  declaration,  in  all  the  churches  on  the  9th  of 
September,  1683.  It  is  indeed  lamentable  to  observe  that 
the  Church  of  England  then  made  herself  the  willing  hand- 
maid of  a  bloody  Government,  exciting  the  passions  of  the 
congregations,  and  through  them  inflaming  the  juries  before 
the  trials  of  all  the  accused  were  finished.f  The  following 
composition  may  be  presumed  to  be  the  pious  production  of 
the  heads  of  our  Church  at  that  time,  though,  from  its  tone 
and  spirit,  it  should  seem  rather  to  have  proceeded  from  the 

*  Shaftesbury  died  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Holland,  and  was  buried 
at  St  Giles's,  in  Dorsetshire,  Feb.  26th,  1683,  where  Locke  attended  the 
foneral  of  his  patron  and  his  friend.  . 

t  After  the  commitment  of  Lord  Russell  ana  Algernon  Sydney,  Hamp- 
den, the  grandson  of  the  great  Hampden,  was  bv  the  GouncU  committed 
also  to  the  Tower,  charged  with  high  treason ;  but  as  only  one  witness. 
Lord  Howard,  could  be  procured  to  appear  against  him,  he  was  arraigned 
on  a  charge  of  misdemeanor,  on  the  28th  of  November,  1684,  and  grieyously 
fined.  He  was  afterwards  tried  for  high  treason,  that  is,  tried  a  second 
time  for  the  same  offence,  when  the  Goiurt  had  procured  the  other  witness. 
Lord  Grey. 

Sir  Thomas  Armstrong  was  murdered  by  form  of  law  in  June,  1684. 
Lord  Melven,  Sir  J.  Cochrane,  Robert  Ferguson,  and  thirteen  or  fourteen 
others,  were  named  in  the  King's  Declaration  as  having  escaped  firom  jus- 
tice, all  charged  with  the  same  treason  as  Russell  and  Sydney^ 


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140  Lnrs  ajstd  littbbs  of  JOHK  LOOKE.  [1683. 

mouth  of  the  Mufti  and  the  TJlema  than  from  the  Bishops 
and  rulers  of  the  Christian  Church  of  England. 

The  Prayer  is  taken  from  the  authorized  copy  printed  hy 
the  King's  printer. 

' "  His  Majestie's  Declaration  to  all  his  loving  subjects  con- 
cerning the  treasonable  conspiracy  against  his  sacred  person 
and  government,  appointed  to  be  tern  in  all  churches : 

"Chaeles  Eex. — It  has  been  our  observation  that  for 
several  years  last  past  a  malevolent  party  has  made  it  their 
business  to  promote  sedition  by  libellous  pamphlets,  and 
other  wicked  arts,  to  render  our  government  odious,  &c.  &c, 

"  But  it  pleased  Q-od  to  open  the  eyes  of  our  good  subjects, 
&c.  &c. 

•  •  •  • 

And  convince  the  common  people  of  the  villainous  designs  of 
their  &ctious  leaders,"  &c. 

•  •  •  •  • 
Then,  after  reciting  the  preparations  and  design  of  shoot- 
ing into  the  coach  where  "  our  Eoyal  Person  and  our  dearest 
Brother  were,  and  that  such  was  the  abundant  mercy  of  Al- 
mighlr  G^od,  that  a  discovery  was  made  unto  us  on  the  12th 
of  July  last,  we  have  used  the  best  means  we  could  for  the 
detection  and  prevention  of  so  hellish  a  conspiracy:  but  it  so 
happened  that  divers  having  notice  of  warrants  issued  for 
their  apprehension,  have  fled  from  justice.  Sir  Thomas  Arm- 
strong, &c.  &Q. ;  others  have  been  taken,  some  of  whom,  the 
Lord  William  Eussell,  Thomas  Walcot,  William  Hone,  and 
John  Bouse,  have,  upon  their  trials,  been  convicted,  attainted, 
and  executed,  according  to  law.  This  we  thought  fit  to 
make  known  to  our  loving  subjects,  that  they,  being  sensible 
(as  we  are)  of  the  mercy  of  God  in  the  great  deliverance,  may 
cheerfully  and  devoutly  joyn  with  us  in  returning  splemn 
thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  the  same.  We  do  appoint  the 
9th  day  of  September  next  to  be  observed  as  a  day  of  thanks- 
giving, &c.,  in  a  form  of  prayer  which  we  have  commanded  to 
ne  prepared  by  our  Bishops,  and  published  for  that  purpose. 
—At  Court  of  Whitehall,  21th  July,  1683. 

"  A  FoB-M  OF  Pbatee,  Ac,  to  be  solemnly  observed  in  all 
Churches,  in  due  acknowledgment  of  God's  wonderful  provi- 
dence and  mercy  in  discovering  and  defeating  the  late  treason- 
able conspiracy  against  his  Majesty's  person  and  govern- 
ment."    Then  after  Exhortation,  Psalms,  &c.  : 


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1883.]        rOBM:   OP   PEATEB   OEDEHED    BY   THE   KIKO.  141 

"  Almighty  God  and  Heavenly  Father,  who  of  thine  un- 
speakable goodness  towards  us  liast,  in  a  most  extraordinary 
manner,  discovered  the  designs  and  disappointed  the  attemptn 
of  those  traitorous,  heady,  and  high-minded  men,  who,  under 
the  pretence  of  religipn,  and  thy  most  holy  name,  had  con- 
trived and  resolved  our  destruction ;  as  we  do  this  day  most 
heartily  dnd  devoutly  adore  and  magnify  thy  glorious  name 
for  this  thine  infinite  gracious  goodness  already  vouchsafed  to 
us,  so  we  most  humbly  implore  the  continuance  of  thy  grace 
and  favour  for  the  farther  and  clearer  discovery  of  these 
depths  of  Satan,  this  mystery  of  iniquity.  Send  forth  thy 
light  and  thy  truth,  and  make  known  the  hidden  things  of 
diurkness ;  infatuate  and  defeat  aU  the  secret  counsels  of  the 
ungodly,  abate  their  pride,  assuage  th^ir  malice,  and  confound 
their  devices:  strengthen  the  hands  of  our  gracious  Kinff 
Charles,  and  all  that  are  put  in  authority  under  him,  witn 
judgment  and  justice  to  cut  off  all  such  workers  of  iniquity, 
as  turn  religion  into  rebellion,  and  faith  into  faction,  that 
they  may  never  prevail  against  us,  or  triumph  in  the  ruin  of 
thy  Church  amongst  us.  To  this  end  protect  and  defend  our 
Sovereign  Lord  the  King  and  the  whole  Eoyal  Family,  from 
all  treasons  and  conspiracies.  Bind  up  his  soul  in  the  bundle 
of  life,  and  let  no  weapon  formed  against  him  prosper :  be 
unto  him  a  helmet  of  salvation,  and  a  strong  tower  of  defence, 
against  the  face  of  his  enemies :  let  his  reign  be  prosperous, 
and  his  days  many :  make  him  glad  now  according  to  the 
time  wherein  thou  hast  afflicted  him,  and  for  the  years 
wherein  he  has  suffered  adversity :  as  thou  hast  given  him 
the  necks  of  his  enemies,  so  give  him  also  every  day  more 
and  more  the  hearts  of  his  subjects.  As  for  those  that  are 
implacable,  clothe  them  with  shame ;  but  upon  himself  and 
his  posterity  let  the  crown  for  ev^r  flourish :  so  we  that  are 
thy  people,  and  the  sheep  of  thy  pasture,  shall  ^ve  thee 
thanks  tor  ever,  and  will  always  be  snowing  forth  thy  praise 
from  generation  to  generation,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  only 
Saviour  and  Bedeemer.    Amen." 

"  Almighty  God,  who  hast  in  all  ages  showed  forth  thy 
power  and  mercy  in  the  miraculous  and  gracious  deliverance 
of  thy  Church,  and  in  the  protection  of  righteous  and  reli- 
gious Kings,  and  States  professing  thy  holy  and  eternal 
truth,  from  the  malicious  conspiracies  and  wicked  practices 


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142  LIEB  JLTTD  LETTBES   OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l6834 

of  all  their  enemies,  we  yield  unto  thee,  from  the  very  bot- 
tom of  our  hearts,  unfeigned  thanks  and  praise  for  the  late 
signal  and  wonderful  deliverance  of  our  most  gracious  Sove- 
reign, his  Royal  Brother,  and  loyal  subjects  of  all  orders  and 
degrees,  by  the  fanatic  rage  and  treachery  of  wicked  and  un- 
godly men  appointed  as  sheep  to  the  slaughter,  in  a  most 
barbarous  and  savage  manner.  From  their  unnatural  and 
hellish  conspiracy,  not  our  merit  but  thy  mercy,  not  our 
foresight  but  thy  providence,  not  our  ovm  arm  but  thy  right 
hand,  and  thine  arm,  and  the  light  of  thy  countenance,  hath 
rescued  and  delivered  us,  even  because  thou  hast  a  favour 
unto  us :  and,  therefore,  not  unto  us,  O  Lord,  not  unto  us, 
but  unto  thy  name,  be  ascribed  all  honour,  glory,  and  praise, 
with  most  humble  and  hearty  thanks  in  all  Churches  of  the 
Saints ;  even  so,  blessed  be  the  Lord  our  Q-od,  who  only 
doeth  wondrous  things,  and  blessed  be  the  name  of  his 
Majesty  for  ever,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  and  only 
Saviour.    Amen." 

"  O  God,  whose  providence  neglects  not  the  meanest  of 
thy  creatures,  but  is  most  illustriously  visible  in  watching 
over  the  persons  of  Kings,  the  great  instruments  of  thy  good- 
ness to  mankind,  we  give  thee  most  hearty  thanks  and  praises, 
as  for  the  many  wonderful  deliverances  formerly  vouchsafed 
to  thy  servant,  our  dread  Sovereign,  through  the  whole  course 
of  his  life ;  so  especially  for  the  late  miracle  of  thy  mercy, 
whereby  thou  didst  rescue  him  and  us  all  from  those  bloody 
designs,  which  nothing  but  thine  infinite  wisdom  and  power 
could  have  discovered  and  defeated.  For  this  thy  great  good- 
ness (notwithstanding  our  great  unworthiness  and  many  pro- 
vocations) so  graciously  continued  to  us,  we  praise  thee,  we 
bless  thee,  we  worship  thee,  we  glorify  thee,  we  give  thanks 
to  thee  for  thy  great  glory:  humbly  beseeching  thee  that  our 
present  sense  of  this  thy  favour,  and  the  fervent  affections 
now  kindled  in  our  hearts  thereby,  may  never  cool,  or  sink 
down  into  forgetfulness  or  ingratitude ;  but  may  produce  in 
every  one  of  us  firm  resolutions  of  future  thankfulness  and 
obedience,  with  a  suitable  constant  perseverance  in  the  same. 
Let  us  never  forget,  how  often,  and  how  wonderfully  thou 
hast  preserved  thme  anointed  and  his  people :  that  being  all 
duly  sensible  of  our  absolute  dependence  upon  thee,  we  may 
endeavour  to  answer  the  blessed  ends  of  this  thy  good  proM- 


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1683.]      POEM  OP  PBA.TBR  OBDEBED   BY  THE   KIKa.  143 

dence  over  us.  Continue  bim  a  nursing  father  to  this  thy 
Church,  and  thy  minister  for  good  to  all  his  people ;  and  let 
us  and  aD  his  subjects  look  upon  him  henceforth  not  only  as 
the  ordinance,  but  as  the  gift  of  Q-od,  promising  and  perform- 
ing, in  thee  and  for  thee,  all  faithful  duty  and  loyalty  to  him 
and  his  heirs  after  him :  with  a  religious  obedience  and  thank- 
fulness unto  thee,  for  these  and  all  other  thy  mercies,  through 
Jesus  Christ  thy  Son  our  Lord :  to  whom  with  thee,  O 
Father,  and  Gk)d  the  Holy  Ghost,  be  all  honour  and  glory.'* 

In  the  evening  service,  this  additional  prayer  for  our  ene- 
mies: 

"  Father  of  mercies  and  lover  of  souls,  who  art  kind  to  the 
unthankful  and  to  the  evil,  and  hast  commanded  us  also  to 
extend  our  charity  even  to  those  that  hate  us,  and  despite- 
fully  use  us :  we  beseech  thee  as  to  accept  our  prayers  and 
praises,  which  we  have  this  day  offered  up  unto  thee  in  be- 
half of  all  that  are  faithful  and  loyal  in  the  land ;  so  also  to 
enlarge  thy  mercy  and  pity,  even  to  those  that  are  our  ene- 
mies. O  most  wise  and  powerful  Lord  God,  in  whose  hands 
are  the  hearts  of  all  men,  as  the  rivers  of  water  to  turn  them 
whithersoever  thou  wilt;  work  mightily  upon  the  minds  of 
all  parties  amongst  us.  Turn  the  hearts  of  the  children  to 
the  Others,  and  the  disobedient  to  the  wisdom  of  the  just ; 
and  so  make  them  a  ready  people  prepared  for  the  Lord. 
Thou  that  sitteth  between  the  cherubim  be  the  earth  never 
so  unquiet,  thou  that  stilleth  the  raging  of  the  sea,  and  the 
noise  of  his  waves,  and  the  madness  of  the  people :  stir 
up  thy  strength  and  come  and  help  us ;  let  the  wicked- 
ness of  the  wicked  come  to  an  end.  Take  away  his  un- 
godliness and  thou  shalt  find  none:  let  the  fierceness  of 
man  turn  to  thy  praise,  and  the  remainder  of  wrath  do  thou 
restrain.  To  this  end  take  firom  them  all  their  prejudices 
and  all  their  passions;  their  confident  mistakes,  their  car- 
nal ends,  and  their  secular  interests.  Open  the  blind  eyes 
that  they  may  see  (at  least  in  this  their  day)  the  things 
which  belong  to  their  peace,  and  wisely  considering  thy 
work,  may  say.  This  hath  God  done ;  and  so  hear,  and  fear, 
and  do  no  more  wickedly.  Soften  the  most  obdurate  hearts 
into  a  meek,  and  humble,  and  docile  tehiper,  that  they  may 
no  longer  resist  the  truth.  Bow  down  the  stiff  neck  and  the 
iron  sinew  to  the  gentle  and  easy  yoke  of  thy  most  holy  law ! 


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144  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS   07  JOHN  LOOSE.  [l683. 

take  away  the  brass  from  the  whore's  forehead,  and  make 
their  faces  ashamed,  that  they  may  seek  thy  name.  Re- 
double, O  Lord,  the  joys  of  this  day,  that  we  may  not  only 
triumph  in  the  disappointment  of  their  wicked  imaginations, 
but  with  thy  holy  angels  rejoice  in  their  conversion. 
Amen!!!" 

The  following  paper,  conceived  in  the  same  or  even  in  a 
worse  spirit,  may  oe  considered  to  be  the  echo  of  the  royal 
declaration. 

DETON  SESSION. 

"  Ad  Gheneral.  Quarterial.  Session.  Pacis  Dom.  Eegis  tent, 
apud  Castr.  Exon.  in  et  pro  Comitat.  prsed.  secundo  die 
Octobris,  Anno  Regni  Dom.  nostri  Caroli  Secundi  Dei  gratis 
AnglifiB,  ScotisB,  FrancisB,  et  HibemisB  Eegis,  Fidei  Defensor, 
&Q,  tricesimo  quinto,  Annoque  Dom.  1683. 

"  "We  have  been  so  abundantly  convinced  of  the  seditious 
and  rebellious  practices  of  the  sectaries  and  fanatics,  who 
through  the  course  of  above  one  hundred  years,  since  we 
were  first  infested  with  'em,  have  scarce  afforded  this  unhappy 
kingdom  any  interval  of  rest  from  their  horrid  treasons,  as 
that  we  must  esteem  'em,  not  only  the  open  enemies  of  our 
established  Grovemment,  but  to  all  the  common  principles 
of  society  and  humanity  itself.  Wherefore  that  we  may 
prevent  their  horrid  conspiracies  for  the  time  to  come,  and 
secure  (as  much  as  in  us  lies)  our  most  gracious  King  and 
the  Q-ovemment  from  the  fury  and  malice  of  'em,  we  resolve 
to  put  the  severest  of  the  laws  (which  we  find  too  easie  and 
gentle,  unless  enlivened  by  a  vigorous  execution)  in  force 
against  'em. 

"  1.  "We  agree  and  resolve,  in  every  division  of  this  county, 
to  require  siSficient  sureties  for  the  good  bearing  and  peace- 
able behaviour  of  all  such  as  we  may  justly  suspect,  or  that 
we  can  receive  any  credible  information  against,  thai  they 
have  been  at  any  conventicles  and  unlawfiu  meetings,  or  at 
any  factious  or  seditious  clubs ;  or  that  have,  by  any  dis- 
courses, discovered  themselves  to  be  disaffected  to  the  present 
established  government,  either  in  church  or  state ;  or  that 
hav^  been  the  authors  or  publishers  of  any  seditious  libels ; 


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1683.]  DEOLABATIOir  OP   DETOK  JUSTICES.  145 

or  that  shall  not,  in  all  things,  duly  conform  themselves  to 
the  present  established  Q-ovemment. 

"  2.  Because  we  have  a  sort  of  false  men,  and  more  per- 
fidious than  professed  phanatiques,  who  either  wanting  cour- 
age to  appear  in  their  own  shape,  or  the  better  to  bring 
about  their  treasonable  designs,  privately  associate  with  and 
encourage  the  seditious  clubs  of  the  sectaries,  and  with  them 
y     plot  heartily  against  the  G-ovemment;   and  yet  that  they 
gl '     may  pass  unsuspected,  sometimes  appear  in  the  church  with 
a  Kilse  show  of  conformity,  only  to  save  their  money,  and 
the  better  to  serve  their  faction :  that  we  may,  if  possible, 
distinguish  and  know  all  such  dangerous  enemies,  we  will 
^      jstrictly  require  all  the  churchwardens  and  constables,  at  all 
jg      our  monthly  meetings,  to  give  us  a  fuU  account  of  all  sucb 
^ ;     as  do  not,  every  Sunday,  resort  to  their  own  parish  churches, 
^  j     and  are  not  at  the  beginning  of  divine  service,  and  do  not 
'      behave  themselves  orderly  and  soberly  there,  observing  all 
such  decent  ceremonies  as  the  laws  enjoin :  and  that  they 
,      likewise  present  unto  us  the  names  of  &\1  such  as  have  not 
j      received  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  their 
\      own  parish  churches  thrice  a  year. 

"  3.  Being  fuUy  satisfied,  as  well  by  the  clear  evidence  of 
the  late  horrid  plot  as  by  our  own  long  and  sad  experience, 
that  the  Nonconformist  preachers  are  the  authors  and  fo- 
menters  of  this  pestilent  faction,  and  the  implacable  enemies 
of  the  established  Q-ovemment,  and  to  whom  the  late  execrable 
treasons,  which  have  had  such  dismal  effects  in  this  kingdom, 
are  principally  to  be  imputed,  and  who  by  their  present  ob- 
stinate refusing  to  take  and  subscribe  an  oath  and  declara- 
tion, that  they  do  not  hold  it  lawful  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  King,  and  that  they  will  not  endeavour  any  alteration 
of  government,  either  in  church  or  state;  do  necessarily  en- 
force us  to  conclude  that  they  are  still  ready  to  engage 
themselves  (if  not  actually  engaged)  in  some  rebellious  con- 
spiracy against  the  King,  and  to  invade  and  subvert  his 
government ;  wherefore  we  resolve,  in  every  parish  of  this 
county,  to  leave  strict  warrants  in  the  hands  of  all  constables 
for  the  seizing  of  such  persons.  And  as  an  encouragement 
to  all  officers  and  others  that  shall  be  instrumental  in  the 
apprehending  of  any  of  them,  so  as  they  may  be  brought  to 
justice,  we  will  give  and  allow  forty  shillings  as  a  reward  for 


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146  LIFE   A.KD  LETTERS   Or  JOHW  LOCKE.  [l683. 

every  Nonconformist  preacher  that  shall  be  so  secuFed.  And 
we  resolve  to  prosecute  them,  and  all  other  such  dangerous 
enemies  of  the  Government,  and  common  absenters  from 
church  and  frequenters  of  conventicles,  according  to  the  di- 
rections of  a  law  made  in  the  five  and  thirtieth  year  of  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  intituled  An  Act  for  the  Keeping 
her  Majesties  Subjects  in  due  obedience.* 

"  Lastly.  That  we  may  never  forget  the  infinite  mercies  of 
Almighty  Q-od  in  the  late  wonderful  deliverance  of  our  gra- 
cious King  and  his  dearest  brother,  and  all  his  loyal  subjects 
(who  were  designed  for  a  massacre),  from  the  horrid  conspi- 
racy of  the  phanatiques  and  their  accomplices  ;  and  that  we 
may  perpetuate  as  well  our  own  thankfulness  as  their  infamy, 
that  the  generations  to  come  may  know  their  treachery,  and 
avoid  and  never  trust  men  of  such  principles  more ;  and  also 
that  we  ourselves  may  perform  our  pubhc  duty  to  Almighty 
Q-od  before  we  enter  upon  the  public  service  of  our  country ; 
we  order,  resolve,  and  agree,  with  the  advice  and  concurrence 
of  the  Bight  Reverend  Father  in  Q-od,  our  much  honoured 
and  worthy  Lord  Bishop,  to  give  and  bestow,  for  the  beauti- 
fjdng  of  the  chappel  in  the  castle  of  Exon,  and  for  the  erect- 
ing of  decent  seats  there,  ten  pounds.  And  we  will  likewise 
give  and  continue  six  pounds,  to  be  paid  yearly  to  any  one 
of  the  church  of  Exon,  whom  the  said  Lord  Bishop  shall 
appoint  to  read  the  divine  service,  with  the  prayers  lately  ap- 
pointed  for  the  day  of  Thanksgiving  on  the  ninth  of  Septem- 
ber last,  and  to  preach  a  sermon,  exhorting  to  obedience  in 
the  said  chappel,  on  the  first  day  of  every  general  quarter 
sessions  of  the  peace,  held  in  the  said  castle,  to  begin  pre- 
cisely at  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  morning.  And  may  the 
mercies  of  Heaven,  which  are  infinite,  always  protect  our 
religious  and  gracious  King,  his  dearest  brother,  and  every 
branch  of  that  royal  family ;  and  may  all  the  treasonable 
conspiracies  of  those  rebellious  schismaticks  be  always  thus 
happily  prevented  1 

*  By  this  act  any  person  above  the  age  of  sixteen,  who  shall  obstinately 
refuse  to  repair  to  some  church,  or  any  person  who  shall  persuade  any  other 
person  to  forhear  or  abstain  from  coming  to  church,  or  be  present  at  any 
conyenticle,  shall  be  committed  to  prison,  and  remain  there  until  they  con- 
form; and  unless  they  conform  within  three  months,  shall  abjure  tha 
realm,  or  be  adjudged  a  felon. 


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1684.]  DEPBITED  OP  HIS  STTJDKITTSHIP,  147 

"  That  the  continued  care  of  his  Majesties  justices  of  the 
peace  for  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  safety  of  his  Majesties 
sacred  person,  the  pireservation  of  the  puhlick  peace,  and  ad- 
vancement of  true  religion,  may  be  fuller  known  and  have  a 
better  effect,  I  do  hereby  order  and  require  all  the  clei:gy  of 
my  diocess  within  the  county  of  Devon,  deliberately  to  pub- 
lish this  order  the  next  Sunday  afber  it  shall  be  tendered  to 
them.* 

"  Tho.  Exon. 

"  Hugo  Vaughan,  Cler.  Facis  Com.  praed." 


In  1684,  Locke  was  by  an  illegal  order  of  the  King  de- 
prived of  his  studentship  at  Christ-church,  The  account  given 
in  Mr  Fox's  history  is  as  follows : — 

"Among  the  oppressions  of  this  period,  most  of  which 
were  attended  with  consequences  so  much  more  important  to 
the  several  objects  of  persecution,  it  may  seem  scarcely  worth 
while  to  notice  the  expulsion  of  J.  Locke  from  Christ-church 
College,  Oxford.  But  besides  the  interest  which  eVery  inci- 
dent in  the  life  of  a  person  so  deservedly  eminent  naturally 
excites,  there  appears  to  have  been  something  in  the  trans- 
action itself  characteristic  of  the  spirit  of  the  times,  aa  well 
as  of  the  general  nature  of  absolute  power.  Mr  Locke  w^ 
known  to  have  been  intimately  connected  with  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury, and  had  very  prudently  judged  it  advisable  for  him  to 
prolong  for  some  time  his  residence  upon  the  Continent,  to 
which  he  had  resorted  originally  on  account  of  his  health. 
A  Biispicion,  as  it  has  been  since  proved  unfounded,  that  he 
was  the  author  of  a  pamphlet  which  gave  offence  to  the  Go- 
vernment, induced  the  JBang  to  insist  upon  his  removal  from 
his  studentship  at  Christ-church.  Sunderland  writes,  by  the 
King's  command,  to  Dr  Fell,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  and  Dean 
of  Christ-chiurch.  The  Eeverend  Prelate  answers,  that  he 
has  long  had  an  eye  upon  Mr  Locke's  behaviour ;  but  though 
frequent  attempts  had  been  made  (attempts  of  which  the 
Bishop  expresses  no  disapprobation)  to  draw  him  into  im- 
prudent conversation,  by  attacking  in  his  company  the  re- 
putation, and  insulting  the  memory,  of  his  late  patron  and 

»  If  such  principles  were  generally  prevalent,  the  Letters  on  Toleration 
were  indeed  necessary. 

l2 


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148  LIFE  AKD  LETTBES   OP  JOHW  LOCKE.  [l684, 

friend,  and  thus  to  make  his  gratitude,  and  all  the  best  feel- 
ings of  his  heart,  instrumental  to  his  ruin,  these  attempts  all 
proved  unsuccessful.  Hence  the  Bishop  infers  not  the  in- 
nocence of  Mr  Locke,  but  that  he  was  a  great  master  of 
concealment,  both  as  to  words  and  looks  ;  for  looks,  it  is  to 
be  supposed,  would  have  furnished  a  pretext  for  his  expulsion, 
more  decent  than  any  which  had  yet  been  discovered. 

"  An  expedient  is  then  suggested  to  drive  Mr  Locke  to  a 
dilemma,  by  summoning  him  to  attend  the  College  on  the 
1st  of  January  ensuing.  If  he  do  not  appear,  he  shall  be 
expelled  for  contumacy ;  if  he  come,  matter  of  charge  may 
be  found  against  him,  for  what  he  shall  have  said  at  London, 
or  elsewhere,  where  he  will  have  been  less  upon  his  guard 
than  at  Oxford.  Some  have  ascribed  FeU's  hesitation,  if  it 
can  be  so  called,  in  executing  the  King's  order,  to  his  un- 
willingness to  injure  Locke,  who  was  his  friend ;  others,  vrith 
more  reason,  to  the  doubt  of  the  legality  of  the  order. 
However  this  may  have  been,  neither  his  scruples  nor  his 
reluctance  was  regarded  by  a  Court  which  knew  its  own 
power.  A  peremptory  order  was  accordingly  sent,  and  im- 
mediate obedience  ensued.  Thus  while,  without  the  shadow 
of  a  crime,  Mr  Locke  lost  a  situation  attended  with  some 
emolument  and  great  convenience,  was  the  University  de- 

S rived  of,  or  rather  thus,  from  the  base  principles  of  servility, 
id  she  cast  away,  the  man,  the  having  produced  whom  is 
now  her  chiefest  glory ;  and  thus  to  those  who  are  not  de- 
termined to  be  blind,  did  the  true  nature  of  absolute  power 
discover  itself,  against  which  the  middling  station  is  not  more 
secure  than  the  most  exalted.  Tyranny,  when  glutted  with 
the  blood  of  the  great  and  the  plunder  of  the  rich,  vrill  con- 
descend to  hunt  humbler  game,  and  make  the  peaoeable  and 
innocent  Fellow  of  a  College  the  object  of  its  persecution. 
In  this  instance,  one  would  almost  imagine  there  was  some 
instinctive  sagacity  in  the  Gk>vernment  of  that  time,  which 
pointed  out  to  them,  even  before  he  had  made  himself  known 
to  the  world,  the  man  who  was  destined  to  be  the  most  suc- 
cessful adversary  of  superstition  and  tyranny." 

On  a  careful  examination  of  the  whole  case,  and  with  the 
light*  since  thrown  upon  it,  it  appears  that  Locke  was  not 

♦  Oxford  a^d  Lqc^e,  by  Lord  Grenville, 


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1884.]  DEPEIVED  OP  HIS   STUDENTSHIP.  •  149 

expelled  by  the  University  of  Oxford;  he  was  deprived  of 
his  studentship  by  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  the  College  to 
which  he  belonged.  If,  however,  we  acquit  the  University 
of  any  direct  share  in  the  transaction,  we  may  not  unfairly 
conclude,  from  the  spirit  and  temper  then  prevalent  at  Oxford, 
that  the  University  was  accessory  to  that  disgraceful  deed. 
The  famous  Oxford  decree,  it  must  be  remembered,  had 
passed  on  the  very  day  of  the  execution  of  Lord  Russell. 
The  divine  rights  of  Kings,  and  the  indiscriminate  obedience 
of  subjects,  were  the  favourite  tenets  of  the  University, 
which,  by  a  solemn  decree,  condemned  as  impious  and  here- 
tical the  principles  upon  which  the  constitution  of  this,  and 
of  every  free  country,  maintains  itself.  The  deprivation  of 
liocke  was,  strictly  speaking,  the  act  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter 
of  Christ-church,  courting,  and  almost  anticipating,  the  ille- 
gal mandate  of  the  Crown,  and  is  not  to  be  described  as  an 
actual  expulsion  from  the  Universitv  of  Oxford. 

It  is  true.  Lord  Sunderland,  in  his  letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford  and  Dean  of  Christ-church,  signifies  the  King's  com- 
mands for  the  immediate  expulsion  of  Mr  Locke,  as  one 
who  had  belonged  to  the  Ean  of  Shaftesbury,  and  had  be- 
haved himself  very  factiously  and  undutifully  towards  the 
Qt)vemment.  The  Bishop  also,  in  his  answer,  uses  the  word 
expulsion,  incorrectly  certainly,  but  what  better  phrase  could 
he  have  selected  to  flatter  a  despotic  Court,  which  had  de- 
termined to  punish  all  whom  it  chose  to  consider  as  its 
enemies  ? 

Correspondence  between  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  and  the 
Bishop  of  Oxford  respecting  Mr  Locke : — 

TO  THE  LOBD  BISHOP  OP  OXPOBD. 

«*  Whitehall,  Not.  6,  1684. 
"Mt  Lobd, 

"  The  King  being  given  to  understand  that  one  Mr  Locke, 
who  belonged  to  the  late  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  and  has  upon 
several  occasions  behaved  himself  very  factiously  and  un- 
dutifully to  the  Government,  is  a  student  of  Christ-church  ; 
his  Majesty  commands  me  to  signify  to  your  Lordship,  that^ 
he  would  have  him  removed  from  being  a  student,  and  that, 


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150  LIPE  AKD  LETTEBS  01*  JOHN  LOCKS.  [l684. 

in  order  thereunto,  your  Lordship  would  let  me  know  the 
method  of  doing  it. 

"  I  am,  my  Lord,  Ac. 

Sxnn)BRLA2n)." 


TO  THE   BIGHT  HOIT.  THE  EJLBL  Or  SUNDEBLASD, 
PBUrCIPAL   SECBETABT   OF   BTATS. 

«NoT.  8,  1684. 
"ElOHT  HOK. 

"I  have  received  the  honour  of  your  Lordship's  letter, 
wherein  you  are  pleased  to  inquire  concerning  Mr  Locke's 
being  a  student  of  this  house,  of  which  I  have  this  account 
to  render ;  that  he  being,  as  your  Lordship  is  truly  informed, 
a  person  who  was  much  trusted  by  the  late  Earl  of  Shaftes- 
bury, and  who  is  suspected  to  be  m-aflfected  to  the  Q-ovem- 
ment,  I  have  for  divers  years  had  an  eye  upon  him,  but  so 
close  has  his  guard  been  on  himself,  that  after  several  strict 
inquiries,  I  may  confidently  affirm  there  is  not  any  one  in  the 
College,  however  familiar  with  him,  who  has  heard  him  speak 
a  word  either  against  or  so  much  as  concerning  the  Q-ovem- 
ment ;  and  although  very  frequently,  both  in  public  and  in 
private,  discourses  have  been  purposely  introduced,  to  the 
disparagement  of  his  master,  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  his 
party,  and  designs,  he  could  never  be  provoked  to  take  any 
notice,  or  discover  in  word  or  look  the  least  concern ;  so  that 
I  believe  there  is  not  in  the  world  such  a  master  of  taciturnity 
and  passion.  He  has  here  a  physician's  place,  which  frees 
him  irom  the  exercise  of  the  College,  and  the  obligation  which 
others  have  to  residence  in  it,  and  he  is  now  abroad  upon 
want  of  health  ;  but  notwithstanding  that,  I  have  summoned 
him  to  return  home,  which  is  done  with  this  prospect,,  that 
if  he  comes  not  back,  he  vnll  be  liable  to  expulsion  for  con- 
tumacy ;  if  he  does,  he  will  be  answerable  to  your  Lordship 
for  what  he  shall  be  found  to  have  done  amiss;  it  being 
probable  that  though  he  may  have  been  thus  cautious  here, 
where  he  knew  himself  to  be  suspected,  he  has  laid  himself 
more  open  in  London,  where  a  generai  liberty  of  speaking 
was  used,  and  where  the  execrable  designs  against  his  Ma- 
jesty, and  his  G-overnmeiit,  were  managed  and  pursued.  If 
he  does  not  return  by  the  1st  day  of  January  next,  which  is 


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1684.]  DEPBITXD   OF  HIS   STUDEKTSHIP.  151 

tlie  time  limited  to  bim,  1  Bball  be  enabled  of  course  to  pro- 
ceed against  bim  to  expulsion.  But  if  tbis  metbod  seem  not 
effectual  or  speedy  enougb,  and  bis  Majesty,  our  founder 
and  yisitor,  snail  please  to  command  bis  immediate  remove, 
upon  tbe  receipt  tbereof^  ^directed  to  tbe  Dean  and  Cbapter, 
it  sball  accordingly  be  executed  by 

My  Lord,  your  Lordsbip's 
Most  bumble  and  obedient  servant, 

J.  OlOK." 

TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  OZPOBD. 

"Whitehall,  Nov.  10,  1684. 

**Mt  Loed, 

"  Having  communicated  your  Lordsbip's  of  tbe  8tb  to 
his  Majesty,  be  bas  tbougbt  fit  to  direct  me  to  send  you  tbe 
enclosed,  concerning  bis  commands  for  tbe  immediate  expul- 
sion of  Mr  Locke.  Sukdeblani). 

''to  the  bight  BSYEBEin)  PATHEB  IS  GOD,  JOHIT  LOBB 
BISHOP  07  OXON,  DEAK  OF  CHBIST-OHUBOH,  AITB  OUB 
TBITSTT  AlfD  WBLL-BELOTEI)  THE   OHAPTEB  TUEBE. 

"  Eigbt  Beverend  Fatber  in  Gk)d,  and  trusty  and  well-be- 
loyed,  we  greet  you  well.  Wbereas  we  bave  received  in- 
formation of  tbe  factious  and  disloyal  bebaviour  of  Locke, 
one  of  tbe  students  of  tbat  our  College ;  we  bave  tbougbt 
fit  bereby  to  signify  our  will  and  pleasure  to  you,  tbat  you 
fortbwitb  remove  bmi  from  bis  student's  place,  and  deprive 
bim  of  all  tbe  rigbts  and  advantages  thereunto  belonging, 
for  wbicb  tbis  sball  be  your  warrant;  and  so  we  bid  you 
heartily  fiEirewell.  G-iveii  at  our  Court  at  Wbiteball,  lltb 
day  of  November,  1684. 

"  By  bis  Majesty's  command, 

SUNDEBLAND." 


TO  THE  BIGHT  HOIT.  THE  EABL  OP  SUITDEBLAKD,  PBIKCIPAL 
SECBETABT  07   STATE. 

"i^ovemberl6,  1684, 
*  Eight  Hok. 

*^  I  bold  myself  bound  in  duty  to  signify  to  your  Lordship, 


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J 

/ 


152  LIFE   ASJ}   LETTSBS  01?  JOHK  LOCKS.  [l684. 

that  his  Majesty's  command  for  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Locke 
from  the  College  is  fully  executed.  J.  Oxosr." 

to  the  bishop  of  oxon. 
"Mt  Lobd, 

"  I  have  your  Lordship's  of  the  16th,  and  have  acquainted 
his  Majesty  therewith,  who  is  well  satisfied  with  the  College's 
ready  obedience  to  his  commands  for  the  expulsion  of  Mr 
Locke.  Stjndeelaitd." 

The  meanness  of  Fell's  (the  Bishop  of  Oxford)  conduct 
was  certainly  never  exceeded,  seeing  by  his  own  unblushing 
confession,  that  he  had  been  instrumental  in  laying  snares 
for  the  destruction  of  one  who  was  a  member  of  his  own 
College,  and  to  whom  he  stood  therefore  in  the  relation  of  a 
father;  and  of  one  with  whom  he  had  lived  in  habits  of 
friendship  during  the  time  of  his  prosperity :  as  a  proof  of 
which,  one  or  two  amongst  many  letters  from  the  same  hand, 
and  in  the  same  phrases  of  friendship,  are  here  inserted. 

TO  HIS  ESTEEMED   EEIEKD  MH  JOHN  LOCKE,  AT  THAITBT 
HOUSE,   IN  ALDEBSGATB   8TBSBT. 

"June  1,1680. 
"  Sir, 

"  You  are  not  to  excuse  your  address  by  letter  as  if  it 
could  give  a  trouble  to  me ;  I  assure  you  I  have  that  respect 
and  friendship  for  you,  that  I  should  have  been  glad  to  have 
heard  from  you,  although  you  had  no  other  business  than  to 
let  me  know  you  were  in  health,  especially  since  you  left  this 
place  in  such  a  condition  as  might  make  your  friends  appre- 
hensive for  you.  As  to  the  proposal  conceming  books,  we 
have  two  years  since  quit  our  hands  of  our  stocK  to  men  of 
trade,  so  that  the  interest  is  now  with  those  we  dealt  with.  I 
have  spoke  this  morning  with  one  of  them,  Mr  Pitt,  who 
within  few  days  will  be  in  London,  and  will  there  attend 
upon  you ;  he  seems  to  approve  of  the  terms  offered,  so  that 
I  presume  he  will  close  with  them.  I  have  no  more  to  add 
at  present,  but  desire  that  when  you  write  to  Monsieur  Jus* 
tell,  you  would  represent  the  esteem  I  have  for  him.  Let  me 
also  desire  you  to  be  assured  that  I  am  your 

Affectionate  friend, 

JOHK  OxoK.'* 


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1684.]  DEPBITBD  O?  HIS  STUDEITTSHIP.  153 

From  the  same  affectionate  friend,  of  an  earlier  date,  in- 
dorsed 1675. 

"  November  8. 
«  Sib, 

"  I  am  sorry  for  the  occasion  of  your  Toyage,  but  wish  you 
success  in  it,  and  by  no  means  expect  you  should  add  to  it, 
by  a  journey  hither  upon  the  score  of  ceremony.  It  is  that 
which  I  by  no  means  expect  from  my  friends,  and  I  hope  the 
rest  of  the  Chapter  are  of  the  same  mind.  When  we  have 
occasion  to  meet  next,  I  shall  propose  your  concern  to  the 
company,  and  with  my  affectionate  remembrances,  remain, 
Sir,  Tour  assured  friend  and  servant, 

J.  Fell.'' 

And  many  other  letters  directed  to  the  worthily  esteemed 
John  Locke,  Esq.,  at  Thanet  House,  in  Aldersgate  Street. 

Of  the  illegality  of  the  proceeding  there  can  now  be  no 
doubt.  The  visitatorial  power  of  the  Crown  can  only  be 
executed  by  the  Lord  Chancellor ;  and  the  King,  like  every 
other  visitor,  is  bound,  before  he  pronounces  sentence  against 
any  party,  to  hear  him,  or  at  least  to  cite  him,  and  give  him 
an  opportunity  of  being  heard.  It  is  but  fair,  however,  to 
add,  that,  at  tne  time  of  the  transaction  alluded  to,  the  rights 
and  powers  of  visitors  were  much  more  loose  and  unsettled 
than  at  present.  The  leading  decision  on  the  visitatorial 
power  (the  Exeter  College  case)  took  place  many  years  after- 
wards, and  the  necessity  of  a  visitor's  acting  strictly  and 
properly,  in  that  capacity,  was  not  finally  established  before 
the  case  of  the  King  and  the  Bishop  of  My. 

Eesistance  was,  however,  made  even  at  Oxford  a  few  years 
later,  but  it  was  at  a  time  when  the  rights  and  privileges,  not 
of  an  obnoxious  individual,  but  of  the  whole  ecclesiastical 
order,  were  attacked ;  at  a  time  when  the  blind  despot,  then 
on  the  throne,  fortunately  aimed  his  blows,  not  only  against 
the  liberties  of  his  country,  but  against  the  Church  itself, 
and  broke  the  terms  of  the  secret  articles,  offensive  and  de- 
fensive, so  well  understood  at  all  other  times  between  the 
parties  concerned,  which  are  inferred  in  the  union  of  Church 
and  State. 

When  I  say  it  was  fortunate  that  James  II.  aimed  his 


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154  LIFS  AKD  LSTTEBB  Or  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l685. 

blows  against  the  Church,  which  secured  her  assistance  in 
the  work  of  the  Eevolution,  I  by  no  means  express  an  opinion 
that  the  gentlemen  of  England  were  so  dead  to  all  feelings  of 
patriotism,  that  they  would  have  surrendered  their  liberties 
lor  ever  without  a  struggle.  That  country  which,  in  the 
preceding  age^  had  produced  a  Hampden,  a  rym,  a  Coke,  and 
a  Hutchinson,  would  doubtless  have  burst  asunder  the  bonds 
of  tyranny,  even  without  the  assistance  of  the  Established 
Church,  although  the  effort  might  have  cost  a  second  civil 
war. 

The  persecution  which  had  driven  Locke  from  his  country, 
the  tyranny  which  had  illegally  deprived  him  of  his  situation 
at  Oxford,  did  not  cease  after  his  retreat  to  Holland ;  the 
King's  minister  at  the  Hague  demanded  amongst  several 
others  named  in  his  memorial,  that  Locke  should  be  delivered 
up,  describing  him  as  secretary  to  the  late  Earl  of  Shaftes- 
bury, a  state  crime  worthy  of  such  extraordinary  interpo- 
sition. 

M6moire  pr^sent^  par  Monsieur  Schelton,  Envoye  Extra- 
ordinaire de  sa  Majeste  de  la  Grande  Bretagne  k  Messeigneurs 
les  Estats  Q-en6raux. 

Ha.ut  et  Puissants  Sbioneubs,  \ 

Yos  Seigneuries  ayant  fait  s9avoir  il  y  a  trois  jours  au 
B0usign6  Ikivoy6  Extraordinaire  de  sa  Majest6  le  Koi  de  la 
Grande  Bretagne,  la  resolution  qu'elles  avoyent  prise  de 
bannir  tous  les  sujets  rebelles  du  !uoi  son  maitre  des  terres 
de  leur  domination,  sur  les  representations  que  sa  Majeste 
avait  faites  aux  Ambassadeurs  de  cet  Estat,  le  susdit  Envoy^ 
Extraordinaire  auroit  eu  lieu  de  se  contenter  en  partie  des 
esgards  que  vos  Seigneuries  avoyent  tesmoigne  pour  sa  Ma- 
jesty en  cette  rencontre  s'il  n'en  eut  re9u  des  ordres  expres 
de  representer  k  vos  Seigneuries  qu'elle  apprend  avec  un  tree 
sensible  deplaisir  que  tant  de  ses  sujets  rebelles  (dont  les 
noms  sont  si-dessous  specifies)  se  sont  refugi^s  dans  les  pro- 
vinces de  vostre  obeissance,  lesquels  se  sont  attire  sa  juste 
indignation  et  colore,  en  ce  que  centre  la  foy  et  T obeissance 
qu'ils  doivent  ^leur  souverain,  ils  ont  conspir6  centre  la  vie  de 
sa  sacree  personne,  centre  le  gouvemement  dont  le  boule- 
versement  a  fait  depuis  assez  long  temps  le  but  de  leurs  des- 


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11885.]  HIS  BETBXAT  TO  HOLLAND.  155 

sins,  et  qti'ils  ne  Be  lassent  de  former  tous  les  jours  de  nou- 
yeaux  projets  de  traliison  et  d'infamie,  et  de  d^cbirer  la 
renomm^e  et  la  gloire  de  sa  Majesty  par  toutes  sortes  de 
papiers  diffamatoires  qu'ils  font  imprimer  et  distribuer  en  ces 
pays.  Or  sa  Majesty  voyant  le  danger  auquel  sa  sacr^e  per- 
Sonne  est  exposee,  tant  que  ces  traitres  et  fils  d^natur^s  de 
leur  patrie  trouyent  un  azile  dans  les  provinces  de  vos  Sei- 
gneuries,  ou  ces  sc^l^rats  par  la  grande  facility  continuent  a 
corr^spondre  avec  ceux  do  leur  party  en  Augleterre  et  en 
Ecosse,  et  k  s'assembler  et  consulter  sur  la  destruction  du 
repos  et  de  la  prosp^rit^  des  royaumes  de  sa  Majesty,  elle  se 
persuade  ^ue  yos  Seigneuries  non  seulement  les  en  cbasseront, 
mais  aussi  les  saisiront  et  envoyeront  en  Angleterre  con- 
formement  k  leur  propre  declaration  faite  sur  ce  sujet.  Et 
certes,  il  semble  que  Tamiti^,  que  de  droit  et  d'int^ret  de 
bons  yoisins  doiyent  les  uns  aux  autres,  ne  le  demande  pas 
seulement,  mais  il  y  a  des  raisons  bien  plus  fortes,  k  S9ayoir 
des  trait^s  entre  sa  Majesty  et  cet  estat,  qui  luy  donnent  ces 
pretentions,  outre  que  la  prosperity  de  leur  estat,  k  laquelle 
sa  Majeste  prend  tant  de  part,  depend  de  celle  des  affaires  du 
Boi.  Et  c'est  ^ourquoi  le  susoit  Enyoy6  Extraordinaire 
d' Angleterre  croit  que  vos  Seigneuries  voudront  d'abord  don- 
ner  les  mains  k  cette  saisie  et  bannissement  d'autant  plus 
qu'elles  dans  Textr^ct  de  leur  r&olution  de  Mardy  le  15  de 
May,  de  rann6e  prdsente,  veulent  bien-  donner  les  assurances 
de  concourir  en  tout  ce  que  dependra  d'elles  pour  le  maintien 
des  trait^s  et  de  la  bonne  intelligence  entre  sa  Majesty  et  cet 
estat.    Fait  k  la  Haye  k  17  May,  1685. 

(Sign6)    B.  SoHELTOK. 

Then  follows  a  list  of  the  proscribed,  including  Locke. 

He  was  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  living  very  much 
concealed,  and  of  going  out  only  at  night,  in  order  to  avoid 
observation.  His  occupations,  however,  were  such  as  could 
not  have  given  offence  to  the  most  jealous  Ghovemment ;  and 
he  had  actually,  at  one  time  (as  says  Le  Clerc)^  removed 
from  Amsterdam  to  Utrecht,  to  avoid  the  possible  suspicion 
of  beins^  connected  with  Monmouth,  or  of  subetting  his  expe- 
dition, having  no  good  opinion  either  of  the  leader  or  of  his 
undertaking.     He  certamly  left  Amsterdam  on  the  16th  of 


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156  LIFE  AKD   LETTEBS  07  JOHK  LOCKE.  [ioSS. 

April,  1685,  and  remained  at  Utrecht  till  the  23rd  of  May 
following,  which  last  date  coincides  exactly,  I  belieye,  with 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  departure  from  the  Texel. 

It  was  during  this  secluded  residence  with  M.  Veen  in 
1685  that  his  Letter  on  Toleration  was  finished.  The  subject 
had  many  years  before  enfgaged  his  attention,  as  I  find  a  long 
article  on  Toleration  in  his  Common-place  Book,  dated  1667, 
containing  his  early  thoughts  on  that  most  important  of  aU 
questions,  as  he  first  committed  them  to  writmg.  It  con- 
cludes thus :  '^  But  to  show  the  danger  of  estabHshing  uni- 
formity, to  give  a  full  prospect  of  this  subject,  there  remain 
yet  these  following  particulars  to  be  handled : 

1st.  To  show  what  influence  Toleration  is  like  to  have 
upon  the  number  and  industry  of  your  people. 

2nd.  What  force  must  compel  all  to  a  uniformity  in 
England ;  to  consider  what  party  alone,  or  what  parties,  are 
likeliest  to  unite,  to  make  a  force  able  to  compel  the  rest. 

drd.  To  show  that  all  that  speak  against  Toleration,  seem 
to  suppose  that  severity  and  force  are  the  only  arts  of  go- 
vernment, and  way  to  suppress  any  faction,  which  is  a 
mistake. 

4th.  That  for  the  most  part  the  matters  of  controversy 
and  distinction  between  sects  are  no  parts,  or  very  incon- 
siderable ones,  and  but  appendages  of  true  religion. 

5th.  To  consider  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  the  Christian 
religion  has  made  more  factions,  wars,  and  disturbances  in 
civil  societies  than  any  other,  and  whether  Toleration  and 
Latitudinism  would  not  prevent  those  evils. 

6th.  The  making  the  terms  of  church  communion  as  lai^e 
as  may  be,  i.  e.  that  your  articles  in  speculative  opinions  be 
few  and  large,  and  COTemonies  in  worship  few  and  easy,  which 
is  Latitudinism. 

7th.  That  the  desiring  and  undertaking  to  prove  several 
doctrines  which  are  comessed  to  be  incomprenensible,  and 
to  be  no  otherwise  known  but  by  revelation,  and  requiring 
men  to  assent  to  them  in  the  forms  proposed  by  the  doctors 
of  your  several  churches,  must  needs  make  a  great  many 
Atheists. 

But  of  these  when  I  have  more  leisure.  Sic  cogitavit  J. 
Locke,  1667." 


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1684.]  HIS  BEEUSAli  OF  Jl  PAEDOIT.  167 

The  Letter  on  Toleration*  was  first  printed  in  Latin  at 
Tergou.  The  title  "  Epistola  de  Tolerantia  ad  Clarissimum 
virum  T.A.E.P.T.O.L.A.  Scripta  a  P.A.P.O.  J.L.A.  The 
first  letters  signify  TheologisB  apud  Eemonstrantes  Professo- 
rem,  Tyrannidis  Osorem,  Limburgium  Amstelodamensein : 
and  the  last  letters  Pacis  Amico,  Persecutionis  Osore.  Jo- 
anne Lockio  Anglo."  This,  in  some  sort  the  most  useful, 
because  the  most  practical  of  all  his  works,  was  translated 
into  English  and  printed  in  London  after  the  Eevolution, 
and  frequently  defended  by  its  author  from  the  repeated  at- 
tacks of  his  adversaries. 

William  Penn,  who  ^enjoyed  some  degree  of  favour  with 
James  II.,»  offered  to  obtain  from  the  King  the  pardon  of 
Locke,  who  nobly  refused  to  accept  a  pardon,  as  being  con- 
scious of  having  committed  no  crime.  The  same  office  of 
friendship  and  assistance  was  also  performed  by  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  to  whose  honour  the  following  letters  deserve  to 
be  ^made  Imown.  The  first  relates  probably  to  the  proceed- 
ings at  Oxford ;  the  second  to  the  promise  of  pardon  obtained 
from  James  II.:  to  these,  one  of  a  later  date  from  the  same 
person  is  added,  relating  to  the  publication  of  the  Essay  on 
Human  Understanding,  which  was  dedicated  to  him. 

"  Nov.  1684. 

"Sib, 

"You  might  very  well  expect  that  I,  who  have  had  so  much 
satisfaction  in  the  friendship  I  have  so  many  years  contracted 
with  you,  would  be  pleased  at  your  design  of  coming  hither 
this  winter ;  but  when  I  consider  how  prejudicial  it  may  be 
to  your  health  to  leave  that  country  (which  I  have  often 
heard  has  much  increased  it),  I  can't  but  use  my  endeavours 
you  should  not  remove  till  spring.  I  was  much  surprised 
when  I  heard  the  reason  of  your  coming  so  soon,  but  as  soon 
comforted  myself,  when  I  considered  how  many  men  of  good 
reputation,  by  being  accused,  have  had  an  advantage  publicly 
to  prove  themselves  honest  men:  certainly,  I,  who  know 
your  actions,  should  be  to  blame  to  give  credit  to  others' 
words.     You  may  be  assured,  nothing  shall  hinder  me  from 

•  A  letter  from  Locke  to  Limborch,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appen- 
dix, shows  that  he  was  highly  displeased  with  Limborch  for  having  disclosed 
to  a  friend  that  Locke  was  the  author  of  the  Letter  for  Toleration. 


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158  LIFE  AND  LETTBBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.       [1685-87. 

hazarding  all  I  am  worth,  when  it  may  be  advantageous  to 
such  a  fiend.    I  perceive  my  great  concern  has  made  me 
B&j  more  than  is  needful,  I  will  therefore  subscribe  myseK 
Your  friend,  Fembboeie.'^ 

<<  London,  Aug.  20,  1685. 
"  Sib, 

"  I  have  often  writ  to  you  with  great  satisfaction  in  hopes 
of  an  answer.  You  will  easily  therefore  conclude  with  how 
much  more  I  write  now,  since  it  will  be  the  occasion  of  en- 
joying your  company  here  in  England.  I  need  not  tell  you 
that  I  have  omitted  no  opportunity  of  contradicting  all  false 
reports  to  the  King,  and  (as  in  so  good  a  cause  none  can 
but  succeed)  I  have  so  satisfied  the  King,  that  he  has  assured 
me  he  will  never  believe  any  ill  reports  t)f  you.  He  bid  me 
write  to  you  to  come  over ;  I  told  him,  I  would  then  bring 
you  to  kiss  his  hand,  and  he  was  fuUy  satisfied  I  shoul£ 
Pray,  for  my  sake,  let  me  see  you  before  the  summer  be 
over ;  I  believe  you  will  not  mistrust  me :  I  am  sure,  none 
can  the  King's  word.  You  having  so  many  friends,  lest  you 
should  mistime  who  I  am,  I  must  subscribe  myself 

Your  friend,  Pembboke." 

"London,  Not.  26,  1687. 
"Sib, 

"  I  received  the  second  part,  and  with  it  the  names  of  all 
the  rest  in  print ;  such  thoughts  need  no  epistle  to  recom- 
mend them.  I  do  not  say  so  to  excuse  my  name  to  it,  for  I 
shall  always  be  as  desirous  (by  my  name)  to  testify  the  sa- 
tisfection  I  have  in  anything  you  are  pleased  to  write,  as  I 
am  and  ever  will  be  (by  my  person)  ready  to  vindicate  any- 
thing you  do  ;  but  pra^  do  not  let  the  hopes  of  seeing  tms 
in  print,  defer  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  tne  whole  at  large, 
which  I  hope  you  will  send  me  as  soon  as  possibly  you  can. 
A  chain  is  not  to  be  commended  for  its  strength  by  taking 
it  asunder ;  I  shall  not,  therefore,  protend  to  commend  this, 
since  I  can't  do  it  without  repeating  the  whole ;  but  I  will 
spare  no  pains  where  I  may  approve  myself 

Your  friend,  Pekbboke." 

At  the  back  of  this  letter  his  friend  Dr  Thomas  writes  :-^ 


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1684.]  HIS   EESIDENCE   IIT  HOLLAND.  169 

"  If  I  can  be  serviceable  to  you  in  anything,  I  will  see  you, 
though  it  be  now  winter  ;  if  not,  I  will  early  in  spring,  and 
not  wait  for  Musidore,*  because  his  occasions  may  delay  me, 
if  I  wait  to  suit  mine  to  his.  He  tells  me  Will.  Penn  hath 
moved  the  King  for  pardon  for  you,  which  was  as  readily 
granted.  I  said,  if  you  either  wanted  or  desired  it,  you 
would  move  by  your  friend  here,  and  you  would  write  your 
own  seiise  of  it." 

During  his  abode  in  Holland,  he  was  often  occupied  in 
different  scientific  pursuits  in  company  with  M.  Guenelon, 
the  first  physician  at  Amsterdam,  with  whom  he  had  become 
acquainted  some  years  before,  whilst  resident  at  Paris.  He 
now  formed  a  sm^l  society,  which  met  weekly  at  each  other's 
houses,  to  discuss  such  questions  as  by  their  rules  had  been 
proposed  at  a  previous  meeting.  The  society  consisted  of 
liimborch,  Le  Clerc,  Guenelon,  and  a  few  others.  He  ap- 
pears, indeed,  on  all  occasions,  to  have  been  very  much  dis- 
Eosed  to  promote  the  formation  of  societies  of  that  natur^, 
aving  encouraged  frequent  meetings  at  his  ghambers  whilst 
resident  at  Oxford,  and  also  that  weekly  society  which  he 
afterwards  promoted  when  settled  for  a  few  years  in  London, 
after  his  return  to  England  in  1689. 

It  has  been  observed  that  he  led  a  very  retired  and  se- 
cluded life  at  Amsterdam,  to  avoid  observation.  His  Journal 
at  that  time  consists  for  the  most  part  of  references  to  the 
books  he  was  reading ;  there  are  sentences  from  Cicero,  and 
many  notes  from  books  of  travels,  of  which  latter  he  was  al- 
ways veiT  fond.  A  few  extracts  will  show  his  manner  of  life 
and  employment. 

Feb.  14th.— Montaigne,  by  a  gentle  kind  of  negligence, 
clothed  in  a  peculiar  sort  of  good  language,  persuades  with- 
out reason :  his  Essays  are  a  texture  of  strong  sayings,  sen- 
tences, and  ends  qf  verses,  which  he  so  puts  together,  that 
they  have  an  extraordinary  force  upon  men's  minds.  He 
reasons  not,  but  diverts  himself,  and  pleases  others ;  full  of 
pride  and  vanity. 

Friday,  March  3rd. — The  ice  here  at  Amsterdam,  this 
having  been  the  hardest  winter  in  the  memory  of  man,  being 
cut  on  purpose  to  try  its  thickness,  was  one  Amsterdam  ell 

•  Mnsidore,  a  name  by  which  his  other  Mend  Tyrrell  was  designated, 
to  avoid  danger. 


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160  LIFE  AND   LETTEBS  OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l684. 

and  one  inch :  an  Amsterdam  ell  is  three  quarters  of  an  Eng- 
lish yard.  This,  Mr  Wilcock  saw  himself  cut  and  measured, 
in  a  place  cleared  from  snow  in  the  Fluelle  Burgwall  by  the 
old  Kirk. 

April  14th. — M.  Bremen  showed  us  at  Dr  Sibilius's  the  way 
of  making  Th6,  in  use  amongst  the  Japanese,  where  he  lived 
eight  years.  He  beat  the  yolks  of  eggs  with  sugar-candy  in 
a  basin,  pouring  on  them  the  hot  infusion  of  Th6  by  degrees, 
always  stirring  it. 

#  •  •  •  •         , 

May  12th. — From  Amsterdam  to  Haarlem  two  and  a-half 
hours.  There  I  saw  a  mill  for  weaving  of  incle  or  ribbon, 
where  a  man  with  the  easy  motion  of  one  hand,  would  weave 
at  once  thirty  pieces  of  incle.  Between  Haarlem  and  Heem- 
sted  they  bleach  much  linen. 

Sunday,  July  30th. — The  Armenian  priest  going  to  say  the 
service,  was  habited  in  a  cap  without  brims,  on  the  top  of 
which  stood  a  cross.  His  dress  a  white  silk  cope,  on  which, 
behind,  was  a  large  red  satin  cross,  a  great  high  collar,  the 
collar  standing  at  a  distance  from  the  neck,  and  reaching  half 
way  up  his  head ;  he  had  under  this  a  surplice  girt  close 
about  his  middle  with  a  girdle ;  he  was  assisted  by  one  in  a 
surplice.  He  began  with  crossing  and  bowing ;  after  some 
few  words,  I  suppose  a  prayer,  he  pulled  off  his  cap  and  ap- 
peared shaved,  more  Bomano.  The  species  are  elevated  be- 
fore consecration  both  covered,  after  consecration  separately, 
the  priest  keeping  his  face  to  the  altar.  Afterwards,  the 
cup  m  his  hand,  and  the  wafer  held  over  it,  he  turns  about 
to  the  people,  and  holds  it  there.  All  this  time  the  people 
on  their  knees  beat  their  breasts,  and  say  something.  The 
priest  breaks  the  wafer  and  soaks  ,it  in  wine,  and  so  takes  it. 
After  the  service  is  done,  the  priest,  holding  the  New  Testa- 
ment in  his  hand,  descends  from  the  altar,  and  so  standing 
with  his  face  turned  towards  the  people,  they  all  come,  one 
after  the  other,  and  kiss  the  cover  of  the  book,  which  was  of 
silver ;  and  most  of  them  also  kiss  the  priest's  hands,  and 
then,  by  the  assistant,  have  each  of  them  a  little  bit  given 
them  of  the  same  bread  (but  imconsecrated)  that  the  wafer 
was  made  of,  that  was  consecrated.  In  crossing,  bowing, 
incense,  and  other  things,  they  agree  much  with  the  Eoman 
ceremonies,  only  they  incense  all  present.     They  give  not 


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i 


1684.]  HIS   BESLDE^NCK  IN  HOLLAND.  161 

the  cup  to  the  laity,  but  only  a  wafer  dipped  in  the  wine.  They 
admit  to  their- communion  all  Christians,  and  hold  it  our 
duty  to  join  in  love  and  charity  with  those  who  differ  in 
opinion. 

Aug.  16th. — From  Amsterdam  to  Alkmar,  six  hours.  A 
pretty  little  town,  very  clean,  but  seems  rather  in  a  decaying 
than  a  thriving  condition.  The  church  large,  built  like  a 
cathedral.  The  great  merchandise  of  the  town  is  cheese, 
which  the  pastures  round  about  it  furnish.  About  a  league 
and  a  half  is  Egmont,  the  ancient  seat  of  the  Counts  of 
£gmont. 

17th. — ^To  Home,  a  large  town  on  the  Zuider  Sea.  From 
Home  to  Enchuysen,  three  hours,  the  way  all  pitched  with 
clinkers,  and  beset  with  boors'  houses  almost  as  it  were  one 
street.  The  houses  are  of  a  pretty  odd  fashion ;  the  bam 
"oining  to  the  dwelling-house  making  apart  of  it.  Enchuysen 
las  a  fair  East  India  House,  the  most  handsome  and  statdy 
of  anything  in  the  town.  Here  I  lay  at  the  sign  of  the 
Golden  Hen  ;  in  the  same  house,  twenty-three  years  since, 
they  say  the  King  lay  for  a  whole  week  together  in  a  little 
room  over  the  kitchen,  in  a  cupboard-bed,  about  five  feet 
long. 

18th. — To  Worcum,  four  leagues;  the  land  is  secured 
against  the  sea  for  a  mile  by  long  piles  driven  in,  a  little  in- 
clining towards  the  bank,  close  one  by  another,  each  whereof 
cost,  to  be  there  so  placed,  a  ducat.  Thirty  or  forty  lime- 
kilns ;  the  lime  all  cockle-shells  picked  upon  the  sea  strand, 
which,  laying  with  turf,  they  bum  to  lime.  The  ordinary 
women  went  most  bare-legged  ;  but  what  most  surprised  me 
was  to  see  them  have  woollen  cloth  stockings  reaching  down 
to  the  small  of  their  legs,  close  laced,  and  yet  bare-foot.  To 
Balswert  by  sailing. 

19th. — To  Franeker ;  it  is  a  little  fortified  town,  that  one 
may  walk  round  in  half  an  hour  i  it  has  a  university ;  the 
schools  and  library  not  extraordinary,  which  shows  that 
knowledge  depends  not  on  the  stateliness  of  the  buildings, 
&c.  &c.  &c.,  since  this  university  has  produced  many  learned 
men,  and  has  now  some  amongst  its  professors;  the  professors 
thirteen  or  fourteen — the  scholars  300.  They  have  the  pic- 
tures of  all  their  professors.  A  thing  worthy  imitation  in 
other  places  is,  that  any  one  may  take  his  degree  here  when 


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162  LIFE  JLKD   LETTBES   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l684. 

he  is  fit,  abilities,  and  not  time,  being  only  looked  after :  the 
fees  are  moderate.  In  Friesland  thej  still  use  the  old  style. 
The  land  is  generally  better  than  in  Holland ;  some  worth 
thirty  francs  per  morgen,  but  they  say  the  taxes  amount  to 
one  half  the  value. 

2l8t. — To  Leewaerden;  to  Wienwert.  Here,  in  M.  Somer- 
dyke's  house,  is  the  church  of  the  Labadists ;  they  receive  all 
ages,  sexes,  and  degrees^  upon  approbation,  after  trial.  They 
live  all  in  common ;  and  whoever  is  admitted  is  to  give  with 
himself  all  he  has  to  Christ  the  Lord,  i.  e.  the  church,  to  be 
managed  by  officers  appointed  by  the  church.  It  is  a  funda- 
mental miscarriage,  and  such  as  will  deserve  cutting  ofl^  to 
possess  anything  in  property.  Their  discipline  whereby  they 
prevent  and  correct  offences  is,  first,  reprehension ;  secondly, 
suspension  from  sacrament;  and  if  this  makes  no  amendment, 
they  cut  him  off  from  their  body,  &c.  &c.  &c.  Baptism  they 
administer  only  to  grown  people,  who  show  themselves  to  be 
Christians  by  their  lives,  as  well  as  professions,  &c.  &c.  &c* 
They  have  been  here  these  nine  years,  and,  as  they  say,  in- 
crease daih" ;  but  yet  I  could  not  learn  their  numbers :  M* 
Tonn  said  100,  M.  Meuler,  80.  They  are  very  shy  to  give 
an  account  of  themselves,  particularly  of  their  manner  and 
rule  of  living  and  discipline ;  and  it  was  with  much  difficulty 
I  got  so  much  out  of  them ;  for  they  seemed  to  expect  that  a 
man  should  come  there  disposed  to  desire  and  court  admit* 
tance  into  their  society,  without  inquiring  into  their  ways  ; 
and  if  the  Lord,  as  they  say,  dispose  him  to  it,  and  they  see 
the  signs  of  grace  in  him,  they  will  proceed  to  give  him 
further  iustruction ;  which  signs  of  grace  seem  to  me  to  be, 
at  last,  a  perfect  submission  to  the  will  and  rules  of  their 
pastor,  M.  Yonn ;  who,  if  I  mistake  not,  has  established  to 
himself  a  perfect  empire  over  them.  For  though  their  cen- 
sures, and  all  their  administration,  be  in  appearance  in  their 
church,  yet  it  is  easy  to  perceive  how  at  last  it  determines  in 
him.  He  is  dominus  factotwm  ;  and  though  I  believe  they  are 
much  separated  from  the  world,  and  are,  generally  speaking, 
people  of  very  good  and  exemplary  lives,  yet  the  tone  of 
voice,  manner,  and  fashion,  of  those  I  conversed  with,  seemed 
to  make  one  suspect  a  Jittle  of  Tartouf.  Besides  that,  all 
their  discourse  carries  with  it  a  supposition  of  more  purify  in 
them  thajx  ordinary^  and  as  if  nobody  was  in  the  way  to  hea* 


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M84.]  BIS  B£SID£l<rCE  IK  HOLLAIH).  168 

ven  but  they ;  not  without  a  mixture  of  canting,  in  referring 
things  immediately  to  the  Lord,  even  on  those  occasions 
where  one  inquires  after  the  rational  means  and  measures  of 
proceeding,  as  if  they  did  all  things  by  revelation.  It  was 
above  two  hours  after  I  came  before  I  could  receive  audience 
of. M.  Tonn,  though  recommended  by  a  friend;  and  how 
many  offers  soever  I  made  towards  it,J  could  not  be  admitted 
to  see  either  their  place  of  exercise,  of  eating,  or  any  of  their 
chambers,  but  was  kept  all  the  while  I  was  there  in  atrio 
gentium^  a  little  house  without  the  gate ;  for,  as  I  said  before, 
they  seemed  very  shy  of  discovering  the  aecreta  dom^Sy  which 
seemed  to  me  not  altogether  so  suitable  to  the  pattern  of 
Ghnstianity. 

24th. — Bj  Leewaerden  to  Doccum.  To  Groningen,  a 
large  town,  regularly  fortified  with  seventeen  bastions,  the 
distance  of  each  470  steps.  The  taxes  here  are,  for  every 
chimney,  65s.  per  annum ;  for  every  |;rown  person,  one ;  boys 
at  school,  half  so  much ;  besides  excise  on  beer,  wine,  bread, 
and  everything :  French,  or  Ehenish  wiue,  pay  36  per  hogs- 
head ;  brandy,  78 ;  and  they  pay  so  much  a  head  for  their 
cattle ;  besides  near  one  haiJf  the  value  of  their  lands  for 
land-tax.  Here  is  a  university ;  eight  professors :  their 
library,  a  long  gallery,  two  sides  of  a  square. 

26th. — ^Eeturned  to  Leewaerden  the  same  way. 

29th. — ^Henrie  Casimir,  Prince  of  Nassau,  Governor  and 
Captain-General  of  the  provinces  of  Friesland  and  Groningen, 
having  about  eight  months  since  married  the  Princess  of  An-» 
hault,  made  his  public  and  solemn  entry  into  Leewaerden, 
the  capital  city  of  Eriesland,  at  the  public  charge  of  the 
States*  The  cavalcade  and  solemnity  were  suitable  to  the 
greatness  of  the  government.  That  that  I  observed  particular 
m  it  was,  that  when  the  Prince  and  his  Princess,  with  their 
two  mothers,  and  the  Princess  of  Screwin  and  their  two 
sisters,  were  alighted  at  his  house,  and  had  rested  a  little,  he 
took  the  ladies  with  him  dpwn  into  the  court,  and  there 
placing  them  in  chairs  just  within  the  outward  gate  which 
stood  open,  he  himself  stood  bare  just  without  the  gate, 
whilst  all  the  burghers  who  were  that  day  in  arms,  marched 
by  and  saluted  him  with  firing  their  muskets  as  they  passed. 
This  lasted  well  nigh  two  hours,  and  after  that  they  went  to 
supper.    Some  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  country,  and  some  of 

K  2 


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164  LIFE   AKD  LETTERS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l684. 

the  chief  of  his  officers,  supped  with  him  and  the  ladies,  and 
hereupon  a  page  said  grace. 

The  Prince  is  about  twenty-eight  years  old,  little,  and  not 
very  handsome ;  but,  as  they  sajr,  a  man  of  parts,  loving,  and 
well-beloved  of  his  country.  His  ladv  is  of  a  younger  branch 
of  the  house  of  Hainault ;  and  her  father  at  present  a  Marshal 
to  the  Duke  of  Brandenburgh. 

30th. — This  evening  the  Prince  and  Princess  were  treated 
at  supper  by  the  Deputies  of  the  States  of  the  province,  and 
entertained  with  fireworks. 

31st. — ^And  this  day,  to  conclude  the  compliment,  they  are 
entertained  at  dinner  by  the  States  at  the  Cfollege,  where  the 
States  used  to  keep  their  assembly. 

Sept.  3rd. — To  Ens,  Campertown,  Groning,  and  Dewenter. 
Here  are  two  Protestant  nunneries ;  one  belongs  to  the  free- 
men of  the  town,  and  their  daughters  only  are  admitted: 
these  are  fourteen ;  they  live  all  together  in  one  house ;  the 
oldest,  of  course,  is  the  abbess.  They  have  each  a  little 
garden,  and  their  dividend  of  the  com  and  some  land  which 
belongs  to  them,  which  amounts  to  three  or  four  bushels  of 
rye.  Their  meat  and  drink  they  provide  for  themselves,  and 
dress  it  in  a  common  kitchen  in  the  summer,  in  the  winter  in 
their  chambers.  There  was  formerly,  before  the  Eeforma- 
tion,  a  convent  of  Catholic  nuns ;  and  when  in  the  last  war 
the  Bishop  of  Mun^ter  was  possessed  of  this  town  two  years 
together,  he  put  three  Catholic  maids  into  the  nunnery, 
which  remain  there  still,  under  the  samQ  rules  as  the  others. 

There  is,  besides  this,  another  nunnery  in  the  town,  only 
of  the  noblesse  of  the  province ;  they  have  each  four  hundred 
guilders  per  annum,  one  half  whereof  the  abbess  has  for  their 
board,  the  other  half  they  have  themselves  to  dispose  of  as 
they  please.  They  have  no  particular  habit,  and  are  often  at 
home  with  their  friends  in  the  country. 

20th. — From  Dewenter  to  Zutphen  and  Amheim.  In  the 
midway  is  Deiren,  where  the  Prince  of  Orange  has  a  house, 
more  considerable  for  the  pleasant  country  about  it  than  for 
its  largeness  or  beauty.  Here  I  saw  the  camels  which  the 
Count  of  "Waldek  sent  the  Prince,  taken  amongst  others  in 
the  rout  of  the  Turks.  The  taller  was  near  about  seven  feet 
high  ;  they  were  both  males.  They  seemed  creatures  made 
for  labour  by  their  patience  and  submissiveness  and  small 


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1684.]  HIS  BXSIDSNCZ;   IS  HOLLAND.  165 

feeding ;  these  eat  not  so  much  as  a  horse.  Their  food  hay, 
and  a  paste  made  of  rye-meal ;  upon  bidding  they  lie  down, 
resting  on  their  sternum.  From  Deiren  to  Arnheim  is  a 
pleasant  country ;  the  borders  of  their  fields  set  with  rows  of 
oaks  three  or  four  deep,  which  makes  it  look  like  a  country 
full  of  woods.     The  soil  sandy  and  dry,  but  not  unfruitful. 

21st. — To  Nimegen.  The  town  is  situated  on  a  rise  on 
the  side  of  the  Waal. 

They  showed  some  remains  of  an  old  !Boman  building.  In 
their  town-house  are  some  ancient  inscriptions  found  about 
the  town. 

23rd. — To  Gorcum,  Bomel,  and  Utrecht. 

Oct.  10th. — Utrecht  to  Amsterdam. 

15th. — To  Haerlem — ^to  Leyden. 

23rd. — ^The  young  Q-ronovius,  son  of  the  famous  G-rono- 
rius,  made  a  solemn  oration  in  the  schools  ;  his  subject  was 
the  original  of  Bomulus.  At  it  were  present  the  curators  of 
the  university,  and  the  professors,  solemnly  ushered  in  by  the 
university  officers.  The  music,  instrumental  and  vocal,  began 
and  concluded  the  scene.  The  harangue  itself  began  with  a 
magnificent  and  long  compliment  to  the  curators,  and  then 
something  being  said  to  the  professor  and  scholars,  he  came 
to  tho  main  business,  which  was  to  show  that  Eomulus  was 
not  an  Italian  bom,  but  came  from  the  East,  and  was  of 
Palestine  or  thereabout.  This,  as  I  remember,  was  the  de- 
sign of  his  oration,  which  lasted  almost  two  hours. 

29th. — Sunday,  to  the  French  church.  Here  Joseph  Sca- 
liger  lies  buried,  with  a  high  eulogium  on  a  table  in  the  wall ; 
he  was  honorary  professor  here. 

Nov.  12th. — From  Doctor  Herman,  who  lived  nine  years 
in  Zeylon  (Ceylon),  many  partictilars  of  diseases  of  that  cli- 
mate, <&c.  <&c. 

•  •  •  •  • 

The  cinnamon  grows  large :  the  smell  is  peculiar  to  the  bark, 
and  in  that  too  there  is  great  difference,  according  to  the 
temper  the  tree  is  in.  They  gather  it  in  August  and  Febru- 
ary, at  which  time  the  sap  rises,  and  so  makes  it  easy  to  se- 
parate the  bark  from  the  wood.  They  bark  none  Jbut  young 
trees,  and  those  only  on  one  side. 

15th. — I  saw  Swammerdam's  remains,  being  a  great  col- 
lection of  anatomical  preparations  of  several  parts  of  animals, 


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166  IiIF£  AND  LSTTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l685, 

especially  of  human  bodies.  Amongst  other  things  very  re- 
markable, is  the  spiral  valves  in  the  rectum,  and  the  circular 
in  the  ilium ;  in  the  ilium  they  reach  not  quite  over  the 
cavity  of  the  gut,  but  are  continued  all  round  in  circles,  about 
half  an  inch  or  less  asunder.  In  the  colon  they  are  not  con- 
tinued round,  but  end  in  three  seams,  that  are  continued  all 
along  that  gut,  but  the  direction  in  them  is  more  spiral  than 
circular,  and  they  stand  at  a  greater  distance  than  in  the 
small  gut.  There  were  the  parts  of  several  guts,  we  knew 
not  of  what  animals,  that  were  perfectly  spiral.  The  csdcum 
had  visibly  a  valve  opening  outwards,  and  hindering  the  in- 
gress of  any  matter  into  the  cjecum,  Ac. 

June  22, 1685. — I  saw,  at  Mr  Lewenhook's,  several  micro- 
scopical observations,  which  answer  the  description  he  has 
given  of  them,  &c.  &c.  The  exceeding  small  and  regular 
fibres  of  the  crystalline  humour  are  wonderful,  if  all  the 
works  of  Nature  were  not  so.  [Speaking  of  some  of  the 
small  animals  which  Lewenhook  mentioned  that  he  had  dis- 
covered, there  is  a  very  long  description.] 

•  •  •  #  # 

It  was  with  much  difficulty  I  could  perceive  the  tails  he 
describes,  if,  at  least,  I  did  perceive  any  at  all.  The  glasses 
we  saw,  he  said,  would  magnify  to  a  million  of  times,  which 
I  understood  of  cubical  augmentation,  which  is  but  100  in 
length ;  but  the  best  of  all  his  glasses,  and  those  by  which 
he  describes  his  spermatic  animals,  we  did  not  see,  nor,  as  I 
hear,  does  he  show  them  to  any  one. 

24th. — To  Amsterdam. 

Aug.  28. — I  saw  a  boor's  house  a  mile  or  more  from  Am- 
sterdam. The  people  and  the  cows  live  all  in  the  same  room 
in  the  winter,  there  being  place  for  twenty-four  cows  on  both 
sides,  with  a  large  space  to  pass  between  them  in  the  middle, 
to  which  their  heads  are  turned.  The  place  they  stand  in  is 
raised  a  little  above  the  pavement.  There  runs  a  row  of 
white  marble  paving  fifteen  or  eighteen  inches  square,  on 
which  their  meat  was  laid.  At  the  upper  end  of  the  room 
was  a  partition  of  about  breast-high  of  boards,  which  se- 
parated a^square  place  where  the  people  lived.  There  were 
three  pigeon-hole  beds,  after  the  Dutch  fashion,  and  though 
this  was  but  a  part  of  the  stable  wherein  the  people  and 
their  beasts  live  together,  yet  the  whole  room,  and  everything 


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1687.]  HIS   AXSIDEI^CE   HT  HOLLAND,  167 

inlt,  was  much  cleaner  than  one  shall  see  any  kitchen,  nay, 
most  of  the  finest  parlours  in  England. 

Oct.  6. — Concerning  the  beginning  of  the  Quakers,  all  I 
can  learn  from  B.  Furly  is,  that  John  Saltmarsh,  who  had 
been  Fairfax's  chaplain,  and  a  member  of  the  Church  of 
lElngland,  was  the  first  that  began  to  be  scrupulous  of  the 
hat,  and  using  common  language,  in  1649.  In  1650,  Job 
Pox,  a  shoemaker,  and  Jas.  Nailor,  a  sergeant  in  the  army, 
in  the  North,  began  to  publish  the  doctrines  of  the  light. 

March  8th,  1687. — Whether  things,  both  moral  and  his- 
torical, writ,  as  other  such  matters  are,  by  men  liable  to  the 
same  mistakes  and  frailties,  may  not  yet  be  so  ordered  by 
Providence,  as  to  be  certain  rules  in  future  ages,  and  presig- 
nifications  of  future  events,  sufficient  to  guide  those  who  are 
sincere  inquirers  after  truth  and  right. 

June  1.— A  boor,  that  lived  about  three  miles  from  Eot- 
terdam,  had  about  thirty  morgens  of  land,  which  would  keep 
iMrty  cows.  His  land  was  worth,  to  be  let,  about  seventeen 
shiUings  per  annum  per  morgen,  besides  taxes,  which  were 
about  seven  or  eight  guilders  per  year  more ;  whereof  three, 
or  thereabouts,  to  the  State,  the  remainder  four  or  five  was 
for  mills,  sluices,  and  other  charges  of  draining.  A  morgen 
of  land,  to  be  sold,  is  worth  700,  for  he  had  given  2100  for 
three  morgens,  which  he  would  now  let  for  fifty,  so  that  the 
lands  sell  for  above  thirty-feve  years'  purchase.  One  of  these 
morgens,  which  is  to  be  sold,  being  digged  up,  and  the  turf 
sold,  will  make  SOOOs,,  whereof  the  State  has  40008.  Making 
the  turf,  and  other  charges  about  them,  will  amount  to  2000s. 
The  tax  which  is  to  be  still  paid,  after  the  turf  is  dug  out, 
and  the  land  lying  under  water,  may  be  bought  off  for  225s., 
(Q.  whether  this  be  the  whole  tax  for  miUs  and  all  ?)  so  that 
b^  selling  his  land  for  the  turf,  a  man  does  more  than  double 
bis  fee. 

The  vein  of  turf  lies  about  two  feet  under  the  surface,  and 
is  about  eight  feet  thick.  Under  it  lies  clay.  The  top  of  the 
vein  now  lies  higher  than  the  surface  of  the  water,  as  it  is  in 
summer  time  when  lowest.  The  upper  part  of  the  vein  yields 
the  best  turf,  the  under  half  is  not  so  good.  They  cut  it  not 
with  spades,  but  fish  it  all  up  from  under  the  water  with 
nets,  and  so  lay  it  upon  the  neighbouring  land  of  a  certain 
thickness  to  dry,  and  when  it  is  of  a  fit  temper,  they  cut  it 


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16d  LIFff  AKD  LSTTEB8  OP  JOHN  LOX^KE.  [l687. 

into  sizes  fit  for  use.  The  turf  never  grows  there  again  ;  at 
least  as  they  observe :  but  sometimes,  when  a  large  tract  of 
ground  is  by  this  means  laid  under  water,  they  drain  it,  and 
80  have  their  land  again,  for  which  they  pay  no  taxes  for 
thirty  years  after  draining. 


Whilst  Locke  resided  in  Holland  he  kept  up  a  regular 
correspondence  with  his  friends  in  England,  and  appears  to 
have  been  well  informed  of  what  was  passing  there.  Some 
of  these  letters  describe  the  state  of  affairs,  and  the  particulars 
of  the  proceedings  of  James  the  Second's  commissioners  at 
Oirford,  in  the  business  of  Magdalen  College. 

EXTBAOTS  OF  A  LETTEB  EBOM  TYBBSLL  TO  LOCKE. 

"May  6th,  1687. 

"Tour  discourse  about  the  liberty  of  conscience  would 
not  do  amiss  now,  to  dispose  people's  minds  to  pass  it  into 
law  whenever  the  Parliament  sits.  The  thing  gives  so  gener- 
al a  satisfaction,  that  more  are  displeased  at  the  manner  of 
doing  it  than  at  the  thing  itself.  So  that  I  find  few  but 
the  high  Church  of  England-men  highly  displeased  ;  but  let 
the  intent  of  those  that  do  it  be  as  it  will,  I  believe  whatever 
the  Church  of  England  may  lose,  the  [Roman  Catholic  religion 
will  not  gain  'so  much  as  they  imagine  ;  more  being  likely  to 
go  off  to  the  fanatics  than  to  them,  amongst  the  ordinary 
people,  who  can  neither  expect  offices  nor  pensions  by  the 
change ;  and  if  so,  I  think  the  [Roman  Catholic  religion  (as 
Osborne  says)  will  only  change  herb  John  for  Coloquintida. 

"  As  for  news,  I  have  not.  much  to  send  you,  only,  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  many.  Judge  "Wilkins  is  put  out ;  and 
one  Sir  Eichard  Allebone,  a  Eoman  Catholic  of  great  inte- 
grity, as  those  say  who  know  him,  put  in  his  room ;  and  more 
such  changes  are  daily  expected. 

"  The  Vice  Chancellor  of  Cambridge  was  suspended  and 
deprived  this  day  by  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  ab 
officio  et  beneficio,  for  refusing  to  propose  and  admit  Father 
Francis,  a  Dominican  friar,  to  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts 
in  the  university ;   the  rest  of  the  doctors  who  signed  the 


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1B87.J  IBTTBBS  TBOM  TYBBBLL  TO  LOCKE.  169 

Bniversity  plea  are  to  expect  their  doom,  but  what  it  will 
be  we  cannot  yet  tell. 

"  And  now  1  am  speaking  of  universities,  I  will  give  you  a 
abort  account  of  the  state  of  Oxford.  In  Christ-church, 
where  there  hath  been  a  Eoman  Catholic  head  almost  this 
half  year,  I  cannot  hear  of  one  conversion  amongst  the  stu- 
dents. The  old  Hall  in  cant  quadrangle,  formerly  the  Bishop's 
wood-house,  is  now  fitting  up  for  a  chapel  for  the  Dean. 
There  are,  notwithstanding  Mr  W.'s  great  endeavours  to 
turn  people,  not  above  six  or  seven  scholars  besides  himself, 
who  have  declared  themselves  Soman  Catholics.  Mr  "W. 
prints  books  at  his  new  press  for  his  religion,  but  they  have 
no  very  good  success :  one  was  answered  as  soon  as  it  came 
out ;  tne  other,  which  is  a  kind  of  history  of  the  Eeformation, 
has  a  very  slight  reception  among  the  learned,  being  no  more 
than  a  tianslation  of  Gander's  and  Gretner's  stones,  which 
have  been  so  long  since  confuted. 

"I  doubt  not  you  have  received  Dr  Burnet's  letters, 
which  are  a  pattern  bow  a  man  should  travel,  and  what  ob« 
servations  he  should  make.  The  book  was  forbid  to  be 
brought  in,  but  it  has  since  been  printed  here  and  sells  in- 
finitely. 

^  I  forgot  to  tell  you,  the  head  of  Magdalen  College  in 
Oxford  being  dead,  the  Eling  sent  down  a  mandamus  for  one 
Mr  Farmer,  a  new  convert,  a  commoner  of  the  House ;  but 
the  Fellows  refused  to  elect  him,  and  have  been  so  stout  as 
to  choose  Mr  Hough,  a  chaplain  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  for 
their  President.  My  Lord  Sunderland  has  writ  to  them  from 
the  King  about  it ;  their  answer  was,  that  they  could  not 
choose  Mr  F.  with  a  safe  conscience,  being  under  an  oath, 
and  having  received  the  sacrament  upon  it,  to  choose  none 
but  a  fit  man,  whereas  this  man  was  not  so,  being  a  person  of 
Hl-fiftme  and  debauched  life." 

7B0H  TYBBELL  TO  LOCKE. 

«  Not.  2nd. 
•  •••*. 

"  I  HAVE  nothing  else  worth  writing  but  a  short  account 
how  things  have  gone  lately  at  Magdalen  College  before  the 
Commissioners  whom  the  King  sent  down  to  visit  the  Col- 
lege ;  viz.  the  Bishop  of  Chester,  the  Lord  Chief  Justice 


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170  lilFB  AND  LETTEBS   OP  JOHW  LOCKE.  [l687. 


u* 


Wright,  and  Barcm  Jenner,  When  they  came,  they  sum* 
moned  the  President  and  Fellows  before  them,  and  admon-t 
ished  the  President  to  recede  from  the  government  of  the 
House,  which  he  refusing,  they  expelled  him.  Then  the^ 
asked  all  the  Fellowrf  severally,  whether  they  would  admit 
the  Bishop  of  Oxford  to  be  their  head  ?  which  all  of  them 
refusing  except  one  Papist,  they  admitted  him  themselves  by 
installing  one  of  his  chaplains,  and  giving  him  the  oaths  by 
proxy.  Then  they  sent  to  Dr  Hough  for  the  keys  of  the 
lod^mg,  which  he  refusing  to  deliver,  they  sent  for  a  smith 
and  broke  them  open,  and  put  the  Bishop's  proxy  in  posses- 
sion ;  then  they  sent  for  all  the  Fellows  again,  and  asked 
them  whether  they  would  submit  to  and  obey  the  President 

whom  the  King  had  set  over  them,  which  Dr  F ,  who  was 

the  first  man  asked,  utterly  refused,  saying  he  neither  would 
nor  could  do  it  with  a  safe  conscience.  The  rest  of  them 
signed  a  paper  in  which  they  promised  to  submit  to  the 
Bishop  in  omnibus  Ileitis  et  honestis^  according  to  the  statutes 
of  the  house,  which  submission  was  taken,  and  they  much 

commended  for  it.     But  Dr  F upon  the  third  admoni-* 

tion  still  refusing,  had  his  name  struck  out  of  the  books,  and 
was  ordered  to  depart  the  College  within  fourteen  days; 
against  which  proceedings  as  null  and  unjust,  he  read  and 
gave  in  a  protestation,  as  Dr  Hough  had  done  before,  both 
appealing  to  the  King  in  his  courts,  &c.  So  there  were  no 
more  expelled  at  present  for  denying  their  authority,  than  the 

President,  Dr  F ,  and  the  under-porter.    But  on  Friday 

morning,  upon  receiving  fresh  instructions,  the  former  sub^ 
mission  not  being  looked  upon  as  full  enough,  they  were 
further  required  to  sign  an  address  to  the  King,  wherein 
they  were  to  confess  and  beg  pardon  for  their  passed  con- 
tumacy, and  promise  absolute  obedience  for  tne  time  to 
come ;  but  instead  of  that,  when  they  came  together,  they 
made  a  quite  other  sort  of  address  to  the  Commissioners, 
wherein  they  first  assert  that  they  are  not  conscious  of  having 
acted  in  anything  contrary  to  their  oaths  and  the  statutes  of 
the  house,  and  therefore  nope  that  his  Majesty  will  pardon 
them  if  they  cannot  render  any  more  than  a  passive  obedience 
to  his  Majesty's  commands,  since  they  cannot  look  upon  the 
Bishop  as  their  lawful  head,  or  words  to  that  effect :  and  de* 
sire  the  Commissioners  to  represent  their  case  fairly  to  \m 


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1688.]  HIS  EBTITEK  TO  BNGlAlO).  171 

Majesty,  At  wliich  paper  (being  signed  by  all  the  Pellows 
except  twQ,  viz.  Dr  Smyth  and  Chamock)  they  were  very 
much  displeased,  and  acyoumed  the  court  till  the  20th  in** 
stant,  when  it  is  to  be  feared  they  will  come  down  again,  and 

Proceed  very  severely  against  all  that  signed  that  paper, 
'his  is  the  sum  of  what  has  been  done ;   Dr  F is  very 

cheerful  under  it,  and  many  commend  his  carriage  as  much 
more  fair  and  above-board  than  the  rest,  who  meant  the  same 
thing,  though  they  dared  not  speak  it  out.  What  will  be 
the  issue,  God  knows !  but  we  rear  the  turning  out  the  most 
of  the  Fellows.  I  fear  I  have  tired  you  as  much  as  I  havQ 
myself.  Yours  sincerely, 

M." 

TBOM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

"Feb,  20th,  1688.   . 
•  #  *  •  • 

"  The  aldermen  and  bailiffs  in  Oxford  that  were  lately  put 

in  by  the  new  charters,  are  all  turned  out,  and  Mr  P , 

your  old  acquaintance,  Alderman  "Wright,  with  several  others, 
put  in  their  places,  though  I  hear  the  former  refuses  to  act. 
t^ow  if  you  would  know  the  reason  of  all  this,  they  say  there 
will  be  a  new  Parliament  in  May,  and  in  order  to  his  Majes- 
ty's designs,  it  is  fit  the  Corporation  should  undergo  a  new 
alteration,  the  former  members  growing  weary,  and  not  will- 
ing to  drive  out  the  whole  stage,  it  was  time  the  very  Judases 
should  be  imhamessed  and  turned  out  to  grass.  Those  that 
before  were  so  ready  in  giving  up  their  charters,  now  find 
the  good  effect  of  it,  being  the  first  that  were  turned  out ; 
nee  tea  estjustior  ulla.  Enough  of  politics,  but  wishing  you 
all  health  and  a  happy  meeting. 

Tours  sincerely, 

M," 

That  happy  accident,  the  Bevolution  of  1688,  enabled 
Locke  to  return  to  his  native  country,  and  he  arrived  in  tho 
same  fleet  that  brought  the  Princess  of  Orange  to  England. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  he  stood  forward  as  the  most  strenu- 
ous champion  of  those  true  principles  of  G-ovemment  which 
assert,  that  the  people  are  not  to  be  considered  as  the  pro- 
perty of  their  rmers,  nor  Monarchs  as  the  gods  of  the  earth, 
according  to  the  slavish  doctrine  of  the  divine  and  indefeasi- 


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172  LIFE  AJSTD  LETTEBS  07  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l689. 

ble  right  of  Kings ;  but  that  the  kingly  office  and  all  other 
orders,  privileges,  and  distinctions  whatsoever,  are  held  in 
trust  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  by  whose  consent  they 
were  appointed,  and  from  whom  they  derive  their  delegated 
power. 

It  was  almost  immediately  afber  his  arrival  in  England 
that  an  offer  was  made  to  him  by  Lord  Mordaunt,  whom  he 
had  known  in  Holland,  then  one  of  King  "William's  Minis- 
ters, and  much  trusted  by  him,  as  Burnet  says,  to  be  em- 
ployed as  Envoy  at  one  of  the  great  German  courts,  probably 
either  at  Vienna  or  Berlin ;  an  appointment  which  he  mo- 
destly refused  by  the  following  letter,  the  copy  of  which  is 
indorsed  J.  L.  to  Lord  Mordaunt.* 

"Whitehall,  Feb.  21,  1689. 
*'Mt  Loed, 

"  I  cannot  but  in  the  highest  degree  be  sensible  of  the 
great  honour  his  Majesty  has  done  me  in  those  gracious  in- 
tentions towards  me  which  I  have  understood  from  your 
Lordship ;  and  it  is  the  most  touching  displeasure  I  have 
ever  received  from  that  weak  and  broken  constitution  of  my 
health  which  has  so  long  threatened  my  life,  that  it  now 
^ords  me  not  a  body  suitable  to  my  mind  in  so  desirable  an 
occasion  of  serving  his  Majesty.  I  make  account  every 
Englishman  is  bound  in  conscience  and  gratitude  not  to  con- 
tent himself  with  a  bare,  slothful,  and  inactive  loyalty,  where 
his  purse,  his  head,  or  his  hand  may  be  of  any  use  to  this  ovlt 
great  deliverer.  He  has  ventured  and  done  too  much  for  us 
to  leave  room  for  indifferency  or  backwardness  in  any  one 
who  would  avoid  the  reproach  and  contempt  of  aU  mankind. 
And  if  with  the  great  concerns  of  my  country  and  all  Chris- 
tendom I  may  be  permitted  to  mix  so  mean  a  consideration 
as  my  own  private  thoughts,  I  can  truly  say  that  the  particu- 
lar veneration  I  have  for  his  person  carries  me  beyond  an 
ordinary  zeal  for  his  service. 

"  Besides  this,  my  Lord,  I  am  not  so  ignorant  as  not  to  see 
the  great  advantages  of  what  is  proposed  to  me.  There  is 
honour  in  it  enough  to  satisfy  an  ambition  greater  than  mine, 
and  a  step  to  the  making  my  fortune  which  I  could  not  have 
expected.  These  are  temptations  that  would  not  suffer  me 
♦  Afterwards  Earl  of  Peterborough. 


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1689.]        DECLINES  APFODTTMEKT  AS  AMBASSADOB.  173 

easily  to  decline  so  eminent  a  favour,  as  the  other  are  obliga- 
tions to  a  forward  obedience  in  all  things,  where  there  are 
hopes  it  may  not  be  unuseful.  But  such  is  the  misfortune  of 
my  circumstances,  that  I  cannot  accept  the  honour  that  is 
designed  me  without  rendering  myself  utterly  unworthy  of 
it.  And  however  tempting  it  be,  I  cannot  answer  to  myself 
or  the  world  my  embracing  a  trust  which  I  may  be  in  danger 
to  betray  even  by  my  entering  upon  it.  This  I  shall  cer- 
tainly be  guilty  of,  if  I  do  not  give  your  Lordship  a  true 
account  of  myself,  and  what  I  foresee  may  be  prejudicial  to, 
his  Majesty's  affairs.  My  Lord,  the  post  that  is  mentioned 
to  me  is  at  this  time,  if  I  mistake  not,  one  of  the  busiest  and 
most  important  in  all  Europe,  and,  therefore,  would  require 
not  only  a  man  of  common  sense  and  good  intentions,  but  one 
whom  experience  in  the  methods  of  such  business  has  fitted 
with  skill  and  dexterity  to  deal  with  not  only  the  reasons  of 
able,  but  the  more  dangerous  artifices  of  cunning  men,  that 
in  such  stations  must  be  expected  and  mastered.  But,  my 
liord,  supposing  industry  and  good-will  would  in  time  work 
a  man  into  some  degree  of  capacity  and  fitness,  what  will 
they  be  able  to  do  with  a  body  that  hath  not  health  and 
strength  enough  to  comply  with  them  P  what  shall  a  man  do 
in  the  necessity  of  application  and  variety  of  attendance  on 
business  to  be  followed  there,  who  sometimes,  after  a  little 
motion,  has  not  breath  to  speak,  and  cannot  borrow  an  hour 
or  two  of  watching  from  the  night  without  repaying  it  with  a 
'  great  waste  of  time  the  next  day  ?  "Were  this  a  conjuncture 
wherein  the  affairs  of  Europe  went  smooth,  or  a  little  mistake 
in  management  would  not  be  soon  felt,  but  that  the  diligence 
or  change  of  the  Minister  might  timely  enough  recover  it,  I 
should  perhaps  think  I  might,  without  being  unpardonably 
feulty,  venture  to  try  my  strength,  and  make  an  experiment 
so  much  to  my  advantage ;  but  I  have  a  quite  other  view  of 
the  state  of  things  at  present,  and  the  urgency  of  affairs 
comes  on  so  quick,  that  there  was  never  such  neea  of  success- 
ful diligence,  and  hands  capable  of  despatch,  as  now. 

^'The  dilatory  methods  and  slow  proceedings,  to  say  no 
worse  of  what  I  cannot  without  indignation  reflect  on  in 
some  of  my  countrymen,  at  a  season  when  there,  is  not  a 
moment  of  time  lost  without  endangering  the  Protestant  and 
English  interest  throughout  Europe,  and  which  have  already 


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174  LIFB  AND  LSTTEBS  01'  JOHN  LOCSS.  [l680. 

put  things  too  &t  back,  make  me  justly  dread  the  thought 
that  my  weak  constitution  should  m  so  considerable  a  post 
any  way  clog  his  Majes^'s  affairs ;  and  I  think  it  much  bet- 
ter that  I  should  be  laid  by  to  be  forgotten  for  ever,  than 
that  they  should  at  all  suffer  by  my  ambitiously  and  forwardly 
undertaking  what  my  want  of  health  or  experience  would 
not  let  me  manage  to  the  best  advantage ;  for  I  must  again 
tell  your  Lordship,  that  however  unable  I  might  prove,  there 
will  not  be  time  in  this  crisis  to  call  me  home  and  send  an- 
other. 

"  If  I  have  reason  to  apprehend  the  cold  air  of  the  country, 
there  is  yet  another  thin^  in  it  as  inconsistent  with  my  con- 
stitution, and  that  is,  theur  warm  drinking.  I  confess  obstin- 
ate refusal  may  break  pretty  well  through  it,  but  that  at 
best  wiU  be  but  to  take  more  care  of  my  own  health  than 
the  King's  business.  It  is  no  small  matter  in  such  stations 
to  be  acceptable  to  the  people  one  has  to  do  with,  in  being 
able  to  accommodate  one's  sdf  to  their  fashions ;  and  I  imagine 
whatever  I  may  do  there  myself,  the  knowing  what  others 
are  doin^  is  at  least  one-half  of  my  business,  and  I  know  no 
such  rack  in  the  world  to  draw  out  men's  thoughts  as  a  well- 
managed  bottle.  If  therefore  it  were  fit  for  me  to  advise  in 
this  case,  I  should  think  it  more  for  the  King's  interest  to 
send  a  man  of  equal  parts,  that  could  drink  his  share,  than 
the  soberest  man  in  the  kingdom. 

''I  beseech  you,  my  Lord,  to  look  on  this,  not  as  the  dis-. 
course  of  a  modest  or  lazv  man,  but  of  one  who  has  truly 
considered  himself,  and,  above  all  things,  wishes  well  to  the 
designs  which  his  Majesty  has  so  gloriously  begun  for  the 
redeeming  England,  and  with  it  all  il^ope,  and  I  wish  for  no 
other  happiness  in  this  world,  but  to  see  it  completed,  and 
shall  never  be  sparing  of  my  mite  where  it  mav  contribute 
any  way  to  it ;  which  I  am  confident  your  Lordship  is  suf- 
ficiently assured  of,  and  therefore  I  beg  leave  to  tell  your 
Lordship  that  if  there  be  anything  wherein  I  may  flatter 
inyself  I  have  attained  any  degree  of  capacity  to  serve  his 
Majesty,  it  is  in  some  little  knowledge  I  perhaps  may  have 
in  the  constitutions  of  my  country,  the  temper  of  iny  coun- 
try-men, and  the  divisions  amongst  them,  whereby  I  persuade 
myself  I  may  be  more  useful  to  him  at  home,  though  I  can- 
not but  see  that  such  an  employment  would  be  of  greater 


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ie89.]   PETITIOir  FOE  EESTOBATIOIT  AT  CHEISTOHITECH.      175 

advantage  to  myself  abroad  would  but  my  health  consent 
to  it. 

"  My  Lord,  missing  your  Lordship  at  your  lodging  ttis 
morning,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  leave  you  my  thoughts 
in  writing,  being  loth  that  in  anything  that  depends  on  me 
there  should  be  a  moment's  delay,  a  thing  which  at  this  time 
I  look  on  as  so  criminal  in  others. 

I  am,  my  Lord, 
Tour  Lordship's  most  humble 

and  most  obedient  servant, 

J.  LOOKB." 

Locke,  on  his  return  to  England,  after  the  Eevolution, 
endeavoured  to  be  reinstated  in  his  studentship  at  Christ- 
church,  and,  for  this  purpose,  presented  a  petition  to  the 
King,  as  visitor,  to  be  restored  to  his  former  station  and 
rights  in  that  College. 

"to  the  kino's  most  excellent  majesty,    the  HTTMBLU 

PETITION  OB  JOHN   LOCKE 

"  Showeth, — That  your  Petitioner,  being  student  of 
Christ^hurch  College,  in  Oxford,  was,  in  the  year  1684,  by 
a  letter  sent  by  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  the  principal  Secre- 
tary of  State,  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  the  said  College, 
ordered  to  be  turned  out.  Dr  Eell,  then  Bishop  of  Oxford, 
and  Dean  of  the  said  College,  finding  it  against  the  rules  of 
common  justice,  as  weU  as  the  ordinary  method  of  the  College, 
to  turn  out  any  one  without  hearing,  or  so  much  as  being 
accused  of  any  fact  which  might  forfeit  his  place,  especially 
one  who  had  lived  inoffensively  in  the  College  for  many 
years,  did,  by  a  "Moneo"  affixed  to  the  screen  in  the  Col- 
lege-hall of  the  same  College,  summon  your  Petitioner,  who 
was  then  in  Holland,  to  appear  at  Christmas  follovidng, 
which  was  about  two  months  after,  to  answer  anything  should 
be  alleged  against  him ;  but  this  regular  proceedmg  not 
suiting  the  designs  upon  the  University,  another  letter  was 
sent  the  week  followmg,  with  positive  orders  to  turn  your 
Petitioner  out  immediately,  which  was  accordingly  done. 

"  Tour  Petitioner  therefore  humbly  prays  that  your  Ma- 
jesty, being  Visitor  of  the  said  College,  and  having  power  by 


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17.6  LIFE  AND   LETTERS   OF   JOHN  LOOKS.  [l689. 

youp  immediate  command  to  rectify  what  you  find  amiss 
there,  would,  out  of  your  great  justice  and  goodness,  be  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  direct  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  the  said 
College  to  restore  your  Petitioner  to  his  stuaent's  place,  to- 
gether with  all  things  belonging  unto  it  which  he  formerly 
enjoyed  in  the  said  College. 

And  your  Petitioner  shall  ever  pray." 

A  Paper,  indorsed  J.  Locke's  case,  1689,  contains  the 
substance  of  the  petition,  with  this  variation : — 

"  He  therefore  prays  his  Majesty,  who  is  Visitor  of  the 
said  Colleffe,  and  has,  at  least,  as  much  power  to  redress  as 
others  to  do  wrong,  to  grant  his  mandate  to  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  of  the  said  College  immediately  to  restore  the  said 
John  Locke  to  his  former  place  of  student  in  the  College, 
and  to  his  chambers  and  the  other  rights  he  had  therein, 
with  a  liberty  to  be  absent,  he  having  an  employment  in  his 
Majesty's  service.'* 

What  were  the  exact  difficulties  which  prevented  his  rein- 
statement are  not  known ;  Le  Clerc  says,  that  finding  he 
could  only  be  received  as  a  supernumerary,  he  determined  to 
press  his  claim  no  further.  It  is  probable,  from  the  terms  of 
nis  petition,  that  he  rejected  any  other  conditions  than  such 
as  should  afford  him  full  redress  for  the  wrongs  and  injustice 
he  had  suffered. 

One  of  the  first  acts  that  passed  after  the  settlement  of 
the  new  G-ovemment  at  the  Kevolution,  was  that  for  "  ex- 
empting their  Majesties'  Protestant  subjects  from  the  penal- 
ties of  certain  laws ;"  and  although  the  act  confers  but  a 
scanty  measure  of  religious  lib,erty,  it  did  not  pass  without 
the  murmurs  of  the  bigoted  Churchmen.  There  is  a  tradi- 
tion, that  the  terms  of  the  Toleration  Act  were  negotiated 
by  Locke  himself;  and  the  fact  is  in  some  degree  confirmed 
by  an  expression  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Limborch.  "We 
know,  however,  that  he  was  dissatisfied  with  the  terms  then 
panted,  and  that  he  considered  them  most  inadequate  and 
insufficient. 

In  this  first  charter  of  religious  liberty,  as  much  was 
granted  as  the  prejudices  of  the  time  would  permit.  The 
iJnitarianSi  who  were  not  allowed  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  that 


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1089.]         THE   ESSA.T  OK  HITMAW  TJNDEESTAKDINO.  177 

act,  were  afterwards  relieved  by  a  subsequent  statute  of 
George  III.  The  repeal  of  the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts, 
so  long  resisted,  and  at  last  so  happily  conceded,  was  the 
next  great  step  towards  the  attainment  of  religious  liberty 
and  peace.  The  repeal  of  the  laws  which,  since  the  reign  of 
Charles  the  Second,  have  excluded  oui*  Eoman  Catholic  fel- 
low-subjects from  their  civil  rights,  and  from  their  due  share 
of  political  power,  has  now  confirmed  that  just  and  teue 

LIBEETT,  THAT  EQUAL  AND  IMPARTIAL  LIBBETT,  WHICH  WE 
HAVE  SO  LONG  STOOD  IN  NEED  OE. 

The  Essay  on  Human  Understanding,  which  had  been 
finished  during  the  author's  retirement  in  Holland,  and  the 
English  version  of  the  Letter  on  Toleration,  were  now  pub- 
lished on  his  return  to  his  native  country.  They  contributed, 
as  Stewart  has  observed  in  his  excellent  Dissertation,  to  pre- 
pare the  thinking  part  of  his  readers,  in  a  degree  till  then 
unknown,  for  the  unshackled  use  of  the  imderstanding. 
Perhaps  it  is  not  too  much  to  say,  that  if  Luther  delivered 
the  Christian  world  from  the  thraldom*  of  the  priesthood 
in  matters  of  religion ;  Locke  in  no  less  degree  contributed, 
by  his  method  of  bold  examination,  and  by  his  ardent  search 
for  truth,  to  deliver  the  world  from  the  thraldom  of  errors 
and  prejudices. 

It  has  been  observed  by  Mr  D.  Stewart,  and  also  by  Sir 
James  Mackintosh,t  who,  Doth  as  a  writer  and  orator,  is  so 
eminently  distinguished  by  his  profound  research  and  splen- 
did talents,  that  the  course  and  circumstances  of  Locke's  life 
were,  in  every  respect,  favourable  to  the  production  of  such 
a  work  as  the  Essay  on  Human  Understanding.  Mr  Stewart 
remarks,  that  the  study  of  medicine  formed  one  of  the  best 
preparations  for  the  study  of  mind ;  and  that  the  busy  and 
diversified  scenes  through  which  the  author  afterwards  passed, 
contributed,  not  less  than  the  academical  retirement  of  his 
former  life,  to  enhance  the  peculiar  and  characteristic  merit 
of  his  works.  On  his  first  entrance  into  life,  aa  he  himself 
says,  "I  no  sooner  perceived  myself  in  the  world,  but  I 
found  myself  in  a  storm  ;"  and  thus  he  might  well  describe 
the  civil  wars,  and  the  military  rule^  which  prevailed  from  his 

♦  It  has  been  said  that  Luther  made  every  man  his  own  Pope;  i.  0. 
established  the  right  of  private  judgment. 

t  Vide  a  most  admirable  article  in  the  Edinburgh  Beview,  vol.  xlzri* 

n 


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178  IIFE   AND  LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l689. 

childhood  to  his  twenty-sixth  year.  "Educated  then,"  to 
use  the  words  of  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  "amongst  the 
English  Dissenters,  during  the  short  period  of  their  political 
ascendancy,  he  early  imbibed  that  deep  piety  and  ardent 
spirit  of  liberty  which  actuated  that  body  of  men ;  and  he 
probably  imbibed  also  in  their  schools  the  disposition  to 
metaphysical  inquiries,  which  has  everywhere  accompanied 
the  Calvinistic  theology.  Sects,  founded  on  the  right  of  pri- 
vate judgment,  naturally  tend  to  purify  themselves  from 
intolerance,  and  in  time  learn  to  respect  in  others  the  free- 
dom of  thought,  to  the  exercise  of  which  they  owe  their  own 
existence.  By  the  Independent  divines  who  were  his  in- 
structors, our  philosopher  was  taught  those  principles  of  reli- 
gious liberty  which  they  were  the  first  to  disclose  to  the 
world.  When  free  inquiry  led  him  to  milder  dogmas,  he 
retained  the  severe  morality  which  was  their  honourable 
singularity,  and  which  continues  to  distinguish  their  success- 
ors in  those  communities  which  have  abandoned  their  rigor- 
ous opinions.  His  professional  pursuits  afterwards  engaged 
him  in  the  study  of  the  physical  sciences,  at  the  moment 
when  the  spirit  of  experiment  and  observation  was  in  its 
youthful  fervour,  and  when  a  repugnance  to  scholastic  subtle- 
ties was  the  ruling  passion  of  the  scientific  world.  At  a 
more  mature  age  he  was  admitted  into  the  society  of  great 
wits  and  ambitious  politicians  ;  during  the  remainder  of  his 
life  he  was  often  a  man  of  business,  and  always  a  man  of  the 
world,  without  much  undisturbed  leisure,  and  probably  with 
that  abated  relish  for  merely  abstract  speculation,  which  is 
the  inevitable  result  of  converse  with  society  and  experience 
in  affairs.  But  his  political  connections,  agreeing  with  bis 
early  bias,  made  him  a  zealous  advocate  of  liberty  in  opinion 
and  in  government ;  and  he  gradually  united  ms  zeal  and 
activity  to  the  illustration  of  such  general  principles  as  are 
the  guardians  of  those  great  interests  of  human  society.  Al- 
most all  his  writings  (even  his  Essay  itself)  were  occasional, 
and  intended  directly  to  counteract  the  enemies  of  reaBon 
and  freedom  in  his  own  age.  The  first  Letter  on  Toleration 
the  most  original,  perhaps,  of  his  works,  was  composed  in 
Holland,  in  a  retirement  where  he  was  forced  to  conceal 
himself  from  the  tyranny  which  pursued  him  into  a  foreign 
land;  and  it  was  publisned  in  England,  in  the  year  of  the 


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1689.]         THE  ESSAY  OK  HUMAK  UKDEBSTAKBIKG^.  179 

devolution,  to  vindicate  the  Toleration  Act,  of  which  the 
author  lamented  the  imperfection.'* 

As  no  one  is  so  capahle  of  describing  the  extent  and  scope 
of  Locke's  improvements  as  the  philosophical  writer  whose 
words  have  been  already  quoted,  the  same  high  authority  is 
again  appealed  to  in  the  following  transcript,  with  all  due 
acknowledgment,  and  with  an  unfeigned  deference  and  admir- 
ation for  his  talents  and  judgment. 

**  It  is  with  the  Second  Book  that  the  Essay  on  Human 
Understanding  properly  begins,  and  this  Book  is  the  first 
considerable  contribution  in  modem  times  towards  the  ex- 
perimental philosophy  of  the  human  mind.  The  road  was 
pointed  out  by  Bacon;  and  by  excluding  the  fallacious  analo- 
gies of  thought  to  outward  appearance,  Descartes  mav  be 
said  to  have  marked  out  the  limits  of  the  proper  field  of  in- 
quiry. But  before  Locke,  there  was  no  example  in  intellec- 
tual philosophy  of  an  ample  enumeration  of  facts,  collected 
and  arranged  for  the  express  purpose  of  legitimate  generaliza- 
tion. He  himself  tells  us,  that  his  ^  purpose  was,  in  a  plain 
historical  method,  to  give  an  account  of  the  ways  by  which 
our  understanding  comes  to  attain  those  notions  of  things  we 
have.*  In  more  modem  phraseology  this  would  be  called  an 
attempt  to  ascertain,  by  observation,  the  most  general  facts 
relating  to  the  origin  of  human  knowledge.  There  is  some- 
thing in  the  plainness,  and  even  homeliness,  of  Locke's  lan- 
guage, which  strongly  indicates  his  very  clear  conception 
that  experience  must  be  his  sole  guide,  and  his  unwillingness, 
by  the  use  of  scholastic  language,  to  imitate  the  example  of 
those  who  make  a  show  of  explaining  facts,  while,  in  reality, 
they  only  *  darken  counsel  by  words  without  knowledge.'  He 
is  content  to  collect  the  laws  of  thought,  as  he  womd  have 
collected  those  of  any  other  object  of  physical  knowledge, 
from  observation  alone.  He  seldom  embarrasses  himself 
with  physiological  hypotheses,  or  wastes  his  strength  in  those 
insoluble  problems  which  were  then  called  metaphysical. 
Though  in  the  execution  of  his  plan  there  are  many  and  great 
defects,  the  conception  of  it  is  entirely  conformable  to  the 
Verulamian  method  of  induction,  which,  even  after  the  fullest 
enumeration  of  particulars,  requires  a  cautious  examination 
of  each  subordinate  class  of  phenomena;  before  we  attempt, 

N  2 


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180  LIFE  AND  LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l689i 

througli  a  very  slowly  ascending  series  of  generalization,  to 
soar  to  comprehensive  laws. 

"  Few  books  have  contributed  more  to  rectify  prejudice,  to 
undermine  established  errors,  to  diffuse  a  just  mode  of  think- 
ing, to  excite  a  fearless  spirit  of  inquiry,  and  yet  to  contain  it 
within  the  boundaries  which  Nature  has  prescribed  to  the 
human,  understanding.  An  amendment  of  the  general  habits 
of  thought  is,  in  most  parts  of  knowledge,  an  object  as  im- 
portant as  even  the  discovery  of  new  truths,  though  it  is  not 
BO  palpable,  nor  in  its  nature  so  capable  of  being  estimated 
by  superficial  observers.  In  the  mental  and  moral  world, 
which  scarcely  admit  of  anything  which  can  be  called  dis-^ . 
covery,  the  correction  of  the  intellectual  habit  is  probably 
the  greatest  service  which  can  be  rendered  to  science.  In  this 
respect  the  merit  of  Locke  is  unrivalled :  his  writings  have 
diffused  throughout  the  civilized  world  the  love  of  civil  liberty ; 
the  spirit  of  toleration  and  charity  in  religious  differences ; 
the  disposition  to  reject  whatever  is  obscure,  fantastic,  op 
hypothetical  in  speculation;  to  reduce  verbal  disputes  to 
their  proper  value ;  to  abandon  problems  which  admit  of  no 
solution ;  to  distrust  whatever  cannot  be  clearly  expressed ; 
to  render  theory  the  simple  expression  of  facts ;  and  to  prefer 
those  studies  which  most  directly  contribute  to  human  hap- 
piness. If  Bacon  first  discovered  the  rules  by  which  know- 
ledge is  improved,  Locke  has  most  contributed  to  make  man- 
kind at  large  observe  them.  He  has  done  most,  though  often 
by  remedies  of  silent  and  almost  insensible  operation,  to  cure 
those  mental  distempers  which  obstructed  the  adoption  of 
these  rules ;  and  thus  led  to  th^t  general  diffusion  of  a  health- 
ful and  vigorous  understanding,  which  is  at  once  the  greatest 
of  all  improvements,  and  the  instrument  by  which  all  other 
improvements  must  be  accomplished.  He  has  left  to  posterity 
the  instructive  example  of  a  prudent  reformer,  and  ol  a  philo- 
sophy temperate  as  well  as  liberal,  which  spares  the  feelings 
of  the  good,  and  avoids  direct  hostility  with  obstinate  and 
formidable  prejudice.  These  benefits  are  very  slightly  coun- 
terbalanced by  some  political  doctrines,  liable  to  misapplica- 
tion,  and  by  the  scepticism  of  some  of  his  ingenious  follow- 
ers ;  an  inconvenienpe  to  which  every  philosophical  school  is 
exposed,  which  does  not  steadily  limit  its  theory  to  a  mere 


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1689.]         THB  ESSAY  ON  HUMAN  UKDEESTANDING.  181 

exposition  of  experience.  If  Locke  made  few  discoveries, 
Socrates  made  none ;  yet  both  did  more  for  the  improvement 
pf  the  understanding,  and  not  less  for  the  progress  of  know- 
ledge, than  the  authors  of  the  most  brilliant  discoveries.  Mr 
Locke  will  ever  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  ornaments  of 
ibe  English  nation ;  and  the  most  distant  posterity  will  speak 
of  him,  as  in  the  language  of  the  poet — 

*  0  Decus  AngliacaD  certe,  0  Lux  altera  gentis.* 

Gray  d^  Princ,  cogitand" 

With  respect  to  the  style  of  the  Essay,  it  has  been  ob- 
served by  a  most  competent  judge,*  that  it  resembles  that  of 
a  well-educated  man  of  the  world,  rather  than  of  a  recluse 
student,  who  had  made  an  object  of  the  art  of  composition. 
It  everywhere  abounds  with  colloquial  expressions,  which  he 
had  probably  caught  by  the  ear  from  those  whom  he  consi- 
dered as  models  of  good  conversation ;  and  hence,  though  it 
now  seems  somewhat  antiquated,  and  not  altogether  suited 
to  the  dignity  of  the  subject,  it  may  be  presumed  to  have 
contributed  its  share  towards  the  great  object  of  turning  the 
thoughts  of  his  contemporaries  to  logical  and  metaphysical 
inquiries.t 

we  learn  from  Lord  Shaftesbury  and  from  Addison  that 
the  Essay  very  soon  after  its  publication  excited  considerable 
attention.  Lord  Shaftesbury  was  one  of  the  first  who  sound- 
ed the  alarm  against  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  drift  of  that 
philosophy  which  denies  the  existence  of  innate  principles. 
The  most  direct  of  all  his  attacks  upon  Locke  is  to  be  found 
in  the  eighth  letter,  addressed  to  a  student  at  the  University, 
which  was  published  long  after  the  death  of  Locke.  The  two 
following  letters,  from  the  same  Lord  Shaftesbury,  then 
Lord  Ashley,  are  selected  from  a  great  number  written  by 
the  same  person,  now  remaining  amongst  Mr  Locke's  papers : 
the  one  dated  1689  is  near  the  period  of  the  publication  of 
the  Essay,  when,  considering  his  intimacy  with  the  author, 

*  Mr  Dugald  Stewart.* 

t  In  a  new  translation  of  Aristotle's  Bhetoric,  1823,  it  is  said  of  Locke's 
Essay,  **  This  admirable  work  is  recommended  by  clearness  of  conception, 
(Etonndness  of  judgment,  accuracy  of  reasoning,  and  a  richness  of  fancy  ec^ual 
to  the  illustration  of*  every  subject.  When  we  add  to  all  these  thejpunty, 
aptness,  and  variety  of  his  style,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  Essay  on  Human 
Understanding  should  have  formed  a  new  epoch  in  philosophy." 


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182  LIFE   A^D  LETTEBS   OF  JOWS  LOCKE.  [l689. 

be  must  have  seen  it ;  the  other,  dated  1694,  is  soon  after  the 
publication  of  the  second  edition.  They  both  appear  to  be 
aimed  against  the  new  philosophy,  and  bemg  written  to 
Locke,  it  is  probable  that  the  opinions  contained  in  the  Essay 
are  the  real  objects  of  attack.  After  perusing  these  letters, 
the  reader  will  probably  be  of  opinion  that  the  friends  of  the 
author  of  the  Essay  gave  him  as  much  trouble  as  his  public 
adversaries. 
1 

LOBB  ASHLEY  TO  MB  LOGSJ!. 

«  Aug.  1689. 
«SlB, 

"  I  was  80  concerned  at  not  being  able  to  explain  myself 
on  some  notions  that  I  had  only  started  to  a  discourse  which, 
to  excuse  myself  I  must  say  was  begun  by  you,  that  whether 
it  was  .only  the  affection  that  every  one  nas  to  his  own  that 
made  me  fond  of  them,  yet,  rather  than  they  should  die  so,  I 
resolved  to  engage  further  in  their  defence  the  next  day,  with 
the  same  impudence  that  1  have  used  you  to.  But  as  good 
luck  would  have  it  for  you,  you  were  gone  abroad,  so  I  missed 
the  gain  of  an  hour  or  two  by  you,  and  you  the  loss  of  as 
much  upon  me  ;  yet  so  far  was  I  from  learning  the  discretion 
1  mougnt  by  this,  that  1  grew  worse  than  before ;  those 
thoughts  that  were  not  so  well  satisfied  with  themselves,  but 
feared  their  doom  from  you,  proud  and  insolent  with  this 
reprieve,  thought  now  of  nothing  less  than  living ;  and  those 
that  were  clearer  con8cienced,and  had  before  expected  quarter, 
now  fell  to  refining  upon  themselves,  in  hopes  still  better  to 
deserve  it ;  so  that  here  was  I  drawn  in  and  disposed  of  at 
the  caprice  of  these  impertinent  thoughts  (for  to  speak  in- 
genuously, I  care  not  a  straw  for  either  one  or  other  of  them, 
or  what  becomes  of  them),  and  for  aU  what  resistance  my 
materiality  could  make,  this  troublesome  immateriality,  as  the 
distinction  is  that  you  taught  me,  got  the  better,  and  1  was 
forced  to  think  whether  1  would  or  no.  Being  thus,  at 
length,  forced  to  know  and  acknowledge  the  existence  and 
much  superior  force  of  an  immaterial  part ;  so  finding  it  came 
upon  me  with  such  violence,  1  quitted  hold,  and  let  myself 
be  carried  down  in  the  midst  of  this  immaterial  stream,  which, 
methinks,  I  had  much  rather  have  called  this  muddy  one,  if 
you  would  have  let  one  alone  to  one's  natural  epithets. 

"  This  here  must  certainly  maze  you,  ii,  as  I  cannot  expect 


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1689.]  LETTBBS  ON  THE  ESSAY.  183 

otherwise,  you  should  have  forgotten  the  subject  of  the  last* 
discourse  I  had  with  you ;  therefore,  to  recover  you  out  of 
what  confusion  such  a  wild  style  as  this  may  have  put  you  in, 
know  the  truth,  that  being  caught  in  an  idle  hour,  and  cut 
off  from  the  recourse  to  books,  having  only  this  very  pen  and 
paper  left  me  for  my  defence,  I  bethought  myself  of  the 
practice  you  have  so  often  advised  me  to ;  and  here  being  a 
very  feir  occasion  offered,  I  resolved  to  muster  up  my  (Es- 
orderly  thoughts,  and  make  all  the  strength  I  could  for  those 
yesterday's  notions  that  had  fainted  but  at  the  apprehension 
of  your  siding  against  them,  and  that  only  in  your  absence 
comd  come  to  something,  where  they  might  have  liberty  to 
come  to  some  head  ere  they  were  crashed,  and  were  not  to 
be  destroyed  so  still  in  their  rise ;  but  if,  after  all,  that  was 
to  be  theur  f&te  to  perish  under  you,  that  I  might  at  least 
have  the  honour  of  yielding  with  more  resistance,  and  you  of 
overcoming  with  greater  opposition. 

'^  This  is  enough  to  vindicate  myself  from  what  may  appear 
shocking  to  anything  that  relates  to  religion  by  the  side  of 
the  argument  I  have  chose  to  defend,  which  I  know  you  would 
have  me  do  with  vigour ;  for  as  to  mySelf,  to  make  use  of 
Mgnsieur  Fontenelle's  words,  *  Je  respecte  jusqu'aui  deli- 
catesses  excessives,  que  Ton  a  sur  le  £Eiit  de  la  relie;ion.' 

"  Thus  far  in  my  letter  I  have  let  you  read  without  inter- 
rupting you ;  but  for  the  rest  that  follows,  unless  you  are  as 
idle  when  you  receive  it  as  I  am  now  I  write  it,  pray  put  it 
up  in  your  pocket,  and  do  not  read  it  till  you  happen  to  be 
BO,  how  long  soever  it  may  be  till  that  time. 

"  So  then  to  our  argument.  "Whatever  was  of  matter  you 
denied  to  be  ,anv  part  of  the  soul,  and  the  only  part  you 
justified  to  be  immaterial  was  thought.  Now,  what  will 
thought  prove  when  you  do  not  appropriate  it  to  a  body  ? 
What  is  it  that  thinks,  when  no  material  being  does  ?  What 
is  thought,  but  the  ideas  of  natural  objects  as  they  represent 
themselves  to  sensible  creatures ;  and  if  these  ideas  do  not 
cease  with  the  sensibility  of  the  creature,  why  do  you  attri- 
bute their  original  to  matter  ?  Will  you  amrm,  that  that 
which  subsists  without  matter  should  have  sprung  from 
matter,  and  that  that  which  sprung  out  of  matter  shoidd  out- 
live it  ? 

'' Agaiiii  how  is  it,  that  in  distempers  and  obstructions  in 


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184  LirE  AND   LETTBBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l689. 

the  order  and  motion  of  the  matter  of  our  bodies,  the  think- 
ing faculty  is  by  these  obstructed :  may  there  be  a  medium 
supposed,  such  a  liaison,  compounded  of  materiality  and  im- 
materiality, to  work  these  mutual  influences  ?  or  what  hold 
else  shall  plain  matter  have  on  that  which  has  not  anything  of 
its  own  nature  ? 

"  Again,  does  the  thought  fail  ever,  as  we  know  the  senses 
may  ?  or  do  we  think,  and  not  know  it  ?  feel,  and  not 
know  it  ?  see,  and  not  know  it  ?  I  would  answer,  we  do 
not  then  feel,  we  do  not  then  see :  how  then  is  it  that  we 
still  think,  and  think  on  you  must ;  for  you  dare  not  allow  of 
a  suspension  of  the  exercise  of  thought,  for  fear  of  destroying 
the  only  reliance  of  its  being. 

"  Thus  much  in  short ;  but  let  us  take  away  all  materiality 
from  the  faculty  of  thinking,  and  all  from  the  objects  it  is 
to  work  upon  (for  this  must  be  to  suppose  it  completely  inde- 
pendent from  matter),  and  then  give  me  an  idea  of  what  this 
thought  or  idea  is  to  be  ;  or  do  but  remove  a  thing  from  us 
by  the  discovery  of  it  to  the  sense  or  imagination  of  all  living 
creatures  like  us,  will  you  say  an  idea  shall  simply  rise  from 
this  real  being  ?  As  thus,  before  it  was  discovered  the  earth 
moved,  or  that  there  were  antipodes,  was  there  from  this 
either  thought  or  idea  for  several  ages  in  the  known  part  of 
our  world  ?  Creatures  dizzied,  have  fancied  it  to  move,  and,, 
by  a  wild  incoherence  of  rambling  thought,  men  may  have 
been  fancied  opposite  as  flies  on  a  table.  But  this  msS^ea  no 
idea  of  existence  of  those  things ;  for  the  very  ideas,  on  which 
it  must  then  be  said  to  have  been  received,  themselves  hinder 
the  framing  of  such  a  one,  and  show  it  to  be  only  accidental 
classing  of  ideas,  that  have  no  just  relation  to  one  another. 
In  short,  from  a  being  hid  from  the  conceptions  of  aU  sensible 
creatures  (but  such  a  one  you  cannot  expect  me  to  instance), 
there  can  no  idea  or  thought  arise  ;  for  if  it  be  inanimate,  it 
cannot  have  an  idea  of  itself:  therefore,  as  there  is  no  idea 
but  from  things  substantial,  so  there  cannot  bo  any  fix)m 
such  but  by  the  communication  of  them  to  the  senses ;  and 
thus  we  owe  all  to  our  sensibility ;  and  by  the  measure  this 
decreases,  the  other  must. 

"  But,  to  conclude  with  the  best  my  apprehension  will  afford 
me,  I  define  thought  as  a  name  given,  not  to  the  power  where- 
by animated  bodies  are  prepared  and  rendered  capable  of 


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1680.]  LETTEBS  OlS  THE  ESSAY.  185 

receiving  the  impressions  of  ideas  (for  tbat  Nature  alone  is 
to  give  an  account  of,  and  how  matter  in  some  bodies  is 
animated,  and  in  others  not),  but  to  the  action,  the  evident 
workings  of  exterior  objects,  by  their  ideas,  on  sensible  crea- 
tures, who  receive  them  either  by  the  immediate  and  forcible 
application  of  the  objects  to  the  senses,  or  more  remotely  and 
indirectly  from  the  impressions  they  have  left.  This  depends 
on  the  natural  composition  of  the  brain,  or  other  essential 
parts,  as  it  is  coarser  or  finer ;  for  as  in  animated  creatures, 
ffom  those  that  are  but  in  the  first  degree  removed  from 
vegetables,  to  us  that  esteem  ourselves  in  the  furthest,  the 
senses  multiply  and  grow  in  vigour ;  so  do  they,  when  arrived 
to  a  sufficient  number  and  force,  retain  the  many  ideas  they 
receive,  and  receive  them  afterwards  by  reflection.  But  here 
the  imperfection  of  the  remaining  impressions,  which  the  in- 
tervention of  time  has  occasioned,  or  that  originally  may 
have  been  imperfect,  and  the  obscurity  of  a  dubious  variety 
of  these  occurring  representations,  breed  such  alteration  and 
confusion,  that  there  is  often  great  difficulty  and  trouble  ere 
a  fixed  idea  be  framed  in  the  mind ;  that,  last  remaining,  be- 
ing the  subsequent  idea  of  the  preceding  ones,  and  formed 
by  their  concurrence.  Those  being  just,  orderly,  and  full,  the 
general  comprehensive  idea  that  springs  thence  wiU  be  true, 
and  the  nature  of  the  thing  described  in  the  mind  will  appear 
as  it  is ;  whereas  if,  on  the  contrary,  they  prove  weak,  de- 
ceitful, confused,  or  imperfect,  the  conclusive  ideas  that  are 
drawn  from  and  formed  out  of  those  will  be  defective,  cor- 
Thpt,  uncertain,  false.  I  profess  myself  now,  as  far  as  I  can, 
(and  till  I  know  more  of  myself  you  will  excuse  me),  as  fer, 
that  is,  as  materiality  will  go. 

Entirely  yours,  A.  Ashley.'  '  * 

"StGiles's,  Sept.  29,  1694. 
"  Mb  Locke, 

"  You  may  most  certainly  be  assured,  that  if  out  of  any 
studies  of  mine,  which  you  mention,  I  could  draw  anything 
I  thought  could  be  any  ways  profitable,  or  other  than  super- 
fluous to  you,  I  should  not  fail  to  communicate  it  without 
any  need  of  being  pressed ;  since  that  all  the  end  to  which 

♦  Afterwards  the  third  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  Author  of  the  "  Character- 
istics," &c. 


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186  LIFE  Ain>  IiETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l694, 

my  studies,  such  as  they  are,  have  any  leading  or  bent,  is  but 
to  learn  me  this  one  thing,  in  short — ^how  to  commimicate 
everything  freely — how  to  be  more  sociable,  and  more  a 
friend.  How  is  it  possible  that  I  should  be  a  niggard  here, 
and  not  impart  all  that  I  were  able  ?  It  is  not  with  me  as 
with  an  empiric,  one  that  is  studying  of  curiosities,  raising  of 
new  inventions  that  are  to  gain  credit  to  the  author,  starting 
of  new  notions  that  are  to  amuse  the  world,  and  serve  them 
for  diversion,  or  for  trial  of  their  acuteness  (which  is  all  one 
as  if  it  were  some  new  play,  as  chess,  or  a  game  of  cards  that 
were  invented)  ; — it  is  not  in  my  case,  as  with  one  of  the 
men  of  new  systems,  who  are  to  build  the  credit  of  their  own 
invented  ones  upon  the  ruin  of  the  ancienter,  and  the  dis- 
credit of  those  learned  men  that  went  before.  Descartes,  op 
Mr  Hobbes,  or  any  of  their  improvers,  have  the  same  reason 
to  make  ado  and  be  jealous  about  their  notions  and  disco- 
veries, as  they  call  them,  as  a  practising  apothecary  or  moun- 
tebank has  to  be  jealous  about  the  compositions  that  are  to 
go  by  his  name ;  for,  if  it  be  not  a  livelihood  is  aimed,  it  is  a 
reputation,  and  what  I  contend  for  reputation  in  I  must  ne- 
cessarily envy  another  man's  possession  of  But  as  for  me, 
could  I  make  any  of  those  admirable  discoveries  which  were 
nothing  worth  but  to  be  commended  for  their  subtilty,  I 
would  do  as  Timon  did  (though  out  of  a  just  contrary  prin- 
ciple) when  he  found  gold, — waiter  I  had  by  chance  dug  upon 
it,  and  found  what  it  was,  I  would  put  the  clod  over  it  again, 
and  say  nothing  of  it,  but  forget  it  if  I  could.  For  my  part, 
I  am  so  far  from  thinking  that  mankind  need  any  new  dis- 
coveries, or  that  they  lie  in  the  dark,  and  are  unhappy  for 
want  of  them,  that  I  know  not  what  we  could  ask  of  G-od  to 
know  more  than  we  do,  or  easily  may  do.  The  thing  that 
I  would  ask  of  G-od  should  be  to  make  men  live  up  to  what 
they  know,  and  that  they  might  be  so  wise  as  to  desire  to 
know  no  other  things  than  what  belonged  to  them,  and  what 
lay  plain  before  them,  and  to  know  those  to  purpose ;  and 
tliat  all  other  ajQfectation  of  knowledge  he  would  preserve  us 
from  as  from  a  disease,  in  which  sort  of  knowledge,  if  we 
excelled  ever  so  much,  and  were  masters  of  all  as  fer  as  we 
coveted,  it  would  not  help  us  to  be  one  jot  the  honester  or 
better  creatures. 

'*  If  there  be  any  one  that  knows  not,  or  believes  not,  that 


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1694.]  IiETTEBS  OK  THE  E8BAT.  187 

all  things  in  the  iiniyerse  are  done  for  the  best,  and  ever  will 
go  on  so,  because  conducted  by  the  same  good  cause;  if 
there  be  any  one  who  knows  nothing  like  this  of  Q-od,  or 
can  think  of  him  constantly  in  this  manner,  and  who  cannot 
see  that  he  himself  is  a  rational  and  a  sociable  creature  by  his 
nature,  and  has  an  end  to  which  he  should  refer  his  slightest 
actions,  such  a  one  is  indeed  wanting  of  knowledge.  But  if 
this  be  known  (as  what  is  easier  to  know  ?),  there  is  not 
then  one  study  or  science  that  signifies  a  rush,  or  that  is  not 
worse  than  ignorance,  which  gives  a  man  no  help  in  the  pur* 
suance  of  what  he  has  learnt  to  be  his  duty ;  assists  him  not 
in  the  government  of  the  irrational  and  brutal  part  of  himi 
self;  which  neither  makes  him  more  truly  satisfied  with 
what  Q-od  does  in  the  world  (for  that  is  loving  Q-od),  nor 
more  sociable,  more  honest,  or  more  just,  by  removing  of 
those  passions  which  he  has  always  to  struggle  with,  that  he 
may  preserve  himself  so.  If  there  are  any  other  sciences 
that  are  worthy  of  esteem,  they  are  what  must  relate  to  the 
well-being  of  mankind  in  societies ;  and  on  that  account  a 
button-maker  is  to  be  esteemed  if  he  improves  his  art,  and 
adds  some  conveniency  to  life.  But  how  the  founders  of 
metaphysics,  of  rhetoric,  of  the  arts  of  reasoning  upon  every- 
thing and  never  coming  to  end,  of  the  arts  that  lie  in  words 
and  the  turns  of  them,  and  the  divisions  that  may  be  run 
upon  them ;  how,  I  say,  these  men  came  to  be  preferred  to 
the  commonest  mechanics  I  cannot  tell. 

"Anciently,  these  notable  inquisitive  men,  that  were  curious 
in  what  signified  nothing,  were  called  by  a  name  that  they 
thought  themselves  highly  honoured  with,  and  aspired  no 
further ;  they  were  called  sophists,  and  never  expected  to  be 
treated  in  the  style  of  philosopJiers,  or  professors  of  philosophy. 
Who  were  true  philosophers  those  wise  men  showed  (for 
amongst  them  the  name  came  up),  that  were  in  early  times 
in  Greece,  whom  the  fancy  of  people  that  succeeded  put  into 
a  certain  number  called  seven,  though  the  number  was  far 
greater ;  of  whom  not  one  but  was  signally  remarkable  for 
some  service  to  his  Commonwealth ;  who  were  all  united  in 
the  strictest  friendship,  and  by  good  offices,  and  helps  one 
to  another ;  and  whos^  study  was  that  of  knowing  themselves, 
and  learning  how  to  be  serviceable  to  others. 

"  When  Socrates  lived,  it  was  still  thus,  for  he  made  the 


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188  LIFE  AlTD   LBTTEBS  07  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l094. 

sophists  know  themselves  and  keep  their  distazice ;  but  when, 
after  his  death,  the  Socratic  spint  sunk  much,  then  began 
philosophy  and  sophistry  to  be  better  acquainted;  but  it 
was  never  known  till  more  late  days,  that  to  profess  philoso- 
phy was  not  to  profess  a  life,  and  that  it  might  be  said  of 
one,  that  he  was  a  great  man  in  philosophy,  whilst  nobody 
thought  it  to  the  purpose  to  ask,  how  did  he  live  f  what  in- 
stuices  of  his  fortituoe,  contempt  of  interest,  patience,  Ac.  ? 

"What  is  philosophy,  then,  if  nothing  of  this  is  in  the  case  ? 
What  signifies  it  to  know  (if  we  could  know)  what  elements 
the  earth  was  made  from,  or  how  many  atoms  went  to  make 
up  the  round  ball  we  live  upon,  though  we  know  it  to  an 
atom?  What  signifies  it  to  know  whether  the  chaos  was 
cast  in  Dr  Burnet's  mould,  or  if  Q-od  did  it  a  quite  diflferent 
way  ?  What  if  we  knew  the  exact  system  of  that  of  our  frames ; 
should  we  learn  any  more  than  this,  that  God  did  aU  things 
wisely  and  for  the  best  ?  And  are  we  not  already  satisfied 
of  this,  or  may  be  assured  of  it  by  the  thousandth  part  of 
what  we  know  and  see?  K  we  should  discover  anything 
that  led  us  to  conceive  what  were  contrary  to  this,  we  should 
have  learnt  that  which  was  worse  than  nothing.  And  better 
than  we  know  already  we  cannot  learn  to  biow ;  for  God 
cannot  by  any  discovery  be  conceived  to  be  more  wise  than 
perfectly  so,  and  such  it  is  easy  to  conceive  him  to  be  without 
knowing  any  more  of  the  things  of  nature  than  we  already  do. 

"  What  I  count  true  learnfaig,  and  all  that  we  can  profit  by, 
is,  to  know  ourselves ;  what  it  is  that  makes  us  low  and  base, 
stubborn  against  reason,  to  be  corrupted  and  drawn  away  from 
virtue,  of  different  tempers,  inconstant,  and  inconsistent  with 
ourselves ;  to  know  how  to  be  always  friends  with  Providence, 
though  death  and  many  such  dreadful  businesses  come  in 
the  way;  and  to  be  sociable  and  good  towards  all  men, 
tiiough  they  turn  miscreants,  or  are  injurious  to  us.  Whilst 
I  can  get  anything  that  teaches  this ;  whilst  I  can  search 
any  age  or  language  that  can  assist  me  here ;  whilst  such 
are  philosophers  and  such  philosophy  whence  I  can  learn 
aught  from  of  this  kind,  there  is  no  labour  or  study,  no 
learning,  that  I  would  not  undertake.  This  is  what  I  know 
to  be  sufficiently  despised ;  for  who  is  there  that  can  think 
so  much  to  the  dishonour  and  prejudice  of  himself  as  to  think- 
he  has  odious  vices  within  him  wmch  only  labour  and  ezerciise 


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1694.]  LETTERS   OK  THE  ESSAY.  189 

can  throw  out  ?  or  who,  if  he  sees  sometimes  any  such  ill 
sights  in  himself,  can  endure  to  look  on  that  side  long,  but 
turns  to  that  other  side  which  his  flatterers  (and  himself  the 
greatest  of  them)  always  readily  present  to  him  ?  To  look 
to  our  bodies  and  our  fortunes  is  a  soHd  and  serious  work, 
and  has  been,  is,  and  will  keep  in  good  fashion  in  the  world. 
Animi  autem  medicina  (says  one  who  spoke,  yet  in  a  much 
better  time  than  this),  nee  tarn  desiderata  antequam  inventa, 
nee  tarn  culia  posteaqimm  cognita  est,  nee  tarn  nmltis  grata  et 
probata,  pltiribtis  etiam  suspecta  et  mvisa,  .  .  .  But  I  must 
fend;  for  I  have  almost  out-writ  the  post-time.  Ton  see  what 
it  is  to  get  me  a-talking.  I  can  add  nothing  now  more  than 
that  I  am  with  all  sincerity  your  entire  friend  and  humble 
servant,  A.  Ashley." 

"  I  have  not  yet  received  the  book,  but  I  have  a  thousand 
obligations  to  my  Lady  Masham." 

About  four  years  after  the  publication  of  the  Essay, 
that  is,  towards  the  end  of  1694,  the  new  philosophy  began 
to  excite  some  attention  at  Oxford.  It  was  Mr  Wynne, 
Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  who  first  appears  to  have  recom- 
mended the  Essay  in  that  University ;  and  it  gives  me  plea- 
sure to  make  known  the  opinions  and  the  efforts  of  that  ex- 
cellent man,  who  was  sincerely  desirous  of  promoting  the 
advancement  of  knowledge  and  science. 

TO   THB  HONOTJEED  MB  J.   L0CKJ3,  GATES,   IK  ESSEX. 

"HoNOTJBED  Sib, 

"  After  the  repeated  perusal  of  yx>ur  excellent  Essay  con- 
cerning Human  XJnderst^tnding  (which  will  ever  afford  me 
the  most  agreeable  and  instructive  entertainment),  though  I 
feel  myself  deeply  impressed  with  motives  of  the  greatest  re- 
spect and  esteem  for  the  author,  yet  I  am  very  sensible  how 
impertinent  it  would  be  for  one  of  my  rank  and  condition  to 
pretend  to  make  any  private  acknowledgements  for  so  public 
and  universal  a  benefit.  But  having  some  thoughts  relating 
to  your  book,  which  may  be  of  advantage  to  the  public,  1 
make  bold  to  offer  them  to  you,  not  doubting  but  that  your 
candour  will  pardon  my  presumption,  though  your  judgment 
«hoidd  disallow  my  proposal. 


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190  LITE  AKD  LXTTSBS  OE  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l694« 

"  Ever  since  I  had  the  happiness  to  be  acquainted  with  your 
accurate  Essay,  I  have  been  persuaded  that  the  greatest  ser- 
vice that  could  be  done  for  the  judicious  and  thinking  part 
of  the  world,  next  to  the  composing  of  it,  would  be  to  bring 
it  into  vogue  and  credit,  and  thereby  into  common  and  ge- 
neral use.  If  men  did  not  labour  under  inveterate  prejudices 
and  obstinate  prepossessions,  this  might  easily  be  effected. 
And  yet,  notwithstanding  these,  the  truths  contained  in  your 
book  are  so  clear  and  evident,  the  notions  so  natural  and 
agreeable  to  reason,  that  I  imagine  none  that  carefully  reads 
and  duly  considers  them,  can  avoid  being  enlightened  and  in- 
structed by  them.  I  have  for  some  time  made  it  mv  business, 
in  my  little  sphere,  to  recommend  it  to  all  those  that  I  have 
any  mfluence  over,  nor  did  I  ever  meet  with  any,  who,  after 
an  attentive  and  diligent  perusal,  complained  of  being  dis- 
appointed in  their  expectation ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they 
owned  themselves  to  have  been  infinitely  benefited  by  it. 
By  the  light  which  they  have  derived  from  it,  they  so  clearly 
perceive  how  useless  and  insignificant  our  vulgar  systems 
are,  that  they  have  resolved  to  trifle  no  longer,  but  to  rid 
their  hands  and  heads  entirely  of  them  ;  and  in  all  probability 
it  would  have  the  same  effect  upon  us  all,  if  it  were  but  read 
and  considered  by  all. 

**  Now,  in  order  to  this,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  it 
would  be  very  useful  to  publish  an  abridgment  of  the  book. 
If  some  of  the  larger  explications  (some  of  which  are  but 
incidental  to  the  general  design  of  the  work)  were  contracted, 
it  might  be  reduced  to  the  compass  of  a  moderate  8vo.  I 
need  not  represent  to  you  the  advantages  of  a  small  over  a 
large  volume ;  but  shall  only  tell  you  that  it  would  be  of  ex- 
cellent use  to  us  of  this  place,  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of 
our  young  men,  and  be  read  and  explained  to  them  instead 
of  those  trifling  and  insignificant  books,  which  serve  only  to 
perplex  and  confound,  instead  of  enlightening  and  improving 
our  reason.  I  do  not  see  that  there  is  anything  wanting  in 
it  to  complete  the  third  part  in  vour  division  of  science.  I 
know  you  mention  an  epitome  of  the  work  in  your  preface ; 
but  'tis,  as  I  am  informed,  in  a  language  not  commonly  un- 
derstood amongst  us,  and  too  scarce  to  answer  the  end  which 
I  propose. 

"  If,  upon  this  intimation,  you  shall  think  what  is  here  of-* 


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1694.]  LSTTEBS  OK  TH^  ESSAY.  191 

fered  worthy  ofyour  regard,  I  would  willingly  contribute  any 
assistance  tnat  I  may  be  capable  of  to  ease  you  of  the  trou- 
ble. I  humbly  crave  your  pardon  for  this  bold  intrusion,  and 
beg  leave  to  subscribe  myself,  what  1  sincerely  am,  with  all 
respect  imaginable,  honoured  Sir, 

Your  obedient  and  very  humble  Servant, 

JOHK  "WtKOTB." 
"  Jesus  College,  Oxon.    Jan.  31,  1695." 

THE  AKSWEB  TO  THE  ABOYE  LETTER,  HmOBSEB  J.  LOCKE 
TO  J.  WYNISTB. 

''Oates,  3rd  Feb.  1694-6. 
"Sib, 

"  You  cannot  think  it  strange  that  I  should  be  surprised 
at  the  receipt  of  a  letter  of  so  much  civililrv  to  me  from  a 
person  I  had  not  the  honour  to  know,  and  of  so  great  com- 
mendation of  my  book  from  a  place  where  I  thought  it  littie 
taken  notice  of;  and  though  the  compliments  you  are  pleased 
to  bestow  both  on  me  and  it  are  above  what  belongs  to  either, 
yet  I  cannot  but  acknowledge  myself  sensibly  obliged  by  the 
kind  thoughts  you  are  biassed  with  in  favour  both  of  me  and 
mj  Essay.  It  having  been  begun  by  chance,  and  continued 
with  no  other  design  but  a  free  inquiry  into  the  subject,  it 
would  have  been  great  vanity  in  me  to  publish  it  with  hopes, 
that  what  had  been  writ  for  the  diversion  of  my  idle  hours, 
should  be  made  serious  business  of  studious  men  who  know 
how  to  employ  their  time.  Those  who  had  leisure  to  throw 
away  in  speculations  a  little  out  of  the  road,  I  guessed  might 
perhaps  look  into  it.  If  by  the  credit  and  recommendation 
of  those  who,  like  you,  have  entertained  it  vnth  a  favourable 
opinion,  it  be  read  further,  and  get  into  the  hands  of  men  of 
letters  and  study,  it  is  more  than  I  could  expect  from  a  Trea- 
tise I  writ  in  a  plain  and  popular  style,  which,  having  in  it 
nothing  of  the  air  of  learning,  nor  so  much  as  the  language 
of  the  schools,  was  little  suited  to  the  use  or  relish  of  those 
who,  as  teachers  or  learners,  applied  themselves  to  the  mys- 
teries of  scholastic  knowledge. 

"  But  you,  I  see,  are  got  above  feshion  and  prejudice ;  and 
you  must  give  me  leave  to  have  no  ordinary  thoughts  of  a 
man,  who,  by  those  two  great  opposers  of  all  new  efforts  of 
improvement,  will  not  suffer  yourself  to  be  hindered  from 


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192  LIFE   AUTD   LETTEES   OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l694. 

contriving  how  to  make  the  way  to  real  knowledge  more  open 
and  easy  to  those  beginners  who  have  set  their  faces  that 
way.  I  should  be  very  glad  if  anything  in  my  book  could  be 
made  useful  to  that  purpose.  I  agree  with  you,  that  most  of 
the  larger  explications  may  be  looked  on  as  incidental  to  what 
you  design,  and  so  may  by  one,  who  would  out  of  my  book 
make  a  system  of  the  third  part  in  my  division  of  science,  be 
wholly  passed  by  or  but  lightly  touched  on ;  to  which  let  me 
add  that  several  of  those  repetitions,  which  for  reasons  then 
I  let  it  go  with,  mav  be  omitted,  and  all  the  parts  contracted 
into  that  form  and  bigness  you  propose. 

"  But  with  my  Uttie  health,  and  less  leisure,  considering 
that  I  have  been  so  long  a  stranger  to  systems,  and  am  ut- 
terly ignorant  what  would  suit  those  you  design  it  for,  it  is 
not  for  me  to  go  about  it,  though  what  you  have  said  would 
incline  me  to  believe  it  might  not  be  wholly  lost  labour.  It 
is  not  for  nothing  I  hope  that  this  thought  is  fallen  into  the 
mind  of  one  who  is  much  abler  to  execute  it ;  you,  I  see,  are 
as  much  master  of  my  notions  as  I  myself,  and  better  able  to 
put  them  together  to  the  purpose  you  intend.  I  say  not  this 
to  decline  giving  my  assistance,  if  you,  in  civility,  think  I 
can  afford  you  any. 

"  The  Abstract,  which  was  published,  in  French,  in  the 
Bibliotheque  XJniverselle  of  1688,  will  neither  in  its  size  or 
design  answer  the  end  you  propose ;  but  if  the  rough  draught 
of  it,  which  I  think  I  have  in  English  somewhere  amongst 
my  papers,  may  be  of  any  use  to  you,  you  may  command  it, 
or  whatever  service  I  can  do  you  in  any  kind ;  for  I  am,  with 
a  very  particular  esteem  and  respect. 

Sir,  your  most  humble  Servant." 

After  the  first  objection  had  been  overcome,  the  success  of 
the  Essay  must  be  considered  to  have  been  very  great,  as  its 
several  successive  editions  during  the  life  of  the  author,  as 
well  as  an  excellent  translation  by  M.  Coste  into  the  French 
language,  sufficiently  attest.  If,  however,  the  Essay  received 
the  approbation  of  enlightened  men,  not  only  in  England, 
but  on  the  Continent,  yet  after  an  interval  of  several  years 
from  its  first  publication,  when  time  had  been  allowed  to  sift 
its  merits,  and  decide  its  character,  it  excited  the  disappro- 
bation of  the  Heads  of  Houses  at  Oxford,  who  at  cme  time 


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1704.]  LETTEES   ON   THE  ESSAY.  19^ 

took  counsel  to  hanishi  it  from  that  seat  of  learning.     Their 
proceedings  are  described  in  the  following  letter : — 

ME  TTEEELL  TO   LOCKE. 

"April,  1704. 
'*Deab  Sie, 

"  In  answer  to  yours  received  by  our  good  friend   Mr 
Church,  the  best  information  I  can  give  you  concerning  the 
forbidding  the  reading  of  your  Essay  is  as  follows :   That  in 
the  beginning  of  November  last,  there  was  a  meeting  of  the 
Heads  of  Houses  then  in  town  ;  it  was  there  proposed  by  Dr 
Mill,  and  seconded  by  Dr  Maunder,  that  there  was  a  great 
decay  of  long-cut  exercises  in  the  University,  which  could 
not  be  attributed  to  anything  so  much  as  the  new  philosophy 
which  was  so  much  read,  and  in  particular,  your  Book  and  Le 
Clerc's  Philosophy:  against  which  it  was  offered,  that  a  Pro- 
gramma  should  be  published,  forbidding  all  tutors  to  read 
them  to  their  pupils.     This  was  like,  at  first,  to  have  passed, 
till  it  was  opposed  by  some  others  there  present,  and  particu- 
larly by  Dr  Dunstan ;   who  not  only  vindicated  your  Book, 
but  said  that  he  thought  the  making  the  Programma  would 
do  more  harm  than  good  ;   first,  by  making  so  much  more 
noise  abroad,  as  if  the  University  went  about  to  forbid  the 
reading  of  all  philosophy  but  that  of  Aristotle  ;  next,  that  he 
thought  that,  instead  of  the  end  proposed,  it  would  make 
young  men  more  desirous  to  buy  and  read  those  books,  when 
they  were  once  forbid,  than  they  were  before.     Then,  at 
another  meeting,  their  resolution  upon  the  whole  was,  that 
upon  Dr  Edwards'  proposal  they  agreed,  instead  of  a  Pro- 
gramma, that  all  Heads  of  Houses  should  give  the  tutors 
private  instructions  not  to  read  those  books  to  their  pupils, 
and  to  prevent  their  doing  it  by  themselves  as  much  as  lay  in 
their  power ;   and  yet  I  do  not  find,  after  all,  that  any  such 
thing  has  been  put  in  execution  in  those  Colleges  where  I 
have  any  acquaintance,  as  particularly  in  University,  Magda- 
len, New  College,  and  Jesus,  all  which  have  Heads  that  are 
sufficiently  of  the  High  Church  party ;  so  that  I  believe  they, 
finding  it  like  to  "have  little  effect,  have  thought  it  best  to  let 
it  drop.     Mr  Percy,  the  son  of  your  old  acquaintance  at 
Christ-church,  not  only  read  your  Dook  himself,  but  encour- 
aged others  to  do  it.    I  hope  you  will  not  impute  the  indis- 


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194  LIFE   AND   LSTTEBS   OF  JOHK   LOCKE.  [l704. 

creet  zeal  of  a  few  to  the  whole  University,  any  more  than 
we  should  lay  the  flailing  of  the  Bishops  to  the  Church. 

Your  most  faithful  servant, 

T.  Tyebell." 

It  is  here  necessary  to  give  some  account  of  the  attack 
which  Dr  Stillingfleet,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  made  upon  the 
Essay,  as  also  upon  the  principles  of  the  author.  If  it  be 
true,  as  it  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  the  Eeverend  Prelate 
died  from  vexation  at  the  issue  of  the  contest  he  had  engaged 
in,  his  memory  as  a  metaphysician  has  at  least  been  preserved 
from  oblivion  by  the  celebrity  of  his  antagonist,  and  by  hid 
own  signal  defeat. 

The  circumstances  which  led  to  the  controversy  were  these : 
— Toland  had  published  a  book,  called  "  Christianity  not 
Mysterious,"  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  prove  that  there  is 
nothing  in  the  Christian  religion  contrary  to  reason,  or  even, 
above  it ;  and  in  explaining  his  doctrines,  had  used  several 
arguments  from  the  Essay  on  Human  Understanding.  It 
happened  abo  that  some  Unitarian  Treatises,  published 
nearly  at  the  same  time,  maintained  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  Christian  religion  but  what  was  rational  and  intelligi- 
ble ;  and  Locke  having  asserted  in  his  writings,  that  Beveki- 
tion  delivers  nothing  contrary  to  reason  ;  the  Bishop  of 
Worcester,*  defending  the  mysteries  of  the  Trinity  against 

*  It  seems  probable  that  Locke  and  Dr  Stillingfleet,  though  now  engaged 
in  adverse  controversy,  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  same  party ,  the  Id- 
shop  of  Lincoln  having  conferred  upon  him  his  first  dignity  in  the  church 
at  Shaftesbury's  request. 

TO  THI  BiaHT  HOK.  THB  EABL  OF  SHATTESBUBT,  AT  WIKBOBNB 
ST  GILES,   DOBSETSHIBB. 

<<  Hatton  Grarden,  Jan.  27,  1674. 
"My  vebt  good  Lobd, 

"  That  your  Lordship  may  perceive  I  have  not  been  unmindful  of  the 
promise  I  made^  I  have  conferred  on  Dr  Stillingfleet  the  Prebend  of  North 
Kelsey,  which  is  the  more  acceptable  to  him  because  it  lies  very  conveni- 
ently, and  is  that  which  he  desired. 

"  I  wish  your  Lordship  all  happiness,  from  my  heart.  The  times  are  bad, 
but  I  comfort  myself  with  the  close  of  Bishop  Duppa's  i^istle  before  Arch- 
bishop Spottswood's  History  of  Scotland— 

'  Non,  si  mala  nunc,  et  olim  sic  erit.* 
*^  Beseeching  God  to  ^de  and  protect  you,  I  rest. 

Your  Lordship's  most  humble  and  affectionate  servant, 

G.  LiKCOLV." 


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1698.]  STILLINGrLEET'S  ATTACK  OV  THE  ESSAY.  195 

Toland  and  tlie  Unitarians,  denounced  some  of  Locke's 
principles  as  heretical,  and  classed  his  works  with  those  of 
the  above-mentioned  writers. 

Locke  answered  the  Bishop,  who  replied  the  same  year. 
This  replj  was  confuted  by  a  second  letter  of  Locke's,  which 
produced  a  second  answer  from  the  Bishop  in  1698.  Locke 
again  replied  in  a  third  letter,  wherein  he  treated  more  largely 
of  the  certainty  of  reason  by  ideas,  of  "  the  certainty  of  faith, 
of  the  resurrection  of  the  same  body,  and  the  immateriality 
of  the  soul."  He  showed  the  perfect  agreement  of  his  prin- 
ciples with  the  Christian  religion,  and  that  he  had  advanced 
nothing  which  had  the  least  tendency  to  scepticism,  with 
which  the  Bishop  had  very  ignorantly  charged  him. 

The  death  of  Stillingfleet  put  an  end  to  the  controversy ; 
in  which  we  cannot  but  admire  Locke's  strength  of  reason- 
ing, the  great  clearness  and  precision  with  which  he  explains 
his  own  notions  and  principles,  and  exposes  and  confutes 
those  of  his  adversary.  The  Bishop  was  by  no  means  able 
to  maintain  his  opinions  against  Locke,  whose  reasons  he  did 
not  understand  any  more  than  the  subject  itself  about  which 
they  disputed.  The  Beverend  Prelate  nad  employed  his  time 
chiefly  m  the  study  of  Ecclesiastical  Antiquities,  and  in 
multifarious  reading ;  but  was  no  great  philosopher,  and  had 
never  accustomed  himself  to  that  close  way  of  thinking  and 
reasoning,  in  which  Locke  so  highly  excelled. 

^Notwithstanding  the  reason  which  Locke  had  to  complain 
of  the  unfounded  charges  brought  against  him  by  the  Bishop 
writing  upon  a  subject  upon  which  he  was  wholly  ignorant, 
yet  he  always  treated  him  with  the  respect  due  to  his  rank, 
whilst  he  triumphantly  confuted  his  mistakes,  and  from  his 
own  words  convicted  him  of  inaccuracy  and  ignorance. 

**  Never  was  a  controversy,"  Le  Clerc  observes,  "  managed 
with  so  much  skill  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  part  with  so 
much  misrepresentation,  confusion,  and  ignorance,  alike  dis- 
creditable to  the  cause  and  the  advocate." 

In  other  times,  and  under  other  circumstances,  had  a  con- 
test arisen  between  a  Philosopher  and  a  Churchman,  the 
cause,  if  unfavourable  to  the  latter,  would  have  been  removed 
into  the  Inquisition,  or  into  the  Court  of  High  Ecclesiastical 
Commission.    Perhaps  this  Prelate  of  our  reformed  church 

o  2 


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196  LIFE   AJSB  LETTERS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l698. 

might,  in  the  extremity  of  his  distress  (as  "  the  method  and 
management  of  that  holy  office  were  not  wholly  unknown  to 
his  Lordship,  nor  had  escaped  his  great  reading*'*),  breathe 
a  regret,  that  he  could  not  employ  the  arms  of  the  Eoman 
Church,  or  of  the  Stuart  Princes,  and  silence  his  adversary 
by  the  same  ultima  ratio  of  ecclesiastics,  which  he  had  seen  so 
successfully  used  against  Galileo,  scarce  fifty  years  before. 

In  a  letter  written  to  his  relation,  Mr  King,t  during  the 
controversy  with  the  Bishop  of  Worcester,  Locke,  in  noticing 
the  observations  and  remarks  of  some  of  his  adversavies^  thus 
expresses  his  contempt : — 

"November  5,  1698. 
«  *  *  *  * 

"  If  those  gentlemen  think  that  the  Bishop  hath  the  ad- 
vantage by  not  making  good  one  of  those  many  propositions 
in  debate  between  us,  but  by  asking  a  question,  a  personal 
question,  nothing  to  the  purpose,  I  shall  not  envy  him  such  a 
victory.  In  the  mean  time,  tf  this  be  all  they  have  to  say,  the 
world  that  sees  not  with  their  eyes,  will  see  what  disputants 
for  truth  those  are  who  make  to  themselves  occasions  of 
calumny,  and  think  that  a  triumph.  The 'Bishop  is  to  prove 
that  my  book  has  something  in  it  that  is  inconsistent  with 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  and  all  that  upon  examination  he 
does, .  is  to  ask  me,  whether  I  believe  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  as  it  has  been  received  in  the  Christian  Church  ? — ^a 
worthy  proof  !$ 

*  Second  Reply  to  the  Bishop  of  "Worcester, 
t  Afterwards  Lord  Chancellor. 

X       EXTRACT    OP  LETTER,   PROM  LEIBNITZ  TO  DB  BURNET,  1697. 

*'  Je  liray  avec  attention  les  Amoebaea  de  Monsieur  TEyeque  de  Worcester 
et  de  Monsieur  Locke.  Je  ne  doute  point  que  celui-ci  ne  se  tire  fort  bien 
d'aifaire.  II  a  trop  de  jugement  pour  dormer  prise  k  Messieurs  les  eccl^si- 
astiques,  qui  sont  les  directeurs  naturels  des  peuples,  et  dont  il  faut  suivre 
les  formukires  autant  qu'il  est  possible.  Et  j'ay  dej^  remarque  dans  les 
endroits  que  j'ai  Tds  d'abord  que  Monsieur  Locke  se  justifie  d'une  mani^re 
tros  solide.  II  ra'est  arrive  ouelque  chose  d'approchant  avec  le  cel^bre 
Monsieur  Amaud.  II  avait  tu  quelque  chose  de  moy,  et  il  avait  cnl  y 
trouver  des  mauvaises  consequences,  mais  quand  il  cut  vu  mes  explications 
il  me  dechargea  hautement  lui-m^me,  et  quoique  nous  ne  fussions  pas  d' ac- 
cord en  tout,  il  ne  laissa  pas  de  reconnoitre  que  mes  sentimens  n'avoient 
rien  de  mauvais. 

"  J 'imagine  qu'il  pourra  arriver  les  meme  chose  k  regard  de  Monsieur' 


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1698.]  HIS  DEFENCE   OF  THE   BS8A.T,  197 

And  in  a  draft  of  a  letter  on  the  proper  manner  of  conduct- 
ing a  controversy,  Locke  says : — 

"  If  readers  were  not  willing  to  cosin  themselves,  how 
could  they,  where  they  pretend  to  seek  for  truth  ana  in- 
formation, content  themselves  with  the  jingle  of  words,  and 
something  they  know  not  what,  that  looks  like  a  sprinkling 
of  wit  or  satire,  in  all  which  they  find  not  the  least  improve- 
ment of  their  knowledge  or  reason  ?  Those  whose  aim  is  to 
divert,  and  make  men  laugh,  let  them  write  plays  and  ro- 
mances, and  there  sport  themselves  with  words  and  false 
images  of  things  as  much  as  they  please.  But  a  professor, 
to  teach  or  maintain  truth,  shoidd  have  nothing  to  do  with 
all  that  tinsel  trumpery ;  should  speak  plain  and  clear,  and 
be  afraid  of  a  fallacy  or  equivocation,  however  prettily  it 
might  look,  and  be  fit  to  cheat  the  reader ;  who  on  his  side 
should,  in  an  author  who  pretends  instruction,  abominate  all 
such  arts,  and  him  that  uses  them,  as  much  as  he  would  a 
common  cheat  who  endeavours  to  put  off  brass  money  for 
standard  silver.'* 

It  was  not  in  this  public  controversy  only  that  the  author 
of  the  Essay  was  obliged  to  labour  in  defence  of  his  work. 
He  was  equally  anxious  to  satisfy  the  scruples  of  his  friends, 
and  to  clear  up  any  doubts  and  difficulties  which  they  sug- 
gested. To  Mr  TyrreU  he  writes  in  explanation  of  some 
points  which  he  had  misunderstood,  and  successfully  obviates 
the  chief  objections  then  and  since  urged  against  what  have 
been  called  the  dangerous  principles  of  the  Essay. 

,de  "Worcester,  car  les  sentimens  peuvent  demeurer  differens  sans  ^tre  dan- 
gereuses  ou  repr^hensibles.  Je  vous  ai  marqu^  autrefois  en  quoi  je  diSkire 
im  pen  moy  m^me  de  Monsieur  Locke,  et  je  serai  bien  aise  d'en  avqjr  un 
jour  Totre  sentiment.  Les  miens  en  philosopMe  approchent  un  pen  da- 
vantage  de  ceux  de  feu  Madame  la  Comtesse  de  Conway,  et  tient  le  milieu 
entre  rlaton  et  D6mocrite ;  puisque  je  crois  que  tout  se  fait  m^chanique- 
ment,  comme  veulent  D6mocnte  et  Descartes,  centre  Topinion  de  Monsieur 
Moms  et  ses  semblables.  £t  que  neanmoins  tout  se  fait  encore  yitalement 
et  suivant  les  causes  finales,  tout  etant  plein  de  yie  et  de  perception,  contre 
Fopinion  des  Democriticiens.  Un  ami  d'HoUande  me  demanaa  si  mes  re- 
marques  sur  les  essais  de  Monsieur  Locke  ne  pourroient  pas  §tre  jointes  k 
la  nouYelle  edition  de  Hollande ;  mais  je  m'en  excusai,  car  il  auroit  6t6  in- 
juste  de  pubUer  dans  son  propre  ouyrage  quelque  chose  qui  auroit  pu 
paroitre  ait  contre  lui  sans  lui  donner  lieu  d'y  joindre  sa  reponse," 


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198  LIES  AlO)  LETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l690« 

•  «  Gates,  Aug.  4th,  90. 
"  Deae  Spt, 

"  I  see  you  and  your  friends  are  so  far  from  understanding 
me  yet  rightly,  that  I  shall  give  you  the  trouble  of  a  few 
lines  to  make  my  meaning  clearer,  if  possible,  than  it  is ; 
though  I  am  apt  to  think,  that  to  any  unprejudiced  reader, 
who  will  consider  what  I  there  ought  to  say,  and  not  what 
he  will  fancy  I  should  say  besides  my  purpose,  it  is  as  plain 
as  anything  can  well  be. — L.  1,  c.  3,  s.  13,  where  it  was  pro- 
per for  me  to  speak  my  opinion  of  the  law  of  nature,  I  affirm, 
m  as  direct  words  as  can  ordinarily  be  made  use  of  to  express 
one's  thoughts,  that  there  is  a  law  of  nature  knowable  by 
the  light  of  nature. — Book  second,  c.  27,  s.  7  and  8,  where  I 
have  occasion  to  speak  indefinitely  of  the  divine  law,  it  is 
objected  I  could  mean  none  other  but  the  divine  revealed 
law  exclusive  of  the  law  of  nature,  and  that  for  two  reasons : 
the  first  is,  because  I  call  it  a  law  given  by  G-od  to  mankind. 
The  law  of  nature,  then,  in  these  men's  opinions,  had  not 
G-od  for  its  author ;  for  if  it  had,  he  gave  it  to  mankind ;  and 
if  he  did,  I  think  it  is  no  derogation  to  it  to  say  he  gave  it 
to  mankind. 

"  I  fear  somebody  on  the  other  side  will,  from  this  very  sen- 
tence, argue  that  I  could  not  mean  the  Mosaical  or  evangelical 
law  of  G-od.  I  am  sure  they  may  with  more  reason,  for 
neither  of  those,  as  I  take  it,  was  given  to  mankind ;  which 
is  a  term  which,  in  my  sense,  includes  all  men.  'Tis  plain 
the  Mosaical  law  was  not  given  to  mankind ;  for  it  was, 
Hear,  O  Israel !  and  I  never  yet  met  vnth  any  one  that  said 
the  laws  of  Moses  were  the  laws  of  mankind ;  and  as  for  the 
revealed  will  of  God  in  the  New  Testament,  which  was  a 
revelation  made  to  the  children  of  men  2000  years  after 
Moses,  and  4000  years  after  the  Creation ;  how  that  can  be 
called  a  law  given  to  mankind  is  hard  to  conceive,  unless 
that  men  bom  before  the  time  of  the  Gospel  were  no  part 
of  mankind,  or  the  Gospel  were  revealed  before  it  was  re- 
vealed. 

"  The  other  reason  I  find  in  your  letter  why  I  could  not 
there  mean  the  law  of  nature,  is  because  the  divine  law  I 
there  speak  of  has  enforcements  of  rewards  and  punishments 
in  another  life.  Your  letter  indeed  says,  whose  only  enforce' 
ment,  but  only  is  of  your  putting  in,  and  not  mine,  as  you 


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1690.]         LETTEE   TO  MB  TYBBELL   ON  THE   ESSAY.  199 

will  perceive  if  you  read  the  passage  in  my  Book  again  ;  and 
that,  I  suppose,  would  have  as  well  excluded  the  law  of  Moses 
as  well  as  that  of  nature,  and  I  imagine  the  law  of  the  G^os- 
pel  too.  But  if  those  gentlemen  think  that  it  is  a  denial  of 
that  branch  of  the  divine  law  which  is  called  the  law  of  na- 
ture, to  speak  of  a  divine  law  whose  enforcements  are  the 
rewards  and  punishments  of  another  life,  which  is  as  much 
as  to  say  the  law  of  nature  has  no  such  enforcements ;  and 
if  they  are  of  that  opinion,  they  cannot  but.be  very  sincere 
and  zealous  sticklers  for  a  divine  law  of  morality  only  upon 
rewards  and  punishments  of  this  life  ;  'tis  easy  to  see  what  a 
kind  of  morality  they  intend  to  make  of  it. 

"  You  tell  me,  you  could  not  tell  how  to  answer  them ; 
I  am  sorry  for  it,  not  being  able  to  see  any  difficulty.  The 
reason  you  give  in  these  words :  I  must  confess  I  could  not 
tell  positively  what  reply  to  make,  because  you  do  not  expressly 
tell  us  where  to  find  this  law,  unless  in  the  S.  8.;  and  since  it 
is  likewise  mtich  doubted  by  some  whether  the  rewards  and 
punishments  you  mention  can  be  demonstrated  as  established 
by  your  divine  law.  This  reason  or  reasons  seem  very  ad- 
mirable to  me,  that  I  could  not  mean  the  law  of  nature, 
because  I  did  not  expressly  tell  you  where  to  find  the  law, 
unless  in  the  S.  S.  I  do  not  remember  I  anywhere  tell 
you  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  S.  S.  Cannot  I  tell  you,  in 
matter-of-fact,  that  some  men,  many  men,  do  compare  their 
actions  to  a  divine  law,  and  thereby  form  the  ideas  of  their 
moral  rectitude  or  pravity,  without  telling  where  that  law  is 
to  be  found  P 

"Another  thing  that  stumbles  you  is,  that  it  is  much 
doubted  by  some  whether  the  rewards  and  punishments  Imen- 
tion  can  be  demonstrated  as  established  by  any  divine  law. 
Will  nothing  then  pass  with  you  in  religion  or  morality  but 
what  you  can  demonstrate  P  If  you  are  of  so  nice  a  stomach, 
I  am  afraid,  if  I  should  now  examine  how  much  of  your  re- 
ligion or  morality  you  could  demonstrate,  how  much  you 
would  have  left :  not  but  that  I  think  that  demonstration  in 
these  matters  may  be  carried  a  great  deal  further  than  it  is. 
But  there  are  many,  perhaps  millions  of  propositions  in  ma- 
thematics which  are  demonstrable,  which  neither  you  nor  I 
can  demonstrate,  which,  perhaps,  no  man  has  yet  demon- 
Btrated,  or  will  do,  before  the  end  of  the  world. 


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200  LITE  AND  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l690. 

"  The  probability  of  rewards  and  pimisbments  in  another 
life,  I  should  think,  might  serve  for  an  enforcement  of  the 
divine  law,  if  that  were  the  business  in  hand ;  but  in  the  pre- 
sent case,  demonstration  of  future  rewards  and  punishments 
was  no  more  my  business  than  whether  the  squaring  of  the 
circle  could  be  demonstrated  or  no.  But  I  know  not  how 
you  would  still  have  me,  besides  my  purpose,  and  against  all 
rules  of  method,  run  out  into  a  discourse  of  the  divine  law, 
show  how  and  when  it  was  promulgated  to  mankind,  demon- 
strate its  enforcement  by  rewards  and  punishments  in  an- 
other life,  in  a  place  where  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  all  this, 
and  in  a  case  where  some  men's  bare  supposition  of  such  a 
law,  whether  true  or  false,  served  my  turn.  It  was  my  busi-. 
ness  there  to  show  how  men  came  by  moral  ideas  or  notions, 
and  that  I  thought  they  did  by  comparing  their  actions  to 
a  rule. 

"  The  next  thing  I  endeavoured  to  show  is,  what  rules  men 
take  to  be  the  standards  to  which  they  compare  their  actions 
to  frame  moral  ideas,  and  these  I  tane  to  be  the  divine  law, 
the  municipal  law,  and  the  law  of  reputation  or  fashion.  If 
this  be  so  in  matter-of-fact,  I  am  in  the  right  in  all  that  I 
pretended,  and  was  proposed  in  that  place.  If  I  am  out  in 
either  of  these  propositions,  I  must  confess  I  am  in  an  error, 
but  cannot  be  accused  for  not  having  treated  more  amply  of 
these  rules  in  that  place,  or  entered  into  a  full  disquisition  of 
their  nature,  force,  or  obligation,  when,  if  you  will  look  into 
the  end  of  that  chapter,  you  will  find  it  is  not  of  concernment 
to  my  purpose  in  that  chapter,  whether  they  be  as  much'  aS 
true  or  np ;  but  only  that  they  be  considered  in  the  minds  of 
men  as  rules  to  which  they  compare  their  actions,  and  judge 
of  their  morality. 

"  But  yet  you  think  me  guilty  of  other  men's  mistakes, 
because  I  did  not  write  plainer,  and  I  think  they  might  have 
considered  better  what  I  writ.  I  imagine,  what  I  was  there 
to  make, out  I  have  done  very  plainly ;  and  if  readers  will  not 
allow  so  much  attention  to  the  book  they  read,  as  to  mind 
what  the  author  is  upon,  and  whether  he  directly  pursues 
the  argument  in  hand,  they  must  blame  themselves,  if  they 
raise  doubts  and  scruples  to  themselves,  where  the  author 
gave  no  occasion  for  any.  And  if  they  be  ill-natured  as  well 
as  groundless  objections,  one  may  suspect  that  they  meant 


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1690.]         LSTTEB  TO  MB  TTBRELL   ON  THE  ESSAY.  201 

not  over  well  to  the  author,  or  the  argument  they  are  so 
scrupulous  about. 

"  Tou  say,  that  to  show  what  I  m^ant,  I  should,  after  di- 
vine law,  have  added  in  a  parenthesis,  which  others  call  the 
law  of  nature^  which  had  been  so  far  from  what  I  meant,  that 
it  had  been  contrary  to  it,  for  I  meant  the  divine  law  indefi- 
nitely, and  in  general,  however  made  known  or  supposed ; 
and  if  ever  any  men  referred  their  actions  to  the  law  of  na- 
ture as  to  a  divine  law,  'twas  plain  I  meant  that,  if  any 
judged  of  their  actions  by  the  law  of  Moses  or  Jesus  Christ, 
as  by  a  divine  law,  'twas  plain  I  meant  that  also ;  nay,  the 
Alcoran  of  the  Mahometans  and  the  Sanscrit  of  the  iBramins 
could  not  be  in  this  case  excluded  (though  perhaps  you  or 
your  friends  would  have  thought  it  more  worth  their  censure 
if  I  had  put  them  in,  and  then  I  had  lain  open  to  I  know  not 
what  interpretation),  or  any  other  supposed  divine  revelation 
whether  true  or  Mse.  For  it  being  taken  for  a  divine  law, 
it  would  have  served  men,  who  make  use  of  it,  and  judged  of 
their  actions  by  it,  to  have  given  them  notions  of  morality  or 
moral  ideas,  and  that  was  all  I  was  to  show.  Indeed,  if  you 
can  tell  of  any  other  rule  but,  Ist,  Divine  laws  or  the  law  of 
G^od ;  2nd,  Civil  laws,  or  the  laws  of  the  magistrate ;  3rd, 
The  law  of  fashion  or  reputation,  whereby  men  judge  of  the 
goodness  of  their  actions,  I  have  then  failed  in  giving  a  fuU 
account  whence  men  get  their  moral  ideas :  but  that  is  all  I 
can  be  accused  to  have  failed  in  here ;  for  I  did  not  design 
to  treat  of  the  grounds  of  true  morality,  which  is  necessary 
to  true  and  perfect  happiness  ;  it  had  been  impertinent  if  I 
had  so  designed ;  my  business  was  only  to  show  whence  men 
had  moral  ideas,  and  what  they  were,  and  that,  I  suppose,  is 
sufficiently  done  in  the  chapter.  I  am, 

J.  Locke." 

The  occupations  which  now  engaged  the  attention  of  this 
great  man  were  of  the  most  varied  and  opposite  description. 
He  was  at  the  same  time  a  practical  politician  and  a  profound 
speculative  philosopher :  a  man  of  the  world,  engaged  in  the 
business  of  the  world,  yet  combining  with  all  those  avocations 
the  purity  and  simplicity  of  a  primitive  Christian.  He  pursued 
every  subject  with  incredible  activity  and  diligence ;  always 
regulating  his  numerous  inquiries  by  the  love  of  truth,  and 


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202  LIFE  AKD   LETTEBS   OP  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l690. 

directing  them  to  the  improyement  and  benefit  of  his  country 
and  of  mankind. 

His  literary  employments  at  this  period  were  the  Treatises 
on  Government,  written  in  defence  of  the  Eevolution  against 
the  Tory  enemy.  And  in  the  following  year,  1690,  he  pub- 
lished a  Second  Letter  for  Toleration  (without  the  name  of 
its  author),  in  vindication  of  the  principles  of  religious  liberty, 
which  had  as  naturally  been  attacked  by  a  Churchman. 

Perhaps  the  most  deadly  blow  which  the  Court  and  Church 
had  ever  directed  against  the  liberty  of  the  country,  was  the 
act  of  1662,  for  preventing  abuses  in  Printing.  It  established 
a  censorship  in  England,  and  under  the  specious  pretence  of 
prohibiting  the  printing  of  books  contrary  to  the  Christian 
faith,  or  of  seditious  works,  the  number  of  printing-presses 
was  limited  by  law  within  the  narrowest  bounds,  and  all 
works  were  subjected  to  the  previous  licence  of  the  governors 
of  the  Church  and  State. 

This  act  was  at  first  passed  for  two  years  in  1662,  and  was 
afterwards  continued  in  force  by  several  reenactments  till 
1679,  when  it  expired,  and  the  country  was  exempt  from  that 
tyranny  (though  from  no  other)  for  six  years,  till  1686,  when 
it  was  again  revived  for  seven  years  more,  and  at  the  expira- 
tion of  these  seven  years  was  continued  for  a  year  longer, 
when  at  last,  by  the  refusal  of  the  House  of  Commons,  it  was 
Buffered  finally  to  expire. 

The  following  copy  of  the  objectionable  clauses  of  the  act, 
with  Locke's  observations  upon  each  separate  clause,  virill  be 
found  very  interesting,  as  a  record  of  the  existence  of  a  cen- 
sorship in  England,  accompanied  by  the  comments  of  so  com- 
petent a  judge,  who  had  witnessed  both  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  that  most  arbitrary  measure.  These  notes  were 
probably  written  at  the  time  when  the  Printing  Act  was  last 
under  consideration  in  Parliament,  in  1694.  If  the  unanswer- 
able objections  which  Locke  stated  against  every  part  of  that 
act  contributed  in  any  degree  to  prevent  its  further  reenact- 
ment,  his  exertions  may  be  regarded  as  no  small  service 
rendered  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  truth. 

"Airso  14*  CAB.  2.  CAP.  xxxin. 
"An  Act  for  preventing  abuses  in  printing  seditious^ 


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1604.]  HIS   OBSEBVATIONS   ON  THE   CBNSOBSHIP.  203 

treasonable,  and  unlicensed  Books  and  Pamphlets,  and  for 
regulating  Printing  and  Printing-presses." 

*'  §  2.  Heretical,  seditious,  schismatical,  or  offensive  books, 
wherein  anything  contrary  to  Christian  faith  or  the  doctrine 
or  discipline  of  the  Church  of  England,  is  asserted ;  or  which 
may  tend  to  the  scandal  of  religion,  or  the  church,  or  the 
government,  or  governors  of  the  church,  state,  or  of  any  cor- 
poration, or  particular  person,  are  prohibited  to  be  printed, 
unported,  published,  or  sold.*' 

Some  of  these  terms  are  so  general  and  comprehensive,  op 
at  least  so  submitted  to  the  sense  and  interpretation  of  the 
governors  of  Church  and  State  for  the  time  being,  that  it  is 
impossible  any  book  should  pass  but  just  what  suits  their 
humours.  And  who  knows  but  that  the  motion  of  the  earth 
may  be  found  to  be  heretical,  as  asserting  Antipodes  once 
was? 

I  know  not  why  a  man  should  not  have  liberty  to  print 
whatever  he  would  speak ;  and  to  be  answerable  for  the  one, 
just  as  he  is  for  the  other,  if  he  transgresses  the  law  in  either, 
^ut  gagging  a  man,  for  fear  he  should  talk  heresy  or  sedition, 
has  no  other  ground  than  such  as  will  make  gjrves  necessary, 
for  fear  a  man  should  use  violence  if  his  hands  were  free,  and 
must  at  last  end  in  the  imprisonment  of  all  who  you  will  sus- 
pect may  be  guilty  of  treason  or  misdemeanour.  To  prevent 
men  being  undiscovered  for  what  they  print,  you  may  pro- 
hibit any  book  to  be  printed,  published,  or  sold,  without  the 
printer's  or  bookseller's  name,  under  great  penalties,  what- 
ever be  in  it.  And  then  let  the  printer  or  bookseller,  whose 
name  is  to  it,  be  answerable  *  for  whatever  is  against  law  in 
it,  as  if  he  were  the  author,  unless  he  can  produce  the  person 
he  had  it  from,  which  is  all  the  restraint  ought  to  b^  upon 
printing. 

"  §  3.  All  books  prohibited  to  be  printed  that  are  not  first 
entered  in  the  register  of  the  Company  of  Stationers,  and 
licensed." 

Whereby  it  comes  to  pass,  that  sometimes,  when  a  book  is 

brought  to  be  entered  in  the  register  of  the  Company  of 

Stationers,  if  they  think  it  may  turn  to  account,  they  enter 

it  there  as  theirs,  whereby  the  other  person  is  hindered  from 

♦  This  is  now  the  law. 


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204  LIFE  AKB  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOOSE.  [l694. 

printing  and  publishing  it ;  an  example  whereof  can  be  given 
by  Mr  Awnsham  ChurchiU. 

"  §  6.  No  books  to  be  printed  or  imported,  which  any  per- 
son or  persons  by  force  or  virtue  of  any  letters  patent,  have 
the  right,  privilege,  authority,  or  allowance,  solely  to  print, 
upon  pain  of  forfeiture,  and  being  proceeded  against  as  an 
offender  against  this  present  act,  and  upon  the  further  penally 
and  forfeiture  of  six  shillings  and  eight-pence  for  eveiy  such 
book  or  books,  or  part  of  such  book  or  books  imported,  bound, 
stitched,  or  put  to  sal^,  a  moiety  to  the  King,  and  a  moiety 
to  the  informer." 

By  this  clause,  the  Company  of  Stationers  have  a  monopoly 
of  aU  the  classical  authors ;  and  scholars  cannot,  but  at  exces- 
sive rates,  have  the  fair  and  correct  edition  of  those  books 
printed  beyond  seas.  For  the  Company  of  Stationers  have 
obtained  from  the  Crown  a  patent  to  print  all,  or  at  least  the 
greatest  part,  of  the  classic  authors,  upon  pretence,  as  I  hear, 
that  they  should  be  well  and  truly  printed ;  whereas  they  are 
by  them  scandalously  ill  printed,  both  for  letter,  paper,  and 
correctness,  and  scarce  one  tolerable  edition  is  made  by  them 
of  any  one  of  them.  Whenever  any  of  these  books  of  better 
editions  are  imported  from  beyond  seas,  the  Company  seizes 
them,  and  makes  the  importers  pay  6s.  8d.  for  each  book  so 
imported,  or  else  they  confiscate  them,  unless  they  are  so 
bountiful  as  to  let  the  importer  compound  with  them  at  a 
lower  rate.  There  are  daily  examples  of  this  ;  I  shall  men- 
tion one,  which  I  had  from  the  sufferer's  own  mouth.  Mr 
Samuel  Smith,  two  or  three  years  since,  imported  from  Hol- 
land Tully's  Works,  of  a  very  fine  edition,  with  new  cor- 
rections made  by  Gronovius,  who  had  taken  the  pains  to 
compare  that  which  was  thought  the  best  editioti  before  with 
several  ancient  MSS.,  and  to  correct  his  by  them.  These 
Tully's  Works,  upon  pretence  of  their  patent  for  their  alone 
printing  Tully's  Works,  or  any  part  thereof,  and  by  virtue  of 
this  clause  of  this  act,  the  Company  of  Stationers  seized  and 
kept  a  good  while  in  their  custody,  demanding  6b.  8d.  per 
book :  how  at  last  he  compounded  with  them  I  know  not, 
but  by  this  act  scholars  are  subjected  to  the  power  of  these 
dull  virretches,  who  do  not  so  much  as  understand  Latin, 
whether  they  shall  have  any  true  or  good  copies  of  the  beet 


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1694.]        HIS   OBSEBVATIONS   ON  THE   CEKSOBSHIP,  206 

.ancient  Latin  authors,  unless  they  pay  them  6s.  8d.  a  book 
for  that  leave. 

Another  thing  observable  is,  that  whatever  money,  by  virtue 
of  this  clause,  they  have  levied  upon  the  subject,  either  as 
forfeiture  or  composition,  I  am  apt  to  believe  not  one  farthing 
of  it  has  ever  been  accounted  for  to  the  King,  and  it  is 
probable  considerable  sums  have  been  raised. 

Upon  occasion  of  this  instance  of  the  classic  authors,  I 
demand  whether,  if  another  act  for  printing  should  be  made, 
it  be  not  reasonable  that  nobody  should  have  any  peculiar 
right  in  any  book  which  has  been  in  print  fifty  years,  but  any 
one  as  well  as  another  might  have  the  liberty  to  print  it ;  for 
by  such  titles  as  these,  which  lie  dormant,  and  hmder  others, 
many  good  books  come  quite  to  be  lost.  But  be  that  de- 
termined as  it  will,  in  regard  of  those  authors  who  now  write 
and  sell  their  copies  to  booksellers,  this  certainly  is  very 
absurd  at  first  sight,  that  any  person  or  company  should  now 
have  a  title  to  the  printing  of  the  works  of  TuUy,  CsBsar,  or 
Livy,  who  lived  so  many  ages  since,  in  exclusion  of  any  other ; 
nor  can  there  be  any  reason  in  nature  why  I  might  not  print 
them  as  weU  as  the  Company  of  Stationers,  if  I  thought  fit. 
This  liberty,  to  any  one,  of  printing  them,  is  certainly  the 
way  to  have  them  the  cheaper  and  the  better ;  and  it  is  this 
which,  in  Holland,  has  produced  so  many  fair  and  excellent 
editions  of  them,  whilst  the  printers  all  strive  to  out-do  one 
another,  which  has  also  brougnt  in  great  sums  to  the  trade  of 
Holland.  Whilst  our  Company  of  Stationers,  having  the 
monopoly  here  by  this  act  and  their  patents,  slobber  them 
over  as  toey  can  cheapest,  so  that  there  is  not  a  book  of  them 
vended  beyond  seas,  both  for  their  badness  and  deamess ; 
nor  will  the  scholars  beyond  seas  look  upon  a  book  of  them 
now  printed  at  London,  so  ill  and  false  are  they ;  besides,  it 
would  be  hard  to  find  how  a  restraint  of  printing  the  classic 
authors  does  any  way  prevent  printing  seditious  and  treason- 
able pamphlets,  which  is  the  title  and  pretence  of  this  act. 

"  §  9.  No  English  book  may  be  imprinted  or  imported 
from  beyond  the  sea.  No  foreigner,  or  other,  unless  a  station- 
er of  London,  may  import  or  seU  any  books  of  any  language 
whatsoever." 

This  clause  serves  only  to  confirm  and  enlarge  the  Sta* 
tioners'  monopoly. 


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206  LIFE  AKD  LBTTEBS  07  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l694. 

"  §  10.  In  this  §,  besides  a  great  many  other  clauses  to . 
secure  the  Stationers'  monopoly  of  printing,  which  are  very 
hard  upon  the  subject,  the  Stationers'  interest  is  so  fkr  pre- 
ferred to  all  others,  that  a  landlord,  who  lets  a  house,  forfeits 
five  pounds  if  he  know  that  his  tenant  has  a  printing-press 
in  it,  and  does  not  give  notice  of  it  to  the  masters  and  wardens 
of  the  Stationers'  Company.  Nor  must  a  joiner,  carpenter, 
or  smith,  &e.,  work  about  a  printing-press,  without  givmg  the 
like  notice,  imder  the  like  penalty." 

Which  is  greater  caution  than  I  think  is  used  about  the 
presses  for  coinage  to  secure  the  people  from  false  money. 

"  By  §  11,  the  number  of  master-printers  were  reduced 
from  a  greater  number  to  twenty,  and  the  number  of  master- 
founders  of  letters  reduced  to  fewer ;  and  upon  vacancy,  the 
number  to  be  filled  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the 
Bishop  of  London,  and  to  give  security  not  to  print  any  un- 
licensed books." 

This  hinders  a  man  who  has  served  out  his  time  the  benefit 
of  setting  up  his  trade,  which,  whether  it  be  not  against  the 
right  of  the  subject,  as  well  as  contrary  to  common  equity, 
deserves  to  be  considered. 

"  §  12.  The  number  of  presses  that  every  one  of  the  twenty 
master-printers  shall  have,  are  reduced  to  two.  Only  those 
who  have  been  masters,  or  upper-wardens  of  the  Company, 
may  have  three,  and  as  many  more  as  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  or  Bishop  of  London  will  allow. 

"  §  13.  Every  one  who  has  been  master,  or  upper-warden 
of  the  Company,  may  have  three,  every  one  of  the  livery 
two,  and  every  master-printer  of  the  yeomanry  but  one,  ap- 
prentice at  a  time." 

By  which  restraint  of  presses,  and  taking  of  apprentices, 
and  the  prohibition  in  §  14,  of  taking  or  using  any  journey- 
men except  Englishmen  and  freemen  of  the  trade,  is  the  rea-. 
son  why  our  printing  is  so  very  bad,  and  yet  so  very  dear  in 
England :  they  who  are  hereby  privileged  to  the  exclusion  of 
others,  working  and  setting  the  price  as  they  please,  whereby 
ftny  advantage  that  might  be  made  to  the  realm  by  this 
manufacture  is  wholly  lost  to  England,  and  thrown  into  the 
hands  of  our  neighbours ;  the  sole  manufacture  of  printing 
bringing  into  the  Low  Countries  great  sums  every  year.  But 
our  Ecdesiastictd  laws  seldom  favour  trade,  and  he  that  reads 


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1694.]         HIS   OBSEBTA.TIONS  OK'tHB   OEKSOBSHIF.  207 

this  act  with  attention  will  find  it  upse*  ecclesiastical.  The 
nation  loses  bj  this  act,  for  our  books  are  so  dear,  and  ill 
printed,  that  thej  have  very  little  vent  among  foreigners, 
unless  now  and  then  by  truck  for  theirs,  which  yet  shows 
how  much  those  who  buy  the  books  printed  here  are  imposed 
on,  since  a  book  printed  at  London  may  be  bought  cheaper  at 
Amsterdam  than  in  Paul's  Church-yard,  notwithstanding  all 
the  charge  and  hazard  of  transportation :  for  their  printing^ 
being  free  and  imrestrained,  they  sell  their  books  at  so  much 
a  cheaper  rate  than  our  booksellers  do  ours,  that  in  truck, 
valuing  ours  proportionably  to  their  own,  or  their  own 
equally  to  ours,  which  is  the  same  thing,  they  can  afford 
books  received  &om  London  upon  such  exchanges  cheaper  in 
Holland  than  our  stationers  sell  them  in  England.  By  this 
act  England  loses  in  general,  scholars  in  particular  are  ground, 
and  nobody  gets,  but  a  lazy,  ignorant  Company  of  Stationers, 
to  say  no  worse  of  them ;  but  imythi/ng^  rather  than  let  Mother 
Chu/rch  he  disturbed  in  her  opinions  or  impositions  hy  any  hold 
inquirer  from  the  press. 

"  §  15.  One  or  more  of  the  messengers  of  his  Majesty's 
chamber,  by  warrant  under  his  Majesty's  sign-manual,  or 
under  the  hand  of  one  of  his  Majesfy's  principal  secretaries 
of  state,  or  the  master  and  wardens  of  the  Company  of  Sta- 
tioners, taking  with  them  a  constable  and  such  assistance  as 
they  shall  think  needful,  has  an  unlimited  power  to  search  all 
houses,  and  to  seize  upon  all  books  which  tney  shall  but  think 
fit  to  suspect." 

How  the  gentry,  much  more  how  the  peers  of  England, 
came  thus  to  prostitute  their  houses  to  the  suspicion  of  any- 
body, much  less  a  messenger  upon  pretence  of  searching  for 
books,  I  cannot  imagine.  Indeed,  the  House  of  Peers,  and 
others  not  of  the  trades  mentioned  in  this  act,  are  pretended  to 


Qual, 

But  this  is  but  the  shadow  of  an  exemption,  for  they 
are  still  subject  to  be  searched,  every  comer  and  coffer  inr 
them,  under  pretence  of  unlicensed  books,  a  mark  of  slavery 
which,  I  thii^  their  ancestors  would  never  have  submitted 

*  A  low  word,  derived  from  the  Dutch  xipsee,  signifying  highly. 


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208  LIFE   AWD  LETTERS   OF  JOHIT  LOCKE.  [l694. 

to.  They  so  lay  their  houses,  which  are  their  castles,  open, 
not  to  the  pursuit  of  the  law  against  a  malefactor  convicted 
of  misdemeanour,  or  accused  upon  oath,  but  to  the  suspicion 
of  having  unlicensed  books,  which  is,  whenever  it  is  thought 
fit  to  search  his  house  to  see  what  is  in  it. 

"  §  16.  All  printers  offending  any  way  against  this  act  are 
incapacitated  to  exercise  their  trade  for  three  years.  And  for 
the  second  offence,  perpetual  incapacity,  with  any  other  pun- 
ishment not  reaching  to  life  or  limb." 

And  thus  a  man  is  to  be  undone  and  starved  for  printing 
Dr  Bury's  case,  or  the  History  of  Tom  Thumb,  unlicensed. 

"  §  17.  Three  copies  of  every  book  printed  are  to  be  re- 
served, whereof  two  to  be  sent  to  the  two  Universities  by  the 
master  of  the  Stationers'  Company." 

This  clause,  upon  examination,  I  suppose,  will  be  found  to 
be  mightily,  if  not  wholly  neglected,  as  all  things  that  are 
good  in  this  act,  the  Company  of  Stationers  minding  nothing 
m  it  but  what  makes  for  their  monopoly.  I  believe  that  u 
the  public  libraries  of  both  Universities  be  looked  into 
(which  this  will  give  a  fit  occasion  to  do),  there  will  not  be 
found  in  them  half,  perhaps  not  one  in  ten,  of  the  copies  of 
books  printed  since  this  act. 

§  Last.  This  act,  though  made  in  a  time  when  every  one 
strove  to  be  forwardest  to  make  court  to  the  Church  and 
Court,  by  giving  whatever  was  asked,  yet  this  was  so  mani- 
fest an  invasion  of  the  trade,  liberty,  and  property  of  the 
subject,  that  it  was  made  to  be  in  force  only  for  two  years. 
From  which,  14  Car.  2,  it  has,  by  the  joint  endeavour  of 
Church  and  Court,  been,  from  time  to  time,  renewed,  and  so 
continued  to  this  day.  Every  one  being  answerable  for  books 
he  publishes,  prints,  or  sells,  containing  anything  seditious  or 
against  law,  makes  this  or  any  other  act  for  the  restraint  of 
printing  very  needless  in  that  part,  and  so  it  may  be  left  firee 
m  that  part  as  it  was  before  14  Car.  2.  That  any  person  or 
company  should  have  patents  for  the  sole  printing  of  ancient 
authors  is  very  unreasonable  and  injurious  to  learning ;  and 
f&r  those  who  purchase  copies  from  authors  that  now  live  and 
write,  it  may  be  reasonable  to  limit  their  property  to  a  cer- 
tain number  of  years  after  the  death  of  the  author,  or  the 
first  printing  of  the  book,  as,  suppose,  fifty  or  seventy  years. 
This  I  am  sure,  it  is  very  absurd  and  ridiculous  that  any  one 


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1689.]  DBMONSTEATION  BY   NEWTON".  20d 

now  Kving  should  pretend  to  hare  a  propriety  in,  or  a  power 
to  dispose  of  the  propriety  of  any  copy  or  writings  of  authors 
who  lived  before  printing  was  known  or  used  in  Europe. 


This  act,  which  had  been  renewed  once  since  the  Eevolu- 
tion,  was  suffered  finally  to  expire  in  1694.  It  may  appear 
extraordinary  that  the  same  Parliament  which  passed  the  Act 
of  Settlement,  and  embodied  the  Declaration  of  Eights  in  our 
statutes,  should  also  have  subjected  the  press  to  the  fetters 
imposed  upon  it  by  the  former  printing  acts  of  Charles  and 
James  II.  But  as  the  Revolution  was  effected  by  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Church,  the  new  government  might  perhaps  wish 
to  avoid  giving  offence  to  that  powerful  party  by  too  sudden 
a  repeal  of  this  their  favourite  act. 

It  was  probably  at  this  period,  during  Locke's  residence  in 
London,  which  continued  about  two  years  after  the  Eevolu- 
tion  of  1688,  that  he  became  known  to  Newton,  some  of 
whose  letters  fortunately  have  been  preserved.  With  Sir 
John  Somers  he  lived  at  this  time  in  habits  of  intimate  friend- 
ship, and  one  of  his  recreations  was  a  weekly  meeting  for  the 
purpose  of  conversation  and  discussion,  held  at  the  house  of 
Lord  Pembroke,  the  same  Earl  of  Pembroke  to  whom  Locke 
had  dedicated  the  Essay. 

Several  letters  from  Newton,  from  Lord  Monmouth,  better 
known  as  the  celebrated  Earl  of  Peterborough  in  the  succeed- 
ing reign,  and  from  Lord  Somers,  are  here  inserted ;  and  con- 
sidering by  whom  they  were  written,  and  to  whom  they  were 
addressed,  they  will  not  be  read  with  indifference,  or  con- 
sidered superfluous. 

The  following  papers,  indorsed  "  Mr  Newton,  March, 
1689,"  are  the  earliest  in  point  of  date ;  they  are  Newton's 
Demonstration  of  Kepler's  Observation,  that  the  planets 
move  in  ellipses,  as  communicated  by  that  great  philosopher. 
Their  construction  and  demonstration  differ  materially  from 
those  in  the  Principia,  and  the  Lemmas  which  are  prefixed 
are  expressed  in  a  more  explanatory  form  than  those  of  the 
Principia  usually  are. 


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210 


LITB  AKD  LETTEBS  07  JOWST  LOCKE. 


ri689. 


JL  DBHOKSTBATIOir,  THAT  THE  TI^AJSTRTB,  BY  THEIB  OBA.TITT 
TOWABBS  THE  SUISr,  MAY  MOVE  OT  ELLIPSES. 

"  Hypotli.  1. — Bodies  move  uniformly  in  straight  lines,  un- 
less so  far  as  they  are  retarded  by  the  resistance  of  the  me- 
dium, or  disturbed  by  some  other  force. 

"  Hypoth.  2. — ^The  alteration  of  motion  is  proportional  to 
the  force  by  which  it  is  altered. 

^'  Hypoth.  3. — Motions  impressed  by  forces  in  different 
lines,  if  those  lines  be  taken  in  proportion  to  the  motions, 
and  completed  into  a  parallelogram,  compose  a  motion  where- 
by the  diagonal  of  the  parallelogram  shaU  be  described  in  the 
same  time  in  which  the  sides 
thereof  would  have  been  describ- 
ed by  the  compounding  motions 
apart.  The  motions  A  B,  A  C, 
compound  the  motion  AD.  a^^— — -/fl 

PROP.  I. 

"  If  a  body  move  in  a  vacuo,  and  be  continually  attracted 
towards  an  immovable  centre,  it  shall  constantly  move  in  one 
and  the  same  plane,  and  in  that  plane,  with  a  right  line, 
drawn  continually  from  its  own  centre  to  the  immovable 
centre  of  attraction,  describe  equal  areas  in  equal  times. 


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1689.]  DEMONSTEATIOK  BY  KEWTOK.  211 

"  Let  A  be  the  centre  towards  which  the  bodj  is  attracted, 
and  suppose  the  attraction  acts  not  continually,  but  hy  dis- 
continued impressions,  or  impulses,  made  at  equal  intervals 
of  time,  which  intervals  we  will  consider  as  physical  mo- 
ments. Let  B  G  be  the  right  line  in  which  it  begins  to 
move,  and  which  it  describes  with  uniform  motion  in  the  first 
physical  moment,  before  the  attraction  makes  its  first  im- 
pression upon  it.  At  C  let  it  be  attracted  towards  the  centre 
A  by  one  unpulse ;  produce  B  C  to  I,  so  that  CI  be  equal  to 
B  C.  Li  C  A  take  C  E  in  such  proportion  to  C I  as  the  mo- 
tion which  the  impulse  alone  would  have  begotten  hath  to 
the  motion  of  the  body  before  the  impulse  was  impressed. 
And  because  these  two  motions  apart  would,  in  the  second 
moment  of  time,  have  carried  the  body,  the  one  to  I,  by  rea- 
son of  the  equality  of  CI  and  B C,  and  the  other  to  K,  by 
reason  of  the  aforesaid  proportion,  complete  the  parallelogram 
I C,  B  D,  and  they  shall  both  together,  in  the  same  time  of 
that  second  moment,  carry  it  in  the  diagonal  of  that  parallel- 
ogram to  D  by  Hypoth.  3. 

" Now,  because  the  basis  B C,  C I  of  the  triangle  ABC, 
A  C  I,  are  e<^ual,  those  two  triangles  shall  be  equal;  also, be- 
cause the  triangles  A  C I  and  A  C  D  stand  upon  the  same 
base,  A  C,  and  between  two  parallel  lines,  A  C  and  D  I,  they 
shall  be  equal ;  and  therefore  the  triangle  A  C  D,  described 
in  the  second  moment,  shall  be  equal  to  the  triangle  ABC, 
described  in  the  first  moment.  And  by  the  same  reason,  if 
the  body  at  the  end  of  the  second,  third,  fourth,  fifth,  and 
following  moments,  be  attracted  again  by  single  impulses 
successively  in  D,  E,  F,  Q-,  H,  &c.,  describing  the  line  D  B 
in  the  third  moment,  E  F  in  the  fourth,  F  Q-  in  the  fifth,  &c.; 
the  triangle  A  E  D,  shall  be  equal  to  the  triangle  ADC,  and 
all  the  following  triangles  to  one  another.  And  by  conse- 
quence the  areas  compounded  of  these  equal  triangles  (as 
AB  C,  A  E  Q-,  A  B  Q-,  &c.)  are  to  one  another  as  the  times 
in  which  they  are  described.  Suppose  now,  that  the  mo- 
ments of  time  be  diminished  in  length,  and  increased  in 
number  in  mfiniium,  so  that  the  impulses  or  impressions  of 
the  attraction  may  become  continual,  and  that  the  line  B  C, 
D  E  F  G-  H,  by  the  infinite  number,  and  infinite  littleness  of 
its  sides  B  C,  C  D,  D  E,  &c.,  may  become  a  curve  lioe  ;  and 
the  body,  by  that  continual  attraction,  shall  describe  areas  of 

p  2 


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212  LITE  AKD  LETTERS  OF  JOKN  LOCKE.  [l689, 

this  curve,  ABE,  AEQ-,  ABG-,  &c.,  proportional  to  the 
times  in  which  they  are  described,  which  was  to  be  demon 
strated. 

T.ET>rM-A    I. 

'^  If  a  right  line  touch  an  ellipsis  in  any  point  thereof,  and 
parallel  to  that  tan^nt  be  drawn  another  right  line  from  the 
centre  of  the  ellipsis  which  shall  intersect  a  third  right  Hne 
drawn  from  the  touch  point  through  either  focus  of  the 
ellipsis  ;  the  segment  of  the  last-named  right  line,  lying  be-  - 
tween  the  point  of  intersection  and  the  point  of  contact,  shall 
be  equal  to  half  the  long  axis  of  the  ellipsis. 

"  Let  A  P  B  Q  be  the  ellipsis,  A  B  its  long  axis,  C  its 
centre,  'Ef  its  foci,  P  the  point  of  contact,  P  E  the  tangent, 
C  D  the  une  parallel  to  the  tangent,  and  PD  the  segment  of 
the  line  P  F ;  I  say  that  this  segment  shall  be  equal  to  C  B. 

"  For  join  P  F,  and  draw/E  parallel  to  C  D ;  and  because 
Ff  and  F E  are  bisected  in  C  and  D,  PD  shall  be  equal  (to 
half  the  sum  of  P  F,  and  P  E,  that  is,  to  half  the  sum  of  P  F, 
and  Vf,  that  is,  to  half  AB,  that  is)  to  C B,  W.  w.  to  be 
demonstrated. 

LEMMA  II. 


1 


"  Everjr  line  drawn  through  either  focus  of  any  ellipsis, 
and  terminated  at  both  ends  by  the  ellipsis,  is  to  that  di- 
ameter of  the  ellipsis,  which  is  parallel  to  this  line,  as  the 
same  diameter  is  to  the  long  axis  of  the  ellipsis. 

"  Let  A  P  B  Q  be  the  ellipsis,  A  B  its  longer  axis,  Yf  its 
foci,  0  its  centre,  P  Q  the  line  drawn  through  its  focus  F, 
and  V  C  S  its  diameter  parallel  to  P  Q ;  and  P  Q  shall  be  to 


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1689.J 


DEMONSTEATION  BY  ITEWTOK, 


213 


VS  as  VS  to  AB;  for  dvAw/p  parallel  to  QFP,  and  cut- 
ting the  ellipsis  in  p,  join  P^,  cutting  V  S  in  T,  and  draw 
P  E,  which  shall  touch  the  ellipsis  in  P,  and  cut  the  diameter 
in  VS  produced  in  E,  and  CT  will  he  to  CS  as  CS  to  CE. 
But  C  T  is  the  semi  sum  of  F  P  and  /p,  that  is,  of  F  P  and 
F  Q,  and  therefore  2  C  T  is  equal  to  P  Q,  also  ^C  S  is  equal 
to  V  S,  and  (by  the  foregoing  Lemma)  ^C  E  is  equal  to  A  B, 
wherefore  P  Q.  is  to  V S  as  V  S  to  AB ;  "W. t(7.  to  be  dem. 
corol.  AB  X  P Q  =  VS^i  =  *C S^       . 

LEMMA  m, 

"  If  from  either  focus  of  any  ellipsis  unto  any  point  in  the 
perimeter  of  the  ellipsis  be  drawn  a  right  line,  and  another 
right  line  do  touch  the  ellipsis  in  that  point,  and  the  angle 
of  contact  be  subtended  by  any  third  line  drawn  parallel  to 
the  first  line,  the  rectangle  which  that  subtense  contains  with 
the  same  subtense  produced  to  the  other  side  of  the  ellipsis, 
is  to  the  rectangle  which  the  long  axis  of  the  ellipsis  contains 
with  the  first  line  produced  to  the  other  side  of  the  ellipsis, 
as  the  square  of  the  distance  between  the  subtense  and  the 
first  line  is  to  the  square  of  the  short  axis  of  the  ellipsis. 


"  Let  AKB L  be  the  ellipsis,  AB  its  long  axis,  KL  its 
short  axis,  C  its  centre,  F/  its  foci,  P  the  point  in  the  peri- 
meter, F  P  the  first  line,  PQ  that  line  produced  to  the  other 
side  of  the  ellipsis,  PX  the  tangent,  XY  the  subtense,  XI 
the  same  subtense  produced  to  the  other  side  of  the  ellipsis, 
and  YZ  the  distance  between  this  subtense  and  the  first  line, 


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214 


LIFE  JlXTD  letters  OP  JOHK  LOCKE. 


Ll68»* 

I  say,  that  the  rectangle  YX I  is  to  the  rectangle  AB  XPQ, 
as  y  Z^i  to  K  L^.  For  let  V  S  be  the  diameter  of  the  ellipsis 
parallel  to  the  first  line  F  P,  and  Q-  F  another  diameter  pa- 
rallel to  the  tangent  P  X,  and  the  rectangle  Y  X I  shall  be 
to  P  X**  the  square  of  the  tangent,  as  the  rectangle  S  C  V  to 
the  rectangle  aCH,  that  is,  as  SV*  to  Q-H^  This  is  a 
property  of  the  ellipsis  demonstrated  by  all  that  write  of  the 
conic  sections,  and  they  have  also  demonstrated  that  all  the 
parallelograms  circumscribed  about  an  ellipsis  are  equal, 
whence  the  rectangle  P  E  X  G  H  is  equal  to  the  rectangle 
A  B  X  K  L,  and  consequently  G-  H  is  to  £  L  as  A  B,  that  is 
(by  Lem.  i.),  2  P  D,  is  to  2  r  E,  and  by  consequence  as  P  X 
to  YZ;  and  therefore  PX  is  to  GH  as  YZ  to  KL,  and 
PX^i  to  GtW^  as  YZ^  to  KL^  But  PX'i  was  to  GH*  aa 
YXI  to  SVS  and  SV^  (by  Corel.  Lem.  n.)  is  equal  to 
AB  xPQ,andtherefore  YXlisto  AB  xPQas  YZ^to 
KL*!.    W.t(7.  tobedem. 

PROP.  II. 

"  K  a  body  be  attracted  towards  either  focus  of  any  ellip- 
sis, and  by  that  attraction  be  made  to  revolve  in  the  perime- 
ter of  the  ellipsis,  the  attraction  shall  be  reciprocally  as  the 
square  of  the  distance  of  the  body  from  that  focus  of  the 
ellipsis. 


**  Let  P  be  the  place  of  the  body  in  the  ellipsis  at  any 
moment  of  time,  and  PX  the  tangent,  in  which  the  body 


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1689.]  DEMONSTEATIOK  BY  NEWTOK,  215 

would  move  uniformly,  were  it  not  attracted,  and  X  the  place 
in  that  tangent  at  which  it  would  arrive  in  any  given  part  of 
time,  and  Y  the  place  in  the  perimeter  of  the  eUipsis  at 
which  the  body  doth  arrive  in  the  same  time  by  means  of 
the  attraction.  Let  us  now  suppose  the  time  to  be  divided 
into  equal  parts,  and  that  those  parts  are  very  little  ones,  so 
that  they  may  be  considered  as  physical  moments ;  and  that 
the  attraction  acts  not  continually,  but  by  intervals  in  the 
beginning  of  every  physical  moment,  and  let  the  first  action 
be  upon  the  body  m  P,  the  next  upon  it  in  Y,  and  so  on 
perpetually ;  so  that  the  body  may  move  from  P  to  Y,  in  the 
chord  of  the  arch  P  Y,  and  from  Y  to  its  next  place  in  the 
ellipsis  in  the  chord  of  the  next  arch,  and  so  on  for  ever. 
And  because  the  attraction  in  P  is  miade  towards  P,  and  di- 
verts the  body  from  the  tangent  P  X  into  the  chord  P  Y,  so 
that  in  the  end  of  the  first  physical  moment  it  is  not  found 
in  the  place  X,  where  it  would  have  been  without  the  at- 
traction, but  in  Y,  being  by  the  force  of  the  attraction  in  P 
translated  from  X  to  Y,  the  line  XY,  generated  by  the 
force  of  attraction  in  P,  must  be  proportional  to  that  force 
and  parallel  to  its  direction,  that  is,  parallel  to  PE,  as  is 
manifest  by  the  third  hypothesis. 

"Produce  X  Y  and  PF  till  they  cut  the  ellipsis  in  I  and 
Q.  Join  F  Y,  and  upon  F  P  let  fall  the  perpendicular  yz^ 
ftnd  let  A  B  be  the  long  axis,  and  K  L  the  short  axis  of  the 
ellipsis,  and  by  the  third  Lemma  Y  X I  will  be  to  A  B  XP  Q 
as  \  Z«^  to  fc  IJ^^,  and  by  consequence,  Y  Z  will  be  equal 

ABxPQxYZ^ 

ayXKL^™** 
"  And  in  like  manner,  if  'py  be  the  chord  of  another  arch, 
^,  which  the  revolving  body  describes  in  a  physical  moment 
of  time,  and  px  be  the  tangent  of  the  ellipsis  at  j?,  and  ^ 
the  subtense  of  the  angle  of  contact  drawn  parallel  to  ^F, 
and  if  i^F  and  iry,  produced,  cut  the  ellipsis  m  ^  and  i ;  and 
from  y,  upon  j^F  be  let  fall  the  perpendicular  yz^  the  subtense 

y^shaUbeequalto     ^^^^^^    - 

"  Now,  because  the  lines  P  Y  py  are,  by  the  revolving 
body,  described  in  equal  times,  the  areas  of  the  triaugles 
P  YF,  py^  must  be  equal  by  the  first  proposition,  and  there- 


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216  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS  OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l690. 

fore  the  rectangles  PF  X  TZ  and  p¥Y.yz  are  equal ;  and  j?F 
is  to  PF  as  YZ  to  yz,  andpF*'^  to  PF^^^  as  YZ*^  toyzf^"^ 
(and  if  you  multiply  the  antecedents  alike,  and  the  consecu- 

ents  alike),  J? pF^""^  to  ^PF*«^  aa  J^YZ^^  to  ^^zf''^ 

that  18,  as  xixKL^  *"  X«xKL^  '^^^  ""' "" 
YZ  to  yx,  and  therefore  as  the  attraction  in  P  to  the  attrac-i 
tion  in  |>  by  Hypoth.  2  and  3. 

"  Suppose  now^that  the  equal  times  in  which  the  revolving 
body  describes  the  lines  PT^and^y  becomes  infinitely  little, 
so  that  the  attraction  may  become  continual,  and  the  body, 
by  this  attraction,  revolve  in  the  perimeter  of  the  ellipsis,  and 
the  Hne  PQ,  XI,  as  also  j?^',  a?*,  becoming  coincident,  and  by 

consequence  equal  to  the  quantities  =y  |?F*  and  ^  PF**  will 

become ^F^  and  PF*;  and  therefore  the  attraction  in  P  will 
be  to  the  attraction  in  p  as  pF^  to  PF*,  that  is,  reciprocally  as 
the  squares  of  the  distances  of  the  revolving  body  from  that 
focus  of  the  ellipsis  towards  which  the  attraction  is  directed, 
which  was  to  be  demonstrated." 


The  first  letter,  dated  November  14, 1690,  and  that  dated 
February  16,  169i,  relate  to  "  an  account  of  the  corruptions 
of  Scripture"  wntten  by  Newton,  and  which  he  desired  to 
have  translated  into  French,  and  published  abroad.  He  re- 
solved afterwards,  as  it  appears  by  his  letter  dated  February 
16,  169^,  to  suppress  the  translation  and  impression,  and  it 
is  believed  that  Newton's  letters  upon  the  disputed  verse  in 
the  Epistle  of  St  John,  and  the  controverted  passage  in  the 
First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  were  not  published  before  1764. 
Mr  Person,  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  Archdeacon  Travis, 
states  that  Newton  wrote  his  discourse  between  1690  and 
1700,  but  that  it  was  not  published  before  1754,  and  then 
imperfectly.  It  was  afterwards  restored  by  Dr  Horsley,  in 
his  edition  of  Newton  from  the  original  manuscript,  of  which 
a  more  detailed  account  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  these 
letters. 


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1690.]  LETTBBS  EBOH  SIB  ISAAC  KSWTOIT.  217 

"Nov.  14,  1690. 

"Sib, 

"I  send  you  now  by  the  carrier,  Martin,  the  papers  I 
promised.  I  fear  I  have  not  only  made  you  stay  too  long 
for  them,  but  also  made  them  too  long  by  an  addition.  For 
upon  the  receipt  of  your  letter  reviewing  what  I  had  by  me 
concerning  the  text  of  1  John  v.  7,  and  examining  authors 
a  little  further  about  it,  I  met  with  something  new  concern- 
ing that  other  of  1st  Tim.  iii.  16,  which  I  thought  would 
be  as  acceptable  to  inquisitive  men,  and  might  be  set  down 
in  a  little  room ;  but  by  searching  further  into  authors  to 
find  out  the  bottom  of  it,  is  swelled  to  the  bigness  you  see, 
I  fear  the  length  of  what  I  say  on  both  texts  may  occasion 
'  you  too  much  trouble,  and  therefore  if  at  present  you  get 
only  what  concerns  the  first  done  into  French,  that  of  the 
other  may  stay  till  we  see  what  success  the  first  will  have. 
I  have  no  entire  copy  besides  that  I  send  you,  and  therefore 
would  not  have  it  lost,  because  I  may,  perhaps,  after  it  has 
gone  abroad  long  enough  in  French,  put  it  forth  in  English. 
What  charge  you  are  at  about  it  (for  I  am  sure  it  will  put 
you  to  some),  you  must  let  me  know ;  for  the  trouble  alone 
18  enough  for  you.  Pray  present  my  most  humble  service 
and  thimks  to  my  Lord  and  Lady  Monmouth,  for  their  so 
kind  remembrance  of  me ;  for  their  favour  is  such  that  I  can 
never  sufficiently  acknowledge  it.  If  your  voyage  hold,  I 
wish  you  a  prosperous  one,  and  happy  return.  I  should  be 
glad  of  a  line  from  you,  to  know  that  you  have  these  papers, 
and  how  far  vou  have  recovered  your  health,  for  you  told 
me  nothing  of  that. 

I  am,  Sir, 
Your  most  faithful  and  most  humble  servant, 

Is.  Newtok," 

"Cambridge,  Feb.  7,  1690-1. 
«  Sib, 

"I  am  sorry  your  journey  proved  to  so  little  purpose, 
though  it  delivered  you  from  the  trouble  of  the  company  the 
day  after.  Tou  have  obliged  me  by  mentioning  me  to  my 
friends  at  London,  and  I  must  thank  both  you  and  my  Lady 
Masham  for  your  civilities  at  Oates,  and  for  not  thinking 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


218  IIPB  JlXTD  LBTTEBS  or  JOHIST  LOCKB.  £1690. 

that  I  made  a  long  stay  there.  I  hope  we  shall  meet  again 
in  due  time,  and  then  I  should  he  glad  to  have  your  judgment 
upon  some  of  my  mystical  fencies.  The  Son  of  man,  Dan. 
vii.,  I  take  to  he  the  same  with  the  "Word  of  Q^od  upon  the 
"White  Horse  in  Heaven,  Apoe.  lix.,  and  him  to  he  the  same 
with  the  Man  Child,  Apoc.  xii.,  for  hoth  are  to  rule  the  na- 
tions with  a  rod  of  iron ;  hut  whence  are  you  certain  that 
the  Ancient  of  Days  is  Christ  P  Does  Christ  anywhere  sit 
upon  the  throne  P 

If  Sir  Francis  Masham  be  at  Gates,  present,  I  pray,  my 
service  to  him  with  his  lady,  Mrs  Cudworth,  and  Mrs  Mas- 
ham.    Dr  Covel  is  not  in  Clambridge. 

I  am 
Tour  aflTectionate  and  humble  servant. 

Is.  Newtgit." 

"  Know  you  the  meaning  of  Dan.  x.  21 :  TJtere  is  none 
that  7u>ldeth  noith  me  in  these  things  hut  Mich,  yowr  FHnce  ?" 

"Sib, 

"  I  had  answered  your  letter  sooner,  but  that  I  stayed  to 
revise  and  send  you  the  papers  which  you  desire.  But  the 
consulting  of  authors  proviug  more  tedious  than  I  expected, 
60  as  to  make  me  defer  sending  them  tiU  the  next  week,  I 
could  not  forbear  sending  this  letter  alone,  to  let  you  know 
how  extremely  glad  I  was  to  hear  from  you ;  for  thorugh 
your  letter  brought  me  the  first  news  of  your  having  been 
80  dangerously  fll,  yet  by  your  undertaking  a  journey  into 
HoUand,  I  hope  you  are  well  recovered.  I  am  extremely 
much  obliged  to  my  Lord  and  Lady  Monmouth  for  their 
kind  remembrance  of  me,  and  whether  their  design  succeeded 
or  not,  must  ever  think  myself  obliged  to  be  their  humble 
servant.  I  suppose  Mr  Falio  is  in  Holland,  for  I  have  heard 
nothing  from  mm  the  half  year. 

Sir,  I  am. 
Your  most  humble  servant. 

Is.  Nkvttok.** 
w  Cambridge,  Sept.  28,  1690." 


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1691.]  LETTSBS  EBOM  SIB  ISAAC  KSWTOIT.  219 

**  Cambrid^,  Jtme  30th,  1691. 
«SlB, 

"  Tour  deferring  to  answer  my  letter  is  what  you  needed 
not  make  an  apology  for,  because  I  use  to  be  guilty  of  the 
same  fault  as  often  as  I  have  nothing  of  moment  to  write, 
and  therefore  cannot  in  justice  complain.  If  the  scheme  you 
have  laid  of  managing  tne  controller's  place  of  the  M.,  will 
not  give  you  the  tarouble  of  too  large  a  letter,  you  will  oblige 
me  by  it.  I  thank  jon  heartily  for  your  being  so  mindful  of 
me,  and  ready  to  assist  me  with  your  interest. 

"  Concerning  the  Ancient  o/Da^s,  Dan.  vii.,  there  seems  to 
be  a  mistake  either  in  my  last  letter,  or  in  yours,  because  you 
wrote  in  your  former  letter,  that  the  Ancient  of  Days  is 
Christ ;  and  in  my  last,  I  either  did,  or  should  have  asked, 
how  you  knew  that.  But  these  discourses  may  be  done  with 
more  freedom  at  our  next  meeting. 

"  I  am  indebted  to  my  solicitor,  Mr  Starkey.  If  you  please 
to  let  me  have  your  opinion  what  I  should  send  him,  I  will 
send  it  with  a  letter  by  the  carrier.  My  Lady  Madham  and 
you  have  done  me  much  honour  in  looking  into  my  book, 
and  I  am  very  glad  to  have  the  approbation  of  such  judicious 
persons.  The  observation  you  mention  in  Mr  Boyle's  book 
of  Colours,  I  once  made  upon  myself  with  the  hazard  of  my 
eyes.  The  manner  was  this :  I  looked  a  very  little  while 
upon  the  sun  in  the  looking-glass  with  my  right  eye,  and 
then  turned  my  eyes  into  a  dark  comer  of  my  chamber,  and 
winked,  to  observe  the  impression  made,  and  the  circles  of 
colours  which  encompassed  it,  and  how  they  decayed  by  de- 
grees, and  at  last  vanished.  This  I  repeated  a  second  and  a 
third  time.  At  the  third  time,  when  the  phantasm  of  light 
and  colours  about  it  were  almost  vanished,  intending  my 
fancy  upon  them  to  see  their  last  appearance,  I  found  to  my 
amazement,  that  they  began  to  return,  and  by  little  and  little 
to  become  as  lively  and  vivid  as  when  I  had  newly  looked 
upon  the  sun.  But  when  I  ceased  to  intende  my  fancy  upon 
them,  they  vanished  again.  After  this,  I  found  that  as  often 
as  I  went  into  the  dark,  and  intended  my  mind  upon  them, 
as  when  a  man  looks  earnestly  to  see  anything  which  is  diffi- 
cult to  be  seen,  I  could  make  the  phantasm  return  without 
looking  any  more  upon  the  sun ;  and  the  oftener  I  made  it 


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220  LIFE  AND  LETTEBS  Or  JOHK  LOGEE.  [l691. 

return,  the  more  easily  I  could  make  it  return  again.  And 
at  length,  by  repeating  this  without  looking  any  more  upon 
the  sun,  I  made  such  an  impression  on  my  eye,  that  if  I 
looked  upon  the  clouds,  or  a  book,  or  any  bright  object,  I 
saw  upon  it  a  round  bright  spot  of  light  like  the  sun.  And, 
which  is  stiU  stranger,  though  I  looked  upon  the  sun  with  my 
right  eye  only,  and  not  with  my  left,  yet  my  fancy  began  to 
make  the  impression  upon  my  left  eye,  as  well  as  upon  my 
right.  For  if  I  shut  my  right  eye,  and  looked  upon  a  book 
or  the  clouds  with  my  left  eye,  I  coidd  see  the  spectrum  of 
the  sun  almost  as  plain  as  with  my  right  eye,  if  I  did  but  in- 
tende  my  fancy  a  little  while  upon  it ;  for  at  first,  if  I  shut 
my  right  eye,  and  looked  with  my  left,  the  spectrum  of  the 
sun  did  not  appear  till  I  intended  my  fancy  upon  it ;  but  by 
repeating,  this  appeared  every  time  more  easily.  And  now, 
in  a  few  hours'  time,  I  had  brought  my  eyes  to  such  a  pass, 
that  I  could  look  upon  no  bright  object  with  either  eye,  but 
I  saw  the  sun  before  me,  so  that  I  durst  neither  wnte  nor 
read :  but  to  recover  the  use  of  my  eyes,  shut  myself  up  in 
my  chamber  made  dark,  for  three  days  together,  and  used  all 
means  to  divert  my  imagination  from  the  sun.  For  if  I 
thought  upon  him,  I  presently  saw  his  picture,  though  I  was 
in  the  dark.  But  by  keeping  in  the  darK,  and  employing  my 
mind  about  other  things,  I  began  in  three  or  four  days  to 
have  some  use  of  my  eyes  again ;  and  by  forbearing  a  few 
days  lojiger  to  look  upon  bright  objects,  recovered  them 
pretty  well,  though  not  so  weU,  but  that  for  some  months 
after  the  spectrum  of  the  sun  began  to  return  as  often  as  I 
began  to  meditate  upon  the  phenomenon,  even  though  I  lay 
in  bed  at  midnight  with  my  curtains  drawn ;  but  now  I  have 
been  very  well  for  many  years,  though  I  am  apt  to  think, 
that  if  I  durst  venture  my  eyes,  I  could  still  make  the  phan- 
tasm return  by  the  power  of  my  fancy. 

"  This  story  I  tell  you,  to  let  you  understand,  that  in  the 
observation  related  by  Mr  Boyle,  the  man's  fancy  probably 
concurred  with  the  impression  made  by  the  sun's  light,  to 
produce  that  phantasm  of  the  sun  which  he  constantly  saw  in 
bright  objects :  and  so  your  question  about  the  cause  of  this 

fhantasm  involves  another  about  the  power  of  fancy,  which 
must  confess  is  too  hard  a  knot  for  me  to  untie.    To  place 
this  effect  in  a  constant  motion  is  hard,  because  the  sun  ought 


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1692.]  LETTERS  PROM  BIB  ISAAC  OTDWTOlfr.  221 

then  to  appear  perpetually.  It  seems  rather  to  consist  in  a 
disposition  of  the  sensorium  to  move  the  imagination  strongly^ 
and  to  be  easily  moved  both  by  the  imagination  and  by  the 
light,  as  often  as  bright  objects  are  looked  upon. 

"  If  the  papers  you  mention  come  not  out,  I  will  tell  you 
at  our  next  meeting  what  shall  be  done  with  them. 

"  My  humble  service  to  Sir  Francis,  my  lady,  and  Mrs 
Cudworth. 

I  am  your  most  humble  servant, 

Is.  Nbwtok.'* 

<<  Cambridge,  Jan.  26th,  169|. 
"  SlE, 

"  Being  fully  convinced  that  Mr  Mountague,  upon  an  old 
grudge  which  I  thought  had  been  worn  out,  is  false  to  me,  I 
have  done  with  him,  and  intend  to  sit  still,  unless  my  Lord 
Monmouth  be  still  my  friend.  I  have  now  no  prospect  of 
seeing  you  any  more,  unless  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  repay 
that  visit  I  made  you  the  last  year.  If  I  may  hope  for  thia 
favour,  I  pray  bimg  my  papers  with  you.  Otherwise  I  de- 
sire you  would  send  them  by  some  convenient  messenger, 
when  opportunity  shall  serve.  My  humble  service  to  my 
Lady  Masham,  and  to  Sir  Erancis  if  at  Oates. 

I  am  your  most  humble  servant. 

Is.  Newtoit. 

"  I  understand  Mr  Boyle  communicated  his  process  about 
the  red  earth  and  Mercury  to  vou  as  well  as  to  me,  and  be- 
fore his  death  procured  some  of  that  earth  for  his  friends." 

"  Cambridge,  Feb.  16th,  169}. 
"Sib, 

"  Your  former  letters  came  not  to  my  hand,  but  this  I 
have.  I  was  of  opinion  my  papers  had  lain  still,  and  am 
sorry  to  hear  there  is  news  about  them.  Let  me  entreat  you 
to  stop  their  translation  and  impression  as  soon  as  you  can, 
for  I  design  to  suppress  them.  If  your  friend  hath  been  at 
any  pains  and  charge,  I  will  repay  it,  and  Ratify  him. 

"  I  am  very  glad  my  Lord  Monmouth  is  still  my  friena, 
but  intend  not  to  give  his  Lordship  and  you  any  further 
trouble.  My  inclinations  are  to  sit  still.  I  am  to  beg  his 
Lordship's  pardon,  for  pressing  into  his  company  the  last 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


222  UTB  AlTD  LSTTEB8  OF  JOHK  LOCKS.  [l692« 

time  I  saw  bim.    I  had  not  done  it,  but  that  Mr  Pawling 
pressed  me  into  the  room. 

<<  Miracles  of  good  credit  continued  in  the  Church  for 
about  two  or  three  hundred  years.  Gregorius  Thaumaturgus 
had  his  name  from  thence,  and  was  one  of  the  latest  who  was 
eminent  for  that  gift ;  but  of  their  nimiber  and  frequency  I 
am  not  able  to  giTC  you  a  just  account.  The  history  of  those 
ages  is  verjr  imperfect.  Mr  Pawling  told  me  you  had  writ 
for  some  of  Mr  Boyle's  red  earth,  and  by  that  I  knew  you 
had  the  receipt. 

Your  most  affectionate  and  humble  servant, 

Is.  Newton." 

<<  August  2nd,  1692. 
«SlB, 

"  I  beg  your  pardon  that  I  sent  not  your  papers  last  week ; 
the  carrier  went  out  a  quarter  of  an  hour  sooner  than  I  was 
aware  of.  I  am  glad  you  haye  all  the  three  parts  of  the  re- 
cipe entire ;  but  before  you  go  to  work  about  it,  I  desire 
you  would  consider  these  things,  for  it  may  perhaps  save  you 
time  and  expense.  This  recipe  I  take  to  oe  the  thing  for 
the  sake  of  which  Mr  Boyle  procured  the  repeal  of  the  Act 
of  Parliament  against  Multipliers,  and  therefore  he  had  it 
then  in  his  hands.  In  the  mars^in  of  the  recipe  was  noted, 
that  the  mercury  of  the  first  work  would  grow  hot  with  gold, 
and  thence  I  gather  that  this  recipe  was  the  foundation  of 
what  he  published  many  years  ago,  about  such  mercuries  as 
would  grow  hot  with  gold,  and  therefore  was  then  known  to 
him,  that  is,  sixteen  or  twenty  years  ago,  at  least ;  and  yet, 
in  all  this  tune,  I  cannot  find  that  he  has  either  tried  it  him- 
self, or  got  it  tried  with  success  by  anybody  else  :  for,  when 
I  spoke  doubtingly  about  it,  he  confessed  that  he  had  not 
seen  it  tried ;  but  added,  that  a  certain  gentleman  was  now 
about  it,  and  it  succeeded  very  weU  so  far  as  he  had  gone,  and 
that  all  the  signs  appeared,  so  that  I  needed  not  doubt  of  it. 
This  satisfied  me  that  mercury,  by  this  recipe,  may  be  brought 
to  change  its  colours  and  properties,  but  not  that  gold  may 
be  multiplied  thereby ;  and  I  doubt  it  the  more,  because  I 
heard  some  years  ago  of  a  company,  who  were  upon  this  work 
in  London,  and  after  Mr  Boyle  had  communicated  his  recipe 
to  me,  so  that  I  knew  it  was  the  same  with  theirs.  I  inquired 


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1692.]  LETTEBB  PBQM  BIB  ISAAC  KEHTTOST.  228 

after  them,  and  learnt  that  two  of  them  were  since  forced  to 
other  means  of  living ;  and  a  third,  who  was  the  chief  artist, 
was  still  at  work,  but  was  run  so  far  into  debt  that  he  had 
much  ado  to  live ;  and  by  these  cii*cumstances,  I  understood 
that  these  gentlemen  could  not  make  the  thing  succeed. 
When  I  told  Mr  Boyle  of  these  gentlemen,  he  acknowledged 
that  the  recipe  was  gone  about  among  several  ohymists,  and 
therefore  I  mtend  to  stay  till  I  hear  that  it  succeeds  with 
some  of  them. 

''  But,  besides,  if  I  would  try  this  recipe,  I  am  satisfied  that 
I  could  not,  for  Mr  Boyle  has  reserved  a  part  of  it  from  my 
knowledge.  I  know  more  of  it  than  he  has  told  me ;  and  by 
that,  and  an  expression  or  two  which  dropped  from  him,  I 
know  that  what  he  has  told  me  is  imperfect  and  useless  with- 
out knowing  more  than  I  do :  and,  therefore,  I  intend  only 
to  try  whether  I  know  enough  to  make  a  mercury  which  wiU 
grow  hot  with  gold,  if  perhaps  I  shall  try  that. 

"  For  Mr  Boyle  to  offer  nis  secret  upon  conditions,  and 
after  I  bad  consented,  not  to  perform  his  part,  looks  oddly ; 
and  that  the  rather  because  I  was  averse  from  meddling  with 
his  recipe,  till  he  persuaded  me  to  it ;  and  by  not  performing 
his  part,  he  has  voided  the  obligation  to  the  conditions  on 
mine,  so  that  I  may  reckon  myself  at  my  own  discretion  to 
say  or  do  what  I  wiR  about  this  matter,  though  perhaps  I 
shall  be  tender  of  using  my  liberty.  But  that  I  may  under- 
stand the  reason  of  his  reservedness,  prav  will  you  be  so  free 
as  to  let  me  know  the  conditions  which  he  obliged  you  to,  in 
communicating  this  recipe ;  and  whether  he  communicated 
to  you  anything  more  than  is  written  down  in  the  three 
parts  of  the  recipe. 

"  I  do  not  desire  to  know  what  he  has  communicated,  but 
rather  that  you  would  keep  the  particulars  from  me  (at  least 
in  the  second  and  third  part  of  the  recipe),  because  I  have  no 
mind  to  be  concerned  with  this  recipe  any  further  than  just 
to  know  the  entrance.  I  suspect  his  reservedness  might 
proceed  from  mine ;  for  when  I  communicated  a  certain  ex- 
periment to  him,  he  presently,  by  way  of  requital,  subjoined 
two  others,  but  cumbered  them  with  such  circumstances  as 
startled  me,  and  made  me  afraid  of  any  more ;   for  he  ei- 

Sressed  that  I  should  presently  go  to  work  upon  them,  and 
esired  I  would  pubHsh  them  after  his  death.    I  have  not  yet 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


224  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCEE.  [1691 

tried  either  of  them,  nor  intend  to  try  them ;  but  since  you 
have  the  inspection  of  his  papers,  if  you  design  to  publish  any 
of  his  remains,  you  will  do  me  a  great  favour  to  let  these  two 
be  published  among  the  rest.  But  then  I  desire  that  it  may 
not  be  known  that  they  come  through  my  hands.  One  of 
them  seems  to  be  a  considerable  experiment,  and  may  prove 
of  good  use  in  medicine  for  analysing  bodies ;  the  other 
is  only  a  knack. 

"  In  dissuading  you  from  too  hasty  a  trial  of  this  recipe,  I 
have  forborne  to  say  an3rthing  against  multiplication  in  gener- 
al, because  you  seem  persuaded  of  it ;  though  there  is  one 
argument  against  it,  which  I  could  never  find  an  answer  to, 
and  which,  if  you  will  let  me  have  your  opinion  about  it,  I 
will  send  you  in  my  next."* 

"  Cambridge,  Dec.  13,  1691. 
"Sib, 

"  When  I  received  your  former  letter,  I  was  engaged  here 
by  the  term,  and  could  not  stir.  I  thank  you  for  putting  me 
in  mind  of  Charterhouse,  but  I  see  nothing  in  it  worth 
making  a  bustle  for :  besides  a  coach,  which  I  consider  not,  it 
is  bvit  £200  per  annum,  with  a  confinement  to  the  London 
air,  and  to  such  a  way  of  living  as  I  am  not  in  love  with  ; 
neither  do  I  think  it  advisable  to  enter  into  such  a  competi- 
tion as  that  would  be  for  a  better  plac^. 

"  Dr  Spencer,  the  Dean  of  Ely,  has  perused  the  specimen  of 
Le  Clerc's  Latin  Version  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  likes  the 
design  very  well,  but  gives  me  no  remarks  upon  it. 

"  Pray  return  my  most  humble  service  and  hearty  thanks  to 
my  Lady  Masham,  for  her  ladyship's  kind  invitation ;  and 
aiccept  of  mine  to  yourself  for  so  frankly  offering  the  assistance 
of  your  friends,  if  there  should  be  occasion.  Mr  Green 
called  on  me  last  Tuesday,  and  I  designed  to  have  answered 
your  letter  sooner,  but  beg  your  pardon  that  I  did  not. 

I  am 
Your  most  humble  servant, 

Is.  Newton." 

^  *  Multiplication  of  metals  was  the  term  used  by  the  chymists  of  that 
time  to  express  a  process,  by  which  they  supposed  that  a  certain  quan- 
tity of  a  metal  would  be  increased  by  their  operations.  Locke  was,  at  this 
time,  editing  a  General  History  of  the  Air,  by  the  Eight  Hon.  Eobert  Boyle, 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


1692.]  LETTERS  FEOM   SIB  ISAAC  ^TEWTOIT.  225 

"  Cambridge,  May  3rd,  1692. 

"Sir, 

"  Now  the  churlish  weather  is  almost  over,  I  was  thinking, 
within  a  post  or  two,  to  put  you  in  mind  of  my  desire  to  see 
you  here,  where  you  shall  be  as  welcome  as  I  can  make  you. 
I  am  glad  you  have  prevented  me,  because  I  hope  now  to  see 
you  the  sooner.  Tou  may  lodge  conveniently  either  at  the 
Koae  tavern,  or  Queen's  Arms  inn.  I  am  glad  the  edition  is 
stopped,  but  do  not  perceive  that  you  had  mine,  and  there- 
fore have  sent  you  a  transcript  of  what  concerned  miracles,  if 
it  come  not  now  too  late.  For  it  happens  that  I  have  a  copy 
of  it  by  me.  *  Concerning  miracles,  there  is  a  notable  passage 
or  two  in  Ireneus,  1.  22,  c.  56,  recited  by  Eusebius,  1.  5,  c.  17. 
The  miraculous  refection  of  the  Eoman  army  by  rain,  at  the 
prayers  of  a  Christian  legion  (thence  called  fulminatrix),  is 
mentioned  by  Ziphilina  apud  Dionam.  in  Marco  Imp.,  and  by 
Tertullian  Apolog.  c.  5,  and  ad  Scap.  c.  4,  and  by  Eusebius, 
1.  6,  c.  5,  Hist.  EccL,  and  in  Chronico,  and  acknowledged  by 
the  Emperor  Marcus  in  a  letter,  as  Tertullian  mentions.  The 
same  Tertullian  somewhere  challenges  the  heathens  to  pro- 
duce a  Demoniac,  and  he  will  produce  a  man  who  shall  cast 
out  the  demon.'  Eor  this  was  the  language  of  the  ancients 
for  curing  lunatics.  I  am  told  that  Sir  Henry  Telverton,  in 
a  book  about  the  truth  of  Christianity,  has  writ  well  of  the 
ancient  miracles,  but  the  book  I  never  saw.  Concerning 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  see  Gregory  Nystra  in  ejus  vita,  and 
Easu  de  Spiritu  Sancto,  c.  29. 

"  My  humble  service  to  Sir  Francis  and  his  lady. 

I  am 
Tour  most  humble  servant, 

Is.  Newton. 

"  Ikziow  of  nothing  that  will  call  me  from  home  this  month." 

I  must  be  allowed  to  call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  two 
following  letters,  by  prefixing  the  note  of  Mr  Dugald  Stewart. 

**For  the  preservation  of  this  precious  memorial  of  Mr 
Locke,"  he  is  pleased  to  say,  "  the  public  is  indebted  to  the 
descendants  of  his  friend  and  relation,  the  Lord  Chancellor 
King;"  and  after  noticing  the  ingenuous  and  almost  in- 
£ftntme  simplicity  of  Newton's  letters,  he  adds,  speaking  of 


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226  I^ITE  AND  LETTEES   OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l693, 

Locke's  reply, "  it  is  written  with  the  magnanimity  of  a  philo- 
sopher, and  with  the  good-hnmoured  forbearance  of  a  man  of 
the  world ;  and  it  breathes  throughout  so  tender  and  so  un- 
affected a  veneration  for  the  good  as  well  as  great  qualities  of 
the  excellent  person  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  as  demonstrates 
at  once  the  conscious  integrity  of  the  writer,  and  the  superi- 
ority of  his  mind  to  the  irritation  of  little  passions :  "  he  adds, 
"  I  know  nothing  from  Locke's  pen  which  does  more  honour 
to  his  temper  and  character." 

"Sib,  .  _ 

"  Being  of  opinion  that  you  endeavoured  to  embroil  me 
with  women  and  by  other  means,  I  was  so  much  affected  with 
it,  as  that  when  one  told  me  you  were  sickly  and  would  not 
live,  I  answered  'twere  better  i£  you  were  dead.  I  desire  you 
to  forgive  me  this  uncharitableness.  For  I  am  now  satined 
that  what  you  have  done  is  just,  and  I  beg  your  pardon  for  my 
having  hard  thoughts  of  you  for  it,  and  for  representing  that 
you  struck  at  the  root  of  morality,  in  a  principle  you  laid 
down  in  your  Book  of  Ideas,  and  designed  to  pursue  in  another 
book,  and  that  I  took  you  for  a  Hobbist.  I  be^  your  pardon 
also  for  saying  or  thinking  that  there  was  a  design  to  sell  me 
an  office,  or  to  embroil  me. 

I  am  your  most  humble  and  unfortunate  servant, 

Is.  Newton.'* 

<<  At  the  Bull,  in  Shoreditcli, 
London,  Sept.  16th,  1693." 

LOCKE  TO  NEWTON. 

«0ate8,0ct.  5th,93. 
«SlB, 

"  I  have  been,  ever  since  I  first  knew  you,  so  entirely  and 
sincerely  your  friend,  and  thought  you  so  much  mine,  that  I 
could  not  have  believed  what  you  tell  me  of  yourself^  had  I 
had  it  from  anybody  else.  And  though  I  cannot  but  be 
mightily  troubled  that  you  should  have  had  so  many  wrong 
and  unjust  thoughts  of  me,  yet  next  to  the  return  of  good 
offices,  such  as  from  a  sincere  good  will  I  have  ever  done  you, 
I  receive  your  acknowledgment  of  the  contrary  as  the  kindest 
thing  you  could  have  done  me,  since  it  gives  me  hopes  that  I 
have  not  lost  a  friend  I  so  much  valued.    After  what  your 


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1693.]  LETTEES  TEOM   SIE  ISAAC  NEWTON.  227 

letter  expresses,  I  shall  not  need  to  say  anything  to  justify 
myself  to  you.  I  shall  always  think  your  own  reflection  on 
my  carriage  both  to  you  and  all  mankind,  will  sufficiently  do 
that.  Instead  of  that,  give  me  leave  to  assure  you;  that  I  am 
more  ready  to  forgive  you  than  you  can  be  to  desire  it ;  and 
I  do  it  so  freely  and  fulljr,  that  I  wish  for  nothing  more  than 
the  opportunity  to  convince  you  that  I  truly  love  and  esteem 
you ;  and  that  I  have  still  the  same  good  will  for  you  as  if 
nothing  of  this  had  happened.  To  confirm  this  to  you  more 
fully,  1  should  be  glad  to  meet  you  anywhere,  and  the  rather, 
because  the  conclusion  of  your  letter  makes  me  apprehend  it 
would  not  be  wholly  useless  to  you.  But  whether  you  think 
it  fit  or  not,  I  leave  wholly  to  you.  I  shall  always  be  ready 
to  serve  you  to  my  utmost,  in  any  way  you  shall  like,  and  shall 
only  need  your  commands  or  permission  to  do  it. 

"  My  book  is  going  to  the  press  for  a  second  edition ;  and 
though  I  can  answer  for  the  desi|:n  with  which  I  writ  it,  yet 
since  you  have  so  opportunely  given  me  notice  of  what  you 
have  said  of  it,  I  should  take  it  as  a  favour,  if  you  would  point 
out  to  me  the  places  that  gave  occasion  to  that  censure,  that  by 
explaining  myself  better,  I  may  avoid  being  mistaken  by 
others,  or  unawares  doing  the  least  prejudice  to  truth  or  virtue. 
I  am  sure  you  are  so  much  a  friend  to  them  both,  that  were 
you  none  to  me,  I  could  expect  this  from  you.  But  I  can- 
not doubt  but  you  would  do  a  great  deal  more  than  this  for 
my  sake,  who  after  all  have  all  the  concern  of  a  friend  for  you, 
-wish  you  extremely  well,  and  am  without  compliment." 

The  draft  of  the  letter  is  indorsed  ^'  J.  L.  to  I.  Newton." 

"  The  last  winter,  by  sleeping  too  often  by  my  fire,  I  got 
an  ill  habit  of  sleeping ;  and  a  distemper,  which  this  summer 
baa  been  epidemical,  put  me  further  out  of  order,  so  that 
when  I  wrote,  to  you,  I  had  not  slept  an  hour  a  night  for  a 
fortnight  together,  and  for  five  nights  together  not  a  wink. 
I  remember  I  wrote  to  you,  but  what  I  said  of  your  book  I 
remember  not.  If  you  please  to  send  me  a  transcript  of  that 
passage,  I  will  give  you  an  account  of  it  if  I  can. 
1  am  your  most  humble  servant, 

Is.  Newton." 
*<  Cambridge,  Oct.  5th,  1693." 

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228  LIFE   AND   LETTERS    OE   JOHN   LOCKE.  [l703. 

Newton,  in  the  following  letter,  criticises  Locke's  para- 
phrase of  1  Cor.  vii.  14,  the  unbelie\ring  husband  is  sanctified 
or  made  a  Christian  by  his  wiie ;  the  words,  however,  stand 
unaltered  in  the  printed  copy. 

"London,  May  16,  1703. 
"Sir, 

"  IJpon  my  first  receiving  your  papers,  I  read  over  those 
concerning  the  First  Epistle  of  the  Corinthians,  but  by  so 
many  intermissions,  that  I  resolved  to  go  over  them  again, 
so  soon  as  I  could  get  leisure  to  do  it  with  more  atten- 
tion. I  have  now  read  it  over  a  second  time,  and  gone  over 
also  your  papers  on  the  Second  Epistle.  Some  faults, 
which  seemed  to  be  faults  of  the  scribe,  I  mended  with  my 
pen,  as  I  read  the  papers  ;  some  others,  I  have  noted  in  the 
enclosed  papers.  In  your  paraphrase  on  1  Cor.  vii.  14,  you 
say,  *  the  unoelieving  husband  is  sanctified  or  made  a  Christian 
in  his  wife.'  I  doubt  this  interpretation,  because  the  unbe- 
lieving husband  is  not  capable  of  baptism,  as  all  Christians 
are.  The  Jews  looked  upon  themselves  as  clean,  holy,  or 
separate  to  God,  and  other  nations  as  unclean,  unholy,  op 
common,  and  accordingly  it  was  unlawful  for  a  man  that  was  a 
Jew  to  keep  company  with,  or  come  unto  one  of  another 
nation.  Acts  x.  28.  But  when  the  propagation  of  the 
Gospel  made  it  necessary  for  the  Jews  who  preached  the 
Gospel  to  go  unto  and  keep  company  with  the  Gentiles,  God 
showed  Peter  by  a  vision,  in  the  case  of  Cornelius,  that  he  had 
cleansed  those  of  other  nations,  so  that  Peter  should  not  any 
longer  call  any  man  common  or  unclean,  and  on  that  account 
forbear  their  company ;  and  thereupon  Peter  went  in  unto 
Cornelius  and  his  companions,  who  were  uncircumcised,  and 
did  eat  with  them.  Acts  x.  27,  28,  and  xi.  3.  Sanctifying, 
therefore,  and  cleansing,  signify  here,  not  the  making  a  man 
a  Jew  or  Christian,  but  the  dispensing  with  the  law,  whereby 
the  people  of  God  were  to  avoid  the  company  of  the  rest  oi 
the  world  as  unholy  or  unclean.  And  if  this  sense  be  applied 
to  St  Paul's  words,  they  will  signify,  that  although  believers  are 
a  people  holy  to  God,  and  ought  to  avcnd  the  company  of 
unbelievers  as  unholy  or  unclean,  yet  this  law  is  dispensed 
with  in  some  cases,  and  particularly  in  the  case  of  marriage. 
The  believing  wife  must  not  separate  from  the  unbelieving 


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1708.]  LETTEES  FEOM   SIE  ISAAC  NEWTON.  229 

husband  as  unholy  or  unclean,  nor  the  believing  husband 
from  the  unbelieving  wife ;  for  the  unbeliever  is  sanctified  or 
cleansed  by  marriage  with  the  believer,  the  law  of  avoiding 
the  company  of  unbelievers  being,  in  this  case,  dispensed  with. 
1  should  therefore  interpret  St  Paul's  words  after  the  fol- 
lowing manner : 

"  *  For  the  unbelieving  husband  is  sanctified  or  cleansed  by 
the  believing  wife,  so  that  it  is  lawful  to  keep  him  company, 
and  the  unbelieving  wife  is  sanctified  by  the  husband ;  else 
were  the  children  of  such  parents  to  be  separated  from  you, 
and  avoided  as  unclean,  but  now  by  nursing  and  educating 
them  in  your  families,  you  allow  that  they  are  holy.* 

"  This  interpretation  I  propose  as  easy  and  suiting  well  to 
the  words  and  design  of  St  Paul,  but  submit  it  wholly  to  your 
judgment. 

"  I  had  thoughts  of  going  to  Cambridge  this  summer,  and 
calling  at  Gates  in  my  way,  but  am  now  uncertain  of  this 
journey.  Present,  I  pray,  my  humble  service  to  Sir  Francis 
Masham  and  his  lady.  I  think  your  paraphrase  and  com- 
mentary on  these  two  Epistles  is  done  with  very  great  care 
and  judgment,  I  am 

Tour  most  humble  and  obedient  servant. 

Is.  Newton." 


EEMAEKS   ON   SIE  ISAAC  NEWTON's   THEEE   LETTEES.* 

The  principal  subject  to  which  the  first  letter  of  14th  of 
November,  1690,relates,  and  which  is  referred  to  in  the  others, 
of  16th  February,  1692,  and  3rd  May,  1692,  will  cause  them 
to  be  read  with  interest  by  the  Biblical  scholar.  Sir  Isaac 
Newton's  dissertations  on  the  controverted  texts  of  1  John 
V.  7,  and  1  Timothy  iii.  16,  have  long  been  before  the 
public,  and  now  hold  their  proper  rank  amongst  the  ablest 
treatises  of  this  class.  The  history  of  these  valuable  tracts  is, 
however,  but  imperfectly  known ;  it  may,  therefore,  not  be 

*  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  Rev.  DrEees,  to  whom  I  had  sub- 
mitted the  letters  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton  and  of  M.  Le  Clerc  with  Mr  Locke, 
for  these  learned  and  critical  remarks. 


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230  LIFE   AKD   LETTERS  Ot  JOHW  LOCKS. 

unacceptable  to  state  here  a  few  facts,  collected  chiefly  firom 
Mr  Locke's  papers,  which  may  conduce  to  its  elucidation. 

•  Mr  Person,  who  must  be  believed  to  have  been  extensively 
acquainted  with  whatever  related  to  the  controversy,  evidently 
knew  little  as  to  the  origin  of  the  first  of  these  works,  and  of 
its  progress  towards  publication.  In  the  Preface  to  his 
masterly  Letters  to  Travis  (pp.  ii,  iii),  he  thus  expresses 
himself: — "Between  the  years  1690  and  1700,  Sir  Isaac 
Newton  wrote  a  Dissertation  upon  1  John  v.  7,  in  which  he 
collected,  arranged,  and  strengthened  Simon's  arguments,  and 
gave  a  clear,  exact,  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole 
question.  This  Dissertation,  which  was  not  published  till 
1754,  and  then  imperfectly,  has  been  lately  restored  by  Dr 
Horsley,  in  the  last  edition  of  Newton's  "Works,  from  an 
original  manuscript."  Bishop  Horsley,  who  regarded  the 
two  Dissertations  with  no  favourable  eye,  satisfies  himself 
with  the  following  account  of  their  publication : — "  A  very 
imperfect  copy  of  this  Tract,  wanting  both  the  beginning 
and  the  end,  and  erroneous  in  many  places,  was  published  in 
London,  in  the  year  1754,  under  the  title  of  *  Two  Letters 
from  Sir  Isaac  Newton  to  M.  Le  Clerc :'  but,  in  the  author's 
manuscript,  the  whole  is  one  continued  discourse,  which, 
although  it  is  conceived  in  the  epistolary  form,  is  not  address- 
ed to  any  particular  person." — Preface  to  the  Tract,  New- 
ton's "Works,  vol.  V.  p.  494. 

The  edition  of  1754,  although  it  conveys  some  additional 
information,  leaves  some  things  still  to  be  explained.  The 
editor  thus  accounts  (pp.  122,  123)  for  his  possession  of  the 
papers  : — "  The  reader  is  to  be  informed  that  the  manuscript 
of  these  two  Letters  is  still  preserved  in  the  library  of  the 
Eemonstrants  in  Holland.  It  was  lodged  there  by  Mr  Le 
Clerc,  and  it  was  sent  to  him  by  the  famous  Mr  Locke,  and 
'  is  actually  in  the  handwriting  oi  this  gentleman  And  not- 
;  withstanding  the  Letters  have  the  acknowledged  defects,  the 
editor  thought  it  a  pity  that  the  world  should  be  longer  de- 
prived of  these  two  pieces,  as  they  now  are,  since  they  can- 
not be  obtained  more  perfect,  all  other  copies  of  them  being 
either  lost  or  destroyed." 

The  "acknowledged  defects,"  to  which  the  editor  alludes,  are 
the  loss  of  the  beginning  of  the  first  letter,  and  of  the  end  of 


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EBMAEKS   ON   BIB  ISAAC  NEWTON'S  LETTEES.         231 

the  second.  The  second  letter  is  printed  after  the  imperfect 
manuscript,  and  concludes  in  the  middle^  of  a  sentence.  A 
different  fate  befell  its  companion.  Another  writer,  con- 
jecturing from  the  course  of  argument  pursued  in  the  exist- 
ing portion  of  the  first  dissertation  what  must  have  been 
comprised  in  that  which  was  lost,  drew  up  a  new  introduction 
to  supply  its  place.  The  reader  is  not  apprized  of  this  fSwjt 
till  he  arrives  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  page,  when  his  at- 
tention is  arrested  by  the  following  note.  "  The  editor  must 
inform  the  reader,  that  tlittsfar  is  not  Sir  Isaac*  s :  the  copy 
transmitted  to  him  fairly  acknowledges  it,  and  adds,  that  the 
first  four  paragraphs  of  the  manuscript  are  lost ;  and  that 
as  there  were  no  hopes  of  recovering  them  they  were  sup- 
plied, not  out  of  vamty,  but  merely  to  lay  before  the  reader 
those  passages  which  the  letter  itself  plainly  shows  had  beeu 
made  use  of  by  the  author  himself,  and  to  the  purposes,  as  is 
apprehended,  they  are  here  subservient  to  ;  and  an  assurance 
is  also  given  that  all  which  follows  the  words  *  he  makes  use 
of,'  are  Sir  Isaac's  own,  without  alteration." 

The  author  of  the  new  introduction  has  shown  himself  to 
be  a  man  of  learning,  well  acquainted  with  the  subject.  There 
is,  however,  a  considerable  difference, as  may  well  be  imagined, 
between  what  he  has  written  and  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  original, 
which  is  now  happily  recoverd. 

These  are  the  cmef  particulars  of  information  to  be  ob- 
tained from  books  as  to  the  early  history  of  the  two  tracts. 
It  may  be  proper  to  add,  that  in  some  catalogues  of  Sir  Isaac 
Newton's  works,  another  edition  is  mentioned  of  the  date  of 
1734,  under  the  title  of  "  Two  Letters  to  Mr  Clarke,  late 
Divinity  Professor  of  the  Eemonstrants  in  Holland."  But 
no  opportunity  has  occurred  of  consulting  this  edition,  which 
is  stated  to  be  a  duodecimo  pamphlet. 

Mr  Locke's  papers  have  thrown  some  new  light  upon  this 
subject.  Prom  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  letters,  inserted  above, 
we  now  learn  that  these  valuable  papers  were  first  communi- 
cated to  Mr  Locke  in  the  strictest  confidence.  The  author, 
with  his  characteristic  timidity,  shrank  from  the  responsi- 
bility of  sending  them  forth  to  the  public  with  the  sanction 
of  his  name,  and  thus  expose  himselrto  the  scoffs  or  the  cen- 
sures of  the  theological  bigots  of  the  age,  who  were  either  in- 
competent or  iadisposed  to  appreciate  the  value  of  his  labours. 


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232  LIFE  AITD  LETTSBS   07  JOHK  LOCKE. 

Mr  Locke  was  at  this  time  meditating  a  voyage  to  Holland ; 
and  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  first  purpose  was,  that  he  should  take 
these  papers  with  him,  and,  through  the  medium  of  some 
literary  acquaintance,  procure  the  translation  and  publication 
of  them  there  in  the  French  language.  He  wished  in  this 
manner,  without  bringing  himself  personally  before  the  pub- 
lic, to  ascertain  the  feeling  and  judgment  of  Biblical  critics, 
as  to  the  subjects  of  his  work.  Then,  "  after  it  had  gone 
abroad  long  enough  in  French,"  he  "might,**  he  states, 
"  perhaps  put  it  forth  in  English." 

Mr  Locke  having  postponed  or  abandoned  his  design  of 
revisiting  Holland,  forwarded  the  papers  to  his  friend  M.  Le 
Clerc,  with  instructions  to  have  them  translated  and  pub- 
lished. Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  not  apprized  of  this  circum- 
stance, but,  knowing  that  Mr  Locke  had  not  quitted  England, 
concluded  that  they  were  still  in  his  possession.  In  the  second 
letter,  written  fifteen  months  after  the  first,  he  expresses  hia 
regret  at  learning  that  this  was  not  the  case,  and  entreats  Mr 
Locke  to  countermand  the  translation,  it  being  his  design  to 
suppress  the  work.  In  the  third  letter,  written  three  months 
later,  he  merely  says,  he  was  "  glad  the  edition  was  stopped." 

There  exist  no  letters  of  Mr  Locke's  to  indicate  what  steps 
he  took  towards  the  execution  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  commis- 
sion. This  deficiency  is,  however,  partially  supplied  by  the 
letters,  still  among  his  papers,  addressed  to  hum  by  M.  Le 
Clerc.  The  subject  is  first  mentioned  in  a  letter  dated  April 
11th,  1691,  in  which  M.  Le  Clerc  thus  writes : — 

"  Des  que  j'aurai  quelque  loisir,  je  traduirai,  ou  en  Latin 
ou  en  rran9ois,  le  petit  Historical  Account,  Ac.,  qui  m^rite 
de  voir  le  jour.  Je  crois  pourtant  qu'il  pourroit  Stre  meil- 
leur  si  I'Auteur  avoit  lu  avec  soin  ce  que  M.  Simon  a  dit  da 
sujet,  dont  il  parle  dans  la  Critique  du  N.  T.  p.  1.'* 

In  a  letter  dated  July  the  3lBt,  in  the  same  year,  referring 
to  a  preceding  communication,  probably  the  letter  abready 
quoted,  M.  Le  Clerc  writes : — 

"  Je  vous  y  disois  (juelque  chose  du  MS.  sur  le  passage 
corromj)u.  Je  n'en  ai  encore  rien  fait,  k  cause  de  diverses 
occupations  que  j'ai  cues,  mais  j'espere  d'avoir  occasion  de  le 
publier  avec  quelques  autres  dissertations,  etant  trop  petit 
pour  paroitre  tout  seul.  Un  trop  petit  livre  se  perd ;  il  faut 
tacher  de  le  grossir  un  pen  si  on  veut  qu'il  subsiste." 


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EKMAEKS  ON  SIE  ISAAC  NBWTON's   LETTEES.        233 

The  next  letter  in  whicli  the  tract  is  mentioned,  is  dated 
Jan.  20th,  1692,  and  was  written  after  a  further  communica- 
tion had  been  received  from  Mr  Locke.  "  J'aurois  soin," 
'  says  M.  Le  Clerc,  "  d'inserer  dans  la  dissertation  sur  le  pas- 
sage de  S.  J.  Taddition  que  vous  m'avez  envoiee,  et  de  traduire 
I'autre,  pour  les  publier  toutes  deux  ensemble  en  Latin.  Si 
je  n'etois  pas  engage  dans  un  autre  travail  qui  demande  tout 
mon  temps,  j'entreprendrois  de  composer,  ou  de  traduire  en 
Latin,  quantite  de  dissertations  Anglois,  ou  !Fran9ois,  ou 
Italiennes,  sur  des  sujets  de  litterature,  qui  sont  peu  connues, 
et  que  leur  petitesse  fait  perdre.  Je  les  donnerois  de  temps 
en  temps  au  public,  comme  la  Bibliotheque  ;  ou  les  Nbuvellea 
de  la  Bep.  des  Lettres ;  et  je  le  ferois  a  mes  depenses,  parce 
que  les  libraires  sont  ici  si  avares,  et  de  si  mauvais  gout,  qu'ils 
veulent  tout  avoir  pour  rien,  et  m^prisent  les  meilleurea 
choses  lorsqu'on  les  leur  offre.  Mais  je  suis  h,  present  trop 
occupy  pour  cela." 

M.  Le  Clerc's  next  letter  is  dated  the  11th  of  April,  1692. 
He  had  by  this  time  received  Mr  Locke's  instructions  to  stop 
the  publication.  From  the  terms  of  M.  Le  Clerc's  answer, 
it  may  be  conjectured,  that  the  fears  of  the  author  of  the 
tract  that  he  might  be  recognised,  even  through  the  disguise 
of  a  translation,  had  been  alleged  as  the  cause  of  its  suppres- 
sion ;  and  this  conjecture  is  strengthened  by  the  language  of 
the  subsequent  letter. 

"  C'est  dommage,"  writes  M.  Le  Clerc,  "  que  ces  deux  dis- 
sertations MSS.  que  j'ai,  demeurent  supprim^s.  Je  ne  crois 
pas  que  Ton  put  reconnoitre  qu'elles  sont  traduites,  a  moins 
qu'on  ne  le  dit.  Dans  une  matiere  de  cette  nature,  oii  je  ne 
saurois  manquer  de  prendre  le  sens  de  I'auteur,  j'y  donne  un 
tour  d'original  qui  ne  sent  point  du  tout  la  traduction.  Je 
n'avois  pas  encore  conclu  pour  cela  avec  I'imprimeur,,  qui 
faisoit  difficult^  a  cause  de  la  petitesse  de  I'ouvrage;  et  depuis 
votre  lettre,  je  ne  lui  en  ai  plus  parle." 

In  the  next  letter,  July  15,  1692,  M.  Le  Clerc  thus  ex- 
presses himself : 

"Je  garderai  fid^lement  les  deux  dissertations  que  j'ai, 
jusqu'a  ce  que  vous  me  marquerez  ce  que  I'Auteur  veut  que 
j'en  fasse.  Je  puis  bien  dire,  que  ni  cela,  ni  autre  chose  qui 
seroit  public  ici,  ne  feroit  aucune  affaire  h,  personne,  pourvu 
qu'on  n'en  sut  rien  d'ailleurs  de-1^  la  mer.     II  faut  hazarder 


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234  LIFE   AlfD   LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCEES. 

quelque  chose  pour  decrasser  beaucoup  d'honn^tes  gens,  qui 
ne  pechent  que  par  ignorance,  et  qui  desabuseroient  les  autres 
s'ils  6toient  disabuses." 

On  the  5th  of  December,  in  the  same  year,  M.  Le  Clerc 
observes : — "  Vous  aurez  oui  parler  du  dernier  Tome  de  la 
Critique  du  P.  Simon  sur  le  N,  Testament.     II  y  a  encore 

rlques  ^claircissemens  sur  le  passage  de  S.  Jean,  sur  lequel 
Amaud  avoit  fait  diverses  remarques  dans  ses  Objections 
a  M.  Steyaert,  Cela  meriteroit  d'etre  examin^  par  V  Auteur 
de  la  dissertation." 

No  further  notice  of  these  papers  occurs  in  this  corre- 
spondence, which  continued  to  the  year  1704,  when  Mr  Locke 
died.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  manuscript  remained 
in  M.  Le  Clerc' s  hands  up  to  this  period.     He  had  been  en- 

i'oined  not  to  publish  the  dissertations,  and  he  appears  to 
lave  faithfully  acted  up  to  his  instructions.  He  was  fully 
competent  to  appreciate  their  value :  the  most  favourable  and 
inviting  opportunities  offered  of  making  them  more  exten- 
sively known  through  the  press.  His  Bihliotheq^m,  which 
had  been  discontinued  about  1693,  to  afford  him  leisure  to 
prosecute  works  of  more  research  and  greater  importance, 
was  resumed  in  December,  1703,  and  continued  till  about 
1730 ;  and  yet,  in  none  of  the  volumes,  although  presenting 
BO  convenient  a  channel  for  their  publication,  are  they  intro- 
duced or  named.  In  the  absence  of  more  decisive  informa- 
tion, we  may  receive,  as  probable  at  least,  the  statement  of 
the  anonymous  editor  of  the  edition  of  1754,  that  M.  Le  Clerc 
deposited  the  manuscript  in  the  library  of  the  Kemonstrants, 
from  which,  through  the  medium  of  ^a  friend,  he  alleges  that 
he  received  his  copy. 

The  title  of  the  edition  of  1754,  "Two  Letters  from  Sir 
Isaac  Newton  to  M.  Le  Clerc,"  is  conjectural  and  inaccurate. 
The  tract  having  been  in  M.  Le  Clerc's  possession,  being 
written  too  in  the  epistolary  form,  and  the  first  leaves  with 
the  title-page  having  been  lost,  the  editor  concluded  that  the 
author  had  actually  addressed  them  to  the  Remonstrant  pro- 
fessor. It  is  now  clear  that  Sir  Isaac  Newton  had  no  direct 
correspondence  with  this  gentleman  on  the  subject,  all  the 
communications  having  been  made  through  Mr  Locke.  There 
is  also  good  reason  to  believe  that  Mr  Locke  had  on  no  occa- 
sion divulged  to  his  correspondent  the  name  of  the  writer, 


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EEMAEKS   ON  SIE  ISAAC  KEWTON's   LETTEES.        235 

who  was  anxious  to  remain  unknown.  If  the  letters  were 
really  addressed  to  any  one,  it  must  have  been  to  Mr  Locke, 
to  whom  the  papers  were  transmitted  as  they  were  com- 
posed. The  probability  however  is,  that  the  epistolary  form 
was  adopted  by  the  author  merely  as  a  matter  of  taste  or  con- 
venience. The  title  given  to  the  tract  by  M.  Le  Clerc  him- 
self, in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  manuscript  in  the 
first  extract  inserted  above,  is  not  that  of  "  Two  Letters," 
but  "  Historical  Account,^  &c.,  which  corresponds  with  the 
beginning  of  the  title  of  the  copy  inserted  in  Bishop  Hors- 
ley's  edition  of  Newton's  Works,  viz : — "  An  Historical  Ac- 
count of  two  Notable  Corruptions  of  Scripture,  in  a  Letter 
to  a  Friend." 

Sir  Isaac  Newton  teUs  Mr  Locke,  "  I  have  no  entire  copy 
besides  that  I  send  you."  At  a  later  period,  he  must  have 
written  many  other  copies,  without  introducing  any  very 
material  alterations.  Bishop  Horsley  performed  a  valuable 
service  to  Biblical  literature,  by  the  publication  of  one  in  the 
author's  own  hand,  in  the  possession  of  Dr  Ekins,  Dean  of 
Carlisle.  From  the  catalogue  of  the  Newton  Manuscripts  at 
Lord  Portsmouth's,  at  Hurstbome,  it  would  appear  that  there 
are  some  copies  there  ;  but  whether  in  a  perfect  state  or  not, 
cannot  be  ascertained  until  that  collection  shall  have  been 
examined  by  some  competent  person,  less  influenced  by  theo- 
logical and  ecclesiastic^  biases,  than  the  learned  and  Eight 
Eeverend  editor  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  Works. 


ME  SOMEES   TO  HE  LOCKE. 

"Oxon,  Wednesday,  Sth  March,  1689. 
"Deab  Sib, 

"  Since  you  have  wished  so  kindly  to  my  election,  I  cannot 
but  think  it  my  duty  to  give'  you  an  account  that  yesterday 
morning  my  ola  paitoer,  Mr  Bromley,  and  myself,  were  chosen 
at  Worcester  without  any  opposition.  I  know  you  will  bo 
pleased  to  hear  that  my  Lord  BeUamont  has  all  the  reason 
in  the  world  to  be  assured  of  being  elected  at  Droitwich, 
and  I  hope  the  next  post  will  bring  you  a  certain  account 
that  it  is  so,  to-morrow  being  his  day.  This  day  was  the 
election  for  the  county  of  Worcester,  and  I  doubt  not  but 


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236  LIPB  AND  LETTEES  OP  JOHN  LOCKE. 

Mr  Foley  and  Sir  "Ft,  "Winnington  were  chosen,  which  may 
be  looked  upon  as  good  fortune,  for  there  would  have  been 
danger  from  any  pretenders,  as  far  as  I  can  find,  by  the  sense 
of  the  county.  I  was  very  willing  to  get  out  of  the  town 
as  soon  as  my  election  was  over,  and  so  got  into  the  circuit 
at  this  place,  from  whence  I  shall  go  back  to  Worcester, 
where  I  hope  you  will  make  me  so  happy  as  to  let  me  receive 
another  letter  from  you,  in  which  1  will  beg  your  advice 
(for  by  this  time  you  have  an  account  of  the  bulk  of  the 
elections),  whether  you  think  I  may  go  on  in  the  circuit  or 
not ;  what  you  write  shall  be  my  rule  in  this  point.  If  I 
could  hope  to  be  useful,  I  would  not  fail  to  be  at  the  opening 
of  the  Session ;  but  if  there  be  no  hopes  of  it  (and  that  the 
G-azette  inclines  me  to  beHeve),  I  would  take  the  advantage 
of  the  whole  circuit,  since  I  am  now  engaged  in  it.  This 
letter  I  beg  from  you  by  Saturday's  post ;  and  when  I  have 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  you,  I  will  beg  your  pardon  for  this 
freedom,  which  nothing  but  your  kindness  to  me  upon  all 
occasions,  as  well  as  my  dependence  upon  your  judgment, 
could  have  drawn  me  to.  1  am  earnest  in  expectation  of 
your  thoughts  in  this  and  greater  matters,  and  shall  be  often 
wishing  for  the  coming  of  the  post  to  Worcester  on  Monday 
next.    I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  faithftil,  humble  servant, 

J.  SOMEBS. 

"  I  am  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  forgot  the  name  of  the 
gentleman  at  whose  house  you  lodge,  and  therefore  direct 
this  to  the  Earl  of  M  (onmouth)." 

3£B  SOMEBS  TO  MB  LOCKE. 

"Worcester,  Sept.  25,  1698. 
**SlB, 

"  I  ought  to  be  out  of  countenance  for  being  so  long  in 
making  my  acknowledgments  for  your  two  favours,  which  I 
really  value  so  much ;  but  as  I  had  nothing  to  write  from 
this  place  which  was  fit  for  you  to  read,  so  I  wanted  a  proper 
address  to  you,  till  I  learnt  it  from  my  friend  Mr  Freke,  in 
his  last  letter.  The  country,  generally  speaking,  is  extremely 
well-disposed  in  relation  to  the  Q-ovemment ;  but  some  few 


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1689.]       COBBESPONDSKCE  WITH  LOED  MONMOUTH.  237 

clergymen  who  have  not  taken  the  oaths,  and  some  that  have, 
and  a  very  little  party  of  such  as  pay  them  a  blind  obedience, 
use  incredible  diligence,  by  misconstructions  of  eyerything, 
false  stories,  and  spreading  of  libels,  to  infect  the  people.  I 
wish  heartily  the  friends  of  the  Government  were  encouraged 
to  use  the  same  diligence  in  suppressing  such  doings ;  for 
though  they  behave  themselves  with  much  malice,  yet  it  is 
so  very  fooHshly,  that  they  lie  as  open  as  one  could  wish.  I 
am  making  all  possible  haste  to  town,  and  hope  to  learn  from 
you  aU  that  I  want  from  my  long  absence.  Tour  former 
favours  make  me  bold  to  presume  upon  you,  and  your  judg- 
ment is  such  that  I  can  depend  upon  your  instructions  as 
the  rules  for  my  behaviour.     I  am. 

Your  most  obliged,  humble  servant; 

J.  SOMSBS." 

The  next  eight  letters  are  selected  from  the  correspondence 
between  the  Earl  of  Peterborough  and  Mr  Locke ;  the  in- 
tervals are  wide,  the  date  of  the  first  being  1689,  and  that 
of  the  last  1703,  the  year  before  Locke's  death.  Lord 
Monmouth  had  been  in  Holland  before  the  Eevolution^  and 
there,  probably,  their  intimacy  commenced. 

"Newcastle,  Jan.  9,  1689. 
*'Mb  Loceje, 

"  I  must  begin  with  a  description  of  my  Lord  Delamere's 
army:  it  wanted  nothing  to  be  a  complete  regiment  but 
clothes,  boots,  arms,  horses,  men,  and  officers :  there  never 
was  anything  so  scandalous  as  that  the  King  should  have 

f)aid  near  nine  thousand  pounds  already  to  that  rout  of  fel- 
ows,  that  have  been  more  disorderly  than  any,  never  having 
aU  the  while  but  one  obtain  with  them.  He  hath  still  those 
same  champions  with  him  that  saved  the  nation,  in  the  same 
or  worse  equipages  than  they  were  in  the  west,  mounted 
upon  just  such  horses  attended  the  Protestant  peer  out  of 
town.  Q^ood  God !  what  is  the  love  of  money !  O  Eoma 
venalis  esses,  &c.,  and  so  is  everything  else.  Who  has  got 
tea  thousand  pounds  by  the  late  made  peer  ?  we  take  it  for 
granted  he  gave  no  more ;  he  offered  but  fifteen  for  fifteen 
years  together.  Some  of  our  Lords  take  their  rest,  others 
their  pleasure ;  my  Lords  Devonshire  and  Lumley  stay  here  $ 


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238  LITE  AKD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [l692. 

Mr  Wharton*  goes  for  Scotland.  I  go  to-morrow  for  Ber- 
wick, to  examine  some  regiments,  and  come  back  the  next 
day  to  Newcastle,  a  pleasant  journey ;  at  least  no  reproach 
shall  lie  at  my  door ;  for  I  can  brag  that  pleasure,  when  I 
am  engaged  in  business,  neyer  made  me  go  an  hour  out  of 
my  way.    Direct  your  letters  to  Carlisle. 

Tours, 

MoiQiOUTH.*' 


BABL  OF  MOm^OUTH  TO  MB  LOOEE. 

« 19ih  Not.  1692. 

''  I  am  told,  that  so  many  of  your  friends  haye  sent  you 
word  how  desirous  they  are  you  should  come  to  town,  that 
I  am  resolved  I  will  not  be  of  the  number,  concluding  that 
your  health  obliges  you  to  stay  in  the  country.  I  am  a&aid 
of  mentioning  r arson' s-green  to  you,  for  I  find  you  would 
be  importunea,  if  so  near,  to  come  to  town,  and  our  innocent 
air  would  be  accused  of  the  ill  effects  of  London  smoke.  If 
your  acquaintances  would  make  you  visits,  and  expect  no  re- 
turns, I  would  do  all  in  my  power  to  tempt  you  to  a  lady,  who 
would  take  all  possible  care  of  you :  she  has  prepared  you  a 
very  warm  room,  and  if  you  take  the  resolution,  which  she 
thinks  you  are  obliged  to  by  your  promise,  you  must  send 
me  word  of  it ;  for  as  your  physician,  you  must  refuse  none 
of  her  prescriptions ;  and  she  will  not  allow  you  to  come  up 
but  in  a  glass  coach.  This  is  no  compliment ;  and  you  can 
gain  no  admittance  except  my  coach  brings  you,  which  I  can 
send  without  the  least  inconvenience ;  but  after  all,  I  desire 
you  not  to  venture  coming  towards  us  if  it  may  be  prejudicial 
to  your  health. 

"  K  you  stay  in  the  country,  I  will  send  you  now  and  then 
a  news-letter :  our  revolving  Government  always  affords  us 
something  new  every  three  or  four  months  ;  but  what  would 
be  most  new  and  strange,  would  be  to  see  it  do  anything 
that  were  ^really  for  its  interest ;  there  seems  a  propensity 
towards  something  like  it;  I  fear  their  sullen  and  duller 
heads  will  not  allow  it.  Mons.  Blanquet  tells  us  the  King 
is  grown  in  love  with  Englishmen  and  Whigs ;  it  is  true,  he 

*  Mr  Wharton,  the  same  whose  song  of  lillibnlero  had  produced  such 
an  effect  on  King  James's  army. 


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1693.]       OOBEESFONDENCE  WITH  LOBD  MOKMOUTH.  239 

smiles  and  talks  with  ns,  but  Messrs  Semour  and  TreTor 
come  up  the  back  stairs.* 

"  Mons.  Dolm  tells  us  my  Lord  Nottingham  is  a  little  law- 
yer, and  no  man  of  business  ;  yet  the  Court  have  taken  all 
possible  pains  to  prevent  the  petition  against  him,  and  my 
good  Lord  Mayor,  to  set  it  aside,  broke  up  the  coiirt  so  ao- 
ruptly  as  my  Lord  Sidney  the  Irish  Farliimient.  I  will  en- 
gage no  further  in  politics,  but  being  sick,  am  going,  by  way 
of  physic,  to  eat  a  good  supper,  and  drink  your*  health  in  a 
glass  or  two  of  my  reviving  wine.  "Xiours, 

Monmouth." 

"March  25,  1693. 
"Me  Looke, 

"  Shall  we  pretend  more  that  nothing  shall  surprise  us  ? 
and  have  you  heard  of  our  late  Whiggish  promotion  without 
admiration  ?  I  cannot  but  confess,  I  rather  wish  we  had  our 
Whiggish  laws :  but,  however,  I  think  there  must  be  some 
consequence,  not  so  much  of  our  joy,  as  of  the  ill  humour  of 
the  Tories,  which  is  so  apparent,  and  so  great,  that  I  am  re- 
solved to  enjoy  the  satisraction  it  gives  me,  and  not  lose  the 
few  moments  of  mirth  offered  us  by  a  too  nice  examination. 
The  new  Secretary  t  treads  the  stage  with  quite  another  air 
than  our  friend;  the  poor  Lord  Keeper  J  looks  as  if  he  wanted 
the  comfort  of  his  friends;  but  the  other  §  thinks  he  may 
depend  on  his  own  parts  and  the  ability  of  Mr  Bridgman. 
"Wnether  to  congratulate  with  your  friends,  or  to  see  the  silly 
looks  of  the  enemy,  I  suppose  you  will  give  us  one  week  in 
town.  There  is  a  uttle  philosophical  apartment  quite  finished 
in  the  garden  that  expects  you,  and  if  you  will  let  me  know 
when  you  will  come,  it  will  not  be  the  least  inconvenience  to 
me  to  send  my  coach  twenty  miles  out  of  town  to  meet  you, 
and  may  make  your  journey  more  easy,  and  if  you  would 
make  me  so,  pray,  Mr  Locke,  be  less  ceremonious  to  your 
affectionate  servant,  Monmouth." 

*  King  William  had  sometimes  an  inclination  to  form  a  Tory  adminis- 
tration, on  account  of  their  accommodating  temper,  but  was  deterred  when 
told  that  he  was  not  the  King  of  the  Tories. 

t  The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury. 

X  Sir  John  Trevor,  afterwards  expelled  the  House  of  Commons  for  cor- 
ruption. 

^  Sir  John  Somers. 


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240  LIFE   AND   LETTEB8   OF   JOHN   LOCKE.  [l695. 

"  December  12,  1695. 
**  Mb  Locke, 

"  I  cannot  but  write  to  you  to  give  some  ease  to  my  ill- 
humour,  for,  though  accustomed  to  see  such  follies  committed, 
I  cannot  be  insensible  when  I  see  them  repeated,  especially 
when  the  public  and  a  friend  is  concerned.  I  was  some  dayu 
ago  extremely  pleased  when  the  King  was  brought  to  so 
reasonable  a  resolution  as  to  determine  upon  a  council  of  trade, 
where  some  great  men  were  to  assist,  but  where  others,  with 
salaries  of  a  thousand  pounds  a  year,  were  to  be  fixed  as  the 
constant  labourers.  Mr  Locke  being  to  be  of  the  number, 
made  me  have  the  better  opinion  of  the  thing,  and  comforted 
me  for  our  last  disappointment  upon  your  subject :  but,  ac- 
cording to  our  accustomed  wisdom  and  prudence,  when  all 
things  had  been  a  good  while  adjusted,  the  patent  ready  for 
the  seal,  and  some  very  able  and  honest  men  provided  for 
your  companions,  it  was  impossible  to  get  the  King  to  si^ 
it ;  but  delaying  it  from  day  to  day,  the  Parliament  this  day 
fell  upon  it,  and  are  going  to  form  such  a  commission,  to  be 
nommated  by  themselves.  Our  great  managers,  surprised, 
were  forced  to  run  up  to  some  in  our  House,  others  to  go  to 
Kensington,  so  that  at  last  the  Secretary  informs  the  House 
at  the  latter  end  of  the  debate  (and  much  consultation),  that 
the  King  had  just  formed  such  a  commission,  with  all  that 
could  be  said  to .  prevent  their  further  proceeding  ;  but  they 
all  looked  upon  it  as  a  trick,  and  all  they  could  do  was  to  put 
it  to  a  vote  for  an  adjournment,  which,  in  a  full  House,  after 
great  exertions,  they  carried  but  by  eleven :  this  is  the  effect 
of  our  gravity  and  prudence  ;  what  the  event  will  be  I  know 
not,  but  for  the  little  I  am  able,  I  shall  endeavour.  Mr  Locke 
may  be  the  choice  of  the  House,  as  well  as  the  King's :  if  it 
take  that  course,  if  the  ill- weather  prevent  you  not,  it  were 
not  improper  you  were  in  town ;  but,  above  all  things,  take 
care  of  yourself,  without  which  your  friends  will  lose  the 
pleasure  they  may  have  in  serving  you.  I  hope  we  may  make 
the  House  desist,  and  that  your  affair  is  fixed;  but  these  un- 
necessary labours  might  be  spared  to  those  who  have  enough 
to  do. 

Erom  your  affectionate  servant, 

Monmouth." 


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169.7,  1702.]  COBB|:SFOKDEKCB  WITH  LOED  MOKHOUTH.      241 

"August,  1697. 

"  Me  Locke, 

"  You  know  the  impati^ice  country  gentlemen  have  for 
news ;  we  are  here  as  lond  of  a  Gtizette  as  the  sparks  are  of 
their  mistresses  with  you.  We  lay  wagers  on  Ponty  and 
Eevel  and  Conti  and  Saxe,  to  pass  away  the  lime,  instead  of 
playing  at  pickett.  Fray  give  us  a  letter  now  and  then  to 
decide  who  has  won :  this  request  is  made  you,  not  only  by 
myself,  but  by  some  other  of  your  humble  friends. 

Pbtebboeow. 

"  Direct  yours  for  me,  to  be  left  at  the  post-house,  Chip- 
penham, "Wiltshire." 

"September  4th,  1697. 
"  Me  Looee, 

"  We  all  return  you  thanks  for  your  charitable  correspond- 
ence, but  the  lady  is  a  little  out  of  humour  since  your  last, 
having  long  ago  settled  the  peace  with  the  restitution  of 
JStrasburgh,  and  Luxemburgh,  and  Loraine,  and  sunk  and 
destroyed  all  or  most  of  Ponty 's  squadron,  not  consid^ng 
the  generous  Knight-errantry  of  our  admirals,  who  scorn  to 
beat  their  enemies  with  odds  nine  to  five,  being  shameful  ad- 
vantage. The  next  letter  you  are  pleased  to  write  this  way, 
address  it  to  the  ladv,  who  stays  here  some  time  longer.  I 
hope  in  four  or  five  days  after  you  have  received  this,  to  see 
you  in  London ;  for  I  take  it  for  granted,  the  Essex  lady  is 
not  to  attract,  while  the  sun  has  so  much  influence. 
Your  most  afiectionate  servant, 

Pbtbebobow." 

'*Dec.26tli,  1702. 
"Sib, 

"  The  lady  that  made  you  a  visit  witli  me  would  not  let  me 
write,  till  I  could  tell  you  all  is  gone  afore,  and  that  the  first 
jeasterly  wind  we  foUow.  I  wish  we  were  as  sure  of  success 
as  we  are  of  your  good  wishes ;  and  I  assure  you,  Sir,  I  have 
some  pretence  to  that  from  the  very  sincere  respect  and  in- 
clination I  have  ever  had  for  you.  Our  Vigo  success  has  a 
littie  abated  pur  vigour,  a  fault  too  often  committed  by  the 
English,  and  we  seem  not  so  willing  as  the  Dutch  to  raise 
jiew  recruits  for  the  next  campaign.    I  confess  (after  the 


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242  LIFE  AND  LETTEES  OP  JOHlf  LOCEE.  [l703. 

schoolboy  fashioii)  I  am  for  giving  the  enemy  the  rising  blow 
when  they  are  down.  And  I  hope  to  convince  you  in  the 
"West  Indies,  that  if  Providence  give  us  successes,  we  will  not 
sleep  upon  them.  Sir,  if  I  make  a  prosperous  voyage  and 
live  to  come  back  again,  I  shall  not  have  a  greater  pleasure 
than  to  meet  you  where  we  parted  last. 

Tour  most  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

Peteebobow. 
"  The  gentleman  you  recommended  from  my  Lady  Coverly, 
went  this  night  aboard.'* 

"27th  Jan.,  1703 
"  Had  I  not,  with  Mr  Locke,  left  off  wondering  at  anything 
long  ago,  I  might  with  surprise  write  this  letter,  and  you  re- 
ceive it  with  amazement,  when  I  let  you  know  our  American 
expedition  is  fallen,  as  a  mushroom  nses  in  the  night.  I  had 
my  orders  to  be  aboard  the  16th;  aU  my  equipage  and  servants 
gone ;  and  the  14th  I  was  sent  for  to  the  place  of  "Wisdom  to 
Be  asked  this  question,  whether  I  could  not  effect  with  three 
thousand  men,  what  I  was  to  have  attempted  with  above 
double  the  number  ?  I  modestly  confessed  myself  no  woiker 
of  miracles ;  and  being  told  that  the  States  had  desired  the 
Dutch  squadron  and  land-forces  might  be  employed  upon  other 
services,  since  the  season  was  so  far  spent,  and  the  wind  con- 
trary, I  likewise  desired  they  would  excuse  my  going  if  the 
season  were  passed,  when  1  was  sure  the  force  would  not 
answer  what  the  world  expected  from  her  Majesty's  arms  and 
preparations  so  long  talked  of:  besides,  these  3000  men  I 
was  to  depend  upon,  were  but  2800  when  they  left  Gales,  and 
before  my  arrival  must  have  been  employed  for  four  months 
against  the  French  in  their  strongest  islands,  and  probably 
reduced  to  half  the  number,  at  least,  by  disease  and  the  ac- 
cidents of  war.  I  am  sure  this  does  not  surprise  you,  that  I 
refused  to  go  to  the  other  world  loaded  with  empty  titles,  and 
deprived  of  force.  These  mysteries  of  state  I  will  not  pre- 
tend to  unfold  at  present,  but  before  I  return  to  my  home, 
I  will  have  another  meeting  in  Essex. 

Tour  most  faithful  friend, 

Peteebobow.** 

The  state  of  the  coin  had  for  a  long  time  very  much  en- 


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1695.]  BEFBEOIATIOK  OF  THE   COOT.  243 

gaged  Locke's  attention ;  the  first  of  bis  treatises  upon  that 
subject  was  published  in  1691,  and  the  "Further  Considera- 
tion" in  1695,, for  the  purpose  of  correcting  the  false  ideas 
then  universally  prevalent. 

"Whenever  there  is  considerable  distress  in  the  public 
affairs, — if  trade  is  embarrassed,  if  the  currency  is  disordered, 
if  the  finances  are  deranged, — ^there  are  always  to  be  found 
men  who,  from  ignorance  or  interest,  are  ready  to  recommend 
what  they  are  pleased  to  call  the  easy,  practical,  and  natural 
remedies,  which  in  the  end  generally  aggravate  the  evils  they 
were  supposed  to  cure.  Under  a  despotic  Government,  if  the 
debts  are  embarrassing;,  or  the  finances  in  disorder,  a  base 
coin  is  issued,  and  the  defrauded  creditor  is  compelled  to  sub- 
mit in  silence  to  the  royal  ordinance.  Such  was  the  common 
ordinary  practice  of  the  old  Erench  Government,  and  of  most 
of  the  other  states  of  Europe,  whose  coins  have  been  succes- 
sively deteriorated  from  their  original  standard. 

In  our  own  country,  and  in  our  own  times,  we  have  seen 
a  Bank  Eestriction  Act  imposed  to  avoid  a  temporary  diffi- 
culty, which  deranged  our  affairs  during  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
twcj* 

in  1695,  one  or  perhaps  aU  these  causes  of  national  distress 
were  severely  felt ;  the  war  had  diminished  the  national  re- 
sources, and  the  frauds  practised  for  some  time  by  the  clipping 
the  money  had  considerably  impaired  its  intrinsic  value.  Mr 
Lowndes  and  the  practical  men  of  that  day  recommended  the 
usual  panacea,  an  alteration  of  the  standard ;  but  those  honest 
ministers.  Lord  Somers  and  Sir  "William  Trumbull,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  knowing  from  the  treatise  on  Lowering  of 
Interest,  and  Eaising  the  Yalue  of  Money,  published  in  1691, 
that  Locke  had  turned  his  attention  very  much  to  those  sub- 
jects, now  called  him  to  their  assistance,  and  were  guided  by 
nis  advice. 

Lord  Keeper  Somers  writes  to  him : 

"November,  95. 
"SiB, 

"  Tou  will  easily  see  by  the  book  which  was  put  in  my 
hand  last  night,  and  by  the  title  of  a  Eeport  which  it  bears, 
as  well  as  by  the  advertisement  at  the  end  of  it,  that  you  were 
in  the  right  when  you  said  that  the  alteration  of  the  standard 

b2 


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244  LIFE   AHD   LETTERS   OF   JOHK  LOCKE.  [iMS. 

was  the  thing  aimed  at.  The  challenge  at  the  end,  if  you 
will  allow  me  to  say  so,  is  in  some  sort  directed  to  you.  The 
proposition  which  you  and  I  discoursed  upon  yesterday  is  en- 
aeavoured  to  he  represented  impracticahle.  The  passing  of 
money  hy  weight  is  said  to  he  ridiculous,  at  least  in  little  pay- 
ments ;  the  sudden  fall  of  guineas  will  he  an  utter  ruin  to 
very  great  numbers ;  there  is  no  encouragement  proposed  to 
invite  people  to  hring  the  clipped  money  into  the  Mint,  so 
that  will  he  melted  down  to  be  transported,  which  will  be  a 
certain  profit  at  least,  till  by  a  law  money  can  be  exported. 
And  whilst  this  is  doing,  nothing  will  be  Mt  to  carry  on  com- 
merce, for  no  one  will  bring  out  his  guineas  to  part  with  them 
for  twenty  shillings  when  he  paid  thirty  shillinss  for  them  so 
lately.  These,  as  I  remember,  were  the  objections  made  use 
of;  and  I  doubt  not  but  you  will,  without  great  difficulty,  help 
us  with  some  expedients  for  them.  I  believe  it  an  easier  task 
than  to  remove  what  I  see  is  Bo&:ed,the  project  of  alteration 
of  the  standard.  I  am. 

Your  most  humble  tservant, 

J.  SOMEBS.*' 

In  the  "Further  Consideration  on  raising  the  Value  of 
Money,"  published  1696,  addressed  to  Sir  John  Somers,  he 
endeavoured  to  strip  the  question  of  hard,  obscure,  and 
"  doubtful  words  wherewith  men  are  often  misled  and  mis- 
lead others."  He  condemns  the  nefarious  project  of  raising 
the  denomination  and  altering  the  standard  as  a  fraud  upon 
all  creditors,  and  justly  considers  it  as  "  the  means  of  coif- 

FOTTBTDIlSra  THE  PEOPEETT  OF  THE  SUBJECT,  AITD  DISTUBBIKG 
AFFAIBS  TO  KO  PUEPOSE." 

The  advice  of  Locke  was  followed,  and  the  great  recoinage 
of  1696  restored  the  current  money  of  the  country  to  the  full 
legal  standard. 

The  difference  between  the  embarrassments  which  affected 
the  currency  in  the  reign  of  King  "William,  and  those  which 
have  occurred  in  our  own  time,  may  be  thus  stated :  the  coin 
at  the  period  first  mentioned,  had  been  deteriorated  by  the 
frauds  of  individuals  and  the  neglect  of  the  public ;  but  when 
the  evil  was  felt,  and  the  remedy  pointed  out,  the  Parliament, 
notwithstanding  the  pressure  of  the  war  and  the  false  theories 


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1696.]  DIFBEOIATIOK  OF  THE   OOHT.  245 

of  the  practical  men  of  those  days,  applied  the  proper  remedy 
at  the  proper  time  before  any  great  permanent  debt  had  been 
incurred.  In  pur  own  time  the  depreciation  of  the  currency 
was  entirely  to  be  attributed  to  the  Bank  and  the  Qt>vern- 
ment.  The  paper-money  of  a  banking  company  without  the 
one  indispensable  condition  of  security  against  excesses,  fajj* 
mefU  in  specie  on  demand,  was  in  an  evil  hour  substituted  in 
place  of  the  King's  lawful  coin ;  and  in  order  that  the  Min- 
ister might  avoid  the  imputation  of  being  an  unskilful  finan- 
cier, who  borrowed  money  on  unfevourable  terms,  a  debt  of 
unexampled  magnitude  was  accumulated  in  a  debased  cur- 
rency, to  be  ultimately  discharged  by  payment  in  specie  at 
the  full  and  lawful  standard.  It  must  be  confessed,  that  by 
the  tardy  act  of  retributive  justice  which  was  passed  in  1819, 
the  punishment  inflicted  upon  the  nation  was  in  the  exact 
proportion  to  the  former  deviations  from  good  faith  and 
sound  principle,  and  we  may  at  least  hope  that  the  severity 
of  the  penalty  will  prevent  for  the  future  a  repetition  of  the 
same  fdly. 

Bespecting  the  other  subject  of  the  treatise,  viz.  "  Consider- 
ation on  lowering  the  rate  of  Interest,"  the  author  asks  this 
question :  "  Whether  the  price  of  the  hire  of  money  can  be 
regulated  by  law?"  The  same  question,  after  the  lapse  of 
130  years,  we  may  still  continue  to  repeat  with  the  same 
success.  He  then  shows  that  the  attempt  *'  to  regulate  the 
rate  of  interest  will  increase  the  difficulty  of  borrowing,  and 
prejudice  none  but  those  who  need  assistance." 

In  the  same  year  he  was  appointed  to  a  seat  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trade.  Sir  John  Somers  writes  to  inform  him  of  the 
King's  nomination,  and  to  make  excuse  for  using  his  name 
without  his  "express  consent." 

Sir  Wm.  Trumbull  communicates  the  same  appointment 
by  the  following  letter. 

"Whitehall,  May  19,  1696. 
"Sib, 

"  Besides  my  particular  obligations  to  thank  you  for  your 
kind  letter  to  me,  I  am  now  to  call  upon  you  in  behalf  of  the 
public,  whose  service  requires  your  help,  and  consequently 
your  attendance  in  town.  The  Council  of  Trade  (whereof 
you  are  most  wortiiily  appointed  a  member),  must  go  on  with 


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246  LTEE  ATTD   LETTERS  OP  JOWS  LOCKE.  [l697. 

effect,  or  the  greatest  inconveniences  and  mischief  will  follow. 
I  hope  your  health  will  permit  you  to  come  and  make  some 
stay  nere  ;  and  what  reluctancy  soever  you  may  have  to  ap- 
pear among  us,  I  know  your  love  to  your  country,  and  your 
feat  zeal  for  our  common  interests,  will  overcome  it,  so  that 
will  trouble  you  no  further  till  I  can  have  the  happiness  of 
seeing  you  here,  and  assuring  you  by  word  of  mouth  that  I 
am  unalterably 

Your  most  faithful  humble  servant, 

William  Tbfmbull.   ' 

"  My  wife  will  have  me  send  her  humble  service  to  you.'* 

After  holding  the  appointment  at  the  Board  of  Trade  for  a 
short  time,  his  increasmg  infirmities  made  him  wish  to  resign 
it,  and  he  communicated  his  intention  to  Lord  Keeper  Somers, 
by  letter,  dated  7th  Jan.,  1696-7. 

"My  Lobp, 

"  Some  of  my  brethren,  I  understand,  think  my  stay  in  the 
country  long,  and  desire  me  to  return  to  bear  my  part,  and 
to  help  to  despatch  the  multitude  of  biisiness  that  the  present 
circumstances  of  trade  and  the  plantations  fill  their  hands 
with.  I  cannot  but  say  they  are  in  the  right ;  and  I  cannot 
but  think,  at  the  same  time,  that  I  also  am  in  the  right  to 
stay  in  the  country,  where  all  my  care  is  little  enough  to  pre- 
serve those  small  remains  of  health,  which  a  settled  and  incur- 
able indisposition  would  quickly  make  an  end  of  anywhere 
else. 

"  There  remains,  therefore,  nothing  else  to  be  done  but 
that  I  should  cease  to  fill  up  any  longer  a  place  that  requires 
a  more  constant  attendance  than  my  strength  will  allow ;  and 
to  that  purpose,  I  prevail  with  your  Lordship  to  move  his 
Majesty,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  ease  me  of  the  employ- 
ment he  has  been  so  graciously  pleased  to  honour  me  with, 
since  the  crazyness  of  my  body  so  ill  seconds  the  inclination 
I  have  to  serve  him  in  it,  and  I  find  myself  every  way  incapa- 
ble of  answering  the  ends  of  that  commission.  I  am  not  in- 
sensible of  the  honour  of  that  employment,  nor  how  much  I 
am  obliged  to  your  Lordship's  favourable  opinion  in  putting 
me  into  a  post,  which  I  look  upon  as  one  of  the  most  con- 
siderable in  England.    I  can  say  that  nobody  has  more  warm 


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1697.]  EESIGNS   OFriCE   AT   BOABD   OF   TEADB.  247 

wishes  for  the  prosperity  of  his  country  than  I  have ;  but  the 
opportunity  of  showing  those  good  wishes,  in  being  any  way 
serviceable  to  it,  I  find  comes  too  late  to  a  man  whose  health 
is  inconsistent  with  the  business,  and  in  whom  it  would  be 
folly  to  hope  for  a  return  to  that  vigour  and  strength  which 
such  an  employment  I  see  requires.  It  is  not  without  due 
consideration  that  I  represent  this  to  your  Lordship,  and  that 
I  find  myself  obliged  humbly  and  earnestly  to  request  your 
Lordship  to  obtain  for  me  a  dismission  out  of  it.  I  wish  your 
Lordship  many  happy  new  years,  and  am,  with  the  utmost 
acknowledgment  ana  respect," 

LOBD  EEEFEB  SOMEBS  TO  ME  LOOEE. 

<*26tli  Jan.,  1696-7. 
«SlE, 

"  My  great  fatigue,  joined  with  a  very  great  indisposition, 
must  make  my  excuse  for  being  so  slow  in  returning  an  an- 
swer to  your  very  obliging  letter.  I  am  very  sorry  for  your 
ill  health,  which  confines  you  to  the  country  for  the  present ; 
but  now  you  will  have  so  much  regard  to  yourself,  your 
friends,  and  your  country,  as  not  to  think  of  returning  to 
business  till  you  are  recovered  to  such  a  competent  degree, 
as  not  to  run  the  hazard  of  a  relapse.  As  to  the  other  part 
of  your  letter,  which  relates  to  the  quitting  the  commission, 
I  must  say  you  are  much  in  the  wrong,  in  my  opinion,  to 
entertain  a  thought  of  it ;  and  I  flatter  myself  so  far  as  to 
believe  I  could  bring  you  over  to  my  sentiments,  if  I  had  the 
happiness  of  half  an  hour's  conversation  with  you.  These 
being  my  thoughts,  you  cannot  wonder  if  I  am  not  willing  to 
enter  upon  the  commission  you  gave  me,  of  saying  something 
to  the  King  of  your  purpose.  But  when  the  new  commission 
is  made,  and  the  establishment  fixed,  and  the  Parliament  up, 
and  you  have  had  the  opinion  df  your  friends  here,  I  will 
submit  to  act  as  you  shall  command  me.  In  the  mean  time 
give  me  leave  to  say,  that  no  man  alive  has  a  greater  value  for 
you,  nor  is  with  more  sincerity  than  myself,  Sir, 

Tour  most  faithful  servant, 

J.  SOMBES." 


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248  LIPB  AITD  LETTEBS  OT  JOWS  LOCKE.  [l697. 

DBAFT  OF  liOCES'S  AKSWEB  TO  LOBD  EEEPEB  BOMEBS. 

"Feb.  1,  1696-7. 
"Mt  Lobd 

"I  know  nobody  that  can  with  so  much  right  promise 
himself  to  bring  me  over  to  his  sentiments  as  your  Lordship, 
for  I  know  not  any  one  that  has  such  a  master-reason  to  pre- 
vail as  your  Lordship,  nor  any  one  to  whom,  without  attend- 
ing the  convictions  of  that  reason,  that  I  am  so  much  disposed 
to  submit  to  with  implicit  faith.  Tour  Lordship,  I  perceive,^ 
from  several  positions  takes  a  different  view  of  the  same 
thing ;  and  since  your  Lordship,  who  always  speaks  reason, 
is  always  also  ready  to  hear  it,  I  promise  myself  that  the  pro- 
positions I  made  would  not  appear  to  your  Lordship  alto- 
gether unfit,  had  I  an  opportunity  to  offer  to  your  Lordship 
aU  the  consideratioi^  that  moved  and  hold  me  to  it.  The 
obliging  promise  your  Lordship  has  been  pleased  to  make  me 
in  the  honour  of  yours  of  the  25th  of  January,  that  when  I 
have  had  your  Lordship's  opinion,  you  will  not  refuse  me  the 
favour  I  have  asked,  if  I  sh^  then  continue  my  request,  sets 
me  at  rest  for  the  present ;  and  a  word  from  your  Lordship 
that  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  let  me  have  notice  time 
enough  to  lay  before  your  Lordship  what  weighs  with  me  in 
the  case,  before  anything  can  be  done  either  in  making  a  new 
commission,  or  fixing  the  establishment,  will  ease  your  Lord- 
ship of  any  further  importunity  from  me ;  and  then  I,  who  am 
so  much  in  your  favour,  shaU  not  alone  of  all  the  subjects  of 
England,  apprehend  that,  upon  a  fair  hearing,  your  Ix>rdship 
will  not  allow  the  equity  of  my  case.  Untoward  health,  which 
complies  no  more  with  good  manners  than  with  other  obliga- 
tions, must  be  my  excuse  to  your  Lordship  for  this  last,  as 
well  as  it  was  a  great  cause  of  my  first  request  to  you  in  this . 
affair.  If  my  ill  lungs  would  permit  me  now  presently  (as 
becomes  me)  to  come  to  town  and  wait  there  the  opportunity 
of  discoursing  your  Lordship,  I  should  not  have  reason  as  I 
have  to  desire  to  quit  this  employment.  The  great  indulgence 
your  Lordship  expresses  to  my  infirm  constitution,  makes  me 
nope  it  will  extend  itself  further ;  it  cannot,  I  think,  do  less 
than  make  your  Lordship  bethink  yourself  of  a  man  to  sub- 
stitute in  the  place  of  a  shadow.  I  cannot  make  an  equal 
return  to  your  Lordship's  concerns  for  my  health,  since  mj 


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1698.]  DIOLIKES  BSSXTMPTIOK  07  OTFICS.  249 

country's  welfare  is  so  much  interested  in  your  Lordship's 
preservation,  mixing  with  my  concern  for  your  late  indisposi- 
tion, will  not  suffer  my  good  wishes  for  the  confirmation  of 
your  strength  to  he  purely  personal  to  your  Lordship,  though 
nobody  can  be  more  than  I  am,  &c.  &e" 

In  the  following  year  King  William  ordered  Locke  to  at- 
tend him  at  Kensington,  desirous  to  employ  him  again  in  the 
public  service.  However  flattering  the  King's  intention  to- 
wards him  must  have  been,  the  state  of  his  health  prev^ited 
him  from  accepting  the  honour  that  was  designed  him  :  he 
writes  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  Somers,  probabfy  fifom  Oates. 

"Jan.  28, 1697-8. 
**Mat  it  please  tottb  Lobdship, 

"  Sunday,  in  the  evening,  after  I  had  waited  on  the  Kin^, 
I  went  to  wait  upon  your  Lordship,  it  beinc;,  I  imderstood, 
his  Majesty's  pleasure  I  should  ao  so  before  I  returned 
hither.  My  misfortune  in  missing  your  Lordship  I  hoped 
to  repair  by  an  early  diligence  the  next  morning,  but  the 
night  that  came  between  destroyed  that  purpose  and  me 
almost  with  it.  For,  when  I  was  laid  in  my  bed,  my  breath 
fiiiled  me ;  I  was  fain  to  sit  up  in  my  bed,  where  I  continued 
a  good  part  of  the  night,  with  hopes  that  my  shortness  of 
breath  would  abate,  and  my  lungs  grow  so  good-natured  as 
to  let  me  lie  down  to  get  a  little  sleep,  whereof  I  had  greai 
need ;  but  my  breath  constantly  failing  me  as  often  as  I  laid 
my  head  upon  my  pillow,  at  three  I  got  up,  and  sat  by  the 
firie  till  morning.  My  case  being  brought  to  this  extremity, 
there  was  no  room  for  any  other  thought  but  to  get  out  of 
town  immediately ;  for  after  the  two  precedent  nights  with- 
out any  rest,  I  concluded  the  agonies  I  laboured  under  so 
long  in  the  second  of  those,  would  hardly  fail  to  be  my  death 
the  third,  if  I  stayed  in  town.  As  bad  weather,  therefore, 
as  it  was,  I  was  forced  early  on  Monday  morning  to  set  out 
and  return  hither. 

'^  His  Majesty  was  so  &vourable  as  to  propose  the  em 
ployment  your  Lordship  mentioned ;  but  the  true  knowledge 
of  my  own  weak  state  of  health  made  me  beg  his  Majesty  to 
think  of  some  fitter  person,  and  more  able,  to  serve  him  in 
that  important  post ;  to  which  I  added  my  want  of  experience 


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250  LIFE   AND  LETTEBS  or  JOHN  LOCZE.  [1698. 

for  such  business.  That  your  Lordship  may  not  think  this 
an  expression  barely  of  modesty,  I  crave  leave  to  explain  it 
to  your  Lordship  (though  there  I  discover  my  weakness), 
that  my  temper,  always  shy  of  a  crowd  of  strangers,  has 
made  my  acquaintances  few,  and  my  conversation  too  narrow 
and  particular,  to  get  the  skill  of  dealing  with  men  in  their 
various  humours,  and  drawing  out  their  secrets.  Whether 
this  was  a  fault  or  no  to  a  man  that  designed  no  bustle  in 
the  world,  I  know  not.  I  am  siire  it  will  let  your  Lordship 
see  that  I  am  too  much  a  novice  in  the  world  for  the  employ- 
ment proposed. 

"  Though  we  are  so  oddly  placed  here,  that  we  have  no 
ordinary  conveyance  for  our  letters  from  Monday  tiU  Eriday, 
yet  this  delay  has  not  fallen  out  much  amiss.  The  King 
was  graciously  pleased  to  order  me  to  go  into  the  country 
to  take  care  of  my  health :  these  four  or  five  days  here  have 
given  me  a  proof  to  what  a  low  state  my  lungs  are  now 
Drought,  and  how  little  they  can  bear  the  least  shock.  I  can 
lie  down  again,  indeed,  in  my  bed,  and  take  my  rest ;  but, 
bating  that,  I  find  the  impression  of  these  two  days  in  Lon- 
don so  heavy  upon  me  still,  which  extends  further  than  the 
painfulness  of  breathing,  and  makes  me  listless  to  everything, 
80  that  methinks  the  writing  this  letter  has  been  a  great  per- 
formance. 

"  My  Lord,  I  should  not  trouble  you  with  an  account  of 
the  prevailing  decays  of  an  old  pair  of  lungs,  were  it  not  my 
duty  to  take  care  his  Majesty  should  not  be  disappointea, 
and,  therefore,  that  he  lay  not  any  expectation  on  that,  which, 
to  my  great  misfortune,  every  way,  J  find,  would  certainly 
fail  lum ;  and  I  must  beg  your  Lordship,  for  the  interest  of 
the  public,  to  prevail  with  his  Majesty  to  think  on  somebody- 
else,  since  I  do  not  only  fear,  but  am  sure,  my  broken  health 
will  never  permit  me  to  accept  the  great  honour  his  Majesty 
meant  me.  As  it  would  be  unpardonable  to  betray  the 
King's  business,  by  undertaking  what  I  should  be  unable  to 
go  through ;  so  it  would  be  the  greatest  madness  to  put 
myself  out  of  the  reach  of  my  friends  during  the  small  time 
I  am  to  linger  in  this  world,  only  to  die  a  little  more  rich  or  a 
little  more  advanced.  He  must  have  a  heart  strongly  touched 
with  wealth,  or  honours,  who  at  my  age,  and  labouring  for, 
breath,  can  find  any  great  relish  for  either  of  them." 


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1698.]  EESIDENOB  AT  GATES.  261 

King  William,  who  was  subject  to  the  same  asthmatic 
complaint,  is  said  to  have  conversed  with  Locke  respecting 
his  treatment  of  his  own  disorders.  The  King,  when  he  was 
told  that  a  very  strict  abstinence  afforded  the  only  relief,  ac- 
knowledged that  the  advice  was  very  good,  but,  like  other 
patients,  did  not  resort  to  that  disagreeable  remedy.  Having 
refused  the  employment  which  the  King  had  designed  foi 
him,  he  now  determined  to  resign  that  which  he  for  somft 
years  held,  and  for  the  same  reason. 

The  asthmatic  complaint,  to  which  he  had  been  long 
subject,  making  a  continued  residence  in  London,  particularly 
during  the  winter  season,  very  distressing  to  him,  he  had  for 
some  years  taken  up  his  abode  with  Sir  F.  and  Lady  Masham, 
at  Oates,  near  Ongar,  in  Essex,  where  he  was  perfectly  at 
home,  and  enjoyed  the  society  most  agreeable  to  him;  as 
Lady  Masham,  the  daughter  of  Cudworth,  is  said  to  have 
been  a  woman  of  great  sense  and  of  most  agreeable  manners. 
Their  intimacy  seems  to  have  been  of  long  standing  by  the 
following  letter  of  Locke  to  her  brother,  Mr  Cudworth,  dated 
1683,  which  is  interestiug,  as  it  affords  a  proof  of  the  great 
activity^  of  his  mind  in  the  search  for  every  sort  of  knowledge, 

"London,  27th  April,  1683. 
"Sib, 

"  Though  you  are  got  quite  to  the  other  side  of  the  world, 
yet  you  cease  not  to  make  new  acquisitions  here ;  and  the 
character  you  have  left  behind  you,  makes  your  acquaintance 
be  sought  after  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth.  There 
is  a  commerce  of  iriendship  as  well  as  merchandise ;  and 
though  nobody,  almost,  lets  his  thoughts  go  so  far  as  the 
East  Indies,  without  a  design  of  getting  money  and  growing 
rich,  yet,  if  you  allow  my  intentions,  I  hope  to  make  a  greater 
advantage  by  another  sort  of  correspondence  with  you  there. 
In  the  conversation  I  have  had  the  happiness  to  have  some- 
times with  your  sister  here,  I  have  observed  her  often  to 
speak  of  you  with  more  tenderness  and  concern  than  all  the 
rest  of  the  world,  which  has  made  me  conclude  it  must.be 
something  extraordinary  in  you  which  has  raised  in  her 
(who  is  so  good  a  judge)  so  particular  an  esteem  and  affection, 
beyond  what  is  due  to  the  bare  ties  of  nature  and  blood. 
And  I  cannot  but  think  that  your  souls  are  akin,  as  well  as 


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252  LITE  AND  L1TTIB8  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [1683. 

your  bodies,  and  that  jours,  as  well  as  hers,  is  not  of  the  or- 
dinary alloy.  I  account  it  none  of  the  l^ist  £ivours  she  has 
done  me,  that  she  has  promised  me  your  friendship;  and 
you  must  not  think  it  Strang,  if  I  presume  upon  her  word, 
and  trouble  you  with  some  mquiries  concerning  the  country 
you  are  in,  since  she  encourages  me  in  it,  and  assures  me  1 
shall  not  fail  of  an  answer. 

.  "  Some  of  those  who  have  travelled,  and  writ  of  those 
parts,  give  us  strange  stories  of  the  tricks  done  by  some  of 
their  jugglers  there,  which  must  needs  be  beyond  legerdemain, 
and  seems  not  within  the  power  of  art  or  nature.  I  would 
very  gladly  know  whether  they  are  really  done  as  strange  as 
they  are  reported ;  and  whether  those  that  practise  them  are 
any  of  them  Mahometans,  or  all  (which  I  rather  suppose) 
heathens,  and  how  they  are  look^  on  by  the  Bxamins,  and 
the  other  people  of  the  country ;  whether  they  have  any  ap- 
paritions amongst  them,  and  what  thoughts  of  spirits ;  and 
as  much  of  the  opinions,  religion,  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Hindoos  and  other  heathens  of  those  countries,  as  comes  in 
your  way  to  learn  and  inquire.  It  would  be  too  great  kind- 
ness, if  you  could  learn  any  news  of  any  copies  of  the  Old 
or  New  Testament,  or  any  parts  of  them,  which  they  had 
amongst  them,  in  any  language,  in  those  Eastern  countries, 
before  the  Europeans  traded  thither  h^f  the  Cape  of  Gbod 
Hope.  I  should  trouble  you  also  with  inquiries  concerning 
their  languages,  learning,  government,  manners,  and  particu- 
larly Aureng  Zebe,  the  Emperor  of  Hindoostan,  since  I  could 
Eromise  myself  a  more  exact  account  from  you  than  what  we 
ave  in  printed  travels ;  but  I  fear  I  have  been  more  trouble- 
some than  what  you  will  imagine  will  become  a  man  that 
does  but  now  begin  to  beg  your  acquaintance.  If  I  have 
trespassed  herein,  you  must  excuse  it  to  the  little  distinction 
I  make  between  you  and  your  sister ;  you  must  conclude  I 
forgot  myself,  and  thought  I  was  talkmg  to,  and  (as  I  used 
to  do)  learning  something  of  her ;  and  'tis  to  the  same  ac- 
count I  must  beg  you  to  place  the  obligation  you  will  lay  on 
me,  by  procuring  and  sending  hither  an  answer  to  the  en- 
closed letter,  directed  to  Mrs  Eichards.  Her  husband  died 
going  to  the  East  Indies,  in  a  ship  that  set  out  hence  about 
Christmas  was  twelvemonths,  where  he  was  to  have  been 
fActoT,  somewhere  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  for  the  Company. 


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1683.]  LXTTIB   TO  MB  OITDWOBTH.  253 

His  Wife  and  two  daughters,  who  were  with  him,  went  on 
their  voyage ;  where  she  settled  h^sel^  and  remains  now, 
you  will  easily  know.  I  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  get  the 
^enclosed  conveyed  to  her,  and  an  answer  from  her,  which  be 
pleased  to  direct  to  be  left  for  me  either  with  Mr  P.  Perce- 
Tail,  at  the  Black  Boy,  in  Lombard-street,  or  Mr  S.  Cox,  at 
:;the  Iron  £ey,  in  Thames-street,  London. 

"  And  now,  having  been  thus  free  with  you,  'tis  in  vain  to 
^nake  apologies  for  it ;  if  you  allow  your  lister  to  dispose  of 
your  friendship,  you  will  not  take  it  amiss  that  I  have  looked 
upon  myself  as  in  possession  of  what  she  has  bestowed  on 
me ;  or  that  I  begin  my  conversation  with  you  with  a  freedom 
and  familiarity  suitable  to  an  established  amity  and  acquaint- 
ance ;  besides,  if^  at  this  distance,  we  should  set  out  according 
to  the  forms  of  ceremony,  our  correspondence  would  proceed 
with  a  more  grave  and  solemn  pace  than  the  treaties  of 
princes,  and  we  must  spend  jsome  years  in  the  very  prelimin- 
aries. He  that,  in  his  first  address,  shoidd  only  put  off  his 
bat  and  make  a  leg,  and  say,  your  servant,  to  a  man  at  the 
other  end  of  the  world,  may  (if  the  winds  set  right),  and  the 
ships  come  home  safe,  and  bring  back  the  return  of  his  com- 
pliment^ may,  I  say,  in  two  or  three  years,  perhaps,  attain 
to  something  that  looks  like  the  beginning  of  an  acquaint- 
ance, and  by  the  next  Jubilee  there  may  be  hopes  oi  some 
conversation  between  them.  Sir,  you  see  what  a  blunt  fellow 
your  sister  has  recommended  to  you ;  as  far  removed  from 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Eastern  people  you  are  amongst,  as 
from  their  country ;  but  one  that,  with  great  truth  and  sin- 
cerity, says  to  you, 

I  am,  <&c.,  J.  L. 

"  One  thing,  which  I  had  forgot,  give  me  leave  to  add, 
which  is  a  great  desire  to  know  how  the  several  people  of  the 
East  keep  their  account  of  time,  as  months  ana  years ;  and 
whether  they  generally  agree  in  using  periods  answering  to 
our  weeks ;  and  whetheor  their  aritlunetic  turns  at  ten  as 
ours  doth." 

The  following  letters  are  selected  from  a  very  great  num- 
ber written  by  Locke  to  his  relation  Mr  King,  afterwards 
Lord  Chancelloir,  and  found  amongst  his  papers. 


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254l  LITE  AITD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE.      [l698,  1701. 

TO  P.  EOra,  ESQ.,  U.  P.,  MIDDLE  TEMPLE,  LONDON. 

«  Gates,  July  3rd,  98. 
"  Deab  CoTTsnr, 

''  I  am  glad  that  you  are  so  well  entered  at  the  bar ;  it  is 
my  advice  to  you  to  go  on  so  gently  by  degrees,  and  to  speak 
only  in  things  that  you  are  perfectly  master  of,  till  you  have 
got  a  confidence  and  habit  of  talking  at  the  bar.  I  have 
many  reasons  for  it,  which  I  shall  discover  to  you  when  I  see 
you.  This  warm  day  (which  has  been  the  third  that  I  have 
Deen  able  this  year  yet  to  pass  without  a  fire)  gives  me  hopes 
that  the  comfortable  weather  which  I  have  long  wished  for  is 
setting  in,  that  I  may  venture  to  town  in  a  few  days,  for  I 
would  not  take  a  journey  thither  to  be  driven  out  again  pre- 
sently, as  I  am  sure  our  late  cold  weather  would  have  done, 
for  my  lungs  are  yet  very  weak. 

"  I  have  writ  to  my  Lord  Pembroke,  because  you  desire  it, 
and  because  I  understand  by  you  that  Mr  Edwards  desires 
it ;  you  will  see  what  I  have  writ,  but  it  is  by  no  means  fit 
that  Mr  Edwards  should  see  my  letter,  for  I  have  in  it  kept 
to  the  measures  I  always  observe  in  such  cases,  and  which 
have  gained  some  credit  to  my  recommendation,  though  it 
does  not  always  content  candidates,  if  one  says  no  more  than 
what  one  knows.  If  you  deliver  it,  pray  let  it  be  with  my 
most  humble  service ;  if  you  do  not  aeliver  it,  pray  bum  it, 

"  My  lady,  Ac.,  give  you  their  service. 

I  am,  dear  cousin,  your  most  affectionate 

J.  Locke." 

"Gates,  March  1st,  1701. 
'*  Deab  Cottsht, 

"  Li  compliance  with  yours  of  yesterday,  I  write  this  even- 
ing with  intention  to  send  my  letter  to  Harlow  to-morrow 
morning,  that  Mr  Harrison  may,  if  possible,  find  some  way 
of  conveyance  of  it  to  you  bewre  to-morrow  night.  The 
family  and  other  circumstances  have  no  exception,  and  the 
person  I  have  heard  commended,  but  yet  the  objection  made 
IS  considerable.  I  think  the  jo\ms  gentleman  concerned 
ought  to  manage  it  so  as  to  be  well  satisfied  whether  that 
be  what  he  can  well  bear,  and  will  consist  with  the  comfort 


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1700.J  LBTTBES  TO  MB  KIKG.  265 

and  satisfaction  he  proposes  to  himself  in  that  state  before 
he  seems  to  hearken  to  any  such  proposal,  so  that  he  may 
avoid  what  he  cannot  consent  to,  without  any  appearance  of 
a  refusal.  For  to  make  a  visit  upon  such  proposal,  though 
it  be  designed  without  any  consequence,  and  offered  to  be 
contrived  as  of  chance,  is  yet  a  sort  of  address ;  anJ  then 
going  no  further,  whatever  is  said  will  be  ill  taken  of  her 
mends,  and  consequently  the  whole  family  be  disobliged, 
which  will  have  ill  consequences,  and  therefore  should  be 
avoided :  for  whatever  reason  a  man  may  have  to  refuse  a 
woman  that  is  offered  him,  it  must  never  be  known  that  it 
was  anything  in  her  person ;  such  a  discovery  makes  a  mortal 
quarrel.  If  he  that  proposed  it  be  the  confidant  of  the  young 
gentleman,  and  can  be  relied  on  by  him,  and  has  said  nothing 
of  it  to  her  friends,  he  possibly  may  contrive  an  unsuspected 
interview,  and  is  the  fittest  person  to  do  it ;  if  not,  the  young 
man  must  find  some  other  wav  to  satisfy  himself  that  may 
not  be  discovered.  A  fnend  of  mine  in  Jermyn-street,  who 
missed  you  narrowly  when  you  came  last  from  Exeter,  knows 
her  well ;  but  an  inquiry  there  must  be  managed  with  great 
dexterity  to  avoid  suspicion  of  the  matter,  and  consequently 
talking  of  it.  You  shall  be  sure  to  hear  from  me  in  the 
matter  before  you  go  out  of  town,  if  you  persist  in  the  mind 
of  going. 

I  am  your  most  affectionate  cousin, 

and  humble  servant, 

JoHir  LooBj;.' 

"Jan.  27,  1700. 
"Deab  Cousnsr, 

'*  I  am  as  positive  as  I  can  be  in  anything  that  you  should 
not  think  of  going  the  next  circuit.  I  do  not  in  the  mean 
time  forget  your  calling;  but  what  this  one  omission  may 
be  of  loss  to  you,  may  be  made  up  otherwise.  I  am  sure 
there  never  was  so  critical  a  time  when  every  honest  Member 
of  Parliament  ou|;ht  to  watch  his  trust,  and  that  you  will  see 
before  the  end  of  the  next  vacation.  I  therefore  expect  in 
your  mext  a  positive  promise  to  stay  in  town.  I  tell  you, 
you  will  not,  vou  shall  not  repent  it.  I  cannot  answer  the 
other  parts  of  your  letter,  lest  I  say  nothing  to  you  at  all  this 
post,  and  I  must  not  omit  by  it  to  put  an  end  to  the  remain-^ 


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256  LIFE   AKD  LBTTEB8  OP  JOHN  LOCKE.  [lyOO. 

Aer  of  your  wavering  about  your  going  the  circuit.    I  sliall 
enlarge  in  my  next, 

And  am,  yours,  J.  L." 

"Gates,  Jan.  31, 1700. 
*'I>Ei.B  Corsnr, 

"  Haying  no  time  but  for  a  few  words  the  last  post,  it  is 
fit  I  now  answer  the  other  particulars  of  your  letter,  which 
I  th^i  was  forced  to  omit.  Your  staying  in  town  the  next 
vacation  I  lock  upon  as  resolved,  and  the  reascms  I  find  for 
it  in  your  own  letters,  now  that  I  have  time  to  read  them  a 
little  more  deliberately,  I  think  sufficient  to  determine  you 
should,  though  I  say  nothing  at  all.  Every  time  I  think  of 
it  I  am  more  and  more  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  in  all  respects,  whether  I  consider  the 
public  or  your  own  private  concerns,  neither  of  which  are 
indiffer^it  to  me.  It  is  my  private  thought  that  the  Parlia- 
ment will  scarce  ^t  even  so  much  as  to  choose  a  Speaker  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  term ;  but  whenever  he  is  chosen,  it  is 
of  no  small  consequence  which  side  carries  it,  if  there  be  two 
nominated,  <»*  at  least  in  view,  as  it  is  ten  to  one  there 
will  be,  especially  in  a  Parliament  chosen  with  so  much 
struggle. 

"  Having  given  all  the  help  possibly  you  can  in  this,  which 
is  usually  a  leading  point,  showing  the  strength  of  the  par- 
ties, my  next  advice. to  you  is  not  to  speak  at  all  in  the  House 
for  some  time,  whatever  fair  opportunity  you  may  seem  to 
have :  but  though  you  keep  your  mouth  shut,  I  doubt  not 
but  you  will  have  your  eyes  open  to  see  the  temper  and  ob- 
serve the  motions  of  the  House,  and  diligently  to  remark 
the  skill  of  management,  and  carefully  watch  the  first  and 
secret  bednnings  of  things,  and  their  tendencies,  and  endea- 
vour, if  there  l^  danger  in  them,  to  crush  them  in  the  eg^. 
You  will  say,  what  can  you  do  who  are  not  to  speak  ?  It  is 
true  I  would  not  have  you  speak  to  the  House,  but  you  may 
communicate  your  lignt  cfr  apprehensions  to  some  honest 
speaker  who  may  make  use  of  it ;  for  there  have  always  been 
veiy  able  members  who  never  speak,  who  yet  by  their  pene- 
tration and  foresight  have  this  way  done  as  much  service  as 
any  within  those  walls.  And  hereby  you  will  more  recom- 
mend yourself  when  people  shaU  observe  so  much  modesty 


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1700.]  LETTEBS   TO  MR  KING.  257 

joined  with  your  parts  and  judgment,  than  if  you  should 
seem  forward  though  you  spoke  well.  But  let  the  man  you 
communicate  with  be  not  only  well-intentioned,  but  a  man  of 
judgment. 

"  Methinks  I  take  too  much  upon  me  in  these  directions ; 
I  have  only  then  to  say  in  my  excuse,  that  you  desired  it  more 
than  once,  and  I  advise  you  nothing  I  would  not  do  riiyself 
were  I  in  your  place.  I  should  have  much  more  to  say  to 
you  were  you  here,  but'it  being  fitter  for  discourse  than  for 
letter,  I  hope  I  may  see  you  here  ere  long.  Sir  Erancis  having 
already  proposed  to  me  your  stealing  down  sometimes  with 
him  on  Saturday,  and  returning  on  Monday.  The  Votes  you 
offer  me  will  be  very  acceptable,  and  for  some  time  at  least 
during  the  busy  season  I  Would  be  glad  you  would  send  me, 
every  post,  the  three  newspapers,  viz.  Postman,  Postboy,  and 
Flying  Post ;  but  when  you  begin  to  send  them  you  will  do 
me  a  kindness  to  stop  Mr  Churchill  from  sending  me  any 
more,  for  he  sends  them  now ;  but  it  is  by  the  butcher  they 
come,  and  very  uncertainly.  But  when  you  send  me  these 
papers,  do  not  think  you  are  bound  always  to  write  to  me ; 
though  I  am  always  glad  to  hear  from  you,  yet  I  must  not 

•ut  that  penance  upon  you.    Things  of  moment  I  doubt  not 

ut  you  will  let  me  know. 

I  am  your  affectionate  cousin, 

J.  L." 


e; 


"Feb.  7tli,  1700. 
"Dear  Cousik, 

"  I  am  glad  to  find  by  yours  of  the  30th  Jan.  that  you  are 
resolved  to  stay ;  your  own  resolution  in  case  of  unforeseen 
accidents  will  always  be  in  your  power,  or  if  you  will  make 
me  your  compliment  that  you  will  not  go  without  my  leave, 
you  may  be  sure  that  in  any  unforeseen  and  pressing  occa- 
sion that  may  happen  that  may  make  it  necessary  for  you, 
you  will  not  only  have  my  leave,  but  my  persuasion  to  go  : 
but  as  things  are,  I  think  it  for  your  interest  to  stay.  If  you 
have  read  the  two  parts  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou's  Succession 
Considered,  pray  tell  me  your  opinion  of  it. 

"Just  now  I  received  yours  of  the  4th;  whether  you 
should  frequent  the  meeting  of  the  Eose  I  know  not,  till  I 
know  who  they  are  that  meet  there. 


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258  LITB  AJSTD  LETTXB8   OF  JOHK  LOCKE.  [X701. 

"  I  think  your  cousin's  advice  about  Bank  bills  and  East 
India  bonds  is  right.  I  wish  the  cash  you  have  of  mine  were 
turned  into  guineas  ;  in  that  specie  it  will  be  fitter  to  lodge 
anywhere,  as  there  shall  be  occasion.  I  hope  with  you  it  is 
very  secure  where  it  is,  and  I  cannot  desire  vou  should  do 
better  for  me  than  for  yourself;  so  that  I  shall  rest  satisfied 
whatever  may  happen,  being  confident  you  do  for  me  as  for 
yourself.  Pray  put  in  the  Gazette  with  the  other  newspapers 
you  send  me. 

Your  affectionate  cousin,  and  humble  servant, 

J.  LOCKB." 

«  Gates,  Feo.  29th,  1701. 
"DEi.E   COTTSHf, 

^'  You  need  not  make  apologies  for  not  precisely  answering 
my  letters :  I  can  easily  conceive  your  nands  full  of  late. 
When  you  see  my  Lord  Shaftesbury  again,  pray,  with  my 
most  humble  service,  let  him  know  that,  though  the  honour 
of  a  visit  from  him  be  what  I  could  not  in  good  manners  ask, 
yet  there  is  nothing  I  have  for  this  good  while  more  earnestly 
longed  for,  than  an  opportunity  oi  kissing  his  hands ;  and 
since  he  owns  so  favourable  an  intention,  that  of  coming 
hither,  my  Lady  Masham  and  I  are  in  impatient  expecta- 
tion of  it. 

"  I  believe  Sir  H.  Fume's  case  might  afford  you  fit  occa- 
sion to  speak  in  a  matter  which,  being  law,  you  might  be 
fully  master  of.  I  am  very  glad  the  ice  is  broke,  and  that  it 
has  succeeded  so  well ;  but  now  you  have  showed  the  House 
that  you  can  speak,  I  advise  you  to  let  them  see  you  can  hold 
your  peace,  and  let  nothing  but  some  point  of  law,  which  you 
are  perfectly  clear  in,  or  the  utmost  necessity,  call  you  up 
again. 

"  When  you  go  to  the  meeting  of  those  gentlemen  you 
mention,  I  think  you  should  say  as  little  as  possible  as  to 
public  affairs,  but  behave  yourself  rather  as  one  unyersed, 
and  a  learner  in  such  matters.  And  your  other  business  in 
the  law  will  be  an  excuse,  if  you  are  not  there  every  night, 
and  you  may  always  learn  the  next  day  what  was  debated 
there  the  night  bewro. 

'^  You  will  do  me  a  kindness  to  send  me  word  what  is  done 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  which  way  at  any  time  they 
move  with  regard  to  public  things  on  foot. 


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1701.]  LETTSBS  TO  HB  KING.  259 

''  I  am  glad  to  hear  it  said  that  the  House  seems  in  a  good 
disposition,  and  resolved  to  support  England  against  France ; 
but  wonder  at  myself  for  saying  I  am  glad,  it  being  prodigious 
for  any  one  to  think  it  could  ever  be  otherwise.  And  yet  I 
find  some  here  wonder,  that  whUst  the  King  of  France  makes 
such  a  mighty  collection  of  forces  in  Flanders  just  over  against 
us,  we  hear  not  of  raising  any  land-forces  on  this  side  the 
water,  especially  since  the  printed  papers  mention  transport 
ships  drawn  together  about  Calais  and  that  wa^.  If  his  fleet 
should  be  ready  before  ours  (which  God  forbid  !)  what  will 
your  thirty  thousand  seamen  signify  ? 

I  am,  dear  cousin,  yours, 

J.  LOCICB. 

"  The  transactions  also  of  the  Convocation  are  worth  ob- 
serving :  pray  tell  me,  is  Dr  Kennet's  answer  to  Mr  Atter- 
bury  worth  the  reading  ?  if  it  be,  pray  speak  to  Mr  Churchill, 
whgn  he  comes  in  your  way,  to  send  it  me." 

"  Gates,  March  3rd. 
"Dear  CorsiN, 

"  I  imagine  by  what  you  say  of  the  circuit,  that  you  have 
not  duly  considered  the  state  in  which  we  are  now  placed. 
Pray  reflect  upon  it  well,  and  then  tell  me  whether  you  can 
think  of  being  a  week  together  allsent  from  your  trust  in 
Parliament,  till  you  see  the  main  point  settled,  aiid  the  king- 
dom in  a  posture  of  defence  against  the  ruin  that  threatens  it. 
The  reason  why  I  pressed  you  to  stay  in  town  was,  to  give 
the  world  a  testimony  how  much  you  preferred  the  public  to 
your  private  interest,  and  how  true  you  were  to  any  trust  you 
undertook ;  this  is  no  small  character,  nor  of  small  advantage 
to  a  man  coming  into  the  world.  Besides,  I  thought  it  no 
good'  husbandry  for  a  man  to  get  a  few  fees  on  circuit,  and 
lose  Westminster  Hall.  For  I  assure  you,  Westminster 
Hall  is  at  stake,  and  I  wonder  how  any  one  of  the  House  can 
sleep  till  he  sees  England  in  a  better  state  of  defence,  and 
how  he  can  talk  of  anything  else  till  that  is  done.  Pray  read 
the  pamphlet  I  sent  you  by  M.  Coste  ;  of  the  rest,  you  and 
I  shall  talk  when  I  see  you  here :  the  sooner  the  better. 

T  am  your  afiectionate 

J.  L." 


8  2 


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260  LITE  Ain)  LETTBES   OF  JOHN  LOCZE.  [l702. 

"  Gates,  3rd  Jan.  1701-2, 
**Deae  CoTTsnr, 

"  I  have  received  the  prints  you  sent  me ;  I  have  read  the 
King's  speech,  which  is  so  gracious,  and  expresses  so  high 
concern  for  the  reKgion,  freedom,  and  interest  of  his  people, 
that  methinks  that  besides  what  the  two  Houses  will  do  or 
have  already  done,  the  city  of  London  and  counties  of  Eng- 
land, and  all  those  who  have  so  lately  addressed  him,  cannot 
do  less  than  with  joined  hearts  and  hands  return  him  ad- 
dresses of  thanks  for  his  taking  such  care  of  them.  Think  of 
this  with  yourself,  and  think  of  it  with  others  who  can  and 
ought  to  tiiink  how  to  save  us  out  of  the  hands  of  France, 
into  which  we  must  fall,  unless  the  whole  nation  exert  its 
utmost  vigour,  and  that  speedily.  Pray  send  me  the  King's 
speech  printed  by  itself,  and  without  paring  off  the  edges ;  a 
list  also  of  the  members,  if  there  be  yet  any  one  printed  com- 
plete and  perfect. 

I  am,  dear  cousin,  affectionately,  <&c., 

J.  L." 

"  Gates,  27ih  Feb.  1701-2. 
"DEi.B  COFSIK, 

"  I  am  more  pleased  with  what  you  did  for  the  public  the 
day  of  your  last  letter  than  for  anything  you  have  done  for 
me  in  my  private  affairs,  though  I  am  very  much  beholden  to 
you  for  that  too.  You  will  guess  by  all  my  letters  to  you  of 
late,  how  acceptable  to  me  is  the  news  of  your  not  going  out 
of  town  the  beginning  of  the  next  week.  You  see  what  need 
there  is  of  every  one's  presence,  and  how  near  things  come. 
Do  not  at  this  time  lose  a  week  by  going  to  Winchester  or 
Salisbury.  You  think  the  crisis  is  over ;  but  you  know  the 
men  indefatigable  and  always  intent  on  opportunity,  and  that 
will  make  new  crises,  be  but  absent  and  afford  occasion.  I 
conclude,  therefore,  that  you  will  stay  at  least  a  week  longer ; 
and  let  me  tell  you  it  can,  it  will,  it  shall  be  no  loss  to  you. 

Your  affectionate  cousin, 

John  Locke." 

"Gates,  5th  April,  170X. 
#  *  *  #  # 

"  I  confess  I  do  not  see,  if  we  stick  to  our  proposals, 
which  the  Putcb  and  we  haye  given  in,  how  a  war.  can  be 


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iy02.]  LEMEBS   TO  MB  KING.  261 

avoided ;  and  if  we  do  not  obtain  tliat  security,  the  Dutch 
and  we  must  be  lost.  The  House  of  Lords  in  their  address 
are  clear  in  that  point,  and  I  think  everybody  sees  it.  The 
good  King  of  France  desires  only  that  you  would  take  his 
word,  and  let  him  be  quiet  till  he  has  got  the  West  Indies 
into  his  hands,  and  his  grandson  well  established  in  Spain ; 
and  then  you  may  be  sure  you  shall  be  as  safe  as  he  will  let 
you  be,  in  your  religion,  property,  and  trade*  To  all  which 
who  can  be  such  an  infidel  as  not  to  believe  him  a  great 
friend  ? 

"  I  am  glad  Lord  Shaftesbury  and  you  talk  of  coming  at 
Easter,  there  will  then  be  some  kind  of  vacancy/' 

,**  Gates,  4th  Nov.  1702. 
"Deab  Cousnr, 

"  Had  not  my  health  with  strong  hand  held  me  back  from 
such  a  journey  at  this  time  of  the  year,  especially  to  London, 
I  had  certainly,  upon  reading  my  Lord  Peterborough's  mes- 
sage to  me  in  your  letter,  obeyed  my  inclination  and  come  to 
kiss  his  hands  before  he  went ;  nor  could  the  considerations 
of  my  health  have  hindered  me,  nor  the  remonstrances  of  my 
friends  here  against  it,  if  I  could  have  eeen  anything  wherein 
I  could  by  waiting  upon  him  have  done  any  service  to  his 
Lordship.  As  it  is,  there  is  nothing  I  have  borne  so  uneasily 
from  the  decays  of  age,  my  troublesome  ear,  my  breathless 
lungs,  and  my  being  unable  to  stir,  as  the  being  stopped  pay- 
ing my  respects  in  person,  upon  his  going  upon  such  an 
expedition.  And  yet  I  know  not  what  I  could  do  were  I 
now  in  London,  but  intrude  myself  unseasonably  amidst  a 
crowd  of  business,  and  rob  him  uselessly  of  some  of  his  time, 
at  a  season  when  he  cannot,  I  know,  have  a  minute  to  spare. 
But  when  I  have  said  and  resolved  all  this,  I  find  myself  dis- 
satisfied in  not  seeing  of  him  ;  and  't  is  a  displeasure  will 
rest  upon  my  mind,  and  add  weight  to  that  of  those  infirmi- 
ties that  caused  it.  If  I  could  hope  that  in  this  my  state  of 
confinement  and  impotency  there  was  anything  remained 
that  might  be  useful  to  his  Lordship,  that  would  be  some 
comfort  and  relief  to  me.  And  if  he  would  let  me  know 
wherein  I  might  be  any  way  serviceable  to  him  in  his  absence, 
it  would  make  me  put  some  value  upon  the  little  remainder 
of  my  life.    And,  dear  cousin,  if  you  could,  before  my  Lord 


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262  LIFE  JlSJ)  LETTEE8  OF  JOHN  LOCKE.         [l702,  8. 

goes,  find  an  opportunity  to  wait  upon  him,  and  say  some'^ 
thing  to  him  from  me  to  the  purport  ahove  written,  you 
would  do  me  a  singular  kindness. 

"  Let  me  hear  from  you  by  the  first  opportunity. 

Your  affectionate  cousin,         J.  Loceju'* 

"Gates,  23rd  Not.  1702. 
"  Deab  Cousnr, 

"  If  you  had  come  (as  it  seems  you  talked)  with  my  Lord 
Peterborough,  you  had  saved  him  the  going  several  miles  out 
of  the  way,  and  I  had  seen  you  ;  but  you  had  business,  and 
I  wonder  not  at  it.  I  must  trouble  you  once  more  to  wait 
upon  my  Lord  or  Lady  Peterborough  in  my  name,  with  the 
return  of  my  humble  service  and  thanks  for  the  honour  they 
have  done  me,  and  my  inquiries  how  they  do  after  their  jour- 
ney. I  hope  you  will  have  an  opportunity  of  going  so  &r  as 
Bow-street  to-morrow,  that  I  may  hear  from  you  how  they 
do.  I  was  much  in  pain  about  theu*  getting  to  town  now  the 
days  are  so  short ;  your  letter  saying  nothing  of  them,  makes 
^me  presume  they  got  safe ;  it  would  else  have  made  a  noise. 
Pray  in  your  letter  write  whether  my  Lord  Marlborough  be 
yet  come  or  no.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  this  trouble,  and  ex- 
cuse it  this  once  more. 

And  believe  that  I  am  your- affectionate  J.  L. 

"  AU  here  greet  you." 

«  Gates,  April  80th,  1703. 
"  Deab  CoiTSlW,         ^ 

"  I  am  puzzled  in  a  little  affair,  and  must  beg  your  assist- 
ance for  the  clearing  of  it.  Mr  Newton,  in  Autumn  last, 
made  me  a  visit  here;  I  showed  him  my  Essay  upon  the 
Corinthians,  with  which  he  seemed  very  well  pleased,  but 
had  not  time  to  look  it  all"  over,  but  promised  me  if  I  would 
send  it  him,  he  would  carefully  peruse  it,  and  send  me  his 
observations  and  opinion.  I  sent  it  him  before  Christmas, 
but  hearing  nothing  from  him,  I,  about  a  month  or  six  weeks 
since,  writ  to  him,  as  the  enclosed  teUs  you,  with  the  remain- 
ing part  of  the  story.  When  you  have  read  it,  and  sealed  it, 
I  desire  you  to  deliver  it  at  your  convenience.  He  lives  in 
German  St. :  you  must  not  go  on  a  Wednesday,  for  that  is 
his  day  for  being  at  the  Tower. 


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1703.]  LETTEES   TO  ME  KINS.  -  263 

"  The  reason  why  I  desire  you  to  deliver  it  to  him  yourself 
is,  that  I  would  fain  discover  the  reason  of  his  so  long  silence. 
I  have  several  reasons  to  think  him  truly  my  friend,  but  he 
is  a  nice  man  to  deal  with,  and  a  little  too  apt  to  raise  in 
himself  suspicions  where  there  is  no  ground ;  tnerefore,  when 
you  talk  to  him  of  my  papers,  and  of  his  opinion  of  them, 
pray  do  it  with  all  the  tenderness  in  the  world,  and  discover, 
if  you  can,  why  he  kept  them  so  long,  and  was  so  silent. 
But  this  you  must  do  without  asking  why  he  did  so,  or  dis- 
covering in  the  least  that  you  are  desirous  to  know.  You 
will  do  well  to  acquaint  him  that  you  intend  to  see  me  at 
"Whitsuntide,  and  shall  be  glad  to  bring  a  letter  to  me  from 
him,^or  anything  else  he  will  please  to  send;  this  per- 
haps may  quicken  him,  and  make  him  despatch  these  papers, 
if  he  has  not  done  it  already.  It  may  a  little  let  you  into 
the  freer  discourse  with  him,  if  you  let  him  know  that  when 
you  have  been  here  with  me,  you  have  seen  me  busy  on  them 
(and  the  Eomans  too,  if  he  mentions  them,  for  I  told  him  I 
was  upon  them  when  he  was  here),  and  have  had  a  sight  of 
some  part  of  what  I  was  doing. 

"  Mr  Newton  is  really  a  very  valuable  man,  not  only  for  his 
wonderful  skill  in  mathematics,  but  in  divinity  too,  and  his 
great  knowledge  in  the  Scriptures,  wherein  I  know  few  his 
equals.  And  therefore  pray  manage  the  whole  matter  so  as 
not  only  to  preserve  me  in  his  good  opinion,  but  to  increase 
me  in  it ;  and  be  sure  to  press  nim  to  nothing,  but  what  he 
is  forward  in  himself  to  do. 

"  In  your  last,  you  seemed  desirous  of  my  coming  to  town ; 
I  have  ^any  reasons  to  desire  to  be  there,  but  I  doubt  whe- 
ther ever  I  shall  see  it  again.  Take  not  this  for  a  splenetic 
thought ;  I  thank  Gbd  I  have  no  melancholy  on  that  account, 
but  I  cannot  but  feel  what  I  feel ;  my  shortness  of  breath  is 
BO  far  from  being  relieved  by  the  renewing  season  of  the 
year,  as  it  used  to  be,  that  it  sensibly  increases  upon  me. 
Twas  not  therefore  in  a  fit  of  dispiritedness,  or  to  prevail 
with  you  to  let  me  see  you,  that  in  my  former  I  mentioned 
the  shortness  of  the  time  I  thought  I  had  in  this  world.  I 
spoke  it  then,  and  repeat  it  now  upon  sober  and  sedate  con- 
sideration. I  have  several  things  to  talk  to  you  of,  and  some 
of  present  concernment  to  yourself,  and  I  know  not  whether 
this  may  not  be  my  last  time  of  seeing  you.    I  shall  not  die 


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264  LIFE   JlSD   LETTEBS  of  JOKS  LOCKE.  [l70S. 

the  sooner  for  having  cast  up  my  reckoning,  and  judging  as 
impartially  of  my  state  as  I  can.  I  hope  I  shall  not  live  one 
jot  the  less  cheerfully  the  time  that  I  am  here,  nor  neglect 
any  of  the  offices  of  life  whilst  I  have  it ;  for  whether  it  be 
a  month  or  a  year,  or  seven  years  longer,  the  longest  any  one 
out  of  kindness  or  compliment  can  propose  to  me  is  so  near 
nothing  when  considered,  and  in  respect  of  eternity,  that  if 
the  sight  of  death  can  put  an  end  to  the  comforts  of  life,  it 
is  always  near  enough,  especially  to  one  of  my, age,  to  have 
no  satisfkction  in  living. 

I  am  your  affectionate  cousin 

And  humble  servant,        J.  L." 

••Gates,  April  23,  1703. 
"Dea.b  CoTTsnr, 

"  I  told  you  that  the  Term  had  got  you,  nor  am  I  dissatis* 
fied  that  you  mind  your  business ;  but  I  do  not  well  bear  it 
that  you  speak  so  doubtfully  of  making  yourself  and  me  a 
holiday  at  Whitsuntide.  I  do  not  count  upon  much  time  in 
this  world,  and  therefore  you  will  not  blame  me  (if  you  think 
right  of  me)  for  desiring  to  see  and  enjoy  you  as  much  as  I 
can,  and  having  your  company  as  much  as  your  business  vdll 
permit :  besides  that,  I  tmnk  some  intervals  of  ease  and  air 
are  necessary  for  you." 

"Gates,  Not.  16,  1703. 
"DEi.B  Cousnr, 

"I  take  very  kindly  your  offer  of  coming  hither:  your 
kindness  makes  me  very  willing  to  see  and  enjoy  you,  but  at 
the  same  time  it  makes  me  the  more  cautious  to  disturb  your 
business ;  however,  since  you  allow  me  the  liberty,  you  may 
be  assured,  if  there  be  occasion,  I  shall  send  for  you. 

"  I  am  troubled  at  the  news  from  Turkey,  for  though  I 
think  I  shall  be  gone  before  any  storm  from  thence  can  reach 
hither,  yet  you  and  my  friends  and  my  country,  whilst  I 
have  any  thought,  will  be  dear  to  me. 

"As  to  my  lungs,  they  go  on  their  course,  and  though 
they  have  brought  me  now  to  be  good  for  nothing,  I  am  not 
surprised  at  it ;  they  have  lasted  longer  already  than  the 
world  or  I  expected ;  how  much  longer  they  will  be  able  to 
blow  at  the  hard  rate  they  do,  I  cannot  precisely  say.    But 


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1708,  4.]  LETTERS  TO  ME  KING.  265 

in  the  race  of  human  life,  when  breath  is  wanting  for  the 
least  motion,  one  cannot  be  far  from  one's  journey's  end. 
Your  affectionate  cousin, 

And  humble  servant,  J.  L." 

"  Dec.  4, 1703. 

"  If  Sir  Cloudesly  Shovel  and  the  men-of-war  that  went 
out  of  the  Downs  with  him  are  lost,  and  the  storm  has  that 
effect  upon  us  and  the  Dutch  that  the  King  of  Spain  cannot 
go  between  this  and  Christmas  to  Portugal,  as  was  concerted^ 
what  other  thing  can  be  reasonable  to  be  done,  but  to  keep 
ready  money  by  you  for  any  exigence  that  may  happen  ?  there 
you  have  in  short  my  measures.  I  would  not,  I  confess, 
part  with  a  penny  for  parchment  or  paper  securities  of  any 
Kind,  till  I  could  see  what  is  like  to  come  of  the  terrible 
shock." 

**  Gates,  June  1,  1704. 

"  I  have  received  no  letters  from  you  since  the  20th.  I 
remember  it  is  the  end  of  a  Term,  a  busy  time  with  you,  and 
you  intend  to  be  here  speedily,  which  is  better  than  writing 
at  a  distance.  Pray  be  sure  to  order  vour  matters  so  as  to 
spend  all  the  next  week  with  me :  as  mr  as  I  can  impartially 
guess,  it  will  be  the  last  week  I  am  ever  like  to  have  with 
you ;  for  if  I  mistake  not  very  much,  I  have  -very  little  time 
left  in  the  world.  This  comfortable,  and  to  me  usually  restor- 
ative, season  of  the  year  has  no  effect  upon  me  for  the  bet- 
ter :  on  the  contrary,  my  shortness  of  breath,  and  uneasiness, 
every  day  increases  ;  my  stomach,  without  any  visible  cause, 
sensibly  decays,  so  that  all  appearances  concur  to  warn  me 
that  the  dissolution  of  this  cottage  is  not  far  off.  Eefuse  not, 
therefore,  to  help  me  to  pass  some  of  the  last  hours  of  my  life 
as  easily  as  may  be  in  the  conversation  of  one  who  is  not  only 
the  nearest,  but  the  dearest  to  me,  of  any  man  in  the  world. 
I  have  a  great  many  things  to  talk  to  you,  which  I  can  talk 
to  nobody  else  about.  I  therefore  desire  you  again,  deny  not 
this  to  my  affection.  I  know  nothing  At  such  a  time  so  de- 
sirable, and  so  useful,  as  the  conversation  of  a  friend  one 
loves  and  relies  on.  It  is  a  week  free  from  business,  or  if  it 
were  not,  perhaps  you  would  have  no  reason  to  repent  the 
bestowing  a  day  or  two  upon  me.  Make  haste,  therefore,  on 
Saturday,  and  oe  here  early :  I  long  till  I  see  you.  I  writ  to 


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266  LIFE  AITD  LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [l704 

you  in  my  last,  to  bring  some  cherries  with  you,  but  fear  they 
will  be  troublesome  to  you ;  and  these  things,  that  entertain 
the  senses,  have  lost  with  me  a  great  part  of  their  relish ; 
therefore,  give  not  yourself  any  trouble  about  them ;  such 
desires  are  usually  bift  the  fancy  seeking  pleasure  in  one  thing, 
when  it  has  missed  it  in  another,  and  seeks  in  vain  for  the  de- 
light which  the  indisposition  of  the  body  has  put  an  end  to. 
When  I  have  your  company,  I  shall  forget  these  kind  of  things. 
I  am,  dear  cousin,  your  most  affectionate 

J.  Locke.*' 

It  was  probably  in  this  calm  and  philosophic  temper  of 
mind  that  he  wrote  the  epitaph,  which  was  afterwards  placed 
upon  his  tomb,  at  High  Laver. 

"  Siste,  viator ;  juxta  situs  est  *  *  *  *.  Si  qualis  fuerii  rogas, 
mediocritate  sua  contentum  se  vixisserespondet..  Literis  in- 
nutritus,  eousque  tantum  profecit  ut  veritati  unice  studeret. 
Hoc  ex  scriptis  illius  disce ;  quae,  quod  de  eo  reliquum  est, 
majori  fide  tibi  eihibebunt,  quam  epitaphii  suspecta  elogia. 
Yirtutes  si  quas  habuit,  minores  sane  quam  quas  sibi  laudi, 
tibi  in  exemplum  proponeret.  Vitia  una  sepeliantur.  Morum 
exemplum  si  quaeras,  in  Evangelio  habes  (vitiorum  utinam  , 
nusquam),  mortalitatis  certe  quod  prosit  hie  et  ubique. 

"Natum  •  *  *  . 

"Mortuum  ♦  *  *  * 

**  Memorat  hac  tabula  brevi  et  ipsa  interitura." 

During  the  last  four  years  of  his  life,  increasing  infirmities 
confined  him  to  the  retirement  he  had  chosen  at  Oates,  near 
High  Laver,  in  Essex  ;  and  although  labouring  under  an  in- 
curable disorder,  he  was  cheerful  to  the  last,  constantly  inter- 
ested in  the  welfare  of  his  friends,  and  at  the  same  time  per- 
fectly resigned  to  his  own  fete.  His  literary  occupation  at 
that  time  was  the  study  of,  and  Commentary  on,  St  Paul's 
Epistles,  published  amongst  his  posthumous  works. 

Li  October,  1704},  his  disorder  greatly  increased :  on  the 
27th  of  that  month.  Lady  Masham,  not  finding  him  in  his 
study  as  usual,  went  to  his  bedside,  when  he  told  her  that  the 
fatigue  of  getting  up  the  day  before  had  been  too  much  fot 
his  strength,  and  that  he  never  expected  to  rise  again  from 
his  bed.     He  said  that  he  had  now  finished  his  career  in  this 


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1704.]  HIS  DEATH.  267 

TTorld,  and  that  in  all  probability  he  should  not  outlive  the 
night,  certainly  not  to  be  able  to  survive  beyond  the  next 
day  or  two.  After  taking  some  refreshment,  he  said  to  those 
present  that  he  wished  them  aU  happiness  after  he  was  gone. 
To  Lady  Masham,  who  remained  with  him,  he  said  that  he 
thanked  God  he  had  passed  a  happy  life,  but  that  now  he 
found  that  all  was  vanity,  and  exhorted  her  to  consider  this 
world  only  as  a  preparation  for  a  better  state  hereafter.  He 
would  not  suffer  her  to  sit  up  with  him,  saying,  that  perhaps 
he  might  be  able  to  sleep,  but  if  any  change  should  happen, 
he  would  send  for  her.  Having  no  sleep  in  the  night,  he  was 
taken  out  of  bed  and  carried  into  his  study,  where  he  slept 
for  some  time  in  his  chair :  after  waking,  he  desired  to  oe 
dressed,  and  then  heard  Lady  Masham  read  the  Psalms,  ap- 
parently with  great  attention,  until,  perceiving  his  end  to  draw 
near,  he  stopped  her,  and  expired  a  very  few  minutes  after- 
wards, about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  Octo- 
ber, in  his  73rd  year. 

Whto  we  consider  the  number  of  his  publications,  as  well 
as  the  subjects  which  he  discusses,  it  is  evident  that  his  appli- 
cation must  have  been  very  great,  and  to  enumerate  his  works 
will  prove  .  his  surprising  industry.  His  great  work,  the 
Essay  on  Human  "Understanding,  was  first  published  in  1690, 
nearly  at  the  same  time  as  Newton's  Principia,  both  con- 
tributing to  render  illustrious  the  era  of  the  Eevolution. 
The  Treatise  on  Civil  Government,  a  Letter  for  Toleration, 
first  published  in  Latin,  in  Holland,  and  afterwards  in  Eng- 
Hsh,  with  the  second  Letter  in  defence  of  Toleration,  were 
«11  published  in  1690,  and  a  third  Letter  in  1692.  The 
Treatise  on  Education,*  1690 ;  that  concerning  raising  the 

*  Bayle,  Op.  Mix.  torn.  4,  p.  695.  Lettre  k  Minutol,  September  21, 
1693.  ^'  M.  l^ke  a  public  en  Anglais  diTerses  Pens^es  sur  1' Education  des 
Enfans.  C'est  nn  profond  philosophe,  et  qui  a  des  Tues  fort  finies  sur  tout 
oe  qu'il  entrenend/' — ^And  in  page  696,  ^*  Quelqu'un  travaille  k  mettre  en 
Fran^ais  les  Pens^es  que  Monsieur  Locke,  I'un  aes  plus  profonds  metaphy- 
fiioiens  de  ce  sidcle,  a  publics  en  Anglais  sur  I'Education.  C'est  un  homme 
de  beaacoup  d' esprit.  Je  I'ai  rd  ici  (Roterdam)  pendant  le  regne  du  Koi 
Jaques ;  la  Rerolution  le  ramena  en  Angleterre,  oti  il  est  fort  content.  H 
a  publi4  un  s^rst^me  de  Tentendement,  et  un  traits  de  Torigine  du  GrouTeme- 
ment,  le  dernier  a  M  traduit  en  Frantjais.  II  prouve  que  la  souveraint^ 
i^partient  aux  peuples,  et  qu'ils  ne  font  que  la  d^poser  entre  les  mains  de 
MUX  qu'on  appetle  souverains ;  sauf  k  eux  k  retirer  leur  d6p6t  pour  le  mieuz 


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268  LIFE  a:si}  lettebs  of  JOHN  LOCICE. 

value  of  Money  and  lowering  the  Interest,  1691 ;  and  further 
considerations  on  the  same  subject,  1696,  when  he  was  very 
much  consulted  on  the  measures  then  in  operation  for  restor- 
ing the  coin.     The  Beasonableness  of  Cnrlstianity,*  1695, 

Slacer,  lorsque  le  bien  public  le  demande.  Vous  savez  que  c'est  I'evangile 
u  jour  k  present  parmi  les  Protestans,*'  &c. 

*  Locke  on  the  Beasonableness  of  the  Christian  Religion,  criticised  in  Vol. 
II.  Biblioth^ue  choisie  of  Le  Clerc,  and  Histoire  des  Ouyraees  des  Savans, 
Feb.  1703.  Bayle,  Op.  torn.  4,  p.  834.  Letter  to  Coste,  Dec.  27,  1703. 
"  Autant  que  ie  rai  compris  [the  work  on  the  Reasonableness,  &c.]  cet 
ouvrage  tend  a  montrer,  que  pourru  que  Ton  croie  que  Jesus  Christ  est  le 
Messie,  et  que  Ton  ait  une  intention  sincere  d'obeir  a  ses  preceptes,  et  de 
decouvrir  les  autres  Veritas  contenus  dans  le  Nouveau  Testament,  on  a  toute 
I'essence  du  Chretien :  de  sorte  (^u'en  viyant  selon  TEyangile,  autant  que  la 
fragility  humaine  le  pent  souffrir,  et  en  suppliant  par  la  foi  et  par  ta.  r^ 
pentance  ce  qui  manque  aux  bonnes  oeuYres,  on  est  sauv^  aussi  sCbrement, 
que  si  I'on  etoit  6clair6  sur  tons  les  myst^res  que  TEglise  Anglicane,  par 
exemple,  trouve  dans  les  ecrits  des  Apdtres. 

<*  L'auteur  nous  apprend  dans  la  seconde  partie,  qu'il  a  surtout  eu  dessein 
de  convertir  les  D^istes :  on  a  done  lieu  de  croire  qu*il  a  pr^tendu  faire  voir, 
que  r  esprit  de  la  Religion  Chr^tienne  n'est  pas  d'exi^er  de  Thomme,  com- 
me  une  condition  n^cessaire  k  ^tre  sauv^,  que  Ton  croie  ce  grand  nombre  de 
dogmes  incomprehensibles  et  qui  choquent  la  lumi^re  naturelle,  dont  la  con* 
fession  des  Protestans  est  charg^e :  le  P^ch^  originel,  la  Trinity,  I'unioa 
hypostatique  du  Verbe,  &c.  II  n'a  point  travaill6  a  concilier  avec  la  raison, 
ou  k  imposer  k  la  raison  le  joug  de  cos  dogmes,  comme  il  a  travaill^  forte- 
ment  k  refuter  les  objections  fond6es  sur  les  faits  de  la  conduite  du  Messie ; 
je  veux  dJre,  sur  la  mani^re  de  cacher  ou  de  deguiser  sa  Mission,  d'emploier 
des  responses  ambigues  quand  il  etoit  interroge  par  les  Pharisiens,  &c. : 
choses  que  certains  Juifs  ont  Tiolemment  critiqu^es,  et  qui  out  je  ne  S9ai 
quoi  de  choc^uant.  L'auteur  a  dit,  ce  me  sembie,  la-dessus  de  tres  bonnes 
choses ;  mais  je  ne  crois  point  qu*il  j  ait  des  Sociniens  qui  ne  souserioient  k 
son  liyre,  gSneralement  parlant ;  et  il  est  certain  ^ue  cette  Secte  a  toujours 
Buivie  cette  tablature,  pour  rendre  le  Christiamsme  plus  conforme  aux 
lumi^res  de  la  raison." 

Ditto,  page  840.    Letter  to  Coste,  April  8,  1704. 

"  H  auroit  6t^,  peutetre,  k  souhaiter  que  Pauteur  se  fdt'  fait  cette  objec- 
tion. Qu' encore  qu'au  commencement  du  Christianisme  on  f&t  sauv^  sans 
une  croyance  distincte  de  la  consubstantialit^  du  Verbe,  U  ne  s'ensuit  pas 


Dieu,  et  les  autres  mani^res :  mais  aujourd'hui  cette  abstraction  est  im* 
possible,  n  faut,  ou  admettre  formellement,  ou  rejetter  formellement  la 
co-essentialit^  du  Verbe.  Cela  fait  une  difference  capitale ;  car  vous  sayez 
que  *  abstrahentium  non  est  mendacium.'    Tel  6toit  r^tat  des  simples  aux 

Eremiers  sidles ;  ils  n'affirmoient  ni  ne  nioient  ce  dogme  ]k ;  leur  foi  6toit 
i-dessus  ind^terminee.    Mais  depuis  des  disputes  et  les  decisions,  il  faut 
opter  ou  la  negative  ou  Taffirmatiye.    Or  il  est  bien  plus  criminel  de  rejet- 


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1704.]  CODICIL  EELATIITG  TO   HIS  WOEKS.  269 

and  a  first  and  second  vindication  of  the  same,  1696,  and  also 
the  three  elaborate  Letters  in  defence  of  the  principles  con- 
tained in  the  Essay  against  the  attacks  of  the  Bishop  of  Wor- 
cester. 

The  Conduct  of  thfe  Understanding,  one  of  the  most  useful 
and  practical  of  his  works,  and  the  Commentaries  and  Notes 
on  the  Epistles  of  St  Paul,  close  the  catalogue  of  those  of  his 
literary  labours  which  have  been  given  to  the  world.* 

CODICIL   OF   ME  LOCKE's  WILL   EELATINQ   TO   HIS   WOEKS. 

"Whereas  the  Eev.  Dr  Hudson,  library  keeper  of  the 
Bodleian  Library  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  writ  to  me 
some  time  since,  desirin^g  of  me,  for  the  said  library,  the  books 
whereof  I  was  the  author,  I  did,  in  return  to  the  honour  done 
me  therein,  present  to  the  said  library  all  the  books  that  were 
published  in  mv  name,  which  though  accepted  with  honour- 
able mention  of  me,  yet  were  not  understood  fully  to  answer 
the  request  made  me ;  it  being  supposed  that  there  were  other 
treatises,  whereof  I  was  the  author,  which  had  been  published 
without  my  name  to  them :  in  compliance,  therefore,  with  what 
was  desired  in  the  utmost  extent  of  it,  and  in  acknowledg- 

ter  une  Y6rit6  propos^e,  (^ue  d'ignorer  simplemeiit  si  les  termes,  sous  lesqueb 
on  croit,  sigmfieut  pricis^ment,  d^terminement^  une  telle  chose,  ou-une 
autre," 

♦  COPYBIGHT  OF  LOOKS 'B  WOBKS. 

Mr  Locke  received  for  the  first  edition  of  the  Essay  on  Human  tJnder- 
standing  £30  in  1689 ;  and  bv  agreement  made  several  years  afterwards,  the 
bookseller  was  to  deliver  six  Docks  well  bound  for  every  subsequent  edition, 
and  also  to  pay  ten  shillings  for  each  additional  sheet.  For  the  Reason- 
ableness of  Christianity,  the  price  was  ten  shillings  each  sheet.  For  '^  the 
oopy  of  several  other  books,"  which  I  believe  were,  the  Consideration  of 
raising  the  Value,  or  loweriuj^  the  Interest  of  Money,  the  Reasonableness 
of  Clmstianity,  and  Vindication  of  the  same,  the  sum  received  was  "  £44 
16*."  For  the  Treatise  on  Education,  £5  for  every  impression,  and  twenty- 
five  books  bound  in  cal|.  Of  this  book  Mr  Cline,  the  celebrated  surgeon, 
said  that  it  had  contributed  more  to  the  general  health  of  the  higher  classes 
of  society,  by  one  rule  which  the  author  lays  down,  than  any  other  book  he 
had  ever  read. 

X698.    My  Reply  to  the  Bishop  of  Worcester's  second  answer      £14  10». 

Fourth  edition  of  my  Education       5. 

1699.    Third  Letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Worcester 14. 

Locke*8  Account-Books. 


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270  LIFE  AlTD  LETTEBS   OE  JOHN  LOCEE.  [l704. 

ment  of  the  honour  done  me,  in  thinking  my  writings  worthy 
to  be  placed  among  the  works  of  the  learned,  in  that  august 
repository, — I  do  hereby  give  to  the  public  library  of  the 
University  of  Oxford  these  following  books  ;  that  is  to  say, 
three  letters  concerning  Toleration,  the  first  whereof  I  writ 
in  Latin,  and  was  published  at  Tergon  in  Holland,  1689, 
under  the.  title  "!E5)istola  de  Toleranti&,"  and  afterwards 
translated  into  English,  without  my  privity.  2nd,  A  second 
letter  concerning  Toleration,  printed  for  Awnsham  and  John 
Churchill,  1690.  3rd,  A  third  letter  for  Toleration,  to  the 
author  of  the  third  letter  concerning  Toleration,  printed  for 
Awnsham  and  John  Churchill,  16921-  Two  Treatises  of  go- 
vernment, whereof  Mr  Churchill  has  published  several  edi- 
tions, but  all  very  incorrect.  The  Eeasonableness  of  Chris- 
tianity as  delivered  in  the  Scriptures.  A  Vindication  of  the 
Eeasonableness  of  Christianity  from  Mr  Edwards'  reflections. 
A  Second  Vindication  of  the  Beasonableness  of  Christianity. 
These  are  all  the  books  whereof  I  am  the  author,  which  have 
been  published  without  my  name  to  them.  Item.  I  give  to 
the  said  Bodleian  Library  the  argument  of  the  letter  con- 
cerning Toleration,  briefly  considered  and  answered,  printed 
at  Oxford,  1691,  both  which  treatises  it  is  my  will  should  be 
bound  up  in  one  volume,  with  my  three  letters  on  the  same 
subject,  that  therein  any  one  who  pleaseth  may  have  the  con- 
venience to  examine  what  my  opponent  and  I  have  said  in  the 
controversy. 

"  Item.  Whereas  there  is  intended  speedily  another  edition 
of  my  Essay  concerning  Human  Understanding,  wherein 
there  will  be  in  the  thirty-first  chapter  of  the  second  book 
some  small  alterations  which  I  have  made  with  my  own  hand, 
that  the  University  which  hath  been  pleased  to  honour  it 
with  a  place  in  its  librarv  may  have  that  Essay  in  the  Estate 
that  my  last  thoughts  left  it  in,  it  is  my  will  that  my  executor 
shall,  in  my  name,  present  to  the  said  Bodleian  Library,  one 
copy  of  the  next  edition  of  my  said  Essay  well  bound.  Item. 
"Whereas  I  am  informed  that  there  is  a  design  of  publishing 
two  other  volumes  as  a  continuation  of  the  collection  of 
voyages  published  this  year  by  A.  and  S.  Churchill  in  four 
vols.  folio,xit  is  my  will  that  my  executor  shall,  in  my  name, 
present  to  the,  said  Bodleian  Library  the  two  intended 


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LE   CLEEO'S   CHABACTEE  OF  LOCKE.  271 

volumes  also,  when  they  come  out,  which  I  do  hereby  give 
to  the  University  of  Oxibrd." 


The  character  of  Locke  which  Le  Clerc  has  added  to  his 
eloge,  derived,  as  he  tells  us,  from  a  person  who  knew  him 
well,  is  too  excellent  to  be  omitted. 

"He  was,'*  says  she  (and  I  can  confirm  her  testimony  in 
great  measure  by  what  I  have  myself  seen  here),  "  a  profound 
philosopher,  and  a  man  fit  for  the  most  important  affairs. 
He  had  much  knowledge  of  belles  lettres,  and  his  manners 
were  very  polite  and  particularly  engaging.  He  knew  some- 
thing of  almost  everything  which  can  be  useful  to  mankind, 
and  was  thoroughly  master  of  all  that  he  had  studied,  but  he 
showed  his  superiority  by  not  appearing  to  value  himself  in 
any  way  on  account  of  his  great  attainments.  Nobody  as- 
sumed less  the  airs  of  a  master,  or  was  Ibss  dogmatical,  and 
he  was  never  offended  when  any  one  did  not  agree  with  his 
opinions.  There  are,  nevertheless,  a  species  of  disputants, 
who,  after  having  been  refuted  several  times,  always  return 
to  the  charge,  and  only  repeat  the  same  argument.  These 
he  could  not  endure,  and  he  sometimes  talked  of  them  with 
impatience,  but  he  was  the  first  to  acknowledge  that  he  had 
been  too  hasty.  In  the  most  trifling  circumstances  of  life, 
as  well  as  in  speculative  opinions,  he  was  always  ready  to  be 
convinced  by  reason,  let  the  information  come  from  whomever 
it  might.  He  was  the  most  faithful  follower,  or  indeed  the 
slave  of  truth,  which  he  never  abandoned  on  any  account, 
and  which  he  loved  for  its  own  sake. 

"He  accommodated  himself  to  the  level  of  the  most 
moderate  understandings ;  and  in  disputing  with  them,  he 
did  not  diminish  the  force  of  their  arguments  against  himself, 
although  they  were  not  well  expressed  by  those  who  had 
used  them.  He  felt  pleasure  in  conversing  with  all  sorts  of 
people,  and  tried  to  profit  by  their  information,  which  arose 
not  only  from  the  good  education  he  had  received,  but  from 
the  opinion  he  entertained,  that  there  was  nobody  from  whom 
something  useful  could  not  be  got.  And  indeed  by  this 
means  he  had  learned  so  many  tilings  concerning  the  arts 
and  trade,  that  he  seemed  to  have  made  them  his  particular 
study,  insomuch  that  those  whose  profession  they  were  often 


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272  LIFE  AND  LETTEES   OE  JOHIT  LOCKE. 

profited  by  his  information,  and  consulted  him  with  advant- 
age. Bad  manners  particularly  annoyed  and  disgusted 
him,  when  he  saw  they  proceeded  not  from  ignorance  of  the 
world,  but  from  pride,  from  haughtiness,  from  ill-nature, 
from  brutal  stupidity,  and  other  similar  vices ;  otherwise,  he 
was  far  from  despising  whomever  it  might  be  for  having  a 
disagreeable  appearance.  He  considered  civility  not  only  as 
something  agreeable  and  proper  to  gain  people's  hearts,  but 
as  a  duty  of  Christianity,  which  aught  to  be  more  insisted 
on  tjian  it  commonly  is.  He  recommended  with  reference 
to  this  a  tract  of  Messrs.  de  Port  Boyal,  *  sur  les  moyens  de 
conserver  la  paix  avec  les  hommes  ;'  and  he  much  approved 
the  sermons  he  had  heard  from  Mr  Wichkot,  a  Doctor  of 
Divinity,  on  this  subject,  and  which  have  since  been  printed. 

"  His  conversation  wa?  very  agreeable  to  all  sorts  of  people, 
and  even  to  ladies  ;  and  nobody  was  better  received  than  he 
was  among  people  of  the  highest  rank.  He  was  by  no 
means  austere,  and  as  the  conversation  of  well-bred  people  is 
usually  more  easy,  and  less  studied  and  formal,  if  Mr  Locke 
had  not  naturally  these  talents,  he  had  acquired  them  by 
intercourse  with  the  world,  ^nd  what  made  him  so  much  the 
more  agreeable  was,  that  those  who  were  not  acquainted 
with  him  did  not  expect  to  find  such  manners  in  a  man  so 
much  devoted  to  study.  Those  who  courted  the  acquaintance 
of  Mr  Locke  to  collect  what  might  be  learnt  from  a  man  of 
his  understanding,  and  who  approached  him  with  respect, 
were  surprised  to  find  iii  him  not  only  the  manners  of  a 
well-bred  man,  but  also  all  the  attention  which  they  could 
expect.  He  often  spoke  against  raillery,  which  is  the  most 
hazardous  part  of  conversation  if  not  managed  with  address, 
and  though  he  excelled  in  it  himself,  he  never  said  anything 
which  could  shock  or  injure  any  body.  He  knew  how  to 
soften  everything  he  said,  and  to  give  it  an  agreeable  turn. 
If  he  joked  his  friends,  it  was  about  a  trifling  Siult,  or  about 
something  which  it  was  advantageous  for  them  to  know. 
As  he  was  particularly  civil,  even  when  he  began  to  joke, 
people  were  satisfied  that  he  would  end  by  saying  something 
obliging.  He  never  ridiculed  a  misfortune,  or  any  naturei 
defect. 

"  He  was  very  charitable  to  the  poor,  provided  they  were 
not  the  idle,  or  the  profligate,  who  did  not  frequent  any  church, 


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LE   CLEEC'S   CHABACTEE   OF  LOCKE.  273 

or  who  spent  their  Sundays  in  an  alehouse.  He  felt,  above 
all,  compassion  for  those  who,  after  having  worked  hard  in 
their  youth,  sunk  into  poverty  in  their  old  age.  He  said, 
that  it  was  not  sufficient  to  keep  them  from  starving,  but 
that  they  ought  to  be  enabled  to  live  with  some  comfort. 
He  sought  opportunities  of  doing  good  to  deserving  objects ; 
and  often  in  his  walks  he  visited  the  poor  of  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  gave  them  the  wherewithal  to  relieve  their  wants, 
or  to  buy  the  medicines  which  he  prescribed  for  them  if  they 
were  sick,  and  had  no  medical  aid. 

"  He  did  not  like  anything  to  be  wasted ;  which  was,  in 
his  opinion,  losing  the  treasure  of  which  G-od  has  made  us 
the  economists.  He  himself  was  very  regular,  and  kept  exact 
accounts  of  everything. 

"  If  he  had  any  defect,  it  was  the  being  somewhat  passion- 
ate ;  but  he  had  got  the  better  of  it  by  reason,  and  it  was 
very  seldom  that  it  did  him  or  any  one  else  any  harm.  He 
often  described  the  ridicule  of  it,  and  said  that  it  availed  no- 
thing in  the.  education  of  children,  nor  in  keeping  servants 
in  order,  and  that  it  only  lessened  the  authority  which  one  had 
over  them.  He  was  kind  to  bis  servants,  and  showed  them 
with  gentleness  how  he  wished  to  be  served.  He  not  only 
kept  strictly  a  secret  which  had  been  confided  to  him,  but 
he  never  mentioned  anything  which  could  prove  injurious, 
although  he  had  not  been  enjoined  secrecy  ;  nor  did  he  ever 
wrong  a  friend  by  any  sort  of  indiscretion  or  inadvertency. 
He  was  an  exact  observer  of  his  word,  and  what  he  promised 
was  sacred.  He  was  scrupulous  about  recommending  people 
whom  he  did  not  know,  and  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
praise  those  whom  he  did  not  think  worthy.  If  he  was  told 
that  his  recommendations  had  not  produced  the  effect  which 
was  expected,  he  said,  that  *  it  arose  from  his  never  having 
deceived  anybody,  by  saying  more  than  he  knew,  that  what 
he  answered  for  might  be  found  as  he  stated  it,  and  that  if  he 
acted  otherwise,  his  recommendations  would  have  no  weight.* 

"  His  greatest  amusement  was  to  talk  with  sensible  people, 
and  he  courted  their  conversation.  He  possessed  all  the  re- 
quisite qualities  for  keeping  up  an  agreeable  and  friendly  in- 
tercourse. He  only  played  at  cards  to  please  others,  although 
from  having  often  found  himself  among  people  who  did,  he 
played  well  enough  when  he  set  about  it ;  but  he  never  pro- 


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274  LIFE  AND  LETTEBB   OP  JOHK  LOCKS.  H^ 

Eosed  it,  and  said  it  was  only  an  amusement  for  tHose  who 
ave  no  conversation. 

^'  In  bis  habits  he  was  clean  without  affectation  or  singu- 
larity ;  he  was  naturally  yery  active,  and  occupied  himself  as 
much  as  his  health  would  admit  of.  Sometimes  he  took 
pleasure  in  working  in  a  garden,  which  he  understood  per- 
fectly. He  liked  exercise,  But  the  complamt  on  his  chest  not 
allowing  him  to  walk  much,  he  used  to  ride  after  dinner ; 
when  he  could  no  longer  bear  the  motion  of  a  horse,  he  used 
to  go  out  in  a  wheel  chair ;  and  he  always  wished  for  a  com- 
panion, even  if  it  were  only  a  child,  for  he  felt  pleasure  in 
talking  with  well-bred  children. 

"  The  weak  state  of  his  health  was  an  inconvenience  to 
*iimself  alone,  and  occasioned  no  unpleasant  sensation  to  any 
one,  beyond  that  of  seeing  him  suffer.  His  diet  was  the  same 
as  other  people's,  except  that  he  usually  drank  nothing  but 
water;  and  he  thought  his  abstinence  in  this  respect  had 
preserved  his  life  so  long,  although  his  constitution  was  so 
weak.  He  attributed  to  the  same  cause  the  preservation  of 
his  siffht,  which  was  not  much  impaired  at  the  end  of  his 
life ;  for  he  could  read  by  candle-light  aU  sorts  of  books,  un- 
less the  print  was  very  small,  and  he  never  made  use  of 
spectacles.  He  had  no  other  infirmity  but  his  asthma,  except 
that  four  years  before  his  death  he  became  very  deaf,  during 
a  period  of  about  six  months.  Finding  himself  thus  deprived 
of  the  pleasures  of  conversation,  he  doubted  whether  olind- 
ness  was  not  preferable  to  deafness,  as  he  wrote  to  one  of 
his  friends ;  otherwise  he  bore  his  infirmities  very  patiently. 
— This,"  as  Le  Clerc  says,  "is  an  accurate,  and  by  no  means 
flattered  descriptionof  this  great  man." 

It  has  been  observed  in  this  character  of  Locke,  that  he 
knew  something  of  almost  everything,  and  that  he  had  learned 
so  much  of  the  Arts  that  he  seemed  to  have  made  them  his 
peculiar  study.  The  truth  and  accuracy  of  this  remark  is 
fully  confirmed  by  the  numerous  receipts,  memoranda,  and 
observations,  scattered  throughout  the  Journal.  All,  or  very 
nearly  all,  these  have  been  omitted,  because  their  publication 
would  now  be  useless,  considering  the  improvements  that 
have  been  made  in  arts  and  manufactures  during  the  last 
century  and  a  half.  As  they  exist  in  the  original  Journal, 
they  afford  a  striking  proof  of  the  activity  of  his  mind,  of 


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HIS  CHABA.CTEB.  275 

his  industry  in  obtaining  information,  and  of  the  accuracy  of 
his  descriptions.  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  if  he  sees  a 
cannon  foundry,  or  a  manufacture  of  fire-arms,  he  notes  down 
in  great  detail  the  exact  process  of  casting  and  boring,  and 
of  making  the  best  French  or  G-erman  gun-barrels.  He  does 
the  same  of  optical  glasses,  and  of  microscopes.  He  is  as 
curious  in  observing  the  fermentation  of  wine,  the  method 
of  making  soap  or  verdigris,  as  he  is  to  collect  the  most  ac- 
curate information  respecting  the  weights  and  measures  or 
the  true  proportion  of  alloy  in  the  different  coins  of  every 
country  in*Europe.  In  one  page  he  describes  the  manage- 
ment of  vines,  oUves,  and  fruit-trees ;  in  another,  the  prepar- 
ation of  Spanish  perfomes;  and  in  another,  he  writes  on 
the  metaph;^sical  questions  of  space  and  extension. 

The  religious  opinions  of  this  great  man  may  best  be  col- 
lected from  his  own  writings :  to  an  ardent  piety  and  a  firm 
belief  in  the  religion  he  professed,  was  joined  a  truly  Christian 
charity  for  all  those  who  differed  in  opinion  from  him.  The 
religion  of  Locke  was  that  revealed  in  the  Scriptures,  which, 
in  his  opinion,  was  the  most  reasonable  religoin  in  the  world. 
Of  the  particular  form  of  his  faith,  it  is  more  difficult  to 
speak,  because  he  was  always  averse  to  vain  and  idle  disput- 
ations :  but  for  the  dogmatical  and  mystical  doctors  of  the 
Church  he  certainly  had  no  predilection.  Eeason  was  his 
rule  and  guide  in  everything ;  toleration  was  his  text ;  and 
he  abhorred  tho^e  only  who  pervert  that  divine  precept,  which 
teaches — to  promote  peace  on  earth,  and  good-will  towards 
man.  Those  who  rely  upon  his  authority,  and  make  use  of 
his  name,  would  do  well  to  consider  what  manner  of  Christian 
he  was;  and,  "when  they  bid  others  believe  because  he  be- 
lieved, let  them  also  teach  as  he  taught,  and  practise  those 
virtues  which  he  practised. 

He  lived  in  communion  with  the  Church  of  England ;  but 
it  will  appear  most  clearly,  from  extracts  which  will  be  -given 
from  an  unpublished  reply  to  a  work  of  Dr  Stillingfleet's, 
that  he  entertained  a  strong  opinion  that  the  exclusive  doc- 
trines of  the  Church  of  !l^gland  were  very  objectionable ; 
that  he  thought  them  much  too  narrow  and  confined,  and 
that  he  wished  for  a  much  larger  and  easier  comprehension 
of  Protestants. 

The  following  paper,  in  Locke's  hand-writing,  was  drawn 
T  2 


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276  LIFE   AKD   LETTERS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.  [I688. 

up  by  him  apparently  for  the  rule  and  guidance  of  a  religious 
society,  whilst  he  resided  in  Holland,  as  it  is  dated  1688.  It 
may  be  considered  as  his  idea  of  a  pure  Christian  community, 
or  church  untainted  by  worldly  considerations,  or  by  profes- 
sional arts. 

PACiriC   CHBISTIANS. 

1.  We  think  nothing  necessary  to  be  known  or  believed 
for  salvation,  but  what  Q-od  hath  revealed. 

2.  We  therefore  embrace  all  those  who,  in  sincerity,  receive 
the  Word  of  Truth  revealed  in  the  Scripture,  atfd  obey  the 
light  which  enlightens  every  man  that  comes  into  the  world, 

3.  We  judge  no  man  in  meats,  or  drinks,  or  habits,  or 
days,  or  any  other  outward  observances,  but  leave  every  one 
to  his  freedom  in  the  use  of  those  outward  things  which  he 
thinks  can  most  contribute  to  build  up  the  inward  man  in 
righteousness,  holiness,^  and  the  true  love  of  G-od,  and  his 
neighbour,  in  Christ  Jesus. 

4.  If  any  one  find  any  doctrinal  parts  of  Scripture  difficult 
to  be  understood,  we  recommend  him, — 1st,  The  study  of  the 
Scriptures  in  humility  and  singleness  of  heart ;  2nd,  Prayer 
to  the  Father  of  lights  to  enlighten  him ;  3rd,  Obedience  to 
what  is  already  revealed  to  him,  remembering  that  the  prac- 
tice of  what  we  do  know  is  the  surest  way  to  more  know- 
ledge ;  our  infallible  guide  having  told  us.  If  any  man  will  do 
the  will  of  Him  that  sent  me,  he  shall  know  of  the  doctrine, 
John  vii.  17.  4th,  We  leave  him  to  the  advice  and  assistance 
of  those  whom  he  thinks  best  able  to  instruct  him.  No  men, 
or  society  of  men,  having  any  authority  to  impose  their 
opinions  or  interpretations  on  any  other,  the  meanest  Chris- 
tian. Since,  in  matters  of  religion,  every  man  must  know, 
and  believe,  and  give  an  account  for  himself.  * 

5.  We  hold  it  to  be  an  indispensable  duty  for  all  Christians 
to  maintain  love  and  charity  in  the  diversity  of  contrary 
opinions :  by  which  charity  we  do  not  mean  an  empty  sound, 
but  an  effectual  forbearance  and  good-will,  carrying  men  to 
a  communion,  friendship,  and  mutual  assistance  one  of  an- 
other, in  outward  as  well  as  spiritual  things  ;  and  by  debar- 
ring all  magistrates  from  making  use  of  their  authority,  much 
less  their  sword  (which  was  put  into  their  hands  only  against 
evilrdoers),  in  matters  of  faith  or  worship. 


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1688.]        IDEA  or   A   PUEE   CHRISTIAN    COMMUyiTT.  277 

6.  Since  the  Christian  religion  we  profess  is  not  a  notional 
science,  to  furnish  speculation  to  the  brain,  or  discourse  to 
the  tongue,  but  a  rule  of  righteousness  to  influence  our  lives, 
Christ  having  given  himself  to  redeem  us  from  all  iniquity, 
and  purify  unto  himself  a  people  zealous  of  good  works,*  we 
profess  the  only  business  of  our  public  assemblies  to  be  to 
exhort  thereunto,  laying  aside  all  controversy  and  speculative 
questions,  instruct  and  encourage  one  another  in  the  duties 
of  a  good  life,  which  is  acknowledged  to  be  the  great  busi- 
ness of  true  religion,  and  to  pray  God  for  the  assistance  of 
his  Spirit  for  the  enlightening  our  understanding  and  subdu- 
ing our  corruptions,  that  so  we  may  return  unto  him  a  rea- 
sonable and  acceptable  service,  iand  show  our  faith  by  our 
works,  proposing  to  ourselves  and  others  the  example  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  as  the  great  pattern  for  our 
imitation. 

7.  One  alone  being  our  Master,  even  Christ,  we  acknow- 
ledge no  masters  of  our  assembly ;  but  if  any  man  in  the 
spirit  of  love,  peace,  and  meekness,  has  a  word  of  exhort- 
ation, we  hear  him. 

8.  Nothing  being  so  oppressive,  or  having  proved  so  fatal 
to  unity,  love,  and  charity,  the  first  great  characteristical 
duties  of  Christianity,  as  men's  fondness  of  their  own  opin- 
ions, and  their  endeavours  to  set  them  up,  and  have  them 
followed,  instead  of  the  G-ospel  of  peace ;  to  prevent  those 
seeds  of  dissension  and  division,  and  maintain  unity  in  the 
difference  of  opinions  which  we  know  cannot  be  avoided — if 
any  one  appear  contentious,  abounding  in  his  own  sense 
rather  than  in  love,  and  desirous  to  draw  followers  after  him- 
self, with  destruction  or  opposition  to  others,  we  judge  him 
not  to  have  learned  Christ  as  he  ought,  and  therefore  not  fit 
to  be  a  teacher  of  others. 

9.  Decency  and  order  in  our  assemblies  being  directed,  as 
they  ought,  to  edification,  can  need  but  very  few  and  plain 
rules.  Time  and  place  of  meeting  being  settled,  if  anything 
else  need  regulation,  the  assembly  itself,  or  four  of  the 
ancientest,  soberest,  aild  discreetest  of  the  brethren,  chosen 
for  that  occasion,  shall  regulate  it. 

10.  From  every  brother  that,  after  admonition,  walketh 
disorderly,  we  withdraw  ourselves. 

♦  Titus  ii.  14. 


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278  LITB  AKD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

11.  We  each  of  us  think  it  our  duty  to  propagate  the 
doctrine  and  practice  of  universal  good-will  and  obe£ence  in 
all  places,  and  on  all  occasions,  as  Gk>d  shaU  give  us  oppor- 
tunity 


Thus  lived  this  great  and  upright  man,  whose  private 
history  I  have  endeavoured  to  inake  more  known  from  the 
memorials  he  has  left,  and  from  the  best  information  that  I 
have  been  able  to  collect.  From  these  and  from  his  works, 
it  is  evident  that  his  understanding  was  alike  fitted  for  specu- 
lation or  practice ;  and  that  his  mind  was  capable  of  compre- 
hending tne  greatest  subjects,  and  of  adaptmg  itself  to  the 
smallest  details.  He  regulated  his  afi&irs,  his  time,  and  his 
employments  with  the  truest  economy,  and  the  most  exact 
attention  to  method  and  order.  He  was  ever  ready  to  assist 
his  friends,  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  retaining  their 
attachment  to  the  end  of  his  life.  He  possessed  those  great 
requisities  of  happiness,  equanimity,  cheerfulness  of  temper, 
and  the  habit  of  constantly  employing  his  mind  in  the  pur- 
suit of  noble  or  useful  objects.  He  was  engaged  not  only  in 
metaphysical  and  logical  researches,  but  in  most  of  the  great 
questions  which  agitated  men's  minds  in  religion  and  politics 
daring  the  period  in  which  he  lived ;  and  greater  questions 
certainly  never  were  decided  than  those  contended  for  between 
the  time  of  the  Civil  Wars  of  Charles  the  First  and  the 
Eevolution  of  1688.  Whatever  may  be  the  inaccuracies  or 
errors  in  his  abstract  principles,  and  many  exceptionable  pas- 
sages may  no  doubt  be  found  in  his  works,  yet  it  is  allowed 
that,  when  writing  on  political  questions,  he  thoroughly 
weighed  and  maturely  considered  the  practical  results,  and 
arrived  at  conclusions  which  are  always  just,  generous,  and 
prudent. 

It  was  within  the  compass  of  his  life  thai  the  great  ques- 
tion of  Toleration  was  first  agitated,  and  by  his  exertions  in 
great  part  decided.  For  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
Keformatiou  conferred  a  general  freedom  of  conscience,  or 
liberty  of  inquiry  in  religious  concerns.  No  greater  latitude 
of  examination  (except  in  that  one  sense  as  set  forth  by 
Authority),  was  either  intended  or  permitted  after  the  Reform- 
ation, than  had  been  allowed  under  the  Boman  Church 


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HIS   GHABACTEB.  279 

One  tyranny  was  replaced  by  another ;  and  the  new  .Church 
was  no  less  intolerant  than  its  predecessor.  The  civil  magis- 
trate first  assumed  the  direction  of  the  Eeformation  in  Eng- 
land, then  formed  a  league  with  the  Church  (falsely  so  called), 
and  usurped  that  dominion  over  Opinion  and  faith  which  the 
Popes  had  usurped  before.  The  State-Church  now  made  the 
same  imperious  demand  for  the  prostration  of  the  under- 
standing, and  the  will  of  the  people  committed  to  their  charge, 
always  sp  much  coveted  by  every  priesthood*  which  has  the 
power  to  enforce  it.  "We  exchanged  at  the  Eeformation  a 
foreign  spiritual  head  for  an  equally  supreme  dictatorship  at 
home.  AH  who  presumed  to  differ  from  the  established  rule, 
were  smitten  by  that  double-edged  sword  which  the  civil 
power  wielded  against  the  Papists  on  one  side,  and  the 
"fanatics"  on  the  other.  Ultra  dtraque  nefa^^  it  treated 
with  equal  severity  those  who  yielded  too  much  to  authority, 
and  those  who  yielded  too  little. 

In  one  respect,  the  Eeformation  conferred  an  unmixed 
benefit ;  it  dispersed  the  wealth  and  broke  the  power  of  the 
priesthood :  as  for  toleration,  or  any  true  notion  of  religious 
liberty,  or  any  general  freedom  of  conscience,  we  owe  them 
not  in  the  least  degree  to  what  is  called  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. On  the  contrary,  we  owe  all  these  to  the  Independents 
in  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  to  Locke,  their  most 
illustrious  and  enlightened  disciple. 

If  we  consider  the  political  changes  which  it  was  his  for- 
tune to  witness,  and  the  important  effects  produced  by  his 
opinions  and  his  writings  in  promoting  the  free  exercise  of 
reason,  which  he  considered  as  the  highest  of  all  the  high  in- 
terests of  mankind,  and  that  on  the  security  of  which  all 
others  depended ;  we  shall  be  of  opinion  that  his  lot  was  cast 
at  the  time  the  most  fortunate  for  hmiself,  and  for  the  impirove- 
ment  of  mankind.  Had  he  lived  a  century  earlier,  he  might 
have  been  an  inquirer  indeed,  or  a  reformer,  or  perhaps  a 
martyr ;  but  the  Reformation,  which  was  brought  about  by 
passion  and  interest,  more  than  by  reason,  was  not  the  occa- 
sion for  the  exercise  of  his  peculiar  talents.  Had  he  lived  at 
a  later  period,  the  season  and  the  opportunity  suited  to  his 
genius  might  have  passed  by. 

It  was  also  withm  the  compass  of  his  life  that  the  other 
*  See  Locke,  Common-place  Book,  article  Sacerdos. 


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280  LIFE   AKD   LETTEES   OF   JOHN   LOCKE. 

great  contest  was  decided  in  England ;  whether  the  rights  of 
Kings  were  to  be  paramount  to  all  laws,  to  supersede  all  laws, 
and  to  dispense  with  all  laws  ;  or  whether  the  subjects  of  Eng- 
land were  to  possess  and  enjoy  their  ancient  imdoubted  rights 
and  liberties,  as  claimed  and  asserted  at  the  Eevolution,  of 
which  Locke  was  the  most  successful  advocate.  His  object  in 
the  treatise  on  Civil  Government,  was,  as  he  says,  "to  establish 
the  throne  of  our  great  restorer,  our  present  King  William  ; 
to  make  good  his  title  in  the  consent  of  the  people,  which 
being  the  only  one  of  all  lawful  governments,  he  has  more 
fully  and  clearly  than  any  prince  in  Christendom ;  and  to 
justify  to  the  world  the  people  of  England,  whose  love  of 
their  just  and  natural  rights,  with  the  resolution  to  preserve 
them,  saved  the  nation  when  it  was  on  the  very  brink  of 
slavery  and  ruin." 

Sir  James  Mackintosh,  after  praising  the  caution  for  which 
Locke's  Treatise  on  G-ovemment  is  so  remarkable,  bearing, 
as  he  says,  everywhere  the  marks  of  his  own  considerate  mind, 
has  observed  that  "  the  circumstances  of  his  life  rendered  it  a 
long  warfare  against  the  enemies  of  freedom  in  philosophiziug, 
freedom  in  worship,  and  freedom  from  every  political  restraint 
which  necessity  did  not  justify.  In  his  noble  ze^  for  liberty 
of  thought,  he  dreaded  the  tendency  of  doctrines  which  might 
gradually  prepare  mankind  to  *  swallow  that  for  an  innate 
principle  which  may  suit  his  purpose  who  teacheth  them.^  He 
might  well  be  excused,  if  in  the  ardour  of  his  generous  con- 
flict, he  sometimes  carried  beyond  the  bounds  of  calm  and 
neutral  reason,  his  repugnance  to  doctrines  which,  as  they 
were  then  generally  explained,  he  justly  regarded,  as  capable 
of  being  employed  to  shelt'Cr  absurdity  from  detection,  to  stop 
the  progress  of  free  inquiry,  and  to  subject  the  general  reason 
to  the  authority  of  a  few  mdividuals." 

The  same  accurate  judge  has  observed,  that  "  every  error 
of  Mr  Locke  in  specidation,  may  be  traced  to  the  influence 
of  some  virtue ;  at  least  every  error,  except  some  of  the 
erroneous  opinions  generally  received  in  his  age,  which  with 
a  sort  of  passive  acquiescence  he  suffered  to  retain  their  place 
in  his  mind." 

After  selecting  this  favourable  apology  for  Locke's  errors, 
I  may  be  accused  of  partiality  if  I  omit  noticing  the  opinion 
of  another  most  acute  writer,  who  speaking  of  the  Essay  has 


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HIS   OHABACTEB.  281 

declared,  "that  few  books  can  be  named  from  whicb  it  is 
possible  to  extract  more  exceptionable  passages.*'  It  is,  bow- 
ever,  thought  by  many,  that  Mr  Stewart  scarcely  does  justice 
to  Locke's  principles,  and  that  he  too  much  distrusted  their 
tendency.  On  the  subject  of  free  will,  he  says,  "  Locke  is 
more  indistinct,  midecided,  and  inconsistent,  than  might  have 
been  expected  from  his  powerful  mind  when  directed  to  so 
important  a  question."  He  seems  to  think  that  he  had  made 
various  concessions  to  his  adversaries,  in  which  he  yielded  all 
that  was  contended  for  by  Hobbes.  He  has  accordingly  been 
numbered,  with  some  appearance  of  truth,  with  those  who 
have  substantially  adopted  the  scheme  of  necessity,  while  they 
verbally  oppose  those  doctrines. 

That  some  of  the  principles  contained  in  the  Essay  may 
possibly  lead  to  these  extreme  consequences,  that  they  may  be 
pushed  thus  far,  that  these  grave  objections  have  been  brought 
forward,  cannot  be  denied,  I  should,  however,  have  profited 
little  from  the  example  and  precepts  of  that  upright  man, 
whose  life  I  have  endeavoured  to  make  more  generally  knoi^Ti, 
whose  sincerity  and  simplicity,  whose  constant  search  for 
truth,  are  among  the  most  distinguished  features  of  his 
character,  if  I  attempted  to  palliate  or  disguise  those  im- 
puted errors  and  mistakes,  which  he  himself,  if  convinced, 
would  have  been  the  first  to  retract.  "  Whatever  I  write," 
these  are  his  own  words,  "  as  soon  as  I  shall  discover  it  not , 
to  be  truth,  my  hand  shall  be  forwardest  to  throw  it  in  the 
fire." 

The  delineation  of  his  true  character,  whatever  may  be  its 
defects,  the  most  faithful  portrait  of  him,  will,  I  believe,  con- 
tribute more  effectually  to  his  real  fame,  than  any  praise, 
however  laboured  and  brilliant  it  might  be,  and  I  am  con- 
vinced it  is  the  only  panegyric  which  is  worthy  of  him. 


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EXTEACTS 

FROM 

LOCKE'S  COMMON-PUCE  BOOK. 

(On  the  first  page  is  written,  **  Nat.  29  August,  1632,  Adversaria,  1661.**) 


EBBOB. 

The  great  division  amoDg  Christians  is  about  opinions. 
Every  sect  has  its  set  of  them,  and  that  is  called  Orthodoxy  ; 
and  be  who  professes  his  assent  to  them,  though  with  an  im- 
plicit faith,  and  without  examining,  he  is  orthodox  and  in  the 
way  to  salvation.  But  if  be  examines,  and  thereupon  ques- 
tions any  one  of  them,  he  is  presently  suspected  of  heresy, 
and  if  he  oppose  them  or  hold  the  contrary,  be  is  presently 
condemned  as  in  a  damnable  error,  and  in  the  sure  way  to 
perdition. 

Of  this,  one  may  say,  that  there  is,  nor  can  be,  nothing 
more  wrong.  For  be  that  examines,  and  upon  a  fEur  exam- 
ination embraces  an  error  for  a  truth,  has  done  his  duty,  more 
than  he  who  embraces  the  profession  (for  the  truths  them- 
selves be  does  not  embrace)  of  the  truth  without  having  ex- 
amined whether  it  be  true  or  no.  And  be  that  has  done  bis 
duty,  according  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  is  certainly  more  in 
the  way  to  Heaven  than  he  who  has  done  nothing  oi  it.  For 
if  it  be  our  duty  to  search  after  truth,  he  certainly  that  has 
searched  after  it,  though  be  has  not  found  it,  in  some  points 
has  paid  a  more  acceptoble  obedience  to  the  will  of  bis  Maker, 
than  be  that  ha9  not  searched  at  all,  but  professes  to  have 
found  truth,  when  be  has  neither  searched  nor  found  it.  For 
he  that  takes  up  the  opinions  of  anj  Church  in  the  lump, 
without  examining  them,  has  truly  neither  searched  after  nor 
found  truth,  but  has  only  found  those  that  he  thinks  have 


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EXTRACTS  FEOM  HIS   COMMOK-PLACE  BOOK.  283 

found  truth,  and  so  receives  what  they  say  with  an  implicit 
faith,  and  so  pajs  them  the  homage  that  is  due  only  to  God, 
who  cannot  be  deceived,  nor  deceive. 

In  this  way  the  several  Churches  (in  which,  as  one  may  ob- 
serve, opinions  are  preferred  to  life,  and  orthodoxy  is  that 
which  they  are  concerned  for,  and  not  morals)  put  the  terms 
of  salvation  on  that  which  the  Author  of  our  salvation  does 
not  put  them  in.  The  believing  of  a  collection  of  certain  pro- 
positions, which  are  called  and  esteemed  fundamental  articles, 
because  it  has  pleased  the  compilers  to  put  them  into  their 
confession  of  faith,  is  made  the  condition  of  salvation.  But 
this  believing  is  not,  in  truth,  believing,  but  a  profession  to 
believe ;  for  it  is  enough  to  join  with  those  who  make  the 
same  profession ;  and  ignorance  or  disbjelief  of  some  of  those 
articles  is  well  enough  borne,  and  a  man  is  orthodox  enough 
and  without  any  suspicion,  till  he  begins  to  examine.  As  soon 
as  it  is  perceived  that  he  quits  the  implicit  faith  expected 
though  disowned  by  the  Church,  his  orthodoxy  is  presently 
questioned,  and  he  is  marked  out  for  a  heretic. 

In  this  wajr  of  an  implicit  faith,  I  do  not  deny  but  a  man 
who  believes  in  God  the  Father  Almighty,  and  that  Jesus 
Christ  is  his  only  Son  our  Lord,  may  be  saved,  because  many 
of  the  articles  of  every  sect  are  such  as  a  man  may  be  saved 
without  the  explicit  belief  of.  But  how  the  several  Churches 
who  place  salvation  in  no  less  than  a  knowledge  and  belief  of 
their  several  confessions,  can  content  themselves  with  such 
an  implicit  faith  in  any  of  their  members,  I  must  own  I  do 
not  see. 

The  truth  is,  we  cannot  be  saved  without  performing  some*- 
thing  which  is  the  explicit  believing  of  what  G^d  in  the 
Gospel  has  made  absolutely  necessary  to  salvation  to  be  ex- 
plicitly believed,  and  sincerely  to  obey  what  he  has  there 
commanded.  To  a  man  who  believes  in  Jesus  Christ,  that 
he  is  sent  from  God  to  be  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  the  first 
step  to  orthodoxy  is  a  sincere  obedience  to  his  law. 

Objection — But  'tis  an  ignorant  day-labourer  that  cannot 
so  much  as  read,  and  how  can  he  study  the  Gospel,  and  be- 
come orthodox  that  way?  Answer — A  ploughman  that 
cannot  read,  is  not  so  ignorant  but  he  has  a  conscience,  and 
knows  in  those  few  cases  which  concern  his  own  actions,  what 
is  right  and  what  is  wrong.     Let  him  sincerely  obey  this 


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284       LIFE  AND  LETTEES  OF  JOHK  LOCKB« 

light  of  nature,  it  is  the  transcript  of  the  moral  law  in  the 
Q-ospel ;  and  this,  even  though  there  be  errors  in  it,  wiU  lead 
him  into  all  the  truths  in  the  Gospel  that  are  necessary  for 
him  to  know.  For  he  that  in  earnest  believes  Jesus  Christ 
to  be  sent  from  God,  to  be  his  Lord  and  ruler,  and  does 
sincerely  and  unfeignedly  set  upon  a  good  life  as  far  as  he 
knows  his  duty ;  and  where  he  is  in  doubt  in  any  matter  that 
concerns  himself,  he  cannot  fail  to  inquire  of  those  better 
skilled  in  Christ's  law,  to  tell  him  what  his  Lord  and  Master 
has  commanded  in  the  case,  and  desires  to  have  his  law  read 
to  him  concerning  that  duty  which  he  finds  himself  concerned 
in,  for  the  regulation  of  his  own  actions ;  for  as  for  other  . 
men's  actions,  what  is  right  or  wrong  as  to  them,  that  he  is 
not  concerned  to  know ;  his  business  is  to  live  weU  with  him- 
self, and  do  what  is  his  particular  duty.  This  is  knowledge 
and  orthodoxy  enough  for  him,  which  vdll  be  sure  to  bring 
him  to  salvation, — an  orthodoxy  which  nobody  can  miss,  who 
in  earnest  resolves  to  lead  a  good  life ;  and,  therefore,  I  lay 
it  down  as  a  principle  of  Christianity,  that  the  right  and 
only  way  to  saving  orthodoxy,  is  the  sincere  and  steady  pur- 
pose of  a  good  life. 

Ignorant  of  many  things  contained  in  the  Holy  Scriptures 
we  are  all.  •  Errors  also  concerning  doctrines  delivered  in 
Scripture,  we  have  all  of  us  not  a  few  :  these,  therefore,  can- 
not be  damnable,  if  any  shall  be  saved.  And  if  they  are 
dangerous,  'tis  certain  the  ignorant  and  illiterate  are  safest, 
for  they  have  the  fewest  errors  that  trouble  not  themselves 
with  speculations  above  their  capacities,  or  beside  their  con- 
cern. A  good  life  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  Christ  their 
Lord,  is  their  indispensable  business,  and  if  they  inform 
themselves  concerning  that,  as  far  as  their  particular  duties 
lead  them  to  inquire,  and  oblige  them  to  know,  they  have 
orthodoxy  enough,  and  will  not  be  condemned  for  ignorance 
in  those  speculations  which  they  had  neither  parts,  oppor- 
tunity, nor  leisure  to  know. 

Here  we  may  see  the  difference  between  the  orthodoxy 
required  by  Christianity,  and  the  orthodoxy  required  by  the 
several  sects,  or,  as  they  are  called,  Churches  of  Christians. 
The  one  is  explicitly  to  believe  what  is  indispensably  re- 
quired to  be  believed  as  absolutely  necessary  to  salvation, . 
and  to  know  and  believe  in  the  other  doctrines  of  faith  de- 


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EXTBACTS   FEOM  HIS   COMMON-PLiiOE  BOOK.  285 

livered  in  the  wori  of  God,  as  a  man  has  opportunity,  helps, 
and  parts ;  and  to  inform  himself  in  the  rules  and  measures 
of  his  own  duty  as  far  as  his  actions  are  concerned,  and  to 
pay  a  sincere  obedience  to  them.  But  the  other,  viz.  the 
orthodoxy  required  by  the  several  sects,  is  a  profession  of 
believing  the  whole  bundle  of  their  respective  articles  set 
down  in  each  Church's  system,  without  knowing  the  rules 
of  every  one's  particular  duty,  or  requiring  a  sincere  or  strict 
obedience  to  them.  For  they  are  speculative  opinions,  con- 
fessions of  faith  that  are  insisted  on  in  the  several  commu- 
nions ;  they  must  be  owned  and  subscribed  to,  but  the  pre- 
cepts and  rules  of  morality  and  the  observance  of  them,  1  do 
not  remember  there  is  much  notice  taken  of,  or  any  great 
stir  made  about  a  collection  or  observaiice  of  them,  in  any 
of  the  terras  of  church  communion. 

But  it  is  also  to  be  observed,  that  this  is  much  better  fitted 
to  get  and  retain  church  members  than  the  other  way,  and 
is  much  more  suited  to  that  end,  as  much  as  it  is  easier  to 
make  profession  of  believing  a  certain  collection  of  opinions 
that  one  never  perhaps  so  much  as  reads,  and  several  whereof 
one  could  not  perhaps  understand  if  one  did  read  and  study 
(for  no  more  is  required  than  a  profession  to  believe  them, 
expressed  in  an  acquiescence  that  suffers  one  not  to  question 
or  contradict  any  of  them)  ;  than  it  is  to  practise  the  duties 
of  a  good  life  in  a  sincere  obedience  to  those  precepts  of  the 
Gospel  wherein  his  actions  are  concerned.  Precepts  not 
hard  to  be  known  by  those  who  are  willing  and  ready  to  obey 
them.  J.  L. 

EELiaio. — They  that  change  their  religion  without  full 
conviction,  which  few  men  take  the  way  to  (and  can  never 
be  without  great  piety),  are  not  to  be  trusted,  because  they 
have  either  no  God,  or  have  been  false  to  him ;  for  religion 
admits  of  no  dissembling.  J.  L. 

DispuTiiTio. — One  should  not  dispute  with  a  man  who, 
either  through  stupidity  or  shamelessness,  denies  plain  and 
visible  truths.  J.  L. 

LiNGiTA. — Tell  not  your  business  or  design  to  one  that 
you  are  not  sure  will  help  it  forward.    All  that  are  not  for 


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286  LITB  Ain>  LITTIBB  07  JOHK  LOOEX. 

you  count  against  you,  for  so  they  generally  prove,  either 
through  folly,  envy,  malice,  or  interest.  J.  L. 

Do  not  hear  yourself  say  to  anotiier  what  you  would  not 
have  another  hear  from  him.  J.  L. 

VoLTTBrTAS. — Let  vour  will  lead  whither  necessity  would 
drive,  and  you  will  always  preserve  your  liberty.        J.  L. 

8A.0EBD0S. 

There  were  two  sorts  of  teachers  amongst  the  ancients : 
those  who  professed  to  teach  them  the  arts  of  propitiation 
and  atonement,  and  these  were  properly  their  priests,  who 
for  the  most  pajrt  made  themselves  the  mediators  betwixt  the 
gods  and  men,  wherein  they  performed  all  or  the  principal 
part,  at  least  nothing  was  done  without  them.  The  laity 
had  but  a  small  part  of  the  performance,  unless  it  were  in 
the  charge  of  it,  and  that  was  wholly  theirs.  The  chief,  at 
least  the  essential,  and  sanctifying  psurt  of  the  ceremony,  was 
always  the  priests',  and  the  people  could  do  nothing  without 
them.  The  ancients  had  another  sort  of  teachers,  who  were 
called  philosophers.  These  led  their  schools,  and  professed 
to  instruct  those  who  would  apply  to  them  in  the  knowledge 
of  things  and  the  rules  of  virtue.  These  meddled  not  with 
the  public  religion,  worship,  or  ceremonies,  but  left  them  en- 
tirely to  the  priests,  as  the  priests  left  the  instruction  of  men 
in  natural  and  moral  knowledge  wholly  to  the  philosophers. 
Theae  two  parts  or  provinces  of  knowledge  thus  under  the 
government  of  two  distinct  sorts  of  men,  seem  to  be  founded 
upon  the  supposition  of  two  clearly  distinct  originals,  viz. 
revelation  and  reason :  for  the  priests  never  for  any  of  their 
ceremonies  or  forms  of  worship  pleaded  reason ;  but  always 
urged  their  sacred  observances  from  the  pleasure  of  the  gods, 
antiquity,  and  tradition,  which  at  last  resolves  all  their  estab- 
lished rites  into  nothing  but  revelation.  "  Cum  de  religione 
agitur,  T.  Coruncanum,  P.  Scipionem,  P.  ScsBvolam,  pontifices 
maximos,  non  Zenonem  aut  Cleanthem  aut  Chrysippum 
sequor  .  .  .  A  te  philosopho  rationem  accipere  debeo 
religionis,  majoribus  autem  nostris  etiam  nullS,  ratione  red- 
dit£t  credere."  Cic.  de  Nat.  Deor.  The  philosophers,  on  the 
other  side,  pretended  to  nothing  but  reason  in  all  that  they 


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£XTEiLCTS  PBOM  HIS  OOMMOK-PLACE  BOOK.     *      287 

said,  and  from  thence  owned  to  fetch  all  their  doctrines ; 
though  how  little  their  lives  answered  their  own  rules,  whilst 
they  studied  ostentation  and  vanity,  rather  than  solid  virtue, 
Cicero  tells  us,  Tusc.  Qusest.  1.  2,  c.  4. 

Jesus  Christ,  bringing  by  revelation  from  Heaven  the  true 
religion  to  mankind,  reunited  these  two  again,  religion  and 
morality,  as  the  inseparable  parts  of  the  worship  of  Gk>d, 
which  ought  never  to  have  been  separated,  wherein  for  the 
obtaining  the  favour  and  forgiveness  of  the  Deity,  the  chief 
part  of  what  man  could  do  consisted  in  a  holy  life,  and  little 
or  nothing  at  aD.  was  left  to  outward  ceremony,  which  was 
therefore  almost  wholly  cashiered  out  of  this  true  religion, 
and  only  two  very  jjlain  and  simple  institutions  introduced, 
all  pompous  rites  being  wholly  abolished,  and  no  more  of  out- 
ward performances  commanded  but  just  so  much  as  decency 
and  order  required  in  the  actions  of  public  assemblies.  This 
being  the  state  of  this  true  reli^on  coming  immediately  from 
God  himself,  the  ministers  oi  it,  who  also  call  themselves 

Eriests,  have  assumed  to  themselves  the  parts  both  of  the 
eathen  priests  and  philosophers,  and  claim  a  right  not  only, 
to  perform  all  the  outward  acts  of  the  Christian  religion  in 
public,  and  to  regulate  the  ceremonies  to  be  used  there,  but 
also  to  teach  men  their  duties  of  morality  towards  one  another 
and  towards  themselves,  and  to  prescribe  to  them  in  the  con- 
duct of  their  lives. 

Though  the  magistrate  have  a  power  of  commanding  or  for- 
bidding things  indifferent  which  have  a  relation  to  religion, 
yet  this  can  only  be  within  that  Church  whereof  he  himself 
IS  a  member,  who  being  a  lawgiver  in  matters  indifferent  in 
the  commonwealth  under  his  jurisdiction,  as  it  is  purely  a 
civil  society,  for  their  peace,  is  fittest  also  to  be  lawgiver  in 
the  religious  society  (which  yet  must  be  understood  to  be 
only  a  voluntary  society  and  during  every  member's  pleasure), 
in  matters  indifferent,  for  decency  and  order,  for  the  peace  of 
that  too.  But  I  do  not  see  how  hereby  he  hath  any  power  to 
order  and  direct  even  matters  indifferent  in  the  circumstances 
of  a  worship,  or  within  a  Church  whereof  he  is  not  professor 
or  member.  '  It  is  true  he  may  forbid  such  things  as  may 
tend  to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace  of  the  commonwealth 
to  be  done  by  any  of  his  people,  whether  they  esteem  them 
civil  or  reh'gious.    This  is  his  proper  business ;  but  to  com- 


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2S8  LITE   AND   LETTEBS   OP   JOHIT  LOCKE. 

mand  or  direct  any  circumstances  of  a  worship  as  part  of  the 
religious  worship  which  he  himself  does  not  profess  nor  ap- 
prove, is  altogether  without  his  authority,  and  absurd  to  sup- 
pose. Can  any  one  think  it  reasonable,  yea,  or  practicable, 
that  a  Christian  prince  should  direct  the  form  of  Mahometan 
worship,  the  whole  religion  being  thought  by  him  false  and 
profane  ?  and  vice  versa ;  and  yet  it  is  not  impossible  that  a 
Christian  prince  should  have  Mahometan  subjects  who  may 
deserve  all  civil  freedom;  and  de facto  the  Turk  hath  Christian 
subjects.  As  absurd  would  it  be  that  a  magistrate,  either 
Popish,  Protestant,  Lutheran,  Presbyterian,  Quaker,  &c., 
should  prescribe  a  form  to  any  or  all  of  the  different  Churches 
in  their  ways  of  worship ;  the  reason  whereof  is  because  re- 
ligious worship  being  that  homage  which  every  man  pays  his 
God,  he  cannot  do  it  in  any  other  way,  nor  use  any  other 
rites,  ceremonies,  nor  forms,  even  of  indifferent  things,  than 
he  himself  is  persuaded  are  acceptable  and  pleasing  to  the 
Q-od  he  worships  ;  which  depending  upon  his  opinion  of  his 
God,  and  what  will  best  please  him,  it  is  impossible  for  one 
man  to  prescribe  or  direct  any  one  circumstam»e  of  it  to  an- 
other: and  this  being  a  thing  different  and  independent 
wholly  from  every  man's  concerns  in  the  civil  society,  which 
hath  nothing  to  do  with  a  man's  affairs  in  the  other  world, 
the  magistrate  hath  here  no  more  right  to  intermeddle  than 
any  private  man,  and  has  less  right  to  direct  the  form  of  it, 
than  he  has  to  prescribe  to  a  subject  of  his  in  what  manner 
be  shall  do  his  homage  to  another  prince  to  whom  he  is  feud- 
atory, for  something  which  he  holds  immediately  from  him, 
which,  whether  it  be  standing,  kneeling,  or  prostrate,  bare- 
headed or  barefooted,  whether  in  this  or  that  habit,  &c.,  con- 
cerns not  his  allegiance  to  him  at  all,  nor  his  well  govern- 
ment of  his  people.  For  though  the  things  in  themselves 
are  perfectly  indifferent,  and  it  may  be  trivial,  yet  as  to  the 
worshipper,  when  he  considers  them  as  required  by  his  God, 
or  forbidden,  pleasing,  or  displeasing  to  the  invisible  power 
he  addresses,  they  are  by  no  means  so  until  you  have  altered 
his  opinion  (which  persuasion  can  only  do), — you  can  by  no 
means,  nor  vsdthout  the  greatest  tyranny,  prescribe  him  a 
way  of  worship  ;  which  was  so  unreasonable  to  do,  that  we 
find  scarce  any  attempt  towards  it  by  the  magistrates  in  the 
several  societies  of  mankind  till  Christianity  was  well  gro^n 


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EXTEACTS  rEOM  HIS   COMMOIl-PLACB   BOOK.  289 

up  in  the  world,  and  was  become  a  national  religion ;  and 
since  that  it  hath  been  the. cause  of  more  disorders,  tumults, 
and  bloodshed,  than  all  other  causes  put  together. 

But  far  be  it  from  any  one  to  thin\  Christ  the  author  of 
those  disorders,  or  that  such  fatal  mischiefs  are  the  conse- 
quence of  his  doctrine,  though  they  have  grown  up  with  it. 
Antichrist  has  sown  those  tares  in  the  field  of  the  Church, 
the  rise  whereof  hath  been  only  hence,  that  the  clergy,  by 
degrees,  as  Christianity  spread,  affecting  dominion,  laid  claim 
to  a  priesthood,  derived  by  succession  from  Christ,  and  so 
independent  from  the  civil  power,  receiving  (as  they  pretend) 
by  the  imposition  of  hands,  and  some  other  ceremonies  agreed 
on  (but  variously)  by  the  priesthoods  of  the  several  factions, 
an  indelible  character,  particular  sanctity,  and  a  power  im- 
mediately from  Heaven  to  do  several  things  which  are  not 
lawful  to  be  done  by  other  men.  The  chief  whereof  are — 
1st,  To  teach  opinions  concerning  God,  a  future  state,  and 
ways  of  worship.  2nd,  To  do  and  perform  themselves  cer- 
tain rites  exclusive  of  others,  3rd,  To  punish  dissenters 
from  their  doctrines  and  rules.  Whereas  it  is  evident  from 
Scripture,  that  all  priesthood  terminated  in  the  G-reat  High 
Priest,  Jesus  Christ,  who  was  the  last  Priest.  There  are  no 
footsteps  in  Scriptures  of  any  so  set  apart,  with  such  powers 
as  they  pretend  to,  after  the  Apostles'  time ;  nor  that  had 
any  indelible  character.  That  it  is  to  be  made  out,  that 
there  is  nothing  which  a  priest  can  do  which  another  man 
without  any  such  ordination  (if  other  circumstances  of  fit- 
ness, and  an  appointment  to  it,  not  disturbing  peace  and 
order,  concur),  may  not  lawfully  perform  and  do,  and  the 
Church  and  worship  of  God  be  preserved,  as  the  peace  of  the 
state  may  be  by  justices  of  the  peace,  and  other  officers,  who 
had  no  ordination,  or  laying  on  of  hands,  to  fet  them  to  be 
lustices,  and  by  taking  away  their  commissions  may  cease  to 
be  so ;  so  ministers,  as  well  as  justices,  are  necessary,  one 
for  the  administration  of  religious  public  worship^  the  other 
of  civil  justice ;  but  an  indelible  character,  peculiar  sanctity 
of  the  function,  or  a  power  immediately  derived  from  Heaven, 
is  not  necessary,  or  as  much  as  convenient,  for  either. 

But  the  clergy  (as  they  call  themselves)  of  the  Christian 
religion,  in  imitation  of  the  Jewish  priesthood,  having,  almost 
ever  since  the  first  ages  of  the  Cfhurch,  laid  claim  to  this 

V 


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290  LIFE  AITD  LXTTEBS  OT  JOKS  LOCKS. 

power,  separate  from  civil  government,  as  received  from  God 
nimself^  have,  wherever  the  civil  magistrate  hath  been  Chris- 
tian and  of  their  opinion,  and  superior  in  power  to  the  clergy, 
and  they  not  able  to  cope  with  him,  pretended  this  power 
only  to  be  spiritual,  and  to  extend  no  further;  but  yet  still 
pressed,  as  a  duty  on  the  magistrate,  to  punish  and  persecute 
those  whom  they  disliked  and  declared  against.  And  so 
when  they  excommunicated,  their  under  officer,  the  magis- 
trate, was  to  execute ;  and  to  reward  princes  for  their  doing 
their  drudgery,  they  have  (whenever  princes  have  been  ser- 
viceable to  their  ends)  been  careful  to  preach  up  monarchy 
juredivino;  for  commonwealths  have  hitherto  been  less 
favourable  to  their  power.  But  notwithstanding  the  jus 
divmum  of  monarchy,  when  any  prince  hath  dared  to  dissent 
from  their  doctrines  or  forms,  or  been  less  apt  to  execute 
the  decrees  of  the  hierarchy,  they  have  been  the  first  and 
forwardest  in  giving  check  to  his  authority,  and  disturbance 
to  his  government.  And  princes,  on  the  other  side,  being 
apt  to  hearken  to  such  as  seem  to  advance  their  authority, 
and  bring  in  religion  to  the  assistance  of  their  absolute 
power,  have  been  generally  very  ready  to  worry  those  sheep 
who  have  ever  so  little  straggled  out  of  those  shepherds'  folds, 
where  they  were  kept  in  order  to  be  shorn  by  them  both,  and 
to  be  howled  on  both  upon  subjects  and*  neighbours  at  their 
pleasure :  and  hence  have  come  most  of  those  calamities 
which  have  so  long  disturbed  and  wasted  Christendom. 
Whilst  the  magistrate,  being  persuaded  it  is  his  duty  to 
punish  those  the  clergy  please  to  call  heretics,  schismatics, 
or  fanatics,  or  else  taugnt  to  apprehend  danger  from  dissen- 
sion in  religion,  thinks  it  his  interest  to  suppress  them — per- 
secutes all  who  observe  not  the  same  forms  in  the  religious 
worship  which  is  set  up  in  his  country.  The  people,  on  the 
other  side,  finding  the  mischiefs  that  &11  on  them  for  wor- 
shipping God  according  to  their  own  persuasions,  enter  into 
confederacies  and  combinations  to  secure  themselves  as  well 
as  they  can ;  so  that  oppression  and  vexation  on  one  side, 
self-defence  and  desire  of  religious  liberty  on  the  other,  create 
dislikes,  jealousies,  apprehensions,  and  factions,  which  seldom 
fiul  to  break  out  into  downright  persecution,  or  open  war. 

*  It  is  thus  in  the  original,  but,  I  confess,  it  is  not  intelligible. 


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BXTEACTS  TBOM  HIS   COMMOir-PLA.OB  BOOK.  291 

But  notwithstanding  the  liberality  of  the  clergy  to  princes, 
when  they  have  not  strength  enough  to  deal  with  them,  be 
very  large  ;  yet  when  they  are  once  in  a  condition  to  strive 
with  them  K)r  the  mastery,  then  is  it  seen  how  far  their 
spiritual  power  extends,  and  how,  in  ordine  ad  spiritualia, 
absolute  temporal  power  comes  in.  So  that  ordination,  that 
begins  in  priesthood,  if  it  be  let  alone,  will  certainly  grow  up 
to  absolute  empire ;  and  though  Christ  declares  himself  to 
have  no  kingdom  of  this  world,  his  successors  have  (when- 
ever they  can  but  grasp  the  power)  a  large  commission  to 
execute ;  and  that  a  rigorously  civil  dominion.  The  Pope- 
dom hath  been  a  large  and  lasting  instance  of  this.  And 
what  Presbytery  could  do,  even  in  its  infancy  when  it  had  a 
little  humbled  the  magistrates,  let  Scotland  show. 

PiiTBiiB  Amob  is  from  the  idea  of  settlement  there,  and 
not  leaving  it  again,  the  mind  not  being  satisfied  with  any 
thing  that  suggests  often  to  it  the  thoughts  of  leaving  it, 
which  naturally  attends  a  man  in  a  strange  country.  Por 
though,  in  general,  we  think  of  dying,  and  so  leaving  the 
place  where  we  have  set  up  our  rest  in  this  world,  yet,  in 
particular,  deferring  and  putting  it  off  from  time  to  time,  we 
make  our  stay  there  eternal,  because  we  never  set  precise 
bounds  to  our  abode  there,  and  never  think  of  leaving  it  in 
good  earnest. 

Amob  PiiTBi-ai. — The  remembrance  of  pleasures  and  con- 
veniences we  have  had  there ;  the  love  of  our  friends,  whose 
conversation  and  assistance  may  be  pleasant  and  useful  to  us ; 
and  the  thoughts  of  recommending  ourselves  to  our  old  ac- 
quaintance, by  the  improvements  we  shall  bring  home,  either 
of  our  fortunes  or  abilities,  or  the  increase  of  esteem  we  ex- 
pect for  having  travelled  and  seen  more  than  others  of  this 
world,  and  the  strange  things  in  it ;  all  these  preserve  in  us, 
in  long  absence,  a  constant  affection  to  our  country,  and  a 
desire  to  return  to  it.  But  yet  I  think  this  is  not  all,  nor 
the  chief  cause,  that  keeps  in  us  a  longing  after  our  country. 
"Whilst  we  are  abroad  we  look  on  ourselves  as  strangers  there, 
and  are  always  thinking  of  departing ;  we  set  not  up  our 
rest,  but  often  see  or  think  of  the  end  of  our  being  tnere  ; 
and  the  mind  is  not  easily  satisfied  with  anything  it  can  reach 
to  the  end  of.    But  when  we  are  returned  to  our  country, 

u2 


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292  LIFE   Ain>  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKS. 

where  we  think  of  a  lasting  aboae,  wherein  to  set  up  our 
rest,  an  everlasting  abode,  for  we  seldom  think  of  anything 
beyond  it,  we  do  not  propose  to  ourselves  another  country 
whither  we  think  to  ^move  and  establish  ourselves  after- 
wards. This  is  that,  I  imagine,  that  sets  mankind  so  con- 
stantly upon  desires  of  returning  to  their  country,  because 
they  think  no  more  of  leaving  it  again  ;  and,  therefore,  men 
married,  and  settled  in  any  place,  are  much  more  cold  in  these 
desires.  And,  I  believe,  when  any  one  thinks  often  of  this 
world,  as  of  a  place  wherein  he  is  not  to  make  any  long  abode, 
where  he  can  have  no  lasting  fixed  settlement,  but  that  he 
sees  the  bounds  of  his  stay  here,  and  often  reflects  upon  his 
departure,  he  will  presently  upon  it  put  on  the  thoughts  of 
a  stranger,  be  much  more  indifferent  to  the  particular  place 
of  his  nativity,  and  no  more  fond  of  it  than  a  traveller  is  of 
any  foreign  country,  when  he  thinks  he  must  leave  them  all 
indifferently  to  return  and  settle  in  his  native  soiL 

The  following  remarkable  passage,  containing,  as  it  does, 
the  substance  of  Paley's  argument,  must  have  been  written 
very  early,  being  found  in  the  tenth  page  of  the  first  Com- 
mon-Place Book,  dat^d  1661. 

"  Virtue,  as  in  its  obligation  it  is  the  will  of  Gk)d,  dis- 
covered by  natural  reason,  and  thus  has  the  force  of  a  law ; 
so  in  the  matter  of  it,  it  is  nothing  else  but  doing  of  good, 
either  to  oneself  or  others  ;  and  the  contrary  hereunto,  vice, 
is  nothing  else  but  doing  of  harm.  Thus  the  bounds  of  tem- 
perance are  prescribed  by  the  health,  estates,  and  the  use  of 
our  time :  justice,  truth,  and  mercy,  by  the  good  or  evil  they 
are  likely  to  produce  ;  since  everyboay  allows  one  may  with 
justice  deny  another  the  possession  of  his  own  sword,  when 
there  is  reason  to  believe  he  would  make  use  of  it  to  his  own 
harm. 

"  But  since  men  in  society  are  in  a  far  different  estate  than 
when  considered  single  and  alone,  the  instances  and  measujres 
of  virtue  and  vice  are  very  different  under  these  two  con- 
siderations ;  for  though,  as  I  said  before,  the  measures  of 
temperance,  to  a  solitary  man,  be  none  but  those  above-men- 
tioned ;  yet  if  he  be  a  member  of  a  society,  it  may,  accord* 
ing  to  the  station  he  has  in  it,  receive  measures  from  reputa» 
tion  and  example ;  so  that  what  would  be  no  vicious  excess 


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BXTBAOTS  TBOM  HIS  COMMON-FLAOE  BOOS.  293 

in  a  retired  obscurity,  may  be  a  very  great  one  amongst  peo- 
ple who  think  ill  of  such  excess,  because,  by  lessening  his 
esteem  amotigst  them,  it  makes  a  man  incapable  of  having 
the  authority,  and  doing  the  good  which  otherwise  he  might. 
For  esteem  and  reputation  being  a  sort  of  moral  strength, 
whereby  a  man  is  enabled  to  do,  as  it  were,  by  an  augmented 
force,  that  which  others,  of  equal  natural  parts  and  natural 
power,  cannot  do  without  it ;  he  that  by  any  intemperance 
weakens  this  his  moral  strengfth,  does  himself  as  much  harm 
as  if  by  intemperance  he  weakened  the  natural  strength 
either  of  his  mind  or  body,  and  so  is  equally  vicious  by  doing 
harm  to  himself. 

"  This,  if  well  considered,  will  give  us  better  boundaries  of 
virtue  and  vice,  than  curious  questions  stated  with  the  nicest 
distinctions  ;  that  being  always  the  greatest  vice  whose  con- 
sequences draw  after  it  the  greatest  harm ;  and  therefore  the 
injury  and  mischiefs  done  to  society  are  much  more  culpable 
than  those  done  to  private  men,  though  ^ith  greater  personal 
aggravation!.  And  so  many  things  naturaUy  become  vices 
amongst  men  in  society,  which  without  that  would  be  inno- 
cent actions.  Thus  for  a  man  to  cohabit  and  have  children 
by  one  or  more  women,  who  ate  at  their  own  disposal ;  and 
when  they  think  fit  to  part  again,  I  see  not  how  it  can  be 
condemned  as  a  vice,  since  nobody  is  harmed,  supposing  it 
done  amongst  persons  considered  as  separate  from  the  rest 
of  mankind.  But  yet  this  hinders  not  but  it  is  a  vice  of 
deep  dye  when  the  same  thing  is  done  in  a  society  wherein 
modesty,  the  great  virtue  of  the  weaker  sex,  has  often  other 
rules  and  bounds  set  by  custom  and  reputation,  than  what  it 
has  by  direct  instances  of  the  law  of  nature  in  a  solitude  or 
an  estate  separate  from  the  opinion  of  this  or  that  society. 
For  if  a  woman,  by  transgressing  those  bounds  which  the  re- 
ceived opinion  of  her  country  or  religion,  and  not  nature  or 
reason,  have  set  to  modesty,  has  drawn  any  blemish  on  her 
reputation,  she  may  run  the  risk  of  being  exposed  to  infamy,- 
and  other  mischiefs,  amongst  which  the  least  is  not  the 
danger  of  losing  the  comforts  of  a  conjugal  settlement,  and 
therewith  the  chief  end  of  her  being,  the  propagation  of 
mankind." 

ScBiPTUBA  Sacba. — A  Vindication  of  the  Divine  Authority 


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294  LIPS  JlSB  LETTEBS   of  JOHK  LOCKE. 

and  Inspiration  of  the  Writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment.   By  William  Lowth.     8vo.  Ox.  92,  p.  288. 

*A11  the  books  have  not  an  equal  inspiration.'  1  Q.  What 
is  equal  inspiration  ?  if  the  New  be  inspired,  the  Old  is,  be- 
cause of  the  testimony  given  to  the  Old  by  the  New.  2  Q. 
Inspired,  because  designed  by  Q-od  for  the  perpetual  use  and 
instruction  of  the  Church,  and  to  be  a  rule  of  the  Christian 
faith  in  all  ages.  3  Q.  Whether,  by  the  same  reason,  they 
must  not  be  very  plain,  and  their  sense  infallibly  intelligible 
to  those  to  whom  they  are  to  be  a  rule  ? 

*  An  inspired  writing  is  what  is  wrt  by  the  incitation,  di- 
rection, and  assistance  of  G-od,  and  designed  by  him  for  the 
perpetual  use  of  the  Church.'  Q.  What  is  meant  by  incita- 
tion, direction,  and  assistance  in  the  case  P  4  Q.  Whether 
that  may  not  be  inspired  which  is  not  designed  for  the  per- 
petual use  of  the  Church  ?  '  Ood  designed  to  provide  a  means 
for  preserving  the  doctrine  of  Christ  to  the  end  of  the  world.' 
5  Q.  Will  it  thence  follow  that  all  that  St  Luke  writ  was 
inspired  ? 

'Writing,  the  best  ordinary  means  of  conveying  doctrine 
to  after-ages ;  for  Gtoi  never  works  more  miracles  than  needs 
must.'  6  Q.  Whether,  therefore,  all  in  the  New  Testament 
was  appointed  by  Ood  to  be  written  ? 

*Oral  tradition  not  so  good.  Particular  revelation  not 
pretended  to  but  by  enthusiasts.'  7  Q.  Whether  the  name, 
enthusiasts,  answers  their  arguments  for  particular  revela- 
tion. 

By  writings,  preserved  in  the  ordinary  methods  of  provi- 
dence, men  may  as  weU  know  the  revealed  will  of  God,  as 
they  can  know  the  histories  of  former  ages,  and  the  opinions 
of  philosophers,'  &c.  8  Q.  Will  as  wefl  serve  the  turn,  for 
that  is  with  great  uncertainty. 

*  God  made  use  of  writing  for  the  instruction  of  the  Jewish 
Church.  Moses,  by  God's  direction,  wrote  his  law  in  a  book.' 
10  Q.  Whether  then  the  argument  be  not,  the  Old  Testament 
was  inspired,  therefore  the  New  is  ? 

*  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  Apostles  should  take 
care  to  provide  some  certain  means  of  instruction  for  the 
Christian  Church  in  conformity  to  the  Jewish.'  11  Q.  When 
the  author  writ  this,  whether  he  thought  not  of  it  as  a  hu- 
man contrivance?    'St  Matthew  writ  particularly  for  the 


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EXTBACTS  TBOM  HIS   OOlOiOK-PLiiCB  BOOK.  295 

use  of  the  Jews  he  had  preached  to.'     12  Q.  Whether  then 
he  had  any  thoughts  that  it  should  be  a  uniyersal  rule  ? 

BLECTIO. 

I  cannot  see  of  what  use  the  Doctrine  of  Election  and 
Perseverance  is,  unless  it  be  to  lead  men  into  presumption 
and  a  neglect  of  their  duties,  being  once  persuaded  that  they 
are  in  a  state  of  grace,  which  is  a  state  they  are  told  they 
cannot  fall  from.  Eor,  since  nobody  can  ^ow  that  be  is 
elected  but  by  having  true  faith,  and  nobody  can  know  when 
he  has  such  a  faith  that  he  cannot  fall  m)m,  common  and 
saving  faith,  as  they  are  distinguished,  being  so  alike  that  he 
that  has  faith  cannot  distinguish  whether  it  be  such  as  he 
can  fall  from  or  no  (vide  Calvin,  Inst.  1.  3,  c.  2,  6, 12), — 
who  is  elected,  or  has  faith  from  which  he  cannot  fall,  can 
only  be  known  by  the  event  at  the  last  day,  and  therefore  is 
in  vain  talked  of  now  till  the  marks  of  such  a  faith  be  cer- 
tainly given. 

EccLESiA. — Hooker's  description  of  the  Church,  1.  1,  § 
15,  amounts  to  this,  that  it  is  a  supernatural  but  voluntary 
society,  wherein  a  man  associates  hunself  to  God,  angels,  and 
hol^  men.  The  original  of  it,  he  says,  is  the  same  as  of  other 
societies,  viz.  an  inclination  unto  sociable  life,  and  a  consent 
to  the  bond  of  association,  which  is  the  law  and  order  they 
are  associated  in.  That  which  makes  it  supernatural  is,  that 
part  of  the  bond  of  their  association  is  a  law  revealed  concern- 
ing what  worship  God  would  have  done  unto  him,  which 
natural  reason  could  not  have  discovered.  So  that  the  wor- 
ship of  Gk)d  so  far  forth  as  it  has  anything  in  it  more  than 
the  law  of  reason  doth  teach,  may  not  be  invented  of  men. 
From  whence  I  think  it  will  follow :  1st,  That  the  Church 
being  a  supernatural  society,  and  a  society  by  consent,  the 
secular  power,  which  is  purdy  natural,  nor  any  other  power, 
can  compel  one  to  be  of  any  particular  Church  society,  there 
being  many  such  to  be  found.  2nd,  That  the  end  of  entering 
into  such  society  being  only  to  obtam  the  favour  of  God,  by 
offering  him  an  acceptable  worship,  nobody  can  impose  any 
ceremonies  unless  positively  and  clearly  by  revelation  en- 
joined, any  further  than  every  one  who  joins  in  the  use  of 
them  is  persuaded  in  his  conscience  they  are  acceptable  to 


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296  LITE  AND   LSTTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

God ;  for  if  his  conscience  condemns  any  part  of  unreyealed 
worship,  he  cannot  by  any  sanction  of  men  be  obliged  to  it. 
3rd,  That  since  a  part  of  the  bond  of  the  association  is  a  re- 
Tealed  law,  this  part  only  is  unalterable,  and  the  other,  which 
is  human,  depends  wholly  on  consent,  and  so  is  alterable, 
and  a  man  is  neld  by  such  laws,  or  to  such  a  particular  so- 
ciety, no  longer  than  he  himself  doth  consent.  4tb,  I  imagine 
that  the  original  of  the  society  is  not  from  our  inclination, 
as  he  says,  to  a  sociable  life,  for  that  may  be  fully  satisfied 
in  other  societies,  but  from  the  obligation  man,  by  the  light 
of  reason,  finds  himself  under,  to  own  and  worship  G-od  pub- 
licly in  the  world.  J.  L. 

SuPEESTiTio. — The  true  cause  and  rise  of  superstition  is 
indeed  nothing  else  but  a  false  opinion  of  the  Deity,  that 
renders  him  dreadful  and  terrible  as  being  rigorous  and 
imperious ;  that  which  represents  him  as  austere  and  apt  to 
be  angry,  but  yet  impotent  and  easy  to  be  appeased  again 
by  some  flattering  devotions,  especially  if  performed  with 
sanctimonious  shows  and  a  solemn  sadness  of  mind :  this 
root  of  superstition  diversely  branched  forth  itself  sometimes 
into  magic  and  exorcisms,  oftentimes  into  pedantical  rites 
and  idle  observations  of  things  and  times,  as  Theophrastus 
has  largely  set  forth.  Superstition  is  made  up  of  apprehen- 
sion of  evil  from  God,  and  hopes,  by  formal  and  outward  ad- 
dresses to  him,  to  appease  him  without  real  amendment  of 
Ufe.  J.  L. 

Teaditio. — ^The  Jews,  the  Eomanists,  and  the  Turks,  who 
all  three  pretend  to  guide  themselves  by  a  law  revealed  from 
Heaven,  which  shows  them  the  way  to  happiness,  do  yet  all 
of  them  have  recourse  very  frequently  to  tradition,  as  a  rule 
of  no  less  authority  than  their  own  written  law,  whereby  they 
seem  to  allow  that  the  divine  law  (however  God  be  willing  to 
reveal  it)  is  not  capable  to  be  conveyed  by  writings  to  man- 
kind, distant  in  place  and  time,  languages  and  customs ;  and 
so,  through  the  defect  of  language,  no  positive  law  of  right- 
eousness can  be  that  way  conveyed  sufficiently  and  with  exact- 
ness to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth  in  remote  generations ; 
and  so  must  resolve  all  into  natural  religion  and  that  light 
which  every  man  has  born  with  him.     Or  else  they  give  oc- 


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EXTBiiOTS  PROM  HIS   OOMMOK-PLiiOE  BOOK.  297 

casion  to  inquiriiig  men  to  suspect  the  integrity  of  tbeir 

Eriests  and  teachers,  who,  unwilling  that  the  people  should 
ave  a  standing  known  rule  of  faith  and  manners,  have,  for 
the  maintenance  of  their  own  authority,  foisted  in  another  of 
tradition,  which  will  always  be  in  their  own  power,  to  be 
varied  and  suited  to  their  own  interests  and  occasions. 

J.L. 
Q.  Whether  the  Bramins,  besides  their  book  of  Sandscrit, 
make  use  also  of  tradition,  and  so  of  others  who  pretend  to  a 
revealed  religion  ? 

Fkitabia. — The  Eathers  before  the  Council  of  Nice  speak 
rather  like  Arians  than  orthodox.  If  any  one  desire  to  see 
undeniable  proofs  of  it,  I  refer  him  to  the  Quatemio  of  Cur- 
cillasus,  where  he  will  be  ftdly  satisfied. 

There  is  scarcely  one  text  sJleged  to  the  Trinitarians  which 
is  not  otherwise  expounded  by  their  own  writers :  you  may 
see  a  great  number  of  these  texts  and  expositions  in  a  boot 
entitled  Scriptura  S.  Trin.  Eevelatrix,  under  the  name  of  St 
Gtdlus.  There  be  a  multitude  of  texts  that  deny  those 
things  of  Christ  which  cannot  be  denied  of  God,  and  that 
affirm  such  things  of  him  that  cannot  agree  to  him  if  he  were 
a  person  of  Oroa,  In  like  manner  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  which 
01  both  sorts  you  may  find  urged  and  defended  in  the  two 
books  of  Jo.  Crellius,  touching  one  G-od  the  Father,  and 
abridged  in  Walzogenius  Praepar.  ad  Ftil.  Lection.  N.  T.  2, 
3,  4,  and  also  in  the  Brief  History,  let.  1,  6. 

ViTii  ETEBirii. — There  was  no  particular  promise  of  eternal 
life  until  the  coming  of  Christ ;  so  the  Church  of  Christ  have 
tdw&ys  understood  it,  as  any  one  may  be  satisfied  who  reads 
J.  Vossius's  Answer  to  Bavenspergerus,  c.  23,  where  he  shows 
that  the  ancient  Doctors,  especiaUy  St  Austin,  looked  upon 
the  Old  Testament  as  containing  properly  and  directly  the 
promises  only  of  earthly  and  temporal  things.'  Patrick,  667. 
Eeade,  b.  2. 

LiBBBiTM  Abbitbium. — Of  the  ancient  philosophers  who 
have  i^Titten  either  professedly  or  incidentally  of  hberty  and 
necessity,  the  chief  of  these  Plato  de  Eepub.  1.  2  and  3 ; 
G-orgia,  Tim.,  Ph»dro,  and  often  elsewhere;  Plutarch  de 


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298  Lirs  Ain)  littsbs  of  johk  looej:. 

Fato ;  Hierodes  in  Aurea  Carmina  and  de  Fato ;  Maximus 
Tyrius  an  fdiquid  sit  in  nostr^  Fotestate;  Plotinus,  1.  1; 
Chalcidius  Coment.  in  TimsBum ;  Alexander  Aphrodisiensis 
de  Fato  ad  Imperatores  Antoninos;  Ammonius  Herm.  in 
Arist.  de  Interpret. ;  Chrysippus  a]^ud  A.  Gellium,  1.  vi.  c.  11. 
The  Pharisees  neld  freedom  of  choice,  Josephus  Ant.  1.  piii. 
c.  11 ;  and  all  the  Jews,  Maimonidos  Duct.  I)ubit.  part  iii.  c. 
17  and  18.  All  the  Fathers  before  St  Austin  held  free-will ; 
most  Christian  writers  since  deny  it.  That  external  objects 
and  natural  complexion,  custom,  &c»  &c.,  are  occasions  of  a 
great  part. 

Tehjitt. — ^The  Papists  deny  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  can  be  proved  by  the  Scripture ;  see  this  plainly  taught 
and  urged  very  earnestly  by  Card.  Hosius  de  Auth.  S. 
Script.  1.  iii.  p.  63 ;  Gt)rdonius  Hunlieius  Contr.  Tom.  Cont. 
de  Verbo  Dei,  c.  19 ;  Gretserus  and  Tanerus  in  Colloquio 
lEtattisbon.  Yega.  Possevin.  Wiekus.  These  learned  men, 
^ecially  Bellarmin,  and  Wiekus  after  him,  have  urged  all 
the  Scriptures  they  could,  with  their  utmost  industry,  find 
out  in  this  cause,  and  yet,  after  all,  they  acknowledge  their 
insufficiency  and  obscurity. 

CurcillflBus  has  proved,  as  well  as  anything  can  be  proved 
out  of  ancient  writings,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  I^Huiityy 
about  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Mce,  was  of  a  special  union 
of  three  persons  in  the  Deity,  and  not  of  a  numerical,  as  it  is 
now  taught,  and  has  been  taught  since  the  chimerical  school- 
men were  hearkened  unto. 

Concerning  the  original  of  the  Trinitarian  doctrines,  from 
whom  they  are  derived  or  by  whom  they  were  invented,  he 
that  is  generally  and  indeed  deservedly  confessed  to  have 
writ  the  most  learnedly,  is  Dr  Cudworth,  in  his  Intellectual 
System. 

Teikitt. — The  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  not  believed, 
or,  as  I  think,  so  much  as  mentioned,  by  any  in  the  time  of 
Lactantius,  i.  e.  anno  800,  vide  Lact.  Inst.  1.  4,  c.  29; 
Petavius  de  Trin.  1,  c.  14,  §  14,  21 ;  Huet.  Originian.  1. 2,  c. 
2,  6.  2,  §. 


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MISCELLANEOUS  PAPERS. 


JXTDGINO — ELECTION — BESOLUTIOK. 

JxTDGiKa  is  a  bare  action  of  the  understanding,  whereby  a 
man,  several  objects  being  proposed  to  him,  takes  one  of  them 
to  be  best  for  him. 

But  this  is  not  Election  ? 

Election  then  is,  when  a  man,  judging  anything  to  be  best 
for  him,  ceases  to  consider,  examme,  and  inquire  any  further 
concerning  that  matter ;  for,  till  a  man  comes  to  this,  he  has 
not  chosen,  the  matter  stiU  remains  with  him  under  delibera- 
tion, and  not  determined.  Here,  then,  comes  in  the  will, 
and  makes  Election  voluntary,  by  stopping  in  the  mind  any 
further  inquiry  and  examination.  This  Election  sometimes 
proceeds  further  to 

Eirm  Eesolution,  which  is  not  barely  a  stop  to  further  in- 
quiry by  Election  at  that  time,  but  the  predetermination,  as 
much  as  in  him  lies,  of  his  will  not  to  take  the  matter  into 
any  further  deliberation ;  i.  e.  not  to  employ  his  thoughts 
any  more  about  the  eligibility,  i.  e.  the  smtableness,  of  that 
which  he  has  chosen  to  himself  as  making  a  part  of  his  hap- 
piness. Eor  example,  a  man  who  would  be  married  has  se- 
veral wives  proposed  to  him.  He  considers  which  would  be 
fittest  for  him,  and  judges  Mary  best ;  afterwards,  upon  that 
continued  judgment,  makes  choice  of  her ;  this  choice  ends 
his  deliberation ;  he  stops  all  further  consideration  whether 
she  be  best  or  no,  and  resolves  to  fix  here,  which  is  not  any 
more  to  examine  whether  she  be  best  or  fittest  for  him  of  all 
proposed ;  and  consequently  pursues  the  means  of  obtaining 
her,  sees,  frequents,  and  falls  desperately  in  love  with  her, 
and  then  we  may  see  Eesolution  at  the  highest ;  which  is  an 
act  of  the  will,  whereby  he  not  only  supersedes  all  further 
examination,  but  will  not  admit  of  any  information  or  sug- 
gestion, wiU  not  hear  anything  that  can  be  offered  against 
the  pursuit  of  this  match. 


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300  LITE  AJSTD  LETTEES  OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

Thus  we  may  see  how  the  will  mixes  itself  with  these  ac- 
tions, and  what  share  it  has  in  them ;  viz.  that  all  it  does  is 
hut  exciting  or  stopping  the  operative  faculties ;  in  all 
which  it  is  acted  on  more  or  less  vigorously,  as  the  uneasi- 
ness that  presses  is  greater  or  less.  At  first,  let  us  suppose 
his  thoughts  of  marriage  in  general  to  he  excited  only  hy 
some  consideration  of  some  moderate  convenience  offered  to 
his  mind  ;  this  moves  hut  moderate  desires,  and  thence  mo- 
derate uneasiness  leaves  his  will  almost  indifferent ;  he  is 
slow  in  his  choice  amongst  the  matches  offered,  pursues  coolly 
till  desire  grows  upon  him,  and  with  it  uneasiness  proportion- 
ably,  and  that  quickens  his  will ;  he  approaches  nearer,  he  is 
in  love — is  set  on  fire — the  flame  scorches — this  makes  him 
imeasy^  with  a  witness  ;  then  his  will,  acted  by  that  pressing 
uneasmess,  vigorously  and  steadily  employs  all  the  operative 
faculties  of  body  and  mind  for  the  attamment  of  the  oeloved 
object,  without  which  he  cannot  be  happy. 


OK  THE  DIFEEEENCE   BEITWEEN  CIVIL  AJSTD  ECCLESIASTICAL 

PQWEE,  INDOESED  EXCOMMUNICATION.     Dated  1673-4. 

There  is  a  twofold  society,  of  which  almost  all  men  in  the 
world  are  members,  and  that  from  the  twofold  concernment 
they  have  to  attain  a  twofold  happiness :  viz.  that  of  this 
world  and  that  of  the  other :  and  nence  there  arises  these 
two  following  societies,  viz.  religious  and  civiL 

CIVIL   SOCIETY,  OE  THE  EELIGIOTJS   SOCIETY,  OE  THE 

STATE.  CHIJEOH. 

1.  The  end  of  civil  society  1.  The  end  of  religious  so- 
is  civil  peace  and  prosperity,  ciety  is  the  attaining  happi- 
er the  preservation  of  the  so-  ness  after  this  life  in  another 
ciety  and  every  member  there-  world. 


of  in  a  free  and  peaceable  en- 
'ovment  of  all  the  good  things 
of  this  life  that  belong  to  each 
of  them ;  but  beyond  the  con- 
cernments of  this  life,  this  so- 
ciety hath  nothing  to  do  at  all. 


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MISCELLAKEOirS   PAPERS. 


301 


2.  The  terms  of  communion 
with,  or  being  a  part  of,  this 
society,  is  promise  of  obedi- 
ence to  the  laws  of  it. 

3.  The  proper  matter,  circa 
quam,  of  the  laws  of  this  so- 
ciety, are  all  things  conducing 
to  the  end  above-mentioned, 
i.  e.  civil  happiness ;  and  are 
in  effect  almost  all  moral  and 
indifferent  things,  which  yet 
are  not  the  proper  matter  of 
the  laws  of  the  society,  tiU  the 
doing  or  omitting  of  any  of 
them  come  to  have  a  tendency 
to  the  end  above-mentioned. 


4.  The  means  to  procure 
obedience  to  the  laws  of  this 
society,  and  thereby  preserve 
it,  is  force  or  punishment ; 
i.  e.  the  abridgment  of  any 
one's  share  of  the  good  things 
of  the  world  within  the  reach 
of  the  society,  and  sometimes 
a  total  deprivation,  as  in  capi- 
tal punishments.  And  this,  I 
think,  is  the  whole  end,  lati- 
tude, and  extent  of  civil  power 
and  society. 


2.  The  terms  of  communion 
or  conditions  of  being  mem- 
bers of  this  society,  is  promise 
of  obedience  to  the  laws  of  it. 

3.  The  proper  matter  of  the 
laws  of  rhis  socieir,  are  all 
things  tending  to  the  attain- 
ment of  future  bliss,  which  are 
of  three  sorts  :  1.  Oredenda, 
or  matters  of  faith  and  opin- 
ion, which  terminate  in  the 
understanding.  2.  Cultus  re- 
ligiosua,  which  contains  in  it 
both  the  ways  of  expressing 
our  honour  and  adoration  of 
the  Deity,  and  of  address  to 
him  for  the  obtaining  any 
good  from  him.  3.  Moralia, 
or  the  right  management  of 
our  actions  in  respect  of  our- 
selves and  others. 

4.  The  means  to  preserve 
obedience  to  the  laws  of  this 
society,  are  the  hopes  and  fears 
of  happiness  and  misery  in 
another  world.  But  though 
the  laws  of  this  society  be  in 
order  to  happiness  in  another 
world,  and  so  the  penalties 
annexed  to  them  are  also  of 
another  world ;  yet  the  society 
being  in  this  world  and  to  be 
contmued  here,  there  are  some 
means  necessary  for  the  pre- 
servation of  the  society  here, 
which  is  the  expulsion  of  such 
members  as  obey  not  the  laws 
of  it,  or  disturb  its  order.  And 
this,  I  think,  is  the  whole  end, 
latitude,  and  extent  of  ecclesi- 
astical power  and  religious  so- 
ciety. 


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802 


LIFE  AJSTD  LETTEBS  07  JOHIT  LOOEE. 


This  being,  as  I  suppose,  the  distinct  bounds  of  Churcli 
and  State,  let  us  a  little  compare  them  together : 


THE   PABALLEL. 


1.  The  end  of  civil  society 
is  present  enjoyment  of  what 
this  world  affords. 

2.  Another  end  of  civil  so- 
ciety is  the  preservation  of  the 
society  or  government  itself 
for  its  own  sake. 


3.  The  terms  of  communion 
must  be  the  same  in  all  so- 
cieties. 

4.  The  laws  of  a  common- 
wealth are  mutable,  being 
made  within  the  society  by 
an  authority  not  distinct  from 
it,  nor  exterior  to  it. 


5.  The  proper  means  to 
procure  obedience  to  the  law 
of  the  civil  society,  and  there- 
by attain  the  end,  civil  hap- 
pmesSjis  force  or  punishment. 
1st,  It  is  effectiml  and  ade- 
quate for  the  preservation  of 
tne  societv,  and  civil  happi- 
ness is  tne  immediate  and 
natural  consequence  of  the 
execution  of  the  law.  2nd, 
It  is  just,  for  the  breach  of 


1.  The  end  of  Church  com- 
munion, future  expectation  of 
what  is  to  be  had  in  the  other 
world. 

2.  The  preservation  of  the 
society  in  religious  com- 
munion, is  only  in  order  to 
the  conveying  and  propagat- 
ing those  laws  and  truths 
which  concern  our  well-being 
in  another  world. 


4.  The  laws  of  religious  so- 
ciety, bating  those  which  are 
only  subservient  to  the  order 
necessary  to  their  execution, 
are  immutable,  not  subject  to 
Miy  authority  of  the  society, 
but  only  proposed  by  and 
within  the  society,  but  made 
by  a  lawgiver  without  the  so- 
ciety, and  paramount  to  it. 

5.  The  proper  enforcement 
of  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
religion,  are  the  rewards  and 
punishments  of  the  other 
world;  but  civil  punishment 
is  not  so.  1st,  Because  it  is 
ineffectual  to  that  purpose; 
for  punishment  is  never  suffi- 
cient to  keep  men  to  the  obe- 
dience of  any  law,  where  the 
evil  it  brings  is  not  certainly 
greater  than  the  good  which 


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laSOELLAITEOirS  PAFEBS. 


303 


laws  being  mostly  the  pre- 
judice and  diminution  of  an- 
other man's  rights,  and  always 
tending  to  the  dissolution  of 
the  society,  in  the  continu- 
ance whereof  every  man's 
particular  right  is  compre- 
hended, it  is  lust  that  he  who 
has  impaired  another  man's 
good,  should  suffer  the  dimi- 
nution of  his  own.  3rd,  It 
is  within  the  power  of  the 
society,  which  can  exert  its 
own  strength  against  offend- 
ers, the  sword  being  put  into 
the  magistrate's  hands  to  that 
purpose.  But  civil  society 
has  nothing  to  do  without  its 
own  limits,  which  is  civil  hap- 
piness. 


is  obtained  or  expected  from 
the  disobedience ;  and  there- 
fore no  temporal  worldly 
punishment  can  be  sufficient 
to  persuade  a  man  to  or 
from  that  way  which  he  be- 
lieves leads  to  everlasting 
happiness  or  misery.  2na, 
Because  it  is  unjust  in  refer- 
ence both  to  Credenda  and 
Oultus,  that  I  should  be  de- 
spoiled of  my  good  things  of 
this  world,  where  I  disturb 
not  in  the  least  the  enjoyment 
of  others ;  for  my  faith  or  re- 
ligious worship  hurts  not 
another  man  in  any  concern- 
ment of  his;  and  in  moral 
transgressions,  the  third  and 
real  part  of  rehgion,  the  re- 
ligious society  cannot  punish, 
because  it  then  invades  the 
civil  society,  and  wrests  the 
magistrate's  sword  out  of  his 
hand.  In  civil  society  one 
man's  good  is  involved  and 
complicated  with  another's, 
but  in  religiouB  societies 
every  man's  concerns  are  se- 
parate, and  one  man's  trans- 
gressions hurt  not  another 
any  further  than  he  imitates 
him,  and  if  he  err,  he  errs  at 
his  own  private  cost ;  there- 
fore I  think  no  external  pun- 
ishment, i.  e.  deprivation  or 
diminution  of  the  goods  of 
this  life,  belongs  to  the 
Church.  Only  because  for 
the  propagation  of  the  truth 
(which  every  society  believes 


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MM  LITE  AKD   LETTERS   OP   JOHK  LOCKE. 


^ 


to  be  its  own  religion),  it  if 
equity  it  should  remove  thste 
two  evils  which  will  Jrfftder 
,  ^  its  propagation;  1.  disturb- 

ance withiu,  which  is  contra- 
diction or  disobedience  of  any 
of  its  members  to  its  doc- 
trines and  discipline;  2.  in- 
famj  without,  which  is  the 
scandalous  lives  or  disallowed 
profession  of  any  of  its  mem- 
bers ;  and  the  proper  way  to 
do  this,  which  is  in  its  power, 
is  to  exclude  and  disown  such 
vicious  members. 
6.    Church-membership  is 
perfectly  voluntary,  and  may 
end  whenever  any  one  pleases 
vrithout  any  {jreiudice  to  him- 
self, but  in  civil  society  it  is 
not  so. 

But  because  religious  societies  are  of  two  sorts,  wherein 
their  circumstances  very  much  differ,  the  exercise  of  their 
power  is  also  much  different.  It  is  to  be  considered  that  all 
mankind  (very  few  or  none  excepted)  are  combined  into 
civil  societies  in  various  forms,  as  force,  chance,  agreement, 
or  other  accidents  have  happened  to  constrain  them :  there 
are  very  few  also  that  have  not  some  religion : .  and  hence  it 
comes  to  pass,  that  very  few  men  but  are  members  both  of 
some  Church  and  of  some  commonwealth ;  and  hence  it  comes 
to  pass — 

Ist,  That  in  some  places  the  civil  and  religious  societies 
are  coextended,  i.  e.  both  the  magistrate  and  every  subject 
of  the  same  commonwealth  is  also  member  of  the  same 
Church ;  and  thus  it  is  in  Muscovy,  whereby  they  have  all 
the  same  civil  laws,  and  the  same  opinions  and  religious 
worship. 

2nd,  In  some  places  the  commonwealth,  though  all  of  one 
religion,  is  but  a  part  of  the  Church  or  religious  society 
which  acts,  and  is  acknowledged  to  be  one  entire  society; 
and  so  it  is  in  Spain  and  the  principalities  of  Italy. 


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HISOELLiJrEOirS   PAPEBS.  305 

3rd.  In  some  places  the  religion  of  the  commonwealth, 
i.  e.  the  public  established  religion,  is  not  received  by  all  the 
subjects  of  the  commonwealth ;  and  thus  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion in  England,  the  Eeformed  in  Brandenburgh,  the  Lu- 
theran in  Sweden. 

4th.  In  some  places  the  religion  of  part  of  the  people  is 
different  jfrom  the  governing  part  of  the  civil  society ;  and 
thus  the  Presbyterian,  Independent,  Anabaptists,  Quakers, 
and  Jewish  in  England,  the  Lutheran  and  Popish  in  Cleve, 
&c. ;  and  in  these  two  last  the  religious  society  is  part  of  the 
civil. 

There  are  also  three  things  to  be  considered  in  each  re- 
ligion as  the  matter  of  their  communion  : — 

1.  Opinions  or  speculations,  Credenda. 

2.  Cultus  religiosus. 

3.  Mores. 

Which  are  all  to  be  considered  in  the  exercise  of  church 
power,  which  I  conceive  does  properly  extend  no  further 
than  excommunication,  which  is  to  remove  a  scandalous  or 
turbulent  member. 

In  the  first  case  there  i^  no  need  of  excommunication  for 
immorality,  because  the  civil  law  has  provided,  or  may  suf- 
ficiently, against  that  by  penal  laws,  enough  to  suppress  it ; 
for  the  civil  magistrate  has  moral  actions  under  the  dominion 
of  his  sword,  and  therefore  it  is  not  like  he  will  turn  away  a 
subject  out  of  his  country  for  a  fault  which  he  can  compel 
him  to  reform.  But  if  any  one  differ  from  the  Church  in 
"fide  aut  cultu,"  I  think  first  the  civil  magistrate  may  pun- 
ish him  for  it  where  he  is  fully  persuaded  that  it  will  disturb 
the  civil  peace,  otherwise  not ;  out  the  religious  society  maj 
certainly  excommunicate  him,  the  peace  wherdof  may  by  this 
means  be  preserved ;  but  no  other  evil  ought  to  follow  him 
upon  that  excommunication  as  such,  but  only  upon  the  con- 
sideration of  the  public  peace. 

In  the  second  case  I  tnink  the  church  may  excommunicate 
for  faults  in  faith  and  worship,  but  not  those  faults  in  man- 
ners which  the  magistrate  has  annexed  penalties  to,  for  the 
f  reservation  of  civil  society  and  happiness.  The  same  also 
think  ought  to  be  the  rule  in  the  third  case. 

In  the  fourth  case,  I  think  the  Church  has  power  to  excom- 
municate for  matters  of  faith,  worship,  or  manners,  though 

X 


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306  LIEE  AlfD  LBTTSBS  OF  JOHIT  LOOKE. 

the  magistrate  punish  the  same  immoralitj  with  his  sword, 
because  the  Church  cannot  otherwise  remove  the  scandal 
which  is  necessary  for  its  preservation  and  the  propagation 
o£  its  doctrines ;  and  this  power  of  being  judges  who  are  fit 
to  be  of  their  society,  the  magistrate  cannot  deny  to  any 
religious  society  which  is  permitted  within  his  dominions. 
This  was  the  state  of  the  Church  till  Constantine.  But  in 
none  of  the  former  cases  is  excommunication  capable  to  be 
denounced  by  any  Church  upon  any  one  but  the  members  of 
that  Church,  it  being  absurd  to  cut  off  that  which  is  no  part ; 
neither  ought  the  civil  magistrate  to  inflict  any  punishment 
upon  the  score  of  excommunication,  but  to  punish  the  fact 
or  forbear,  just  as  he  finds  it  convenient  for  the  preservation 
of  the  civil  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  commonwealth  (within 
which  his  power  is  confined),  without  any  regard  to  excom- 
munication at  all. 

THUS  I  THINK 

It  is  a  man^s  proper  business  to  seek  happiness  and  avoid 
misery. 

Happiness  consists  in  what  delights  and  contents  the 
mind ;  misery,  in  what  disturbs,  discomposes,  or  torments  it. 

I  will  therefore  make  it  my  business  to  seek  satiafactiou 
and  delight,  and  avoid  uneasiness  and  disquiet ;  to  have  as 
much  of  the  one,  and  as  little  of  the  other,  as  may  be. 

But  here  I  must  have  a  care  I  mistake  not ;  for  if  I  prefer 
a  short  pleasure  to  a  lasting  one,  it  is  plain  I  cross  my  own 
happiness. 

Let  me  then  see  wherein  consists  the  most  lasting  plea- 
sures of  this  life ;  and  that,  as  far  as  I  can  observe,  is  in  these 
things: 

1st.  Health, — without  which  no  sensual  pleasure  can  have 
any  relish. 

2nd.  Eeputation, — for  that  I  find  everybody  is  pleased 
vnth,  and  the  want  of  it  is  a  constant  torment. 

3rd.  Knowledge, — ^for  the  little  knowledge  I  have,  I  find  I 
would  not  sell  at  any  rate,  nor  part  with  for  any  other  plea- 
sure. 

4.th.  Doing  good, — ^for  I  find  the  well-cooked  meat  I  eat 
to-day  does  now  no  more  delight  me,  nay,  I  am  diseased  after 


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HISOBLLAlTEOrS  PAPERS.  307 

a  full  meal.  The  perfumes  I  smelt  yesterday  now  no  more 
affect  me  with  any  pleasure ;  but  the  good  turn  I  did  yester- 
day, a  year,  seven  years  since,  continues  stiU  to  please  and 
delight  me  as  often  as  I  reflect  on  it. 

5th.  The  expectation  of  eternal  and  incomprehensible  hap- 
piness in  another  world  is  that  also  which  carries  a  constant 
pleasure  with  it. 

If  then  I  wiQ  faithfully  pursue  that  happiness  I  propose  to 
myself,  whatever  pleasure  offers  itself  to  me,  I  must  carefully 
look  that  it  cross  not  any  of  those  five  great  and  constant 
pleasures  above  mentioned.  For  example,  the  fruit  I  see 
tempts  me  with  the  taste  of  it  that  I  love,  but  if  it  endanger 
my  health,  I  part  with  a  constant  and  lasting  for  a  very  short 
and  transient  pleasiu*e,  and  so. foolishly  make  myself  unhappy, 
and  am  not  true  to  my  own  interest. 

Hunting,  plays,  and  other  innocent  diversions  delight  me : 
if  I  make  use  of  them  to  refresh  myself  after  study  and  busi- 
ness, they  preserve  my  health,  restore  the  vigour  of  my  mind, 
and  increase  my  pleasure ;  but  if  I  spend  all,  or  the  greatest 
part  of  my  time  in  them,  they  hinder  my  improvement  in 
knowledge  and  useful  arts,  they  blast  my  credit,  and  give  me 
up  to  the  uneasy  state  of  shame,  ignorance,  and  contempt,  in 
which  I  cannot  but  be  very  unhappy.  Drinking,  gaming,  and 
vicious  delights  will  do  me  this  mischief,  not  oi3y  by  wasting 
my  time,  but  by  a  positive  efficacy  endanger  my  health,  im- 
pair my  parts,  imprint  ill  habits,  lessen  my  esteem,  and  leave 
a  constant  lasting  torment  on  my  conscience ;  therefore  all 
vicious  and  imlawful  pleasures  I  will  always  avoid,  because 
such  a  mastery  of  my  passions  will  afford  me  a  constant  plea- 
sure greater  than  any  such  enjoyments ;  and  also  deliver  me 
from  the  certain  evil  of  several  kinds,  that  by  indulging 
myself  in  a  present  temptation  I  shall  certainly  afterwards 
simer. 

All  innocent  diversions  and  delights,  as  far  as  they  will  con- 
tribute to  my  health,  and  consist  with  my  improvement,  con- 
dition, and  my  other  more  solid  pleasures  of  knowledge  and 
reputation,  I  will  enjoy,  but  no  further,  and  this  I  will  care- 
ftdly  watch  and  examine,  that  I  may  not  be  deceived  by  thr 
flattery  of  a  present  pleasure  to  lose  a  greater. 


X  2 


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LIES  AKD  LBTTEBS   OE  JOHX  L0CI3. 


OF  ETHICS   IN   GENEBAL. 

1.  Happiness  and  misery  are  the  two  great  springs  of 
human  actions,  and  though  through  different  ways  we  find 
men  so  busy  in  the  world,  they  all  aim  at  happiness,  and  de- 
sire to  avoid  misery,  as  it  appears  to  them  in  different  places 
and  shapes. 

2.  I  do  not  remember  that  I  have  heard  of  any  nation  of 
men  who  have  not  acknowedged  that  there  has  been  right  and 
wrong  in  men's  actions,  as  well  as  truth  and  falsehood  in 
their  sayings;  some  measures  there  have  been  everywhere 
owned,  though  very  different ;  some  rules  and  boundaries  to 
men's  actions,  by  which  they  were  judged  to  be  good  or  bad ; 
nor  is  there,  I  think,  wiy  people  amongst  whom  there  is  not 
distinction  between  virtue  and  vice ;  some  kind  of  morality  is 
to  be  found  everywhere  received ;  I  will  not  say  perfect  and 
exact,  but  yet  enough  to  let  us  know  that  the  notion  of  it  is 
more  or  less  everywhere,  and  that  men  think  that  even  where 
politics,  societies,  and  magistrates  are  silent,  men  yet  are  un- 
der some  laws  to  which  they  owe  obedience. 

3.  But,  however  morality  be  the  great  business  and  con- 
cernment of  mankind,  ana  so  deserves  our  most  attentive 
application  and  fltudy ;  yet  in  the  very  entrance  this  occurs 
very  strange  and  worthy  our  consideration,  that  morality  hath 
been  generally  in  the  world  rated  as  a  science  distinct  firom 
theology,  religion,  and  law ;  and  that  it  hath  been  the  proper 
province  of  philosophers,  a  sort  of  men  different  both  from 
divines,  priests,  and  lawyers,  whose  profession  it  has  been  to 
explain  and  teach  this  knowledge  to  the  world ;  a  plain  argu- 
ment to  me  of  some  discovery  still  amongst  men,  of  the  law 
of  nature,  and  a  secret  apprehension  of  another  rule  of  action 
which  rational  creatures  had  a  concernment  to  conform  to, 
besides  what  either  the  priests  pretended  was  the  immediate 
command  of  their  God  (for  all  the  heathen  ceremonies  of 
worship  pretended  to  revelation,  reason  failing  in  the  sup- 
port of  them),  or  the  lawyer  told  them  was  the  command  of 
the  Government. 

4.  But  yet  these  philosophers  seldom  deriving  these  rules 
up  to  their  original,  nor  arguing  them  as  the  commands  of 
the  great  God  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  such  as  according  to 


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HISOELLAKEOUS  FAPEBS. 

wlilcli  he  would  retribute  to  men  after  this  life,  the  utmost 
enforcements  they  could  add  to  them  were  reputation  and 
disgrace  by  those  names  of  virtue  and  vice,  which  thev  en- 
deavoured by  their  authority  to  make  names  of  weight  to 
their  scholars  and  the  rest  of  the  people.  Were  there  no 
human  law,  nor  punishment,  nor  obligation  of  civil  or  divine 
sanctions,  there  would  yet  still  be  such  species  of  actions  in 
the  world  as  justice,  temperance,  and  fortitude,  drunkenness, 
and  theft,  which  would  also  be  thought  some  of  them  good, 
-some  bad ;  there  would  be  distinct  notions  of  virtues  and 
vices ;  for  to  each  of  these  names  there  would  belong;  a  com- 
plex idea,  or  otherwise  all  these  and  the  like  words  which 
express  moral  things  in  all  languages  would  be  empty,  in- 
significant sounds,  and  all  moral  discourses  would  be  perfect 
jargon.  But  all  the  knowledge  of  virtues  and  vices  which  a 
man  attained  to,  this  way,  would  amount  to  no  more  than 
taking  the  definitions  or  the  significations  of  the  words  of  any 
language,  either  from  the  men  skilled  in  that  language,  or  the 
common  usage  of  the  country,  to  know  how  to  apply  them, 
and  call  particular  actions  in  that  country  by  their  right 
names ;  and  so  in  effect  would  be  no  more  but  the  skill  how 
to  speak  properly,  or  at  most  to  know  what  actions  in  the 
country  he  lives  in  are  thought  laudable  or  disgraceful ;  i.  e. 
are  called  virtues  and  vices :  the  general  rule  whereof,  and 
the  most  constant  that  I  can  find  is,  that  those  actions  are 
esteemed  virtuous  which  are  thought  absolutely  necessary  to 
the  preservation  of  society,  and  those  that  disturb  or  dissolve 
the  bonds  of  community  are  everywhere  esteemed  ill  and 
vicious. 

6.  This  would  necessarily  fall  out,  for  were  there  no  obliga- 
tion or  superior  law  at  all,  besides  that  of  society,  since  it 
cannot  be  supposed  that  any  men  should  associate  together 
and  unite  in  the  same  community,  and  at  the  same  time  allow 
that  for  commendable,  i.  e.  count  it  a  virtue,  nay  not  dis- 
countenance and  treat  such  actions  as  blameable,  i.  e.  count 
them  vices  which  tend  to  the  dissolution  of  that  society  in 
which  they  were  united  ;  but  all  other  actions  that  are  not 
thought  to  have  such  an  immediate  influence  .on  society  I 
find  not  (as  far  as  I  have  been  conversant  in  histories),  but 
that  in  some  countries  or  societies  they  are  virtues,  in  others 
vices,  and  in  others  indifferent,  according  as  the  authority  of 


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310  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS  OE  JOHN   LOCICE. 

some  esteemed  wise  men  in  some  places,  or  as  inclination  or 
fashion  of  people  in  other  places,  have  happened  to  establish 
them  virtues  or  vices ;  so  that  the  ideas  of  virtues  taken  up 
this  way  teach  us  no  more  than  to  speak  properly  according 
to  the  fctfhion  of  the  country  we  are  in,  without  any  very 
great  improvement  of  our  knowledge,  more  than  what  men 
meant  by  such  words ;  and  this  is  the  knowledge  contained  in 
thr  common  ethics  of  the  schools  ;  and  this  is  not  more  but 
to  know  the  right  names  of  certain  complex  modes,  and  the 
skill  of  speaking  properly. 

6.  The  ethics  of  the  schools,  built  upon  the  authority  of 
Aristotle,  but  perplexed  a  ^reat  deal  more  with  hard  words 
and  useless  distinctions,  telhngus  what  he  or  they  are  pleased 
to  call  virtues  and  vices,  teach  us  nothing  of  morahty,  but 
only  to  understand  their  names,  or  call  actions  as  they  or 
Aristotle  does ;  which  is,  in  effect,  but  to  speak  their  language 
properly.  The  end  and  use  of  morality  oeing  to  direct  our 
lives,  and  by  showing  us  what  actions  are  good,  and  what 
bad,  prepare  us  to  do  the  one  and  avoid  the  other ;  those  that 
pretend  to  teach  morals  mistake  their  business,  and  become 
only  language-masters  where  they  do  not  do  this, — when  they 
teach  us  only  to  talk  and  dispute,  and  call  actions  by  the  names 
they  prescribe,  when  they  ao  not  show  the  inferments  that 
may  draw  us  to  virtue  and  deter  us  from  vice. 

7.  Moral  actions  are  only  those  that  depend  upon  the 
choice  of  an  understanding  and  free  agent.  And  an  under- 
standing free  agent  natur^y  follows  that  which  causes  plea- 
sure to  it  and  flies  that  which  causes  pain ;  i.  e.  naturally 
seeks  happiness  and  shuns  misery.  That,  then,  which  causes 
to  any  one  pleasure,  that  is  good  to  him ;  and  that  which 
causes  him  pain,  is  bad  to  him :  and  that  which  causes  the 
greater  pleasure  is  the  greater  good,  and  that  which  causes 
the  ^ater  pain,  the  greater  evil.  For  happiness  and  misery 
consisting  only  in  pleasure  and  pain,  either  of  mind  or  body^ 
or  both,  according  to  the  interpretation  I  have  given  above 
of  those  words,  nothing  can  be  good  or  bad  to  any  one  but 
as  it  tends  to  their  happiness  or  misery,  as  it  serves  to  pro- 
duce in  them  pleasure  or  pain :  for  good  and  bad,  being  re- 
lative terms,  do  not  denote  anything  in  the  nature  of  the 
thing,  but  only  the  relation  it  bears  to  another,  in  its  apt- 
ness and  tendency  to  produce  in  it  pleasure  or  pain;  and 


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MISCELLiJTEOTJS   PAPEBS.  311 

tlius  we  see  and  say,  that  which  is  good  for  one  man  is  bad 
for  another. 

8.  Now,  though  it  be  not  so  apprehended  generally,  yet  it 
is  &om  this  tendency  to  produce  to  us  pleasure  or  pain,  that 
moral  good  or  evil  has  its  name,  as  well  as  natural.  Yet 
perhaps  it  will  not  be  found  so  erroneous  as  perhaps  at  first 
sight  it  will  seem  strange^  if  one  should  affirm,  that  there  is 
nothing  morally  good  which  does  not  produce  pleasure  to  a 
man,  nor  nothing  morally  evil  that  does  not  bring  pain  to 
him.  The  difference  between  moral  and  natural  good  and 
evil  is  only  this ;  that  we  call  that  naturally  good  and  evil, 
which,  by  the  natural  efficiency  of  the  thing,  produces  plea- 
sure or  pain  in  us ;  and  that  is  morally  good  or  evil  which, 
by  the  intervention  of  the  will  of  an  intelligent  fre^  agent, 
draws  pleasure  or  pain  after  it,  not  by  any  natural  conse- 
quence, but  by  the  intervention  of  that  power.  Thus,  drink- 
ing to  excess,  when  it  produces  the  head-ache  or  sickness,  is 
a  natural  evil ;  but  as  it  is  a  transgression  of  law,  bv  which 
a  punishment  is  annexed  to  it,  it  is  a  moral  evil.  For  re- 
wards and  punishments  are  ihe  good  and  evil  whereby  su- 
periors enforce  the  observance  of  their  laws ;  it  being  impos- 
sible to  set  any  other  motive  or  restraint  to  the  actions  of  a 
free  understanding  agent,  but  the  consideration  of  good  or 
evil ;  that  is,  pleasure  or  pain  that  vnll  follow  from  it. 

9.  Whoever  treats  of  morality  so  as  to  give  us  only  the 
definitions  of  justice  and  temperance,  thefb  and  incontinency, 
and  tells  us  which  are  virtues,  which  are  vices,  does  only 
settle  certain  complex  ideas  of  modes  with  their  names  to 
them,  whereby  we  may  learn  to  understand  others  well,  when 
they  talk  by  their  rules,  and  speak  intelligibly  and  properly 
to  others  who  have  been  informed  in  their  doctrine.  But 
whilst  they  discourse  ever  so  acutely  of  temperance  or  justice, 
but  show  no  law  of  a  superior  that  prescribes  temperance,  to 
the  observation  or  breach  of  which  law  there  are  rewards  and 
punishments  annexed,  the  force  of  morality  is  lost,  and  eva- 
porates only  into  words,  disputes,  and  niceties.  And,  how- 
ever Aristotle  or  Anacharsis,  Confucius,  or  any  one  amongst 
us,  shall  name  this  or  that  action  a  virtue  or  a  vice,  their 
authorities  are  all  of  them  alike,  and  they  exercise  but  what 
power  everyone  has,  which  is  to  show  what  complex  ideas 
their  words  shall  stand  for:  for  without  showing  a  law  that 


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312  LITE  A]$n)   LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

commands  or  forbids  them,  moral  goodness  will  be  but  an 
empty  sound,  and  those  actions  which  the  schools  here  call 
virtues  or  vices,  may  by  the  same  authority  be  called  by  con- 
trary names  in  another  country;  and  if  these  be  nothing 
more  than  their  decisions  and  determinations  in  the  case^ 
they  will  be  still  nevertheless  indifferent  as  to  any  man's 
practice,  which  will  by  such  kind  of  determinations  be  under 
no  obligation  to  observe  them. 

10.  But  there  is  another  sort  of  morality  or  rules  of  oup 
actions,  which  though  they  may  in  many  parts  be  coinci- 
dent and  agreeable  with  the  former,  yet  have  a  different 
foundation,  and  we  come  to  the  knowledge  of  them  a  differ- 
ent way ;  these  notions  or  standards  of  our  actions  not  beinff 
ideas  of  our  own  making,  to  which  we  give  names,  but  depend 
upon  something  without  us,  and  so  not  made  by  us,  but  for 
us,  and  these  are  the  rules  set  to  our  actions  by  the  declared 
will  or  laws  of  another,  who  hath  power  to  punish  our  aber- 
rations ; — these  are  properly  and  truly  the  rules  of  good  and 
evil,  because  the  conformity  or  disagreement  of  our  actions 
with  these  bring  upon  us  good  or  evil ;  these  influence  ou!P 
lives  as  the  other  do  our  words,  and  there  is  as  much  differ- 
ence between  these  two  as  between  living  well  and  attaining 
happiness  on  the  one  hand,  compared  with  speaking  properly 
and  understanding  of  words  on  the  other.  The  notion  of 
one  men  have  by  making  to  themselves  a  collection  of  sim- 
ple ideas,  called  by  those  names  which  they  take  to  be  names 
of  virtues  and  vices ;  the  notion  of  the  other  we  come  by 
from  the  rules  set  us  by  a  superior  power :  but  because  we 
cannot  come  to  the  knowledge  of  those  rules  without,  1st, 
making  known  a  lawgiver  to  all  mankind,  with  power  and 
will  to  reward  and  punish ;  and,  2nd,  without  showing  how 
he  hath  declared  his  will  and  law,  I  must  only  at  present 
suppose  this  rule,  till  a  fit  place  to  speak  of  these,  viz.  Qt)d 
and  the  law  of  nature ;  ana  only  at  present  mention  what  is 
immediately  to  the  purpose  in  hand,  1st,  That  th^  rule  of 
our  actions  set  us  by  our  law-maker  is  conversant  about,  and 
ultimately  terminates  in,  those  simple  ideas  before  mentioned ; 
viz.  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.  2nd,  That 
the  law  being  known,  or  supposed  known  by  us,  the  relation 
of  our  actions  to  it,  i.  e.  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of 
anything  we  do  to  that  rule,  is  as  easy  and  clearly  known  as 


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HISCELLAITBOVS  FAFEB8.  318 

any  other  relation.  3rd,  That  we  have  moral  ideas  as  well 
as  others,  that  we  come  hy  them  the  same  way,  and  that  they 
are  iwthing  hut  collections  of  simple  ideas.  Only  we  are 
carefully  to  retain  that  distinction  of  moral  actions,  that  they 
have  a  double  consideration ,  1st,  As  they  have  their  proper 
denominations,  as  liberality ^  modesty ,  frugality^  &c.  &c.,  and 
thus  they  are  but  modes,  i.  e.  actions  made  up  of  such  a  pre- 
cise collection  of  simple  ideas ;  but  it  is  not  thereby  deter- 
mined that  they  are  either  good  or  bad,  virtues  or  vices. 
2nd,  As  they  refer  to  a  law  with  which  they  agree  or  disagree^ 
eo  are  they  good  or  bad,  virtues  or  vices.  EvrpaireXia  was  a 
name  amongst  the  Gf^reeks,  of  such  a  peculiar  sort  of  actions ; 
i.  e.  of  such  a  collection  of  simple  ideas  concurring  to  make 
them  up ;  but  whether  this  collection  of  simple  ideas,  called 
EvrpaircXia,  be  a  virtue  or  vice,  is  known  only  by  comparing 
it  to  that  rule  which  determines  virtue  or  vice,  and  this  is 
that  cdhsideration  that  properly  belongs  to  actions,  i.  e.  their 
agreement  with  a  rule.  In  one,  ^nj  action  is  onl;^  a  collection 
of  simple  ideas,  and  so  is  a  positive  complex  idea ;  in  the 
other  it  stands  in  relation  to  a  law  or  rule,  and  according  as 
it  agrees  or  disas;rees,  is  virtue  or  vice.  So  education  and 
piety,  feasting  and  gluttony,  are  modes  alike,  being  but  certain 
complex  ideas  called  by  one  name :  but  when  they  are  con- 
sidered as  virtues  and  vices,  and  rules tof  life  carrying  an  ob- 
ligation with  them,  they  relate  to  a  law,  and  so  come  under 
the  consideration  of  relation. 

To  establish  morality,  therefore,  upon  its  pro^  basis,  and 
such  foundations  as  may  carry  an  obligation  with  them,  we 
must  first  prove  a  law,  which  always  supposes  a  law-maker: 
one  that  has  a  superiority  and  right  to  ordain,  and  also  a 

Eower  to  reward  and  punish  according  to  the  tenor  of  the 
kw  established  by  him.  This  sovereign  law-maker,  who  has 
set  rules  and  bounds  to  the  actions  of  men,  is  G-od,  their 
Maker,  whose  existence  we  have  already  proved.  The  next 
thing  then  to  show  is,  that  there  are  certain  rules,  certain 
dictates,  which  it  is  his  will  aU  men  should  conform  their 
actions  to,  and  that  this  will  of  his  is  sufficiently  promulgated 
and  made  known  to  all  mankind. 

f     Dbits. — Descartes's  Proof  of  a  God,  from  the  Idea  of 
necessary  Existence,  examined.    1696. 


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814  LITE  AlTD   LETTEBS  07  JOHN  LOCKS. 

Thouffli  I  had  heard  Descartes's  opinion  concerning  the 
being  of  a  God  often  questioned  by  sober  men,  and  no  ene- 
mies to  his  name,  yet  I  suspended  my  judgment  of  hiiA,  till 
lately  setting  myself  to  examine  his  proof  of  a  God,  I  found 
that  by  it  senseless  matter  might  be  the  first  et.emal  being 
and  cause  of  all  things,  as  weU  as  an  immaterial  intelligent 
spirit ;  this,  joined  to  his  shutting  out  the  consideration  of 
filial  causes  out  of  his  philosophy,  and  his  labouring  to  invali- 
date all  other  proofs  of  a  God  but  his  own,  does  unaroidably 
draw  upon  him  some  suspicion. 

The  fallacy  of  his  pretended  great  proof  of  a  Deity  appears 
to  me  thus : — The  question  between  the  Theists  and  Atheists 
I  take  to  be  this,  viz.  not  whether  there  has  been  nothing 
from  eternity,  but  whether  the  eternal  Being  that  made,  and 
still  keeps  all  things  in  that  order,  beauty,  and  method,  in 
which  we  see  them,  be  a  knowing  immatenal  substance,  or 
a  senseless  material  substance;  for  that  something,  either 
senseless  matter,  or  a  knowing  spirit,  has  been  from  eternity, 
I  think  nobody  doubts. 

The  idea  of  the  Theists'  eternal  Being  is,  that  it  is  a 
knowing  immaterial  substance,  that  made  and  still  keeps  all 
the  beings  of  the  imiverse  in  that  order  in  which  they  are 
preserved.  The  idea  of  the  Atheists'  eternal  Being  is  sense- 
less matter.  The  question  between  them  then  is,  which  of 
these  really  is  that  eternal  Bein^  that  has  always  been, 
^ow  I  say,  whoever  will  use  the  idea  of  necessary  existence 
to  prove  a  God,  i.  e.  an  immaterial  eternal  knowing  spirit, 
will  have  no  more  to  say  for  it  from  the  idea  of  necessary 
existence,  than  an  Atheist  has  for  his  eternal,  all-doing, 
senseless  matter,  v.  g.  The  complex  idea  of  God,  says  the 
Theist,  is  substfuice,  immateriality,  eternity,  knowledge,  and 
the  power  of  making  and  producing  all  things. 

I  allow  it,  says  the  Atheist ;  but  how  do  jon  prove  any 
real  being  exists,  answering  the  complex  idea  in  which  these 
simple  ideas  are  combined  r  B^  another  idea,  says  the  Car- 
tesian Theist,  which  I  include  in  my  complex  idea  of  Gk)d, 
viz.  the  idea  of  necessary  existence. 

If  that  will  do,  says  the  Atheist,  I  can  equally  prove  the 
eternal  existence  of  my  first  being,  matter ;  for  it  is  but  add- 
ing the  idea  of  unnecessary  existence  to  the  one  which  I  have, 
wherein  substance,  extension,  solidity,  eternity,  and  the  power 


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MlSCELLANEOXrS   PAPEBS.  316 

of  making  and  producing  all  things  are  combined,  and  my 
eternal  matter  is  proved  necessarily  to  exist  upon  as  certain 
grounds  as  the  immateiial  Otod ;  for  whatsoever  is  eternal 
must  needs  have  necessary  existence  included  in  it.  And 
who  now  has  the  odds  in  proving  by  adding  in  his  mind  the 
idea  of  necessary  existence  to  his  idea  of  the  first  being  ? 
The  truth  is  in  this  way,  that  which  should  be  proved,  viz. 
existence,  is  supposed,  and  so  the  question  is  only  begged  on 
both  sides.  * 

I  have  the  complex  idea  of  substance,  solidity,  and  extension 
joined  together,  which  I  call  matter  /  does  this  prove  matter 
to  be  P  No,  I,  with  Descartes,  add  to  this  idea  of  matter  a 
bulk  as  large  sa  space  itself;  does  this  prove  such  a  bulk  of 
matter  to  be  ?  No.  I  add  to  it  this  complex  idea,  the  idea 
of  eternity ;  does  this  prove  matter  to  be  eternal  ?  No.  I 
add  to  it  the  idea  of  necessary  existence ;  does  this  prove 
matter  necessarily  to  exist  ?  No.  Try  it  in  spirit,  and  it 
will  be  just  so  there.  The  reason  whereof  is,  that  the  putting 
together  or  separating,  the  putting  in  or  leaving  out,  any 
one  or  more  ideas,  out  of  any  complex  one  in  my  head,  has 
no  influence  at  all  upon  the  being  of  things,  without  me  to 
make  them  exist  so,  as  I  put  ideas  together  in  my  mind. 

But  it  will  be  said  that  the  idea  of  God  includes  necessary 
existence,  and  so  God  has  a  necessary  existence. 

I  answer :  The  idea  of  God,  as  far  as  the  name  Ood  stands 
for  the  first  eternal  cause,  includes  necessary  existence. 

And  so  far  the  Atheist  and  the  Theist  are  agreed ;  or  ra- 
ther, there  is  no  Atheist  who  denies  an  eternal  first  Being, 
which  has  necessary  existence.  That  which  puts  the  differ- 
ence between  the  Theist  and  the  Atheist  is  this :  that  the 
Theist  says  that  this  eternal  Being,  which  has  necessary  ex- 
istence, is  a  knowing  spirit ;  the  Atheist,  that  it  is  blind 
unthinking  matter ;  for  the  deciding  of  which  question,  the 
joining  the  idea  of  necessary  existaice  to  that  of  eternal  first 
Being  or  Substance,  does  nothing.  Whether  that  eternal 
first  Being,  necessarily  existing,  be  material  or  immaterial, 
thinking  or  not  thinkmg,  must  be  proved  some  other  way ; 
and  when  thus  a  God  is  proved,  necessary  existence  wiU  oe 
included  in  the  idea  of  God,  and  not  till  then.  For  an  eter- 
nal necessary  existing  Being,  material,  and  without  wisdom, 
is  not  the  Theist's  Gbd. 


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816  UnO  AKD  LETTEB8  OF  JOmr  LOCKE. 

So  that  real  existence  is  but  supposed  on  either  side ;  and 
the  adding  in  our  thoughts  the  idea  of  necessary  existence 
to  an  idea  of  a  senseless  material  substance,  or  to  the  idea  of 
an  immaterial  knowing  spirit,  makes  neither  of  them  to  exists 
nor  alters  anything  in  the  reality  of  their  existence,  because 
our  ideas  alter  nothing  in  the  reality  of  things,  v.  g.  The 
Atheist  would  put  into  his  idea  of  matter,  necessary  existence ; 
he  may  do  that  as  he  pleases,  but  he  will  not  thereby  at  all  prove 
the  real  existeiice  of  anything  answering  tBat  idea ;  he  must 
first  prove,  and  that  by  other  ways  than  that  idea,  the  exist- 
ence of  an  eternal  all-doing  matter,  and  then  his  idea  will  be 
proved  evidently  a  true  idea ;  till  then  it  is  but  a  precarious 
one,  made  at  pleasure,  and  proves  nothing  of  real  existence,  for 
th^  reason  above  mentioned,  viz.  our  ideas  make  or  alter  no- 
thing in  the  real  existence  of  things,  nor  will  it  follow  that 
anything  really  exists  in  nature  answering  it,  because  we  can 
make  such  a  complex  idea  in  our  minds. 

By  ideas  in  the  mind  we  discern  the  agreement  or  disagree- 
ment of  ideas  that  have  a  like  ideal  existence  in  our  mmds, 
but  that  reaches  no  further,  proves  no  real  existence,  for  the 
truth  we  so  know  is  only  of  our  ideas,  and  is  applicable  to 
things  only  as  they  are  supposed  to  exist  answering  such 
ideas.  But  any  idea,  simple  or  complex,  barely  by  being  in 
our  minds,  is  no  evidence  of  the  real  existence  of  anything 
out  of  our  minds,  answering  that  idea.  Beal  existence  can 
be  proved  only  by  real  existence ;  and,  therefore,  the  real  ex- 
istence of  a  Qod  can  only  be  proved  by  the  real  existence  of 
other  things.  The  real  existence  of  other  things  without  us 
can  be  evidenced  to  us  only  by  our  senses ;  but  our  own  ex- 
istence is  known  to  us  by  a  certainty  yet  higher  than  our 
senses  can  give  us  of  the  existence  of  other  thmgs,  and  that 
is  internal  perception,  a  self-consciousness,  or  intuition ;  from 
whence  therefore  may  be  drawii,  by  a  train  of  ideas,  the 
surest  and  most  incontestable  proof  of  the  existence  of  a 
GK)d.  J.  L. 

BESUBBECTIO  ET   QtTJ!   SEQUTTNTUB. 

St  Paul,  treating  expressly  of  the  Besurrection,  1  Cor.  xv., 
teUs  us,  1st,  that  Si  men,  by  the  benefit  of  Christ,  shall  be 
restored  to  life,  ver.  21, 22.  2nd,  That  the  order  of  the  Besur- 
rection is  this :  first,  Christ  rises;  second,  those  that  are  at  hiip 


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HISCELLAKEOUS   FAFEB8.  317 

his  second  coming,  ver.  23  ;  third,  that  the  saints  shall  then 
have  spiritual  and  immortal  bodies,  ver.  42 ;  and  they  shall 
then  bear  the  image  of  the  heavenly  Adam,  i.  e.  be  immortal, 
as  they  before  bore  the  image  of  the  earthly,  i.  e.  were  mortal, 
ver.  44 — 49.  It  is  plain  St  Paul,  in  the  vrord  we,  ver.  49, 61, 67, 
58,  speaks  not  of  the  dead  in  general,  but  of  the  saints  vrho 
v^ere  to  put  on  incorruption,  ver.  64,  and  over  whom  Death  was 
never  to  have  any  more  power,  because  they  were  dead  of  all 
sin,  ver.  56.  He  that  will  read  this  chapter  carefully  may 
observe  that  St  Paul,  in  speaking  of  the  Kesurrection,  men- 
tions first  Christians,  then  that  of  believers,  ver.  23,  which  he 
gives  an  account  of  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  and  discourse, 
and  so  never  comes  to  the  resurrection  of  the  wicked,  which 
was  to  be  the  third  and  last  in  order ;  so  that  from  verse  27 
to  the  end  of  the  chapter  is  a  description  only  of  the  resur- 
rection of  the  just,  though  he  calls  it  by  the  general  name  of 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  ver.  42,which  is  plain  from  almost 
every  verse  of  it,  from  41  to  the  end.  First,  tnat  which  he  here 
speaks  of  as  raised,  is  raised  in  glory,  ver.  43 ;  but  the  wicked 
are  not  raised  in  glory.  2nd,  He  says,  we  shall  bear  the 
image  of  the  heavenly  Adatn,  ver.  49,  which  cannot  belong  to 
the  wicked.  3rd,  Jve  shall  all  be  changed,  that,  by  putting 
on  incorruptibility  and  immortality,  death  may  be  swallowed 
up  in  victory,  which  God  giveth  us  through  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  ver.  61 — 54,  67,  which  cannot  Skewise  belong  to 
the  damned ;  and  then,  for  we  and  us  here  must  be  under- 
stood to  be  spoken  of  in  the  name  of  the  dead  that  are  Christ's, 
who  are  to  be  raised  before  the  rest  at  his  coming.  He  says, 
ver.  52,  that  when  the  dead  are  raised,  they  that  are  alive  shall 
be  changed  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  Now  that  the  dead 
are  only  the  dead  in  Christ,  which  shall  rise  first  and  shall  be 
caught  up  in  the  clouds  to  meet  the  Lord  in  the  air,  is  plain 
from  1  Thess.  iv.  16, 17.  4th,  He  teaches  that  by  this  cor- 
ruptible putting  on  incorruption  is  brought  to  pass  that 
saying,  that  death  is  swallowed  up  of  victory.  But  I  think 
nobody  will  say  that  the  wicked  have  victory  over  death ;  yet 
that,  according  to  the  Apostle,  here  belongs  to  all  those  whose 
corruptible  bodies  have  put  on  incorruption,  which  must 
therefore  be  only  those  that  rise  the  second  in  order,  and 
therefore  their  resurrection  alone  is  that  which  is  here  men- 
tioned and  described,  a  farther  proof  whereof  is  given,  ver.  56, 


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318  LIFE  AITD  LETTEBS   OP  JOHN  LOCKE. 

57,  in  tbat  their  sins  being  taken  away,  the  sting  whereby 
death  kills  is  taken  away ;  and  therefore  St  Paul  says,  God 
has  ^iyen  us  the  victory ;  which  must  be  the  same  we  which 
shomd  bear  the  image  of  the  heavenly  Adam,  ver.  49,  and  the 
same  we  which  should  all  be  changed,  ver.  51,  52,  all  which 
places  can  therefore  belong  to  none  but  those  who  are  Christ's, 
which  shall  be  raised  by  themselves,  the  second  in  order,  be- 
fore the  rest  of  the  dead.  It  is  very  remarkable  what  St 
Paul  says  in  the  51st  verse,  we  shall  not  all  sleep,  but  we 
shall  alt  be  changed  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  The  reason 
he  gives  for  it,  ver.  53,  because  this  corruptible  thing  must 
put  on  incorruption,  and  this  mortal  thing  put  on  immortality. 
JBEow  ?  By  putting  off  flesh  and  blood  by  an  instantaneous 
change ;  because,  as  he  tells  them,  ver.  50,  flesh  and  blood  can- 
not inherit  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  therefore  to  fit  believers 
for  that  kingdom,  those  who  are  alive  at  the  soimd  of  the 
trumpet  shall  be  changed  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  ver.  51, 
and  those  that  are  in  their  graves,  changed  likewise  at  the 
instant  of  their  being  raised,  and  so  all  the  whole  collection 
of  the  saints  be  put  into  a  state  of  incorruptibility,  ver.  52. 
Taking  the  resurrection  here  spoken  of  to  be  the  resurrection 
of  all  the  dead  in  general,  St  Paul's  reasoning  in  this  place 
is  very  hard  to  be  understood ;  but  upon  the  supposition  that 
he  here  describes  the  resurrection  of  the  just  only,  those  who 
are  mentioned,  ver.  23,  to  rise  next  in  order  after  Christ,  it  is 
very  easy,  plain,  and  natural,  and  stands  thus.  Men  alive 
are  flesh  and  blood,  the  dead  in  the  fi^ve  are  but  the  remains 
of  corrupted  flesh  and  blood ;  but  flesh  and  blood  cannot  in- 
herit the  kingdom  of  God,  neither  can  corruption  inherit  in- 
corruption, i.  e.  immortality.  Therefore,  to  make  those  who 
are  Christ's  capable  to  enter  into  the  eternal  kingdom  of  life, 
as  well  those  of  them  who  are  alive  as  those  of  them  who 
are  raised  from  the  dead,  shall  aU  be  changed,  and  their  cor- 
ruptible shall  put  on  incorruption,  and  their  mortal  shall 
put  on  immortality,  and  thus  God  give  them  the  victory 
over  death  through  their  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  what 
St  Paul  argues  here,  and  the  account  he  gives  of  the 
resurrection  of  the  blessed ;  but  how  the  wicked,  which 
were  afterwards  to  come  to  life,  were  to  be  raised,  and  what 
was^  to  become  of  them,  he  here  says  nothing,  as  not  being 
to  his  purpose,  which  was  to  assure  the  Corinthians,  by  the 


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HISCELLAITBOXrS  FAFBBS.  319 

resurrection  of  Christ,  of  happy  resurrection  to  believers, 
and  thereby  to  encourage  them  to  continue  i^  the  faith  which 
had  such  a  reward.  That  this  was  his  desire  may  be  seen  by 
the  beginning  of  his  discourse,  ver.  12 — 21,  and  by  the  conclu- 
sion, ver.  68,  in  these  words,  "  Therefore,  my  beloved,  be  ye 
stedfast,  immoveable,  always  abounding  in  the  work  of  tne 
Lord ;  forasmuch  as  ye  know  that  your  labour  is  not  in  vain 
in  the  Lord : "  which  words  plainly  show,  that  what  he  had 
been  speaking  of  in  the  immediately  preceding  verses,  viz. 
their  being  changed,  and  the  putting  on  of  incorruption  and 
immortality,  and  their  having  therefore  the  victory  through 
Jesus  Chnst,  belonged  solely  to  the  saints  as  a  reward  to 
those  who  remained  stedfast,  and  abounded  in  the  works  of 
the  Lord ;  the  like  use  of  the  like,  though  shorter,  discourse 
on  the  resurrection,  wherein  he  describes  only  thdt  of  the 
blessed,  he  makes  to  the  Thessalonians,  1,  iv.  13 — 18,  which 
he  concludes  thus : — ^Wherefore  comfort  one  another  with 
these  words.  Nor  is  it  in  that  place  alone  that  St  Paul  calls 
the  resurrection  of  the  lust  by  the  general  name  of  the  re- 
surrection of  the  dead  ;  he  does  the  same,  Phil,  iii.,  where  he 
speaks  of  his  sufferings,  and  endeavours  if  by  any  means  he 
might  attain  to  the  resurrection  of  the  dead :  whereby  he  can- 
not mean  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  in  general,  which,  since 
it  will  overtake  all  men,  there  needs  no  endeavours  to  attain. 
Our  Saviour  likewise  speaks  of  the  resurrection  of  the  just  in 
the  same  general  terms  of  the  resurrection,  Matt.  xxii.  30,  and 
theresurrection  from  the  dead,  Luke  xxv.o5,by  which  is  meant 
only  the  resurrection  of  the  just,  as  is  plain  from  the  context. 

How  long  after  this  the  wicked  shall  rise  shall  be  inquired 
hereafter.  I  shall  only  at  present  take  notice ;  only  I  think 
it  is  plain  it  shall  be  before  our  Saviour  delivers  up  the  king- 
dom to  his  Father,  for  there  is  the  end.  The  whole' dispens- 
ation of  God  to  the  race  of  Adam  will  be  at  an  end,  1  Cor. 
XV.  24.  Yet  these  two  things  are  plainly  declared  in  Scrip- 
ture concerning  them. 

Ist.  That  they  shall  be  cast  into  hell  fire  to  be  tormented 
there,  is  so  express,  and  so  often  mentioned  in  Scripture,  that 
there  can  be  no  doubt  about  it.  Matt.  xxv.  41,  46,  xiii.  42, 
50,  xviii.  8. 

2nd.  That  they  shall  not  live  for  ever.  This  is  so  plain  in 
Scripture,  and  is  so  everywhere  inculcated, — that  the  wages 


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820  LIFE  AKD  LETTEBS  07  JOHK  LOCKE. 

of  sin  is  death,  and  the  reward  of  the  righteous  is  everlasting 
life, — the  constant  language  of  the  Scripture  in  the  current 
of  the  New  Testament  as  well  as  Old,  is  life  to  the  just,  to 
believers,  to  the  obedient,  and  death  to  the  wicked  and  un- 
believers,— ^that  one  would  wonder  how  the  readers  could  be 
mistaken  where  death  is  threatened  so  constantly,  and  declared 
everjrwhere  to  be  the  ultimate  punishment  and  last  estate  to 
which  the  wicked  must  all  come.  To  solve  this,  they  have 
invented  a  very  odd  sig^nification  of  the  word  death,  which 
they  would  have  stand  for  eternal  life  in  torment.  They 
who  will  put  so  strange  and  contrary  a  signification  upon 
a  word  in  a  hundred  places,  where,  if  it  had  not  its  true  and 
literal  sense,  one  would  wonder  it  should  be  so  often  used,  and 
that  in  opposition  to  life,  which  in  those  places  is  used  liter- 
ally, ought  to  have  good  proofs  for  giving  it  a  sense  in  those 
places  of  Scripture  mrectly  contrary  to  what  it  ordinarily  has 
m  other  parts  of  Scripture  and  everywhere  else.  But  leaving 
this  interpretation  of  the  word  death  to  shifb  for  itself  as  it 
can  in  the  minds  of  reasonable  men,  there  are  places  of  Scrip- 
ture which  plainly  show  the  different  state  of  the  just  and  the 
wicked  to  be  ultimately  life  and  death,  wherein  there  is  no 
room  for  that  evasion.  I  shall  name  one  or  two  of  them — 
Luke  XXV.  35,  36.  Our  Saviour  tells  the  Sadducees  that  they 
who  are  accounted  worthy  to  attain  that  world  in  the  resur- 
rection from*  the  dead,  neither  marry  nor  are  given  in  marriage, 
neither  can  they  die  any  more ;  for  they  are  equal  unto  me 
angels,  and  are  the  children  of  Gk)d,  bein^  the  children  of  the 
resurrection.  Where  Christ  plainly  decWes  of  the  children 
of  GK)d  alone  who  have  been  accounted  worthy  to  obtain  the 
resurrection,  i.  e.  the  resurrection  before  the  others,  that  they 
are  like  the  angels,  and  can  die  no  more  ;  which  exception  of 
the  saints  from  dying  any  more  after  their  resurrection  is  a 
confirmation  that  the  rest  of  mankind  may  and  shall  die 
again.  Accordinglv  St  John,  Eev.  xx.  6,  6,  says  of  this, 
which  he  calls  the  hrst  resurrection,  "  Blessed  and  holy  is  he 
who  has  put  on  the  first  resurrection ;  on  such  the  second 
death  hath  no  power." 

I  crave  leave  to  observe  here,  that  as  St  Paul,  speaking  of 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  1  Cor.  xv.  42,  in  general  terms, 
yet  means  only  the  first  resurrection,  or  the  resurrection  of  the 
just ;  so  our  Saviour  does  here,  where  by  resurrection  he 


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J 


MISCELLANEOUS   PAPEES.  321 

plainly  means  only  the  first  resurrection,  or  the  resurrection  of 
the  blessed,  and  not  the  resurrection  of  adl  mankind,  as  is  plain 
Qot  only  by  making  them  the  children  of  Q-od  who  are  the 
jhildren  of  the  resurrection,  but  by  saying  that  those  who  are 
accounted  worthy  obtain  the  resurrection  ;  which  distinction 
of  worthiness  can  belong  only  to  those  who  are  Christ's,  and 
cannot  promiscuously  take  in  all  mankind. 

Another  text  that  declares  the  death  and  final  end  of  the 
wicked  is  Gal.  vi.  7, 8, "  Be  not  deceived :  Gk)d  is  not  mocked ; 
for  whatsoever  a  man  soweth,  that  shall  he  also  reap :  for  he 
that  soweth  to  his  fiesh  shall  of  the  flesh  reap  corruption ; 
but  he  that  soweth  to  the  Spirit  shall  of  the  Spirit  reap  life 
everlasting."  In  other  places,  where  life  everlasting  and 
death  are  opposed,  say  these  interpreters,  by  everlasting  life, 
is  meant  everlasting  perfect  happiness  joinea  to  life ;  by  death 
is  meant  eternal  sv^erings  and  torments  without  death.  But 
here  corruption  and  life  everlasting  are  (n)posed.  I^ow  ^op, 
corruption,  signifies  the  dissolution  and  mial  destruction  of  a 
thing,  whereby  it  ceases  to  be ;  but  corruption  can  by  nobody 
be  pretended  to  signify  the  endless  sense  of  pain  and  tormeiit 
in  a  being  subsisting  and  continued  on  to  eternity.  Cor- 
ruption is  the  spoiling  anything,  the  divesting  it  of  the  being 
it  had.  Accorcongly  St  Paul,  1  Cor.  xv.,  uses  incorruption  for 
«an  indefinable  estate  of  immortality.  That  which  gives  some 
colour  to  their  understanding  by  death  an  endless  life  in 
torment,  is  the  everlasting  fire  threatened  by  our  Saviour  to 
the  wicked,  Matt,  xviii.  8,  xxv.  41, 46.  But  not  to  trouble  you 
with  the  various  significations  of  duration  of  the  word  ever- 
lasting in  Scripture,  and  what  else  has  been  answered  by 
orthodox  divines  to  show  that  these  texts  did  necessarily  im- 
ply eternal  or  endless  torments,^  especially  by  Archbishop 
Tillotson,  it  may  suffice  to  sav,  that  everlasting,  in  a  true 
Scripture  sense,  may  be  said  of  that  which  endures  as  long  as 
the  subject  it  affects  endures.  So  everlasting  priesthood, 
Exod.  xl.  15,  was  a  priesthood  that  lasted  as  long  as  the 
people  lasted  in  an  estate  capable  of  the  Mosaical  worship, 
rsal.  xxiv.  7,  everlasting  doors,  i.  e.  that  should  last  as  long 
as  the  temple  which  they  belonged  to.  Isa.  xxxv.  10,  ever- 
lasting joy,  i.  e.  that  continue  as  long  as  they  lived.  A  like 
expression  is  that  of  hell  &i^e,  Mark  ix.  13,  44,  that  never 
shall  be  quenched,  where  the  worm  dieth  not,  and  the  fire  is 

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322  LIFE   AlfD   LDTTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

not  quenched ;  an  expression  taken  from  Isa.  Ixvi.  24,  which, 
though  we  translate  hell,  is  in  the  original  Gehenna,  or  the 
valley  of  Hinnom,  where  was  kept  a  constant  fire  to  hum  up 
the  carcases  of  heasts  and  other  filth  of  the  city  of  Jeru- 
salem,— where  though  the  fire  never  was  quenched,  yet  it 
does  not  follow^  nor  is  it  said  that  the  hodies  that  were  humt 
in  it  were  never  consumed,  only  that  the  worms  that  gnawed 
and  the  fire  that  humt  them  were  constant,  and  never  ceased 
till  they  were  destroyed.  So,  though  the  fire  was  not  put  out, 
yet  the  chaff  was  humt  up  and  consumed,  Matt.  iii.  12 ;  and  the 
tares,  ziii.  30 ;  in  hoth  which  places,  and  the  parallel,  Luke  iii. 
17,  the  Qreek  word  signifies  to  he  consumed  by  burning, 
though  in  our  Bibles  it  is  translated  bum  up  but  in  one  of 
them,  viz.  Matt.  iii.  14.  Taking  it  then  for  evident  that  the 
wicked  shall  die  and  be  extinguished  at  last,  how  long  they 
shall  be  continued  in  that  inexpressible  torment  is  not,  that  I 
know,  anywhere  expressed ;  but  that  it  shall  be  excessively 
terrible  by  its  duration  as  well  as  its  sharpness,  the  current  of 
the  Scripture  seems  to  manifest ;  only  if  one  may  conjecture, 
it  seems  to  be  before  our  Saviour's  delivering  up  the  Inngdom 
to  his  Father.  The  account  ^ye  of  it  by  St  Paul,  1  Cor.  xv. 
23, 28,  at  Christ's  second  commg,  the  just  rise  by  themselves  ; 
then  Christ  shall  set  up  his  kingdom,  wherein  he  shall  sub- 
due all  rule  and  all  authorities  and  power  that  opposes  him, . 
for  he  must  reign  until  he  has  put  all  enemies  under  his  feet ; 
the  last  enemy  that  shall  be  destroyed  is  Death ;  then  he 
shall  deliver  up  the  kingdom  to  G-od  his  Eather,  and  then 
cometh  the  end,  i.  e.  the  full  conclusion  of  G^d's  whole  dis- 
pensation to  Adam  and  his  posterity.  After  which  there 
shall  be  no  death,  no  change ;  the  scene  will  then  be  closed, 
and  everyone  remain  in  the  same  estate  for  ever. 

One  tning  upon  the  occasion  may  be  worth  our  inquiry ;  - 
whether  the  wicked  shall  not  rise  with  such  bodies  of  flesh 
and  blood  as  they  had  before ;  for  that  all  that  is  said  of  the 
change  of  bodies,  1  Cor.  xv.  and  1  Thess.  iv.,  has  been  already 
shown  to  be  spoken  only  of  the  saints ;  •  the  like  whereof  may 
be  observed  in  othw  plaoes  of  Scripture,  where  bodies  changed 
into  a  better  state  are  mentioned ;  as  2  Cor.  v.  1 — 4,  it  is 
always  spoken  of  the  bodies  of  the  saints,  nor  do  I  remember 
any  change  of  the  bodies  where  the  resurrection  of  the  wicked 
can  be  supposed  to  be  comprehended;  but  it  is  only  spoken 


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MISCELLAKEOirS   FAFEBS.  323 

of  thus :  "  The  hour  is  coming,  in  which  all  that  are  in  the 
grave  shall  hear  his  voice,  and  shall  come  forth ;  they  that 
have  done  good,  unto  the  resurrection  of  life ;  and  they  that 
have  done  evil,  unto  the  resurrection  of  damnation.'*  John 
V.  28,  29.  "We  must  all  appear  before  the  judgment-seat  of 
God,  that  every  one  may  receive  the  things  done  in  his  body, 
according  to  that  he  hath  done,  whether  it  be  good  or  hm, 
2  Cor.  V.  10.  And  so  likewise,  "Eaise  the  dead."  Acts 
xxvi.  8;  2  Cor.  i.  9.  ""Quicken  the  dead."  Eom.  iv.  17. 
But  of  the  change  of  their  bodies,  of  their  being  made  spi- 
ritual, or  of  their  putting  on  incorruption  or  immortality,  I 
do  not  remember  anything  said.  They  shall  be  raised,  that 
is  said  over  and  over ;  but  how  they  are  raised,  or  with  what 
bodies  they  shall  come,  the  Scripture,  as  far  as  I  have  ob- 
served, is  perfectly  silent. 

We  have  seen  what  the  Scripture  says  of  the  state  of  the 
wicked  after  the  resurrection,  and  what  is  the  final  catastrophe 
they  are  doomed  to.  Let  us  now  see  what  Scripture  dis- 
covers to  us  of  the  state  of  the  just  after  the  Eesurrection ; 
that  whatsoever  was  earthly,  corruptible,  mortal  about  them, 
shall,  at  the  instant  of  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  that  is  to 
call  them  at  Christ's  coming,  be  changed  into  spiritual,  in- 
corruptible, immortal,  we  have  already  seen. 

The  following  paper  appears  to  be  intended  as  a  supple- 
ment to  the  Mode  of  acquiring  Truth ;  it  illustrates  Mr 
Locke's  other  works,  and  shows  ho^  deeply  his  mind  was 
engaged  in  this  particular! 

ENTHTTSIASM^-METHOD, 

The  way  to  find  truth  as  far  as  we  are  able  to  reach 
it  in  this  our  dark  and  shortsighted  state,  is  to  pursue 
the  hypothesis  that  seems  to  us  to  carry  with  it  the  most 
light  and  consistency  as  far  as  we  can  without  raising  ob-» 
jections,  or  striking  at  those  that  come  in  our  way,  till  we 
nave  carried  our  present  principle  as  far  as  it  will  go,  and 
given  what  light  and  strength  we  can  to  all  the  parts  of  it. 
And  when  that  is  done,  then  to  take  into  our  consideration 
any  objections  that  lie  against  it,  but  not  so  as  to  pursue 
them  as  objections  against  the  system  we  bad  formerly  ^rect- 

T  a 


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324  LIFE   AND*LBTTEBS   OF   JOHN    LOCKE. 

ed ;  but  to  consider  upon  what  foundation  they  are  bottomed, 
and  examine  that  in  all  its  parts,  and  then  putting  the  two 
whole  systems  together,  see  which  is  liable  to  most  excep- 
tions, and  labours  under  the  greatest  difficulties ;  for  such  is 
the  weakness  of  our  understandings,  that,  unless  where  we 
hare  clear  demonstration,  we  can  scarce  make  out  to  our- 
selves any  truths  which  will  not  be  liable  to  some  exception 
beyond  our  power  wholly  to  clear  it  from ;  and  therefore,  if 
upon  that  ground  we  are  presently  bound  to  give  up  our 
former  opinion,  we  shall  be  in  a  perpetual  fluctuation,  every 
day  changing  our  minds,  and  passmg  &om  one  side  to  another 
we  shall  lose  all  stability  of  thought,  and  at  last  give  up  all 
probable  truths  as  if  there  were  no  such  thing,  or,  which  is 
not  much  better,  think  it  indifferent  which  side  we  take. 

To  this,  yet  as  dangerous  as  it  is,  the  ordinary  way  of 
managing  controversies  in  the  world  directly  tends.  If  an 
opponent  can  find  one  weak  pld«e  in  his  adversary's  doctrine, 
and  reduce  him  to  a  stand,  with  difficulties  rising  from  thence 
he  presently  concludes  he  has  got  the  day,  and  may  justly 
triumph  in  the  goodness  of  his  own  cause ;  whereas  victory 
no  more  certainrp^  always  accompanies  truth  than  it  does 
right.  It  shows  indeed  the  weakness  of  the  part  attacked, 
or  of  the  defence  of  it ;  but  to  show  which  side  has  the  best 
pretence  to  truth  and  followers,  the  two  whole  systems  must 
be  set  by  one  another,  and  considered  entirely,  and  then 
see  whicn  is  most  consistent  in  all  its  parts,  which  least 
clogged  with  incoherencies  or  absurdities,  and  which  freest 
from,  begged  principles  and  unintelligible  notions. 

This  is  the  fairest  way  to  search  after  truth,  and  the  surest 
not  to  mistake  on  which  side  she  is.  There  is  scarce  any  con- 
troversy which  is  not  a  full  instance  of  this ;  and  if  a  man 
will  embrace  no  opinion  but  what  he  can  dear  from  all  diffi- 
culties and  remove  all  objections,  I  fear  he  will  have  but  very 
narrow  thoughts,  and  find  very  Httle  that  he  shall  assent  to. 

What,  then,  will  you  say,  shall  he  embrace  that  for  truth 
vehich  has  improbabilities  m  it  that  he  cannot  master  P  This 
has  a  clear  answer.  In  contradicting  opinions,  one  must  be 
true,  that  he  cannot  doubt ;  whicn  then  shall  he  take  P 
That  which  is  accompanied  with  the  greatest  light  and  evi- 
*  dence,  that  which  is  freest  from  the  grosser  absur£ties,  though 
our  narrow  capacities  cannot  pene&ate  it  on  every  side. 


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MISCELLANEOUS   PAPEB8.  325 

Some  men  have  made  objections  to  the  belief  of  a  God, 
and  think  they  ought  to  be  heard  and  hearkened  to,  because, 
perhaps,  nobody  can  unravel  all  the  difficulties  of  creation 
and  providence,  which  are  but  arguments  of  the  weakness  of 
our  understandings,  and  not  against  the  being  of  a  God. 
Let  us  take  a  view,  then,  of  these  men's  hypotheses,  and  let 
us  see  what  direct  contradiction  they  must  be  involved 
in  who  deny  a  God.  If  there  be  no  God  from  eternity,  then 
there  was  no  thinking  thing  from  eternity ;  for  the  eternal 
thinking  Thing  I  call  God.  If  from  eternity  there  were  no 
thinking  Thing,  then  thinking  things  were  made  out  of  un- 
thinking things  bv  an  unthinking  power :  as  great  an  ab- 
surdity as  that  nothing  should  produce  something.  If  matter 
be  that  eternal  thinking  thing,  let  us  change  that  deceitful 
word  matter,  which  seems  to  stand  for  one  thing  when  it 
means  the  congeries  of  all  bodies,  and  then  the  opinion  will 
be  that  aU  bodfies,  every  distinct  atom,  is  in  its  own  nature 
a  thinking  thing.  Let  any  one  then  resolve  with  himself 
how  such  an  infinite  number  of  distinct  independent  thinking 
things  came  to  be  of  one  mind,  and  to  consent  and  contrive 
together  to  make  such  an  admirable  frame  as  the  world,  and 
the  species  of  things  and  their  successive  continuation  is. 
How  some  of  them  consented  to  lie  buried  for  long  or  num- 
berless ages  in  the  bowels  and  centre  of  the  earth,  or  other 
massy  globes, — places  certainly  very  uneasy  for  thinking  be- 
ings,— ^whilst  others  are  delighting  themselves  in  the  pleasure 
of  freedom  and  the  day.  Let  them  produce  harmony,  beauty, 
constancy  from  such  a  con^m^  of  thmking  independent  atoms, 
and  one  may,  I  think,  allow  them  to  be  creators  of  this  world ; 
and  I  know  not  why  upon  their  own  grounds  they  should  not 
think  so  themselves,  smce  there  is  no  reason  why  the  think- 
ing atoms  in  them  should  not  be  as  wise  as  any  other  in  the 
/universe ;  for  if  they  once  allow  me  one  atom  of  matter  to 
have  from  eternity  some  degrees  of  knowledge  and  power 
above  any  other,  they  must  tell  us  a  reason  why  it  is  so,  or 
else  their  supposition  will  be  ridiculous  when  set  up  against 
the  supposition  of  a  Being  that  had  from  etermty  more 
knowledge  and  more  power  than  all  matter  taken  together, 
and  so  was  able  to  frame  it  into  this  orderly  state  of  nature 
80  visible  and  admirable  in  all  the  parte  of  it. 


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320       LIFE  AlTD  LETTSBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 


LETTEB  OF  H.  LS  OLEBO  TO  LOCKE. 

**  ^  Amsterdam,  le  12  d'Aoiit,  1694. 
"  Je  re^us,  Monsieur,  la  semaine  passee,  par  la  voie  de 
Monsieur  Furly,  les  additions  de  voire  ouvrage,  qui  m'ont 
infiniment  plu.  J'ai  It.  avidement  Faddition  du  chapitre  de 
la  Libert^,  qui  m'a  entierement  satisfait,  ^tant  conyaincu 
depuis  long-temps  que  la  pluspart  du  temps,  les  hommes  ne 
se  d^terminent  pas  par  la  vue  distincte  ou  confuse  de  ce  qui 
pent  ^tre  leur  plus  grand  bien,  ou  qu'ils  croient  etre  tel, 
mais  par  le  plaisir  qu'ils  prennent  a  certaines  choses,  aux- 
quelles  ils  sont  habitues.  On  pourroit  seulement  demander 
si  ce  plaisir,  ou  cette  easiness,  comme  vous  vous  exprimez 
plus  commodement  que  je  ne  le  saurois  faire  en  Fran9ois, 
est  toujours  de  telle  nature,  que  malgr6  cela,  Tesprit  ne  puisse 
se  determiner  du  cote  oppos6.  Pour  moi,  j'avoue  que  je  ne 
Yois  pas  bien  comment  lorsque  je  lis  avec  attention  ce  que 
vous  dites ;  mais  je  ne  sais  si  le  sentiment  ne  nous  en  convainc 
point.  Au  moins,  il  me  semble  qu'en  mille  choses  je  puis 
faire,  ou  non,  et  que  je  ne  me  determine  que  parceque  je  le 
veux  sans  trouver  plus  de  plaisir  d'un  c6te  que  d'un  autre. 
Mais  c'est  Ik  une  matiere  qui  demande  plus  d'etendue,  qu'un 
billet  ^crit  a  la  h^te. — Pour  parler  d'autres  choses,  et  pour 
repondre  a  un  article  de  vos  lettres  auquel  j'ai  oubli6  de  r6- 
pondre  trois  ou  quatre  fois,  vous  disposerez  comme  il  vous 
plaira  de  Texemplaire  reli6  de  ma  Geneses,  soit  que  vous  le 
veuillez  garder  pour  vous,  ou  le  donner  k  quelqu'un  de  vos 
amis.  J'attenos  avec  impatience  le  livre  de  Monsieur 
TEv^que  de  Bath  et  "Wells,  pour  voir  ce  qu'il  dira  contre  moi, 
car  les  Fran9ois  de  Londres,  gens  envieux  et  malins,  s'il  y  en 
eut  jamais,  ont  pris  plaisir  k  semer  qu'il  me  refutoit  en 
termes  forts.  Cela  me  facheroit,  non  a  cause  des  raisons, 
auxquelles  je  ne  ferai  pas  difficult^  de  me  rendre  si  elles  sont 
bonnes,  mais  a  cause  de  la  consequence :  je  ne  sais  si  je  me 
trompe,  mais  je  m'imagine  que  ce  sont  des  raisons  de  th^olo- 
gie  in  g[uibus  magis  opta/nt  vvri  pii  quam  docent.  On  prescrit 
k  Dieu  ce  qu*il  doit  avoir  fait  comme  on  le  juge  a  propos, 
sans  rechercher  ce  qui  est  effectivement.  Quoi  qu'il  en  soit, 
j'en  userai  avec  lui,  avec  tout  le  respect  qu'il  pourra  demander ; 
et  pour  Ten  convaincre,  je  lui  ai  deja  envoy^  dix-huit  feuilles 


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MISCELLAKE0V8   PAPEBS.  327 

de  mon  Exode,  qu'il  m'avoit  faites  demander  par  M.  Cappel 
et  par  M.  Limbourg,  a  qui  il  avoit  ^crit  expres  pour  cela. 
II  J  en  a  a  present  environ  le  double  d'imprim^eB,  et  j*espere 
que  nous  commen9eron8  bient6t  le  Levitique.  Je  ne  com- 
prends  pas  qui  avoit  fait  courir  le  bruit  d' Oxford,  dont  M. 
Cappel  m'avoit  aussi  averti.  II  n'en  est  venu  aucun  vent 
a  mes  oreilles  que  par  ce  que  vous  et  lui  m'avez  mand6. 
Mylord  de  Salisbury*  pourroit  beaucoup  faire  pour  moi,  s'il 
vouloit,  mais  je  ne  sais  s'il  le  veut.  II  a  un  Cbanoine  Eran* 
9oi8  aupres  de  lui,  qui,  feignant  de  m'estimer,  seme  par  tout 
que  je  me  suis  perdu  par  ce  livre,  parce  que  je  n'ai  pas  donn^ 
dans  les  ^tranges  visions  qu'il  a  debit6e  sur  le  Mistic,  dans 
ses  reflections  sur  les  livres  de  VEcriture,  Je'tenterai  nean- 
moins  de  ce  e^t^  \k^  et  je  ne  crois  pas  qu'il  me  nuira  s'il  ne 
veut  pas  m'aider.  Enfin  il  en  arrivera  ce  qu'il  pourra,  et 
pourvu  que  personne  de  nos  gens  sadie  rien  de  ma  tentative 
si  elle  ne  reiissit  pas,  il  n'y  aura  rien  de  perdu.  Mais  vos 
boutiquiers  qui  sont  ici  les  souverains,  et  qui  regardent  leurs 
ministres  comme  leurs  servantes,  me  regarderoient  de  haut 
en  bas  plus  que  jamais,  s'ils  savoient  que  je  n'eusse  pas  reiissi. 
Au  contraire,  si  je  pouvois  me  passer  d'eux  et  me  retirer 
d'ici,  je  me  mettrois  peu  en  peine  de  ce  qu'ils  diroient.  Ce- 
pendant  il  n'est  pas  bon  que  des  personnes  mal-intentionn6es 
sacbent  rien  de  mes  desseins.  II  ne  se  passe  rien  ici  de 
uouveau.  Je  vous  prie  de  me  mander  la  voie  par  laquelle 
vous  m'envoyerez  ou  vous  m'avez  envoy6  le  Pentateuque  de 
M.  I'Eveque  de  Bath..  Je  suis  de  tout  mon  coBur,  Monsieur, 
votre  tres-bumble  et  tres-obeissant  serviteur, 

J.  Le  Clebc." 

MB  IiOOKE'b  ANSVTEB  TO  M.  IE   OLEBO. 
LIBEBTT. 

As  to  the  determination  of  the  will,  we  may  take  it  under 
three  considerations. 

1st.  The  ordinary  and  successive  uneasinesses  which  take 
their  turns  in  the  common  course  of  our  lives,  and  these  ate 
what,  for  the  most  part,  determine  the  will,  but  with  a  power 
still  of  suspending. 

2nd.  Violent  uneasiness  which  the  mind  cannot  resist  nor 
away  with :  these  constantly  determine  the  will  without  any 
♦  Bishop  Burnet. 


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328  LIFX   AVD   LSTTEBS   OF  JOHN   LOCKE. 

manner  of  suspension,  where  there  is  any  view  of  a  possibility 
of  their  removal. 

3rd.  A  great  number  of  little  and  very  indifferent  actions 
which  mix  themselves  with  those  of  greater  moment,  and  fill 
up,  as  it  were,  the  little  empty  spaces  of  our  time.  In  these 
the  will  may  be  said  to  determine  itself  without  the  pre- 
ponderancy  of  good  or  evil,  or  the  motive  of  uneasiness  on 
either  side ;  as  whether  a  man  should  put  on  his  right  or  left 
shoe  first,  whether  he  should  fold  a  margeant  in  the  paper 
wherein  he  is  going  to  write  a  letter  to  his  friend,  whether 
he  should  sit  stSl  or  walk,  or  scratch  his  head  whilst  he  is  in 
a  deep  meditation ;  there  are  a  thousand  such  actions  as  these 
which  we  do  every  day,  which  are  certainly  voluntary,  and 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  will  determining  itself.  But  there  is 
so  little  thought  precedes  them,  because  of  the  little  conse- 
quences that  attend  them,  that  they  are  but  as  it  were  ap- 
pendices to  the  more  weighty  and  more  voluntary  actions  to 
which  the  mind  is  determined  by  some  sensible  uneasiness, 
and  therefore  in  these  the  mind  is  determined  to  one  or  the 
other  side,  not  by  the  preferable  or  ^ater  good  it  sees  in 
either,  but  b^  the  desire  and  necessity  of  despatch,  that  it 
may  not  be  hindered  in  the  pursuit  of  what  is  judged  of  more 
moment  by  a  lingering  sus{)ense  between  equal  and  indiffer- 
ent things,  and  a  deHberation  about  trifles ;  in  these,  the 
uneasiness  of  delay  is  sufficient  to  determine  and  give  the 
preference  to  one,  it  matters  not  which  side. — Mem.  This 
writ  to  Mr  Le  Clerc,  9th  Oct.,  1694,  in  answer  to  his  of 
12th  Aug. 

The  following  articles  properly  belong  to  the  Journal. 
Their  date  will  show  when  eacn  was  written. 

1677.— SPECIES. 

The  species  of  things  are  distinguished  and  made  by  chance, 
in  order  to  naming  and  names  imposed  on  those  things  which 
either  the  conveniences  of  life  or  common  observation  bring 
into  discourse.  The  greatest  part  of  the  rest,  sine  nomine 
herhcBy  lie  neglected,  neither  differenced  by  names,  nor  dis- 
tinguished into  species ;  viz.  how  many  flies  and  worms  are 
there  which,  though  they  are  about  us  in  great  plenty,  we 


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MISCXLLANEOUS  PAFEBS.  829 

hsLYe  not  yet  named  nor  ranked  into  species,  but  come  tinder 
the  general  names  of  flies  or  worms,  wnich  yet  are  as  distinct 
as  a  horse  and  a  sheep,  though  we  never  have  had  so  great 
occasion  to  take  notice  of  them. 

So  that  our  ideas  of  species  are  almost  voluntary,  or  at 
least  different  from  the  idea  of  Nature  by  which  she  fbrms 
and  distinguishes  them,  which' in  animals  she  seems  to  me  to 
keep  to  with  more  constancy  and  exactness  than  in  other 
bodies  and  species  of  things :  those  being  curious  engines  do 
perhaps  require  a  greater  accurateness  for  their  propagation 
and  continuation  of  their  race ;  for  in  vegetables  we  hnd  that 
several  sorts  come  from  the  seeds  of  one  and  the  same  indi- 
-vidual,  as  much  different  spedes  as  those  that  are  allowed  to 
be  so  by  philosophers. 

This  is  very  familiar  in  apples,  and  perhaps  other  sorts  of 
fruits,  whereof  some  have  distinct  names  and  others  only  the 
general,  though  they  begin  every  day  to  have  more  and  more 
given  them  as  they  come  into  use.  So  that  species,  in  re- 
spect of  us,  are  but  things  ranked  into  order,  because  of  their 
agreement  in  some  ideas  which  we  have  made  essential  in 
order  to  our  naming  them,  though  what  it  is  essentially  to 
belong  to  any  species  in  reference  to  Nature  be  hard  to  de- 
termine ;  for  if  a  woman  should  bring  forth  a  creature  per- 
fectly of  the  shape  of  a  man,  that  never  showed  any  more 
appearance  of  reason  than  a  horse,  and  had  no  articular  lan- 
guage, and  another  woman  should  produce  another  with 
nothing  of  the  shape,  but  with  the  language  and  reason  of  a 
man,  I  ask  which  of  these  you  would  call  by  the  name  man  P 
— ^bqth  or  neither  ? 

UNDBBSTANDIKO. — ABOUMEKTS  POSITIVE  AJSTD  ITEGATrVB. 

1677. 

In  questions  where  there  are  arguments  on  both  sides,  one 
positive  proof  is  to  preponderate  to  a  great  many  negatives, 
because  a  positive  proof  is  always  founded  upon  some  real 
existence,  which  we  mow  and  apprehend ;  whereas  the  nega- 
tive arguments  terminate  generally  in  nothing,  in  our  not 
being  able  to  conceive,  and  so  may  be  nothing  but  conclusions 
from  our  ignorance  or  incapacity,  and  not  from  the  truth  of 
things  which  may,  and  we  have  experience  do,  really  exist, 


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830  LITB  AKD  LSTTIBB  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

though  thej  exceed  our  comprehension.  This  amongst  the 
things  we  snow  and  lie  ohyious  to  our  senses  is  very  evident ; 
for  though  we  are  very  well  acquainted  with  matter,  motioD, 
and  distance,  yet  there  are  many  things  in  them  which  we 
can  hy  no  means  comprehend ;  for,  even  in  the  things  most 
obvious  and  familiar  to  us,  our  understanding  is  nonplussed, 
and  presently  discovers  its  weakness;  whenever  it  enterd 
upon  the  consideration  of  anything  that  is  unlimited,  or 
would  penetrate  into  the  modes  or  manner  of  being  or  opera- 
tion, it  presently  meets  with  unconqu^^ble  difficulties. 
Matter,  and  fi^;ure,  and  motion,  and  the  degrees  of  both,  we 
have  clear  notions  of;  but  when  we  begin  to  think  of  the  ex- 
tension or  divisibility  of  the  one,  or  the  beginning  of  either,* 
our  understanding  sticks  and  boggles,  and  knows  not  which 
way  to  turn.  We  also  have  no  other  notion  of  operation  but 
of  matter  by  motion,— at  least  I  must  confess  I  have  not, 
and  should  be  glad  to  have  any  one  explain  to  me  intelligibly 
any  other ;  and  yet  we  shall  find  it  hard  to  make  out  any 
phenomenon  by  those  causes.  We  know  very  well  that  we 
think,  and  at  pleasure  move  ourselves,  and  yet,  if  we  will 
think  a  negative  argument  sufficient  to  build  on,  we  shall 
have  reason  to  doubt  whether  we  can  do  one  or  other ;  it 
being  to  me  inconceivable  how  matter  should  think,  and  as 
incomprehensible  how  an  immaterial  thinking  thing  should 
be  able  to  move  material,  or  be  affected  by  it.  We  having 
therefore  positive  experience  of  our  thinking  and  motion,  the 
negative  arguments  against  them,  and  the  impossibility  of 
understanding  them,  never  shake  our  assent  to  these  truths, 
which  perhaps  will  prove  a  considerable  rule  to  determine  ua 
in  very  material  questions. 

Alt  ESSAY   CONCEBNINO   EECBEATION,   IN  ANSWEB  TO 
n.    G.'S   DESIBE. — 1677. 

As  for  re^eation,  thus  I  think ;  that  recreation  being  a 
thing  ordained,  not  for  itself,  but  for  a  certain  end,  that  end 
is  to  be  the  rule  and  measure  of  it. 

Becreation  then  seeming  to  me  to  be  the  doing  of  some 
easy  or  at  least  delightful  thing  to  restore  the  mind  or  body, 
tired  with  labour,  to  its  former  strength  and  vigour,  and 
thereby  fit  it  for  new  labour,  it  seems  to  me, — 


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HISCSIiLANEOUS  FAPEBS.  331 

Ist.  That  ther^  can  be  no  general  rule  set  to  different 
persons  concerning  the  time,  manner,  duration,  or  sort  of 
recreation  that  is  to  be  used,  but  only  that  it  be  such  as  their 
experience  tells  them  is  suited  to  them,  and  proper  to  re- 
fresh thepart  tired. 

2nd.  Tfiat  if  it  be  applied  to  the  mind,  it  ought  certainly 
to  be  delightful,  because  it  being  to  restore  and  enHven  that, 
which  is  done  by  relaxing  and  composing  the  agitation  of  the 
spirits,  that  which  delights  it  without  employing  it  much,  is 
not  only  the  fittest  to  do  so,  but  also  the  contrary,  i.  e.  what 
is  ungrateful  doth  certainly  most  discompose  and  tire  it. 

3rd.  That  it  is  impossible  to  set  a  standing  rule  of  recre- 
ation to  one's  self;  because  not  only  the  unsteady  fleeting 
condition  of  our  bodies  and  spirits  requires  more  at  one  time 
than  another,  which  is  plain  in  other  more  fixed  re&eshments, 
as  food  and  sleep,  and  likewise  requires  very  different  accord- 
ing to  the  employment  that  hath  preceded  the  present  tem- 
per of  our  bodies  and  inclination  of  our  minds ;  but  also  be- 
cause variety  in  most  constitutions  is  so  necessary  to  delight, 
and  the  mind  is  so  naturally  tender  of  its  freedom,  that  the 
most  pleasant  diversions  become  nauseous  and  troublesome 
to  us  when  we  are  forced  to  repeat  them  in  a  continued 
fixed  round. 

It  is  further  to  be  considOTed : — 

1st.  That  in  things  not  absolutely  commanded  nor  forbid- 
den by  the  law  of  God,  such  as  is  the  material  part  of  recre- 
ation, he  in  his  mercy  considering  our  ignorance  and  frail 
constitution,  hath  not  tied  us  to  an  indivisible  point,  nor 
confined  us  to  a  way  so  narrow  that  allows  no  latitude  at  all 
in  things  in  their  own  nature  indifferent ;  there  is  the  liberty 
of  great  choice,  great  variety,  within  the  bounds  of  innocence. 

2nd.  That  God  delights  not  to  have  us  miserable  either  in 
this  or  the  other  world,  but  having  given  us  all  things  richly 
to  enjoy,  we  cannot  imagine  that  in  our  recreations  we  should 
be  denied  delight,  which  is  the  only  necessary  and  useful 
part  of  it. 

This  supposed,  I  imagine : — 

1st.  That  recreation  supposes  labour  and  weariness,  and 
therefore  that  he  that  labours  not  hath  no  title  to  it. 

2nd.  That  it  very  seldom  happens  that  our  constitutions 


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332  ■  LIFE   AJSD   LETTERS   OF  JOHK  LOOKE. 

(thougli  there  be  some  tender  ones  that  require  a  great  deal) 
require  more  time  to  be  spent  in  recreation  than  in  labour. 

3rd.  We  must  beware  that  custom  and  the  fashion  of  the 
world,  or  some  other  by-interest,  doth  not  make  that  pass 
with  us  for  recreation  which  is  indeed  labour  to  us,  though 
it  be  not  our  business ;  as  playing  at  cards,  though  no  other- 
wise allowable  but  as  a  recreation,  is  so  far  from  fitting 
some  men  for  their  business  and  giving  them  refreshment, 
that  it  more  discomposes  them  than  their  ordinary  labour. 

So  that  God  not  tying  us  up  of  time,  place,  kind,  Ac,  in 
our  recreations,  if  we  secure  our  main  duty,  which  is  in  sin- 
cerity to  do  our  duty  in  our  calling  as  far  as  the  frailty  of 
our  bodies  or  minds  will  allow  us  (beyond  which  we  cannot 
think  anything  should  be  required  of  us),  and  that  we  de- 
sign our  diversions  to  put  us  in  a  condition  to  do  our  duty, 
we  need  not  perplex  ourselves  with  too  scrupulous  an  inquiry 
into  the  precise  bounds  of  them ;  for  we  cannot  be  supposed 
to  be  obliged  to  rules  which  we  cannot  know :  for  I  doubt 
first  whether  there  be  any  such  exact  proportion  of  recreation 
to  our  present  state  of  body  and  mind,  that  so  much  is 
exactly  enough,  and  whatsoever  is  under  is  too  little,  what- 
soever is  over  is  too  much ;  but  be  it  so  or  no,  this  I  am 
very  confident  of,,  that  no  one  can  say  in  his  own  or  another 
man's  case,  that  thus  much  is  the  precise  dose ;  hitherto  you 
must  go  and  no  further ; — so  that  it  is  not  only  our  privilege, 
but  we  are  under  a  necessity  of  using  a  latitude,  and  where 
we  can  discover  no  determined,  precise  rule,  it  is  unavoidt 
able  for  us  to  go  sometimes  beyond,  and  sometimes  to  stop 
short  of,  that  which  is,  I  will  not  say  the  exact,  but  nearest 
proportion ;  and  in  such  cases  we  can  only  govern  ourselves 
by  the  discoverable  bounds  on  the  one  hand  or  the  other, 
which  is  only  when  we  find  that  our  recreation,  by  excess  or 
defect,  serves  not  to  the  proper  end  for  which  we  are  to  use 
it,  only  with  this  caution,  that  we  are  to  suspect  ourselves 
most  on  that  side  to  which  we  find  ourselves  most  inclined. 
The  cautious,  devout,  studious  man,  is  to  fear  that  he  allows 
not  himself  enough  ;  the  gay,  careless,  and  idle,  that  he  takes 
too  much ;  to  which  I  can  only  add  these  following  directions 
as  to  some  particulars : — 

1st.  That  the  properest  time  for  recreating  the  mind  is 


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HISOELIiAySOUS  PAPEB8.  333 

when  it  feels  itself  weary  and  flagging ;  it  may  be  wearied 
.with  a  thing  when  it  is  not  weary  of  it. 

2nd.  That  the  properest  recreation  of  studious,  sedentary 
persons,  whose  laoour  is  of  the  thought,  is  bodily  exercise ; 
to  those  of  bustling  employment,  sedentary  recreations. 

3rd.  That  in  all  bodily  exercise,  those  in  the  open  air  are 
best  for  health. 

4th.  It  may  often  be  so  ordered  that  one  business  may 
be  made  a  recreation  to  another,  visiting  a  friend  to  study. 

These  are  my  sudden  extemporary  thoughts  upon  this  sub- 
ject, which  will  deserve  to  be  better  considered  when  I  am  in 
better  circumstances  of  freedom,  of  thought,  and  leisure. 
Vale,  March,  77.  J.  L. 

MSlfOBY — IlCAGnrATION — MADNESS. 

Memobt.  When  we  revive  in  our  minds  the  idea  of  any- 
thing that  we  have  before  observed  to  exist,  this  we  call 
memory ;  viz.  to  recollect  in  our  minds  the  idea  of  our  father 
or  brother.  But  when,  from  the  observations  we  have  made 
of  divers  particulars,  we  make  a  general  idea  to  represent  any 
species  in  general,  as  man ;  or  else  join  several  ideas  together, 
which  we  never  observed  to  exist  together,  we  call  it  imagina- 
tion. So  that  memory  is  always  the  picture  of  something, 
the  idea  whereof  has  existed  before  in  our  thoughts,  as  near 
the  life  as  we  can  draw  it ;  but  imagination  is  a  picture  drawn 
in  our  minds  without  reference  to  a  pattern. 

And  here  it  may  be  observed  that  the  ideas  of  memory,  like 
painting  after  the  life,  come  always  short,  i.  e.  want  some- 
thing of  the  original.  For  whether  a  man  would  remember 
the  dreams  he  had  in  the  night,  or  the  sights  of  a  foregoing 
day,  some  of  the  traces  are  ^ways  left  out,  some  of  the  cir- 
cumstances are  forgotten ;  and  those  kind  of  pictures,  like 
those  represented  successively  by  several  looking-glasses,  are 
the  more  dim  and  fainter  the  further  they  are  off  from  the 
original  object.  For  the  mind,  endeavouring  to  retain  only 
the  traces  of  the  pattern,  losing  by  degrees  a  great  part  of 
them,  and  not  having  the  liberty  to  supply  any  new  colours 
or  touches  of  its  own,  the  picture  in  the  memory  every  day 
fades  and  grows  dimmer,  ana  oftentimes  is  quite  lost. 

But  the  imagination,  not  being  tied  to  any  pattern,  but 


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334  LIFE  AKD   LETTEBS   OE  JOHN  LOOKE. 

adding  what  colours,  what  ideas  it  pleases,  to  its  own  work- 
manship, making  originals  of  its  own  which  are  usually  very- 
bright  and  clear  in  the  mind,  and  sometimes  to  that  degree 
that  they  make  impressions  as  strong  and  as  sensible  as  those 
ideas  which  come  immediately  by  the  senses  from  external 
objects, — so  that  the  mind  takes  one  for  the  other,  and  its  own 
imagination  for  realities. 

And  in  this,  it  seems,  madness  consists,  and  not  in  the  want 
of  reason ;  for  allowing  their  imagination  to  be  right,  one  may 
observe  that  madmen  usually  reason  right  from  them :  and  I 
guess  that  those  who  are  about  madmen,  wiU  find  that  they 
make  very  little  use  of  their  memory,  which  is  to  recollect 
particulars  past  with  their  circumstances :  but  having  any 
particular  idea  suggested  to  their  memory,  fancy  dresses  it  up 
affcer  its  own  fashion,  without  regard  to  the  original. 

Hence  also  one  may  see  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  those 
that  think  long  and  intently  upon  one  thing,  come  at  last  to 
have  their  minds  disturbed  about  it,  and  to  be  a  little  cracked 
as  to  that  particular.  For  by  irepeating  often  with  vehemence 
of  imagination  the  ideas  that  do  belong  to,  or  may  be  brought 
in  about,  the  same  thing,  a  great  many  whereof  the  fancy  is 
wont  to  furnish,  these  at  length  come  to  take  so  deep  an  im- 
pression, that  they  all  pass  for  clear  truths  and  realities, 
though  perhaps  the  greater  part  of  them  have  at  several  times 
been  supplied  only  by  the  fancy,  and  are  nothing  but  the  pure 
effects  of  the  imagination. 

This  at  least  is  the  cause  of  several  errors  and  mistakes 
amongst  men,  even  when  it  does  not  wholly  unhinge  the 
brains,  and  put  all  government  of  the  thoughts  into  the  hands 
of  the  imagination ;  as  it  sometimes  happens  when  the  im- 
agination, .being  much  employed,  and  getting  the  mastery 
about  any  one  thing,  usurps  the  dominion  over  all  the  other 
faculties  of  the  mind  in  all  other.  But  how  this  comes  about, 
or  what  it  is  that  gives  it  on  such  an  occasion  that  empire, — 
how  it  comes  thus  to  be  let  loose,  I  confess,  I  cannot  guess. 
If  that  were  once  known,  it  wolild  be  no  small  advance  towards 
the  easier  curing  of  this  malady ;  and  perhaps  to  that  purpose 
it  may  not  be  amiss  to  observe  what  diet,  temper,  or  other 
circumstances  they  are,  that  set  the  imagination  on  fire,  and 
make  it  active  and  imperious.  This  I  think,  that  having  ofben 
recourse  to  one's  memory,  and  tying  down  the  mind  strictly 


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MISCELLANEOUS   PAPERS.  B85 

to  the  recollecting  things  past  precisely  as  they  were,  may  be 
a  means  to  check  those  extravagant  or  towering  flights  of  the 
imagination.  And  it  is  good  often  to  divert  the  mind  from 
that  which  it  has  been  earnestly  aaaployed  about,  or  which  is 
its  ordinary  business,  to  other  objects,  and  to  make  it  attend 
to  the  informations  of  the  senses  and  the  things  they  ofler  to 
it.  J.  L.  1678. 

MADKESS. 

Madness  seems  to  be  nothing  but  a  disorder  in  the  imagin- 
ation, and  not  in  the  discursive  faculty ;  for  one  shall  find 
amongst  the  distract,  those  who  fancy  themselves  kings,  <&c., 
who  discourse  and  reason  right  enough  upon  the  suppositions 
and  wrong  fancies  they  have  taken.  And  any  sober  man 
may  find  it  in  himself  in  twenty  occasions,  viz. — ^in  a  town 
where  he  has  not  been  long  resident,  let  him  come  into  a 
street  that  he  is  pretty  well  acquainted  with  at  the  contrary 
end  to  what  he  imagined,  he  will  find  all  his  reasonings  about 
it  so  out  of  order  and  so  inconsistent  with  the  truth,  that 
should  he  enter  into  debate  upon  the  situation  of  the  houses, 
the  turnings  on  the  right  or  left  hand,  &c.  &c.,  with  one  wSo 
knew  the  place  perfectly,  and  had  the  right  ideas  which  way 
he  was  gomg,  he  would  seem  little  better  than  frantic. 

This,  I  believe,  most  people  may  have  observed  to  have 
happened  to  themselves,  especially  when  they  have  been 
earned  up  and  down  in  coaches,  and  perhaps  may  have  found 
it  sometimes  difficult  to  set  their  thoughts  right,  and  reform 
the  mistakes  of  their  imagination.  And  I  have  known  some 
who,  upon  the  wrong  impressions  which  were  at  first  made 
upon  their  imaginations,  could  never  tell  which  was  north  or 
south  in  Smithfield,  though  they  were  no  very  ill  geographers : 
and  when  by  the  sun  and  the  time  of  the  day  they  were  con- 
vinced of  the  position  of  that  place,  yet  they  could  not  tell 
how  to  reconcile  it  to  other  parts  of  the  town  that  were  ad- 
joining to  it,  but  out  of  sight ;  and  were  very  apt  to  relapse 
again,  as  soon  as  either  the  sun  disappeared,  or  they  were  out 
of  sight  of  the  place,  into  the  mistakes  and  confiision  of  their 
old  ideas.  From  whence  one  may  see  of  what  moment  it  is 
to  take  care  that  the  first  impressions  we  settle  upon  our 
minds  be  conformable  to  the  truth  and  to  the  nature  of 


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1 


886  LIFE  AXTD  LETTEBS  OF  JOHIT  LOCKE. 

things ;  or  else  all  our  meditations  and  discourse  thereupon 
will  be  nothing  but  perfect  raving. 

*^BB0B. 

The  foundation  of  error  and  mistake  in  most  men  lies  in 
haying  obscure  or  confused  notions  of  things,  or  by  reason 
of  their  confused  ideas,  doubtful  and  obscure  words ;  our 
words  always  in  their  signification  depending  upon  oiu!  ideas, 
being  clear  or  obscure  proportionablj  as  our  notions  are  so, 
and  sometimes  have  little  more  but  the  sound  of  the  word 
for  the  notion  of  the  thin^.  For  in  the  discursive  faculty  of 
the  mind,  I  do  not  find  that  men  are  so  aj^t  to  err ;  but  it 
avails  little  that  their  syllogisms  are  right,  if  their  terms  be 
insignificant  and  obscure,  or  confused  and  indetermined,  or 
that  in  their  internal  discourse  deductions  be  regular,  if  their 
notions  be  wrong.  Therefore,  in  our  discoiirse  with  others, 
the  greatest  care  is  to  be  had  that  we  be  not  misled  or  im- 
posed on  by  the  measure  of  their  words,  where  the  fallacy 
oftener  lies  than  in  faulty  consequences. 

And  in  considering  by  ourselves  to  take  care  of  our  notions, 
where  a  man  argues  right  upon  wrong  notions  or  terms,  he 
does  like  a  madman ;  where  he  makes  wrong  consequences, 
he  does  like  a  fool :  madness  seeming  to  me  to  lie  more  in 
the  imagination,  and  folly  in  the  discourse. 

SPACE. — 1677. 

Space,  in  itself,  seems  to  be  nothing  but  a  capacity,  or 
possibility,  for  extended  beings  or  bodies  to  be,  or  exist,  which 
we  are  apt  to  conceive  infinite ;  for  there  being  in  nothing  no 
resistance,  we  have  a  conception  very  natural  and  very  true, 
that  let  bodies  be  already  as  far  extended  as  you  will,  yet,  if 
other  new  bodies  should  be  created,  they  might  exist  where 
there  are  now  no  bodies :  viz.  a  globe  of  a  foot  diameter 
might  exist  beyond  the  utmost  superficies  of  all  bodies  now 
existing;  and  because  we  have  by  our  acquaintance  with 
bodies  got  the  idea  of  the  figure  and  distance  of  the  super- 
ficial pait  of  a  globe  of  a  foot  diameter,  we  are  apt  to  imagine 
the  space  where  the  globe  exists  to  be  reaUy  something,  to 
have  a  r^al  existence  before  and  after  its  existence  there. 


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r 


MISCELLAinEOUS  PAPEES.  337 


Whereas,  in  truth,  it  is  really  nothing,  and  so  has  no  opposi- 
tion nor  resistance  to  the  being  of  such  a  body  there ;  though 
we,  applying  the  idea  of  a  natural  globe,  are  apt  to  conceive 
it  as  something  so  far  extended,  and  these  are  properly  the 
imaginary  spaces  which  are  so  much  disputed  of.  But  as  for 
distance,  I  suppose  that  to  be  the  relation  of  two  bodies  or 
beings  near  or  remote  to  one  another,  measurable  by  the 
ideas  we  have  of  distance  taken  from  solid  bodies ;  for  were 
there  no  beings  at  aU,*  we  might  truly  say  there  were  no  dis- 
tances. The  fallacy  we  put  upon  ourselves  which  inclines 
us  to  think  otherwise  is  this,  that  whenever  we  talk  of  dis- 
tance, we  first  suppose  some  real  beings  existing  separate 
from  one  another,  and  then,  without  t^ing  notice  of  that 
supposition,  and  the  relation  that  results  from  their  plaeing 
one  in  reference  to  another,  we  are  apt  to  consider  that  space 
as  some  positive  real  being  existing  without  them  :  whereas, 
as  it  seems  to  me,  to  be  but  a  bare  relation ;  and  when  we 
suppose  them  to  be,  viz.  a  yard  asunder,  it  is  no  more  but  to 
say  extended  in  a  direct  line  to  the  proportion  of  three  feet 
or  thirty-six  inches  distance,  whereof  by  use  we  have  got  the 
idea :  this  gives  us  the  notion  of  distance,  and  the  vacuum 
that  is  between  them  is  understood  by  this,  that  bodies  of  a 
yai'd  long  that  come  between  them,  thrust  or  remove  away 
nothing  that  was  there  before. 

1.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  I  can  conceive  a  space  vdth- 
out  a  body ;  for,  suppose  the  universe  as  big  as  you  will,  I 
can,  vnthout  the  bounds  of  it,  imagine  it  possible  to  thrust 
out  or  create  anv  the  most  solid  body  of  any  figure,  without 
removing  from  the  place  it  possesses  anything  that  was  there 
before.  Neither  does  it  imply  any  contradiction  to  suppose 
a  space  so  empty  vnthin  the  bounds  of  the  universe,  that  a 
body  may  be  brought  into  it  without  removing  from  thence 
any  other ;  and  if  this  be  not  granted,  I  cannot  see  how  oqe 
can  make  out  any  motion  supposing  your  bodies  of  what 
figures  or  bulk  you  please,^  as  1  imagine  it  is  easy  to  demon- 
strate. • 

If  it  be  possible  to  suppose  nothing,  or,  in  our  thoughts, 
to  remove  all  manner  of  beings  from  any  place,  then  this 
imaginarjr  space  is  just  nothing,  and  signifies  no  more  but  a 
bare  possibility  that  body  may  exist  where  now  there  is  none. 
If  it  be  impossible  to  suppose  pure  nothing,  or  to  extend  our 


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338  LITE  AJSTD  LETTEfiS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

thoughts  where  there  is,  or  we  can  suppose,  no  being,  this 
space  Toid  of  body  must  be  something  belonging  to  the  being 
of  the  Deity.  But  be  it  one  or  the  other,  the  idea  we  have 
of  it  we  take  from  the  extension  of  bodies  which  fall  under 
our  senses  ;  and  this  idea  of  extension  being  settled  in  our 
minds,  we  are  able,  by  repeating  that  in  our  thoughts,  with- 
out annexing  body  or  impenetrability  to  it,  to  imagine  spaces 
where  there  are  no  bodies — ^which  imaginary  spaces,  if  we 
suppose  all  other  beings  absent,  are  purely  nothing,  but 
merely  a  possibility  that  body  might  there  exist.  Or  i£  it  be 
a  necessify  to  suppose  a  being  there,  it  must  be  God,  whose 
being  we  thus  make,  i.  e.  suppose  extended,  but  not  impene- 
trable :  but  be  it  one  or  the  other,  extension  seems  to  be 
mentally  separable  from  body,  and  distance  nothing  but  the 
relation  of  space,  resulting  from  the  existence  of  two  positive 
beings ;  or,  which  is  all  one,  two  parts  of  the  same  being. 

EBLA.TI01!r — SPACE.      1678. 

Besides  the  considering  things  barely  and  separately  in 
themselves,  the  mind  considers  them  also  vdth  respect,  i.  e. 
at  the  same  time  looking  upon  some  other,  and  this  we  call 
relation.  So  that  if  the  mind  so  considers  anything  that 
another  is  necessarily  supposed,  this  is  relation ;  there  is  that 
which  necessarily  makes  us  consider  two  things  at  once,  or 
makes  the  mind  look  on  two  things  at  once,  and  hence  it  is 
that  relative  terms  or  words  that  signify  this  relation  so  de- 
nominate one  thing,  as  that  they  always  intimate  or  denote 
another ;  viz.  father,  countryman,  bigger,  distant ;  so  that 
whatsoever  necessarily  occasions  two  things,  looked  on  as 
distinct,  this  connection  in  our  thoughts  of  whatsoever  it  be 
founded  in,  that  is  properly  relation,  which  perhaps  may 
serve  to  give  a  little  fight  to  that  great  obscurity  which  has 
caused  so  much  dispute  about  the  nature  of  space,  whether 
it  be  something  or  nothing,  created  or  eternal.  For  when 
we  speak  of  space  (as  of  dinarily  we  do)  as  the  abstract  dis- 
tance, it  seems  to  me  to  be  a  pure  relation,  and  we  call  it 
distance ;  but  when  we  consider  it  as  die  distance  or  space 
between  the  extremities  of  a  continued  body,  whose  con- 
tinued parts  do,  or  are  supposed  to,  fill  all  the  interjacent 
space,  we  call  it  extension,  and  it  is  looked  on  to  be  a  posi- 


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HISOXLLAKEOTTS  PAFEBS.  839 

tive  inherent  property  of  the  body,  because  it  keeps  con- 
stantly with  it,  always  the  same,  and  every  particle  has  its 
share  of  it ;  whereas,  whether  you  consider  the  body  in  whole 
mass,  or  in  the  least  particles  of  the  body,  it  appears  to  me 
to  be  nothing  but  the  relation  of  the  distance  of  the  extremi- 
ties. But  when  we  speak  of  space  in  general,  abstract  and 
Beparate  from  all  consideration  of  any  body  at  all  or  any  other 
bemg,  it  seems  not  then  to  be  any  real  thing,  but  the  con- 
sideration of  a  bare  possibility  of  body  to  exist :  to  this,  I 
foresee,  there  will  lie  two  great  objections : — 

1st.  The  Cartesians  will  except  against  me  as  speaking  of 
space  without  body,  which  they  make  to  be  the  same  thing ; 
to  whom  let  me  say,  that  if  spacium  be  corptis,  and  corpus 
spacium,  then  it  is  as  true  too  that  extensio  is  corpus,  and 
corpus  eatensio,  which  is  a  pretty  harsh  kind  of  expression, 
and  that  which  is  so  distant  from  truth,  that  I  do  not  re- 
member  that  I  have  anywhere  met  with  it  from  them ;  and 
yet  I  would  fiiin  know  any  other  difference  between  extensio 
and  spacium  than  that  which  I  have  above  mentioned.  If 
they  will  say  omne  extensum  et  omnis  res  positiva  extensa  cor* 
puSy  et  vice  versd,  I  fully  consent.  But  then  it  is  only  to 
say  that  body  is  the  only  being  capable  of  distance  between 
its  own  parts,  which  is  extension  (for  I  do  not  know  why 
angels  may  not  be  capable  of  the  relation  of  distance,  in  re- 
Bpeeb  of  one  another),  which  shows  plainly  the  difference  of 
the  words  extension,  which  is  for  distance,  a  part  of  the  same 
body,  or  that  which  is  considered  but  as  one  body,  and  that 
of  space,  which  is  the  distance  between  any  two  bein^, 
without  the  consideration  of  body  interjacent. 

Besides  this,  there  seems  to  me  this  great  and  essential 
difference  between  space  and  body,  that  body  is  divisible  into 
separable  parts,  but  space  is  not.  This,  I  think,  is  so  plain 
that  it  needs  no  proof;  for  if  one  take  a  piece  of  matter,  of 
an  inch  square,  for  example,  and  divide  it  mto  two,  the  parts 
will  be  separated  if  set  at  further  distance  one  from  another ; 
but  yet  nobody,  I  think,  amongst  those  who  are  most  for  the 
leali^  of  space,  say  the  parts  of  space  are  or  can  be  removed 
to  a  mrther  distance  one  from  another.  And  he  that,  im- 
agining the  idea  of  a  space  of  an  inch  square,  can  tell  how 
to  separate  the  parts  of  it,  and  remove  them  one  from  an* 
other,  haa,  I  confess,  a  much  more  powerful  fancy  than  I. 

z2 


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340  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OF   JOHN  LOCKE. 

It  is  no  more  strange,  therefore,  that  extension,  which  is 
the  relation  of  distance  between  parts  of  the  same  being, 
should  be  proper  only  to  body,  which  alone  has  parts, 
than  that  the  relation  of  filiation  should  be  proper  only  to 
men. 

To  my  supposition,  that  space,  as  it  may  be  conceived  an- 
tecedent to  and  void  of  all  bodies,  or,  if  you  will,  all  deter- 
minate beings,  is  nothing  but  the  idea  of  the  possibility  of 
the  existence  of  body ;  for,  when  one  says  there  is  space  for 
another  world  as  big  as  this,  it  seems  to  me  to  be  no  more 
than  there  is  no  repugnancy  why  another  world  as  big  as 
this  might  not  exist ;  and  in  this  sense  space  may  be  said  to 
be  infinite ;  and  so  in  effect  space,  as  antecedent  to  body,  or 
some  determinate  being,  is  in  effect  nothing — To  this  1  say 
will  be  objected,  that  space  being,  as  it  is,  capable  of  greater 
and  less,  cannot  properly  be  nothing. 

To  this  I  say,  th^Ct  space,  antecedent  to  all  determinate 
beings,  is  not  capable  oi  greajber  or  less.  The  mistake  lies 
in  this,  that  we,  having  been  accustomed  to  the  measures  of  a 
foot,  an  ell,  a  mile,  &c.  &c.,  can  easily  frame  ideas  of  them, 
where  we  suppose  no  body  to  be  even  beyond  the  bounds  of 
the  world,  but  our  having  ideas  in  our  head  proves  not  the 
existence  of  anything  without  us.  But  you  will  say,  is  not 
the  space  of  a  foot  beyond  the  extremity  of  the  universe  less 
than  the  space  of  a  yard  ?  I  answer,  yes ;  that  the  idea  of 
one,  which  I  place  there,  is  bigger  than  the  idea  of  the  other ; 
but  that  there  is  anything  real  there  existing,  I  deny ;  or  by 
saying  or  imagining  the  space  of  a  foot  or  yard  beyond  the 
extremity  of  the  world,  would  suppose  or  mean  anythmg  more 
than  that  a  body  of  a  foot  or  a  yard  (of  which  I  have  the  idea) 
may  exist  there,  I  deny.  Indeed,  should  a  body  be  placed  a 
foot  distant  from  the  utmost  extremity  of  the  universe,  one 
might  say  it  was  a  foot  distant  from  the  world,  which  seems 
to  me  to  be  a  bare  relation,  resulting  from  its  position  there, 
without  supposing  that  space  to  be  any  real  being  existing 
there  before,  and  interposed  between  them,  but  only  that  a 
real  body  of  such  dimensions  may  be  placed  between  them 
without  removing  them  further  one  from  the  other.  Por  the 
relation  makes  itself  appear  in  this,  that  whatsoever  is  so 
spoke  of  requires  its  correlative ;  and  therefore,  speaking  of 
the  universe,  one  cannot  say  it  is  distant,  because  without  it 


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MISCELLAJJEOUS   PAPEES.  341 

we  suppose  no  other  determinate  or  finite  being  which  may 
be  the  other  term  of  this  relation. 

It  will  be  answered,  perhaps,  that  one  may  suppose  a  point 
in  that  empty  space,  and  then  say  it  is  a  foot  from  that  point. 
I  answer,  one  may  as  easily  suppose  a  body  as  a  point,  if  the 
point  be  quid  reale;  if  not,  it  being  nothing,  one  cannot  say 
the  extremity  or  superficies  of  the  world  is  a  foot  from  no- 
thing ;  so  that  be  it  a  point,  or  body,  or  what  other  being 
one  pleases,  that  is  supposed  there,  it  is  evidence  there  is 
always  required  some  real  existence  to  be  the  other  term  of 
the  relation. 

And  after  all  the  suppositions  that  can  be  made,  it  can 
never  truly  be  said  that  the  utmost  superficies  of  the  world 
is  a  foot  distant  from  anything,  if  there  be  nothing  really  ex- 
isting beyond  it,  but  only  that  imaginary  space* 

That  which  makes  us  so  apt  to  mistake  in  this  point,  I 
think,  is  this,  that  having  been  all  our  lifetime  accustomed 
to  speak  ourselves,  and  hear  all  others  speak  of  space,  in 
phrases  that  import  it  to  be  a  real  thing,  as  to  occupy  or  take 
up  so  much  space,  we  come  to  be  possessed  with  this  preju- 
dice, that  it  is  a  real  thing,  and  not  a  bare  relation.  And 
that  which  helps  to  it  is,  that  by  constant  conversing  with 
real  sensible  things,  which  have  this  relation  of  distance  one 
to  another,  which  we,  by  the  reason  just  now  mentioned, 
mistake  for  a  real  positive  thing,  we  are  apt  to  think  that  it 
as  really  exists  beyond  the  utmost  extent  of  aU  bodies,  or 
finite  beings,  though  there  be  no  such  beings  there  to  sustain 
it,  as  it  does  here  amongst  bodies,  which  is  not  true.  For 
though  it  be  true  that  the  black  lines  drawn  on  a  rule  have 
the  relation  one  to  another  of  an  inch  distance,  they  being 
'  real  sensible  things ;  and  though  it  be  also  true  that  I, 
knovmig  the  idea  of  an  inch,  can  imagine  that  length  without 
imagining  body,  as  well  as  I  can  imagine  a  figure  without 
imagining  body ;  yet  it  is  no  more  true  that  ther©  is  any  real 
distance  in  that  which  we  call  imaginary  space,  than  that 
there  is  any  real  figure  there. 


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ADVERSARIA  THEOLOGICA. 


Ik  a  book  with  this  title,  commenced  1694,  Mr  Locke  had 
written  several  pages,  of  which  the  following  have  been  se- 
lected as  specimens;  they  may  be  considered  also  as  indi- 
cations of  his  opinions.  The  other  subjects  in  the  book 
are: — 


Anima  humana  materiaHs. 
Spiritus  sanctus  Deus. 
Christus  merns  homo. 
Lex  operum. 


Anima  humana  non  materialis. 
Spiritus  sanctus  non  Deus. 
Christus  non  merus  homo. 
Lex  fidei. 


TEIKITAS. 

>.  Gen.  i.  26. 
Let  us. 

2.  Man  is  become 
as  one  of  us. 

3.  Gen.  iii.  22; 
Gen.  xi.  6,  7  j  Isa. 
vi.  8. 


NON  TEINITAS. 

Because  it  subverteth  the  unity  of 
God,  introducing  three  gods. 

Because  it  is  inconsistent  with  the 
rule  of  prayer  directed  in  the  SS.  Tor 
if  God  be  three  persons,  how  can  we 
pray  to  him  through  his  Son  for  his 
Spirit  ? 

The  rather  alone  is  the  most  high 
God.    Luke  i.  32,  35. 

There  is  but.  one  first  independent 
cause  of  all  things,  which  is  the  most 
high  God.    Eom.  xi.  36. 

The  Lord  shall  be  one,  and  his  name 
one.     Zech.  xiv.  9. 

The  Lord  our  God,  the  Lord  is  one. 
Mark  xii.  29. 

'Tis  life  eternal  to  know  thee  [Father], 
the  only  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ, 
whom  thou  hast  sent.  John  xvii.  3.  If 
the  Holy  Spirit  were  God,  the  know- 
ledge of  him  would  be  necessary,  too,  to 


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ADTERSABIA  THXOLOaiCA.  343 

XEINITAS.  IfON    TBI^IflTAS. 

eternal  life.  It  is  eternal  life  to  know 
Christ  as  sent,  not  as  eternally  begot- 
ten, nor  as  coessential  to  the  Eather. 
Biddle,  124.  1  Cor.  viii.  5,  6. 

There  is  one  Spirit  manifestly  dis- 
tinguished from  Gtod,  i.  e.  one  created 
airit  by  way  of  excellency ;  i.  e.  the 
)ly  Spirit.  2.  There  is  one  Lord 
distmguished  from  G-od,  and  therefore 
made,  else  there  would  be  two  unmade 
Lords ;  i.  e.  one  made  Lord  by  way  of 
excellency,  which  is  Jesus.  Eph.  iv.  4 
—6 ;  Acts  iL  22,  23, 83, 36 ;  Matt.  xiiv. 
36 ;  Mark  xiii.  32. 

Bom.  XV.  6. 

John  vi.  27. 

James  iii.  9. 

John  viii.  64.  The  Jews  knew  no 
God  but  the  Father,  and  that  was  St 
Paul's  God. 

2  Tim.  i.  3;  Acts  iii.  13,  v.  30,  31, 
xxii.  14 ;  Neh.  ix.  6.  Thou  art  Lord 
alone.     Thou  denoteth  a  single  person. 

1.  Let  us  make  man,  no  more  proves 
the  speaker  to  be  more  persons  than 
one,  than  the  like  form,  Mark  iv.  ^0 ; 
John  iii.  2 ;  2  Cor.  x.  1,  2. 

This,  if  anything,  proves  only  that 
there  was  some  other  person  with  Gtod 
whom  he  employed,  as  in  the  creation  of 
other  things  so  of  man,  viz.  the  Spirit, 
ver.  2;  Psal.  dv.  30;  Job  xxvi.  13, 
xxxiii.  4. 

Gten,  iii.  22.  This  was  spoken  also  to 
the  Holy  Spirit,  as  also  that,  G^n.  xi.  6, 
7 ;  Isa.  vi.  8. 


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3M 


LIFE   AND   LBTTEES   OF   JOHN   LOCKS. 


CHRISTUS   DEITS 
SUPBEMUS. 

1.  If  Christ  were 
not  G-od,  he  could 
not  satisfy  for  our 
sins. 

2.  He  is  called 
the  mighty  Q-od, 
Isa.  ix.  6. 

3.  Bom.  ix.  $,  tov 
eiri  iravTiDV  Qeog 
tvkoyrjTog    eiQ    tovq 


CHEISTUS   NON  DEITS 
SUPBEMUS. 

Because  we  are  to  honour  him,  for 
that  the  Father  hath  committed  all 
judgment  to  him.  John  v.  22,  23. 
But  the  highest  is  to  be  honoured  with 
the  highest  honour  for  himself,  and  for 
no  other  reason  but  his  own  sake. 

Because  the  love  to  the  Father  is 
made  the  ground  and  reason  of  love  to 
the  Son.  1  John  v.  1.  He  is  the*  Son 
of  the  Most  High,  Luke  i.  32,  and 
thereby  distinguished  from  the  Most 
High.  The  Father  is  greater  than  he. 
John  xiv.  28. 

Phil.  ii.  5—8;  v.  Biddle,  5-24, 
nobody  can  be  equal  with  himself; 
equality  is  always  between  two.    lb. 

1  Cor.  viii.  6.  By  Vhom  are  all 
things,  i.  e.  pertaining  to  our  salvation, 
ib.  7.  G-od  has  made  him  Lord,  Acts 
ii.  39;  Phil.  ii.  9,  10. 

The  glory  and  thanks  which  we  give 
to  Christ,  and  the  faith  and  hope  which 
we  place  in  him,  do  not  rest  in  him,  but 
through  him  tend  to  God  the  Father, 
Phil.  ii.  9, 10 ;  1  Pet.  i.  21 ;  John  xii. 
44 ;  Eom.  i.  8,  xvi.  27 ;  and  therefore  he 
is  equal  to  God. 

He  shall  deliver  up  the  kingdom,  and 
be  subject  to  the  Father.  1  Cor.  xv. 
24,  25,  28. 

And  he  shall  be  subject  according  to 
his  human  nature.  Eev.  1.  This  dis- 
tinction is  not  to  be  found  in  God's 
word.  2.  It  begs  the  question ;  for  it  sup- 
poses two  natures  in  Christ,  which  is  tne 
thing  in  question.  3.  It  makes  two  per- 
sons in  Christ;  for  he  is  to  be  subject  who 
ruled  and  subdued,  i.  e.  a  person,  forno 


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ADYEBSABIA  THEOLOGIOA.  345 

OHBISTUS  DEUS  CHEISTUS   NON"  DEUS 

SUPBEMUS.  SUPBEMirS. 

other  can  be  a  King ;  and  therefore  they 
must  grant  that  the  person  of  Christ, 
which  they  hold  to  be  a  Person  of 
supreme  Deity,  delivereth  up  his  king- 
dom, and  becomes  subject,  or  that  his 
*  human  nature  is  a  person.     The  latter 

of  these  subverts  tne  Trinitarian  doc- 
trine, the  former  itself,  ib.  7.  4.  It  is 
said  the  Son  himself  shall  be  subject: 
but  how  can  the  Son  himself  become 
subject,  if  only  a  human  nature,  added 
to  *the  Son,  is  subjected,  and  not  the 
very  person  of  the  Son  ?  Biddle,  8-24. 
God  has  exalted  him  and  made  him 
Lord,  Phil.  ii.  9, 11,  and  raised  him  from 
the  dead,  Som.  x.  9,  iv.  24. 

K  the  eternal  Son  of  God,  coequal 
and  coessential  with  the  Eather,  were 
conceived  and  bom  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
how  said  the  Angel  to  Joseph,  that 
which  is  conceived  in  her  is  of  the  Holy 
Spirit?    Matt.  i.  20.    Biddle,  11-24. 

Luke  i.  35. 

Acts  X.  38. 

Luke  xxii.  48. 

Matt,  xxvii.  46. 

1.  How  can  Ood  satisfy  Gk)d  ?  If 
one  person  satisfies  another,  then  he 
that  satisfies  is  still  unsatisfied,  or  for- 
gives.   Ib.  12. 

John  XX.  17. 
Eph.  i.  7. 
Heb.  i.  8,  9. 

2.  A  mighty  Gk)d ;  for  in  the  Heb., 
El  Gtibbor,  not  Hael  Haggibbor,  as  the 
Lord  of  Hosts  is  called,  Jer.  xxxii.  18. 
Besides,  the  words  in  the  close  of  ver. 
9  distinguished  Christ  from  the  Lord 


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S40  LITE  JLSJ)  LETTEES   OE  JOHIT  LOOEE. 

CHBISTUS  DEUS  CHEISTUS  NON  DBXTS 

STJPBEMUS.  SUPBEMUS. 

of  Hosts,  making  his  Godhead  depend 
on  the  bounty  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts. 
•  Biddle,  15^4. 

3.  A  God  over  all,  for  Qebg  there  is 
without  an  article,  and  so  signifies  not 
the  supreme  Deity.  * 


Thebe  is  an  unpublished  work  of  some  length  amongst 
Mr  Locke's  papers,  but  as  all  interest  on  the  subject  to  which 
it  relates  is  now  gone  by,  it  would  be  useless  to  print  any- 
thing except  a  few  extracts  as  a  specimen.  It  was  an  answer 
to  Dr  Stillingfleet  (Bishop  of  Worcester),  who  had  preached, 
1680,  a  sermon  before  the  Lord  Mayor,  slyled  "  The  Mischief 
of  Separation,*'  an  elaborate  and  severe  attack  upon  the  Non- 
conformists. This  discourse  was  answered  by  Mr  Baxter, 
Mr  AIsop,  Dr  Owen,  and  other  leading  writers  amongst  the 
Presbyterians  and  Independents.  Dr  Stillingfleet  published, 
in  reply,  a  larger  work,  1683,  which  he  entitled  "  The  Un- 
reasonableness of  Separation,"  and  this  is  evidently  the  work 
on  which  Mr  Locke  animadverts. 

Bishop  Q-.  was  probably  Dr  G^uden,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  the 
author  of  the  Eijcwv  BatnXiKrj ;  P.  the  Catholic,  may  be  con- 
jectured to  have  been  Parsons  the  Jesuit. 


DEFEI<rOE   OP  NONCONEOBMITT. 

***** 

All  the  arguments  used  from  the  Church,  or  established 
Church,  &c.,  amount  to  no  more  than  this,  that  there  are  a 
certain  set  of  men  in  the  "world  upon  whose  credit  I  must 
without  further  examination  venture  my  salvation,  so  that  all 
the  directions  and  precepts  to  examine  doctrines,  try  the 
spirit,  take  heed  what  you  believe,  hold  the  truth,  &c.,  are  all 
to  no  purpose,  when  all  the  measure  and  stamp  of  truth, 


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DEFEKCB  or  KONCOmPORMITT.  347 

whereby  I  am  to  receive  it,  will  then  be  only  the  hand  tfeSt 
delivers  it,  and  not  the  appearance  of  rectitude  it  carries 
with  it. 

This  is  to  deal  worse  with  men  in  their  great  eternal  con- 
cernment of  their  souls,  than  in  the  short  and  trivial  concern- 
ment of  their  estates ;  for  though  it  be  the  allowed  preroga- 
tive of  princes  to  stamp  silver  and  gold,  and  thereby  m&e 
them  current  money,  yet  every  man  has  the  liberty  to  ex- 
amine even  those  very  pieces  that  have  the  magistrate  s  stamp 
and  image,  and  if  they  have  the  suspicion  and  appearance  of 
a  false  alloy,  they  may  avoid  being  cozened,  and  not  receive 
them ;  the  stamp  makes  it  neither  good  nor  current.  But 
no  authority  that  I  know  on  earth,  unless  it  be  the  infallible 
Church  of  Borne,  boldly  claims  a  right  to  coin  opinions  into 
tnlths,  and  make  them  current  by  their  authority ;  and  yet 
in  all  places  all  men  are  unreasonably  required  to  receive  and 
profess  doctrines  for  truths,  because  this  governor,  or  that 
priest,  says  they  are  so :  yet  how  senseless  soever,  it  helps 
not  the  case,  nor  profits  the  opinions  of  any  one  sort  of  them ; 
for  if  the  Pope  demands  an  obedient  faith  to  him  and  his 
emissaries,  the  Bishops  of  England  tell  us  that  they,  and 
Buch  as  have  episcopal  ordination  under  them,  are  the  true 
Churchy  and  are  to  be  beHeved :  the  Presbyterians  tell  us 
those  of  Presbyterian  ordination  have  no  less  authority,  and 
that  in  all  matters  of  doctrine  and  discipline  they  are  to  be 
believed.  The  Independents  and  Anaoaptists  think  they 
have,  as  much  reason  to  be  heard  as  the  former ;  and  the 
Quakers  think  themselves  the  only  true  guides,  whilst  they 
bid  us  be  guided  by  the  light  withm  us.  All  these  we  have 
within  ourselves,  every  one  of  them  calling  on  us  to  hearken 
to  them,  as  the  sole  deliverers  of  unmixed  truth  in  doctrine 
and  discipline :  this  they  all  do  severally  with  the  same  con- 
fidence and  zeal,  and,  for  aught  I  know,  with  the  same  divine 
authority ;  for  as  for  human  authority,  I  am  sure  that  weighs 
nothing  in  the  case. 

If  we  will  look  further,  and  add  to  these  the  Lutheran, 
Greek,  Armenian,  Jacobite,  and  Abyssine  Churches,  and  yet 
tether  out  of  the  borders  of  Christianity,  into  the  Jewish 
synagogues  and  Mahometan  mosques,  the  Mufti  and  the 
!ttabbis  are  men  of  authority,  and  think  themselves  as  little 
deceivers  or  deceived  as  any  of  the  rest.    What  will  it  avail 


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d4S  LITE  AKD  LETTEBS  OF  JOKK  LOCKE. 

then  to  the  Church  of  England,  among  so  many  equal  pre- 
tenders, to  say  they  are  the  true  Church,  and  must  be  be- 
lieved, and  h^ve  the  magistrate  on  their  side,  and  must  be 
obeyed  ?  K  they  are  to  be  believed  the  true  Church  because 
Bishop  G-.  or  Dr  S.  says  so,  Mr  B.  or  Dr  O.  will  say  as  much 
for  the  Presbyterian  or  Independent ;  Cardinal  H.  and  Mr 
P.  for  the  Popish  and  Quakers ;  and  upon  the  same  author- 
ity ;  for  they  are  all  men  that  say  it,  endowed  with  the  like 
faculties  to  know  themselves,  and  subject  to  the  same  frail- 
ties of  mistaking  or  imposing. 

K  they  will  prove  themselves  to  be  in  the  right,  or  to  be 
the  true  Church,  they  take  indeed  the  right  course;  but 
then  they  lay  by  their  authority  in  proposing,  as  I  myself 
lay^t  by  in  considering,  their  arguments  :  they  appeal  to  my 
reason,  and  that  I  must  make  use  of  to  examine  and  judge ; 
but  then  we  are  but  just  where  we  were  at  first  setting  out, 
and  where  we  shall  be,  whether  the  Church  of  England  be 
or  be  not  in  the  right,  whether  its  constitution  be  or  be  not 
"jure  divino,"  i.  e.  every  one  judging  for  himself  of  what 
Church  he  thinks  it  best  and  safest  to  be. 

If  it  be  said,  as  it  is,  "we  have  the  law  on  our  side,  our 
constitution  is  establish^  by  the  law  of  the  land,  you  ought 
to  be  of  our  Church  because  the  civil  magistrate  commands 
it,"  I  know  not  how  short  a  cut  this  may  be  to  peace,  or 
rather  uniformity ;  but  I  am  sure  it  is  a  great  way  about,  if 
not  quite  out  of  the  way,  to  truth ;  for  if  the  civil  magistrates 
have  the  power  to  institute  religions,  and  force  men  to  such 
ways  of  worship  they  shall  thi^  fit  to  enact,  I  desire  any 
one,  after  a  survey  of  the  present  potentates  of  the  earth,  to 
tell  me  how  it  is  like  to  fare  vnth  truth  and  religion,  if  none 
be  to  appear  and  be  owned  in  the  world  but  what  we  receive 
out  of  the  courts  of  princes,  or  senate-houses  of  the  states 
that  govern  it. 

I  say  not  this  vrith  any  reflection  on  the  present  age  we 
live  in ;  but  let  him,  if  he  please,  take  any  other  age  recorded 
in  history,  and  then  (if  the  rulers  of  the  earth  were  to  pre- 
scribe the  way  to  heaven,  if  their  laws  were  to  be  the  stand- 
ards of  truth  and  religion)  let  him  tell  me  what  advantage 
it  would  ever  have  been  to  true  religion  to  subject  *it  to  the 
power  of  the  magistrate ;  and  if  princes  and  potentates  are 
not  like  for  the  future  to  be  better  informed,  or  more  in  love 


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DEPENCE   OF  NONCONFOEMITT.  349 

with  true  religion,  than  they  have  been  heretofore ;  if  they 
are  not  like  to  be  more  sincerely  concerned  for  the  salvation 
of  their  people's  souls  than  every  man  himself  is  for  his  own, 
I  do  not  see  what  reason  we  have  to  expect  that  these  laws 
should  be  the  likeliest  way  to  support  and  propagate  truth, 
and  make  subjects  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  for  the  future. 

#  *  *  «  # 
Bonds. — The  bonds  given  to  their  pastors  in  Independent 

Churches  show  Tiow  in  this  contest  Churches  are  made  like 
bird-cages  with  trap-doors,  which  give  free  admission  to  all 
birds,  whether  they  have  always  been  the  wild  inhabitants  of 
the  air,  or  are  got  loose  from  any  other  cages ;  but  when  they 
are  once  in,  they  are  to  be  kept  there,  and  are  to  have  the 
liberty  of  going  out  no  more ;  and  the  reason  is,  because  if 
this  be  permitted  our  volary  will  be  spoiled,  but  the  happiness 
of  the  birds  is  not  the  business  of  these  bird-keepers. 

#  *  #  #  # 

In  the  dispute  of  ceremonies,  our  men  speak  of  their 
Church  as  if  it  had  such  a  divine  power  that  it  needed  not 
consider  whether  anything  were  suited  to  the  ends  for  which 
they  are  made  use  of,  and  so  the  Church  need  not  consider 
whether  anything  be  £t,  and  therefore  appoint  it;  but  as 
good  as  say  that  they  make  them  fit  by  appointing,  which 
whether  G-od  himself  ever  did  I  much  doubt,  but  I  am  sure 
nothing  can  do  but  an  infinite  power 

It  is  not  enough  to  justify  the  ijaposing  of  ceremonies, 
because  in^  themselves  they  are  not  unlawful ;  but  if  by  their 
number  or  inconvenience  they  are  burdensome,  they  cannot 
be  justified  who  impose  them.  This  was  the  reason  Peter 
uses  against  circumcision.  Acts  xv.  10,  because  it  was  a  yoke 
that  could  not  be  well  borne.  To  continue  them  as  necessaiy 
when  the  ends  are  ceased  for  which  they  were  appointed,  is 
to  extend  the  metaphor  of  pastor  and  flock  a  little  too  far. 
Circumcision  in  itself  was  indiflerent,  and  in  the  time  of  the 
G-ospel  might  be  used  when  there  was  a  good  end  in  it,  as 
Paul  circumcised  Timothy;  but  if  its  injunction  proved 
burthensome,  as  Acts  xv.,  or  there  was  an  opinion  that  it  was 
unnecessary,  it  became  unlawful. 

It  is  not  unlawful  to  separate  from  a  Church  which  imposes 
even  indifferent  things,  if  those  who  imposed  them  had  not 
the  power  of  imposing ;  for  what  is  imposed  by  those  who 


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350  xrnB  xjstd  lsttebs  of  johk  locee. 

have  not  the  authorily  to  impose,  can  have  no  obligation  on 
any  to  observe  it,  and  therefore  they  may  go  where  there  are 
no  such  impositions ;  and  this  is  more  for  the  peace  of  the 
Church  than  to  continue  in  it  and  oppose  it.  The  convoca- 
tion, with  or  without  the  civil  magisliate,  have  not  a  power 
to  impose  on  all  Englishmen. 

The  charge  of  separating  from  our  Church  will  not  reach 
many  of  the  Dissenters,  who  were  never  of  it.  I  suppose  it 
will  be  allowed  that  a  man  may  be  saved  in  the  Presbyterian, 
Independent,  or  Hugonot  Church,  of  which  there  are  now  in 
England,  and  are  or  are  not  distinct  Churches  from  the 
Church  of  England.  If  they  are  not,  they  cannot  be  accused 
of  separation,  being  still  parts  of  the  Church  of  England :  if 
thev  are,  and  a  man  be  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
will  he  not  be  guilty  of  sin  if  he  separate  from  it,  and  go  to 
the  Independent,  unless  he  can  prove  any  doctrines  and 
ceremonies  sinful  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  ?  And  if  so, 
the  same  sin  will  he  be  guilty  of  if  he  separate  from  that 
Church  and  come  over  to  the  Church  of  England ;  for  if 
there  be  no  sin  in  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Church 
he  leaves,  there  is  sin  in  his  separating  from  it  by  the 
Doctor's  rule,  wherever  he  goes  after  separation ;  for  being 
supposed  both  of  them  innocent  in  their  doctrine  and  dis- 
ciplme,  the  only  odds  upon  the  Doctor's  foundation  remaining 
between  them  will  be  the  law  of  the  land,  which  I  think  I 
have  shown  can  give  neither  authority  nor  advantage  to  one 
Church  above  another,  but  only  in  preferments  and  rewards, 
and  that  indeed  they  have,  but  are  not  content  with  it  unless 
they  have  dominion  too. 

But  if  the  Doctor  should  say  that  they  may  without  sin 
come  over  to  ours,  because  our  ceremonies  and  discipline  are 
better  (for  we  suppose  them  to  agree  in  doctrine),  they  are 
only  better  as  they  are  better  means  of  salvation :  so  that  it 
will  follow  a  man  may  separate  from  a  Church  lawfully  in 
whose  communion  there  is  no  sin,  only  for  better  edification ; 
for  suppose  the  state  in  England,  being  again  Popish  or 
Heathen,  or  on  any  other  consideration,  should  take  off  all 
the  secular  laws  that  oblige  to  coiiformity,  would  it  be  any 
more  sin,  upon  the  Doctor's  ground,  to  separate  from  the 
Presbyterian  Church  to  come  to  the  Episcopal  than  it  would 
be  to  qiiit  the  Episcopal  to  go  to  the  Presbyterian  ? 


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DErxiros  07  koncoktobmitt.  351 

If  the  Doctor,  who  is  so  well  versed  in  Church  history, 
would  in  the  heat  of  dispute  have  recollected  himself  a  little, 
he  would  certainly  not  fiave  said  that  the  great  reason  of  re- 
taining of  the  ceremonies  in  our  Church  by  our  Eeformers 
was  the  reverence  to  the  ancient  Church,  since  thejr  them- 
selves, in  the  preface  to  a  book  he  has  every  day  in  his  hands, 
say  so  much  otherwise.  In  the  preface  made  and  prefixed  to 
the  Liturgy  in  Edward  the  Sixth's  time,  and  continued  there 
till  this  very  day,  concerning  the  service  of  the  Church  and 
ceremonies,  they  declare  that  the  great  reason  of  the  changes 
they  made,  and  the  chief  aim  they  all  along  had  in  it,  was 
the  edification  of  the  people,  wherein,  though  with  great 
reason,  they  referred  themselves  to  the  ancient  Fathers  of 
the  Church,  yet  it  was  only  so  far  as  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church  followed  the  great  rule  of  edification.  Why  else 
did  they  leave  out  many  of  the  most  ancient  ceremonies  of 
the  Church,  though  in  themselves  innocent,  when  they  sus- 
pected them  rather  a  burthen  than  profitable  to  the  people  ? 
And  what  they  say  concerning  brmging  in  use  again  the 
reading  Scriptures  in  a  known  tongue ;  viz.  that  the  people 
might  continually  profit  more  and  more  in  the  knowledge  of 
G-od,  and  be  more  inflamed  with  the  love  of  his  true  religion : 
and  therefore  lefb  out  a  multitude  of  responds,  verses,  vain 
repetitions,  commemorations,  synodals,  anthems,  and  such 
like  things,  as  did  break  the  continued  course  of  reading :  I 
suppose  A.  will  not  say  in  themselves  unlawful,  but  the  reason 
they  give  was  because  they  made  the  service  hard  and  intricate, 
and  jostled  out  the  more  profitable  reading  of  the  Scriptures. 

And  conceminff  ceremonies  they  say  thus :  "  Of  suet  cere- 
monies as  be  used  in  the  Church  and  have  had  their  begin- 
ning from  the  institution  of  man,  some  were  at  first  of  godly 
intent  and  purpose  devised,  yet  at  len^h  turned  to  vanity 
and  superstition"  ^whereby  I  think  it  is  plain,  that  things 
not  only  lawful  in  themselves,  but  godly  in  their  first  insti- 
tution, may  come  to  be  unlawful).  "  Some  entered  into  the 
Church  by  indiscreet  devotion,  which  not  only  for  their  un- 
profitableness, but  also  because  they  much  blinded  the  people 
and  obscured  the  glory  of  G-od,  are  worthy  to  be  cut  away 
and  rejected ;  others  there  be  which,  although  they  have  been 
devised  by  man,  yet  it  is  thought  good  to  reserve  them  still, 
as  well  for  decent  order  in  the  Church,  for  which  they  were 


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352  LIFE   AND   LETTEBS   OF   JOHN  LOCKE. 

first  devised,  as  because  they  are  for  edification,  to  which  all 
things  done  in  the  Church,  as  the  Apostle  teacheth,  ought 
to  be  referred."  "Whereby  I  think  it  is  plain  that  no  cere- 
mony devised  by  man  ought  to  find  admittance  in  the  wor- 
ship of  Q-od,  even  upon  pretence  of  decency  and  order,  unless 
it  some  way  or  other  conduces  also  to  edification.     V 

Now,  if  we  will  but  take  a  view  of  the  Eeformation  and 
its  discreet  and  sober  progress,  we  may  observe  how  the  Re- 
formers, in  their  management  of  it,  kept  steady  to  this  great 
rule  and  aim,  viz.  of  bringing  the  people  to  the  knowledge  of 
God  and  the  practice  of  his  true  religion.  See  Burnet's 
History  of  the  Eeformation,  page  73,  respecting  the  Cere- 
monies. 

*  '   *  «  #  * 

It  is  plain  that  several  of  the  ceremonies  were  retained 
and  allowed  only  to  the  desires  of  the  people,  and  allowed 
with  limitation. 

When  the  Common  Prayer  Book  was  reviewed  (see  Bur- 
net, page  155,  170),  the  additions  were  very  sparing,  and 
such  as  were  very  necessary  for  the  edification  of  the  people 
at  that  time.  The  other  changes,  p.  283,  392,  History  of 
Seformation. 

#  *  *  #  * 

I  have  been  thus  particular  to  show  what  governed  those 
wise  and  pious  Eeformers  in  their  proceedings  at  that  time, 
and  we  may  observe  all  through,  that  the  great  difficulty 
that  pressed  them  was  how  they  might  lessen  the  ceremonies 
without  lessening  their  converts ;  the  men  they  had  to  do 
with  were,  we  see,  fond  and  loth  to  part  with  them,  and 
therefore  they  retained  as  many  of  them  as  they  could,  and 
^dded  some  again  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  which  had  been 
disused  in  King  Edward  the  Sixth's  time,  only  to  satisfy  the 
people,  and  as  a  fit  means  to  hold  them  in  or  bring  them 
over  to  our  communion :  whereby  they  plainly  kept  close  to 
the  rule  of  the  Scriptures  which  they  had  set  to  themselves, 
of  doing  all  things  for  edification,  and  had  been,  besides  the 
precept,  the  command  of  St  Paul,  who  became  all  things  to 
all  men,  that  he  might  gain  some.  But  is  the  case  so  now 
with  us  ?  have  we  now  any  hopes  of  fresh  harvests  amongst 
the  Papists,  and  to  gain  them  over  to  us  by  the  multitude  of 
lawful  ceremonies  ?    I  fear  not ;  I  hear  of  nobody  that  after 


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DEFElfCB   OF  NONCOHrORMITT.  353 

SO  long  an  experience  to  the  contrary  (and  their  being  now 
fixed  upon  quite  different  fundamentals  by  the  Council  of 
Trent),  that  thinks  it  now  reasonable  to  expect  it. 

But,  on  the  other  side,  since  Protestant  Dissenters  are  so 
great  a  part  of  the  people  upon  the  same  principles  with  us, 
and  agree  with  us  penectly  in  doctrine,  and  are  excluded 
from  our  communion,  not  by  the  desire  of  more,  but  by  their 
scruples  against  many  of  those  ceremonies  we  have  in  our 
Church,  can  any  one  say  that  the  same  reason  holds  now  for 
their  rigorous  imposing,  that  did  at  the  Eeformation  at  first 
for  their  retaining,  where  the  Eeformers  did  not  so  much 
contend  for  as  against  ceremonies  ? 

I  appeal  to  the  Doctor  himself,  whether  he  thinks  that  if 
those  wise  and  worthy  men  were  now  again  to  have  the  re- 
vising of  our  liturgy  and  ceremonies,  they  would  not  as  well 
leave  out  the  cross  in  baptism  now  (as  well  as  they  left  it 
out  in  confirmation  and  consecration  of  the  sacramental  ele- 
ments wherein  they  had  once  retained  it),  and  as  well  as  they 
left  out  several  others  in  use  in  the  ancient  Church,  to  comply 
with  the  weakness  and  perhaps  mistake  of  our  dissenting 
brethren,  and  thereby  hold  some  and  gain  others  to  our 
commimion,  as  well  as  they  retained  several  they  had  no 
great  liking  to,  only  to  avoid  offending  those  who  by  such 
compliance  were  more  likely  to  be  wrought  upon  ?  And  of 
this  mind  I  think  every  one  must  be  who  will  not  say  that 
more  charity  and  Christian  forbearance,  more  care  and  con- 
sideration, is  to  be  used  for  the  saving  the  souls  of  Papists 
than  of  dissenting  Protestants. 

I  hope  it  will  be  thought  no  breach  of  modesty  in  me,  if 
from  a  heart  truly  charitable  to  all  pious  and  sincere  Chris- 
tians, I  offer  my  thoughts  in  the  case.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  Eeformation,  the  people  who  had  been  bred  up  in  the 
superstition  and  various  outward  forms  of  the  Church  of 
Borne,  and  had  been  taught  to  believe  them  substantial  and 
necessary  parts,  nay,  almost  the  (  *  *  *  )  of  religion,  could 
not  so  easily  quit  their  reverent  opinion  of  them ;  and 
therefore,  in  a  Church  that  endeavoured  to  bring  over  as 
many  converts  as  they  could,  the  r^t^ning  ot  as  many 
of  those  ceremonies  as  were  not  unlawful,  was  then  to  en- 
large the  communion  of  the  Church,  and  not  narrow  it: 
since  the  people  at  that  time  were  apt  to  take  offence  at  the 

2  A 


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354  LIFE   AND   LETTEBS    OT   JOHN  LOCKE. 

too  few  rather  than  too  many  ceremonies.  So  that  cere- 
monies then  had  one  of  their  proper  ends,  being  a  means 
to  edification,  when  they  were  inducements  to  the  people 
to  join  in  communion  with  the  Church,  where  better  care 
was  taken  for  their  instruction.  But  the  sad  experience 
of  these  latter  years  makes  it,  I  fear,  but  too  plain  that  the 
case  is  now  altered :  and  as  we  at  present  stand  with  the 
Church  of  Eome,  we  have  more  reason  to  apprehend  we  shall 
be  lessened  by  the  apostasy  of  those  of  our  Church  to  them, 
than  increased  by  gaining  new  proselytes  from  them  to  us. 
The  harvest  for  such  converts  has  been  long  since  at  a  stand, 
if  not  an  ebb  ;  and  being  therefore  likelier  to  lose  than  gain 
by  any  approaches  we  make  towards  them  in  outward  agree- 
ment of  rites  and  ceremonies,  the  retaining  now  of  such, 
though  lawful,  cannot  but  in  that  respect  be  injurious  to  our 
Church,  especially  if  we  consider  how  many  there  are  on  the 
other  side  who  are  offended  at  and  shut  out  by  the  retaining 
of  them.  And,  therefore,  the  taking  away  of  as  many  as 
possible  of  our  present  ceremonies,  may  be  as  proper  a  way 
now  to  bring  the  Dissenters  into  the  communion  of  our 
Chui'ch,  as  the  retaining  as  many  of  them  as  could  be,  was 
of  making  converts  at  the  Eeformation.  So  that  what  then 
was  for  the  enlargement,  now  tends  to  the  narrowing  of  our 
Church,  and  vice  versd. 

Since  Dissenters  may  be  gained,  and  the  Church  enlarged, 
by  parting  with  a  few  things,  which,  when  the  law  which  en- 
joins them  is  taken  away,  are  acknowledged  to  be  indifferent, 
and  therefore  may  still  be  used  by  those  that  like  them,  I 
ask  whether  it  be  not,  not  only  prudent,  but  a  duty  incum- 
bent on  those  whose  business  it  is  to  have  a  care  of  the  sal- 
vation of  men's  souls,  to  bring  members  into  the  union  of 
the  Church,  and  so  to  put  an  end  to  the  guilt  they  are 
charged  and  lie  imder  of  error,  and  schism,  and  division,  when 
they  can  do  it  at  so  cheap  a  rate  ?  whereas,  whatever  kindness 
we  may  have  for  the  souls  of  those  who  remain  in  the  errors 
of  the  Church  of  Bome,  we  can  have  small  hopes  of  gaining 
much  by  concessions  on  that  side. 

«  #  «  *  # 

peaking  of  the  obedience  required  from  a  rational  creature 
in  Church  government,  it  is  never  obedience  for  obedience' 
sake,  since  the  end  God  has  prescribed  of  Church  society, 


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.        DEPENCE   OP  NOirOONrOEMITT.  355 

,  &nd  all  the  institutions  thereof,  are  for  the  preservation  of 
order  and  decency ;  whatsoever  is  arbitrarily  imposed  in  the 
Church,  no  way  subservient  to  that  end,  is  beyond  the  au- 
thority of  the  imposer,  nor  can  any  one  be  bound  by  the  terms 
of  communion  which  our  Saviour  does  not  allow  to  be  made. 

This  fundamental  mistake  is  the  reason,  I  suppose,  why  in 
this  dispute  about  ceremonies,  the  champions  for  conformity 
speak  generally  of  the  Church  in  such  manner  as  if  it  had 
such  a  divine  power  that  it  need  not  consider  whether  any- 
thing were  suited  to  the  end  for  which  only  its  use  can  be 
allowed ;  and  therefore  this,  our  Mother  (whether  it  be  the 
mark  of  an  indulgent  one  I  will  not  say),  need  not  consider 
whether  anything  be  fit,  and  therefore  appoint  it,  but  as  good 
as  tells  us  that  she  makes  it  fit  by  appointinff,  which  whether 
God  our  merciful  Father  ever  does  in  such  cases  I  much 
doubt ;  this  I  am  sure,  nothing  but  an  infinite  Being  can  do ; 
and  therefore  to  make  things  necessary  by  an  arbitrary  power, 
and  continue  them  as  necessary  when  the  ends  are  ceased 
for  which  th^  were  appointed,  is  to  extend  the  metaphor  of 
pastors  and  flocks  a  little  too  far,  and  treat  men  as  if  they 
were  brutes  in  earnest. 

All  the  Dissenters  can  be  accused  of  is  nothing  but  their 
refractoriness  in  choosing  to  lose  the  privileges  of  our  Church 
communion,  which  they  lawfully  may  do. 

2nd.  The  Doctor  answers :  "  that  there  can  be  no  reason- 
able suspicion  that  our  Church  should  impose  any  other 
ceremony  than  it  has  already  done,  because  the  Church  has 
rather  retrenched  than  increased  ceremonies,  as  will  appear 
to  any  one  that  compares  the  first  and  second  Liturgies  of 
Edward  the  Sixth,  and  since  that  time  no  new  ceremony 
has  been  required  as  a  condition  of  communion." 

If  the  Doctor  can  prove  that  the  Church  has  had  these 
last  twenty  years  the  same  ground  for  retaining  the  ceremo- 
nies as  it  had  at  the  beginning  of  the  Beformation,  I  yield 
there  will  be  no  such  reasonable  suspicion ;  but  if,  that  ground 
ceasing,  the  ceremonies  have  been  still  retained,  and  no  other 
ground  left  for  many  of  them  but  the  will  of  those  that  re- 
tain them  being  once  imposed,  the  argument  he  brings  that 
very  little  has  been  altered  since  Edwatd  the  Sixth*s  time, 
will  serve  only  to  make  such  a  suspicion  more  reasonable, 
since  those  who  keep  up  the  imposition  of  ceremonies  when 

2  A  2 


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356  LIFE  AKD   LETTEES  OP  JOHN  LOCKB. 

the  ground  they  were  first  imposed  on  had  long  before  ceased, 
may  for  the  same  reason  be  suspected  to  have  no  other  re- 
straint from  increasing  them,  by  some  accidental  hinderance, 
especially  if  the  Prelates  of  our  Church  practise  and  coun- 
tenance more  ceremonies  than  are  enjoined,  and  these  new 
and  voluntary  additions  are  understood  to  be  the  terms  of 
preferment,  though  the  law  has  not  yet  made  them  the  terms 
of  communion. 

But  the  Nonconformists  (I  believe)  will  not  think  the  pre- 
sent Church  of  England  gets  much  advantage  upon  them,  or 
shows  much  of  her  condescension,  by  the  proof  the  Doctor 
offers,  that  the  present  Church  is  not  like  to  increase  her 
ceremonies,  because  in  Edward  the  Sixth's  time  she  did  re- 
view and  retrench  those  of  her  own  appointment;  which 
does  only  tell  us  that  the  Church  then  did  more  towards  a 
full  reformation  in  two  years  than  has  been  done  in  one  hun- 
dred years  since,  viz.  review  her  own  constitutions,  and  re- 
trench the  ceremonies  as  much  as  the  present  temper  of  the 
people  would  permit ;  and  though  that  Church  ana  this  have 
the  same  name  of  the  Church  of  England,  yet  I  imagine  that 
the  Dissenters  think  they  are  under  far  different  churchmen, 
and  do  very  much  doubt  whether  the  conduct  of  these  now, 
and  those  then,  tend  both  the  same  way. 

As  to  the  law  of  the  land,  it  can  never  be  judged  to  be  a 
sin  not  to  obey  the  law  of  the  land  commandmg  to  join  in 
communion  with  the  Church  of  England,  till  it  be  proved 
that  the  civil  magistrate  hath  a  power  to  command  and  de- 
termine what  Church  I  shall  be  of;  and  therefore  all  the 
specious  names,  established  constitution,  settled  Church, 
running  through  all  the  Doctor's  sermons,  and  on  which  he 
seems  to  lay  so  much  stress,  signify  nothing,  till  it  be  evident 
the  civil  magistrate  has  that  power.  It  is  a  part  of  my 
liberty  as  a  Christian  and  as  a  man  to  choose  of  what  Church 
or  religious  society  I  will  be  of,  as  most  conducing  to  the 
salvation  of  my  soul,  of  which  I  alone  am  judge,  and  over 
which  the  magistrate  has  no  power  at  all ;  for  if  he  can  com- 
mand me  of  what  Church  to  be,  it  is  plain  it  follows  that  he 
can  command  me  of  what  religion  to  be,  which,  though  no- 
body dares  say  in  direct  words,  yet  they  do  in  effect  afi&rm, 
who  say  it  is  my  duty  to  be  of  the  Church  of  England,  be- 
cause the  law  of  the  land  enjoins  it. 


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DErBNCE   OF  NONCONFOHMITY.  357 


To  understand  the  extent,  distinction,  and  government  of 
particular  Churches,  it  will  be  convenient  to  consider  how 
Christianity  was  first  planted  and  propagated  in  the  world. 
The  apostles  and  evangelists  went  up  and  down,  preaching 
the  new  doctrine,  and  the  better  to  propagate  it,  went  from 
city  to  city,  or  one  great  town  to  another,  and  there  published 
their  doctrines,  where  great  collections  of  men  gave  them 
hopes  of  most  converts.  Having  made  a  sufficient  number 
of  proselytes  in  any  town,  they  chose  out  of  them  a  certain 
number  to  take  care  of  the  concernments  of  that  religion : 
these  they  called  the  elders,  or  bishops,  who  were  to  be  the 
governors  of  that  city,  which  so  became  a  particular  Church, 
lormed  much  after  the  manner  of  a  Jewish  synagogue :  such 
a  constitution  of  a  Church  we  find  at  Ephesus,  Acts  xx.,  and 
in  several  other  cities. 

When  a  Church  was  thus  planted  in  any  city,  these  itinerant 
preachers  left  it  to  grow  and  spread  of  itself,  and  from  thence, 
as  from  a  root,  to  take  in  not  only  those  who  from  thenceforth 
should  be  converted  in  the  city,  but  in  the  neighbouring 
villages  ;  and  having  done  this,  I  say,  they  went  to  plant  the 
Q-ospel  in  some  other  city.  And  the  apostle  St  Paul,  having 
preached  the  Gospel,  ana  made  converts  in  all  the  cities  of 
Q-reece,  stayed  not  himself  to  appoint  the  elders,  but  left 
Titus  there  to  do  it,  whikt  he  himself  went  on  to  publish  the 
doctrines  of  life  and  salvation  to  those  that  sat  yet  in  darkness. 

The  particular  Churches  in  difibrent  cities,  directed  by  the 
prudence  and  enlarged  by  the  preaching  of  these  presbyters 
under  whose  care  they  were  left,  spread  themselves,  so  that, 
in  succession  of  time,  in  some  places,  they  made  great  numbers 
of  converts  in  the  neighbourhood  and  villages  round  about, 
all  which  so  converted  made  an  accession  to  and  became 
members  of  the  Church  of  the  neighbouring  city,  which  be- 
came an  episcopacy,  Traponcia,  from  which  our  own  name 
parish  comes,  the  diocese,  which  was  the  name  that  remained 
in  use  for  a  bishop's  diocese  a  good  while  in  the  Church. 
How  far  the  vapoiKia  in  the  first  times  of  Christianity  reached, 
the  signification  of  the  word  itself,  which  denotes  neighbour- 
hood, will  easily  tell  us,  and  could  certainly  extend  no  further 
than  might  permit  the  Christians  that  lived  in  it  to  frequent 
the  Christian  assemblies  in  the  city,  and  enjoy  the  advantage 


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358  LIFE   AITD  LETTEBS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

of  Church  communion.  Though  the  number  of  believers 
were  in  some  of  these  cities  more  than  could  meet  in  one 
assembly  for  the  hearing  of  the  Word,  and  performing  public 
acts  of  worship,  and  so,  consequently,  had  divers  basilicas,  or 
churches,  as  well  as  several  presbyters  to  officiate  in  them, 
yet  they  continued  one  church  and  one  congregation,  because 
they  continued  under  the  government  of  the  same  presbyters, 
and  the  presbyters  officiated  promiscuously  in  all  their  meet- 
ing-places, and  performed  all  the  offices  of  pastors  and 
teachers  indifferently  to  all  the  members,  as  they,  on  their 
side,  had  the  liberty  to  go  to  which  assembly  they  pleased,  a 
plain  instance  whereof  we  have  in  several  Protestant  Churches 
beyond  sea,  at  Nismes,  at  St  Gall. 

This,  probably,  seems  to  be  the  constitution  and  bounds  of 
particular  Churches  in  the  most  primitive  times  of  Chris- 
tianity, different  from  our  present  parochial  congregations  and 
episcopal  dioceses ;  from  the  first,  because  they  were  inde- 
pendent Churches,  each  of  them  governed  within  themselves 
by  their  own  presbytery  ;  from  the  latter  they  differ  in  this, 
that  everv  great  town,  wherein  there  were  Christians,  was  a 
distinct  Church,  which  took  no  greater  extent  round  about 
for  its  parochia,  than  what  would  allow  the  converts  round 
about  to  have  the  convenience  of  communion  and  church 
fellowship  in  common  with  the  assemblies  of  Christians  in 
that  town :  but  afterwards,  when  these  Churches  were  formed 
into  episcopacies,  under  the  government  of  single  men,  and  so 
became  subjects  of  power  and  matter  of  ambition,  these 
parochias  were  extended  beyond  the  convenience  of  Church 
communion ;  and  human  frailty,  when  it  is  got  into  power, 
naturally  endeavouring  to  extend  the  bounds  of  its  jurisdic- 
tion, episcopal  parochias  were  enlarged,  and  that  name  being 
too  narrow,  was  laid  by,  and  the  name  of  diocese,  which 
signifies  large  tracts  of  ground,  was  taken  to  signify  a 
bishoprick ;  which  way  of  uniting  several  remote  assemblies 
of  Christians  and  Churches  under  one  governor,  upon  pre- 
tence of  preventing  schism  and  heresy,  and  preserving  the 
peace  and  unity  of  the  Church,  gave  rise  to  metropoUtans 
and  archbishops,  and  never  stopped  (nor  indeed  upon  that 
foundation  weU  could  it)  till  it  at  last  ended  in  supremacy. 


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ADDITIONS   TO   THE   ESSAY.  359 


ADDITIONS    INTBITDBD    BY    THE    AUTHOR     TO    HAVE     BEEK 
ADDED   TO    THE   ESSAY  ON   HITMAK   ITNDEBSTANDIKG. 

Book  ii.  c.  21.—God,  if  he  will .♦    Sec.  64. 

Perhaps  it  will  be  said,  if  this  be  so,  that  men  can  suspend 
their  desires,  stop  their  actions,  and  take  time  to  consider  and 
deliberate  upon  what  they  are  going  to  do.  If  men  can 
weigh  the  good  and  evil  of  an  action  they  have  in  view ;  if 
they  have  a  power  to  forbear  till  they  have  surveyed  the  con- 
sequences, and  examined  how  it  may  comport  with  their  hap- 
piness or  miserv,  and  what  a  train  of  one  or  the  other  it  may 
draw  after  it ;  how  comes  it  to  pass  that  we  see  men  abandon 
themselves  to  the  most  brutish,  vile,  irrational,  exorbitant 
actions,  during  the  whole  current  of  a  wild  or  dissolute  life, 
without  any  check,  or  the  least  appearance  of  any  reflection, 
who,  if  they  did  but  in  the  least  consider  what  will  certainly 
overtake  such  a  course  here,  and  what  may  possibly  attend 
it  hereafter,  would  certainly  sometimes  make  a  stand,  slacken 
their  pace,  abate  of  that  neight  of  wickedness  their  actions 
rise  to  ?  Amongst  the  several  causes  there  may  be  of  this,  I 
shall  set  down  some  of  the  most  common. 

1st.  It  sometimes  happens  that  from  their  cradles  some 
were  never  accustomed  to  reflect,  but  by  a  constant  indulg- 
ing of  their  passions  have  been  all  along  given  up  to  the  con- 
duct and  swing  of  their  inconsiderate  desires,  and  so  have, 
by  a  contrary  habit,  lost  the  use  and  exercise  of  reflection, 
as  if  it  were  foreign  to  their  constitution,  and  can  no  more 
bear  with  it  than  as  a  violence  done  to  their  natures.  How 
much  fond  or  careless  parents  and  negligent  inspectors  of 
the  education  of  children  have  to  answer  on  this  account, 
they  were  best  look — for  both  the  poor  and  rich,  I  fear, 
offend  this  way ;  the  one  in  not  opening  their  children's 
mind  at  all,  the  other  in  letting  them  loose  onljr  to  sensual 
pleasures;  and  hence  the  one  never  have  their  thoughts 
raised  above  the  necessities  of  a  needy  drudging  life,  on  which 
they  are  wholly  intent,  and  the  other  have  no  thought  besides 
their  present  pleasures,  which  wholly  possess  them.    To  the 

♦  These  are  the  concluding  words  of  the  preceding  section. 


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360        LIFE  AND  LETTEES  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

latter  of  these,  all  proposals  of  consideration  are  nonsense ; 
to  the  other,  the  names  of  virtue  and  worth  are  utterly  un- 
intelligible ;  and  to  talk  of  a  future  state  of  happiness  or 
misery  is  looked  on  as  a  trick,  and  mere  mockery,  and  they 
are  ready  to  answer,  You  shall  not  make  me  such  a  fool  as 
to  believe  that.  This,  in  a  country  of  so  much  preaching  as 
ours,  may  seem  strange,  but  I  have  very  good  witnesses  of 
such  instances  as  these :  and  I  think  nobody  need  go  far  to 
find  people  ignorant  and  uninstructed  to  that  degree,  for  it 
is  plain  the  instructions  of  the  pulpit  will  not  make  people 
knowing  if  those  be  begun  with  and  relied  on. 

2nd.  There  seems  to  me  to  be  in  the  world  a  great  number 
of  men  who  want  not  parts,  but  who,  from  another  sort  of 
ill  education,  and  the  prevalency  of  bad  company  and  ill-im- 
bibed principles  of  mistaken  philosophy,  cast  away  the 
thoughts  and  belief  of  another  world  as  a  fiction  of  politicians 
and  divines  conspiring  together  to  keep  the  world  in  awe, 
and  to  impose  on  weak  minds.  K  any  of  them,  by  their  mis- 
carriages, have  brought  this  discredit  on  this  fundamental 
truth,  I  think  thejr  have  a  great  deal  to  answer  for ;  for  this 
I  imagine  is  certain,  that  when  in  this  age  of  the  world  the 
belief  of  another  life  leaves  a  man  of  parts  who  has  been  bred 
up  under  the  sound  and  opinion  of  heaven  and  hell,  virtue 
seldom  stays  with  him  ;  and  then  all  his  happiness  being  re- 
solved into  the  satisfaction  of  his  temppral  desires,  it  is  no 
wonder  that  his  will  should  be  determined,  and  his  life  guided, 
by  measures  that,  by  men  of  other  principles,  seem  to  want 
consideration. 

3rd.  To  these  we  may  add  a  third  sort,  who,  for  want  of 
breeding,  not  arriving  at  a  learned  irreligion,  or  an  argu- 
mentative disbelief  of  a  future  state,  find  a  shorter  cut  to  it 
firom  their  own  ill  manners,  than  the  others  do  from  study 
and  speculation ;  for  having  plunged  themselves  in  all  sorts 
of  wickedness  and  villany,  their  present  lives  give  them  but 
a  very  ill  prospect  of  a  future  state,  they  resolve  it  their  best 
way  to  have  no  more  thoughts  about  it,  but  to  live  in  a  full 
enjoyment  of  all  they  can  set  and  relish  here,  and  not  to 
lessen  that  enjoyment  by  the  consideration  of  a  future  life, 
whereof  they  expect  no  benefit. 

N.B.  This  addition  to  the  chapter  may  be  spared. 


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ADDITIONS  TO   THE   ESSAY.  361 

Book  iii.  c.  10,  §  11. — Organs  of  Speech. 

Bjr  this  learned  art  of  abusing  words  and  shifting  their 
significations,  the  rules  left  us  by  the  ancients  for  the»  con- 
ducting our  thoughts  in  the  search,  or  at  least  the  examin- 
ation of  truth,  have  been  defeated.  The  logic  of  the  schools 
contains  all  the  rules  of  reasoning  that  are  generally  taught, 
and  they  are  believed  so  sufficient,  that  it  will  probably  be 
thought  presumption  in  any  to  suppose  there  needs  any 
other  to  be  sought  or  looked  after.  1  grant  the  method  of 
syllogism  is  right  as  far  as  it  reaches ;  its  proper  business  is 
to  show  the  force  and  coherence  of  any  argumentation,  and 
to  that  it  woxdd  have  served  very  well,  and  one  might  cer- 
tainly have  d^ended  on  the  conclusions  as  necessarily  fol- 
lowing from  the  premises  in  a  rightly  ordered  syllogism,  if 
the  applauded  art  of  disputing  had  not  been  taken  for  know- 
ledge, and  the  credit  of  victory  in  such  contests  introduced  a 
fallacious  use  of  words,  whereby  even  those  forms  of  arguing 
have  proved  rather  a  snare  than  a  help  to  the  understanding, 
and  so  the  end  lost  for  which  they  were  invented.  Tor  the 
form  of  the  syllogism  justifying  the  deduction,  the  conclu- 
sion, though  never  so  false,  stood  good,  and  was  to  be  admitted 
for  such.  This  set  men,  who  would  make  any  figure  in  the 
schools,  to  busy  their  thoughts,  not  in  a  search  into  the 
nature  of  things,  but  in  studpng  of  terms  and  varying  their 
signification  of  words  with  all  the  nicety  and,  as  it  was  called, 
the  subtlety  they  could  strain  their  thoughts  to,  whereby  they 
might  entangle  the  respondent,  who  if  he  let  slip  the  observa- 
tion and  detection  of  the  sophistry  whenever  any  of  the  terms 
were  used  in  various  significations,  he  was  certainly  gone 
without  the  help  of  a  like  sort  of  artifice ;  and  therefore,  on 
the  other  side,  was  to  be  well-furnished  with  good  store  of 
words,  to  be  used  as  distinctions,  whether  they  signified  any- 
thing to  the  purpose,  or  anything  at  all,  it  mattered  not,  they 
were  to  be  thrown  in  the  opponent's  way,  and  he  was  to 
argue  against  them  ;  so  that  whilst  one  could  use  his  words 
equivocally,  which  is  nothing  but  making  the  same  sound  to 
stand  for  different  ideas,  and  the  other  but  use  two  sounds, 
as  determining  the  various  significations  of  a  third,  whether 
in  truth  they  had  any  the  least  relation  to  its  signification  or 
no,  there  could  be  no  end  of  the  dispute,  or  decision  of  the 


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362        LITE  Ain>  LSTTSBS  OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

question.     Or  if  it  happened  that  either  of  the  disputants, 
railing  in  his  proper  artillery,  was  brought  to  a  nonplus,  this, 
indeed,  placed  the  laurels  on  his  adversary's  head,  victory 
was  his,  and  with  it  the  name  of  learning  and  renown  of  a 
scholar :  he  has  his  reward,  and  therein  his  end  ;  but  truth 
gets  nothing  by  it :  every  one  says  he  is  the  better  disputant 
and  carried  the  day,  but  nobody  finds  or  judges  of  the  truth 
by  that :  the  question  is  a  question  still,  and  after  it  has 
been  the  matter  of  many  a  combat,  and  by  being  carried 
sometimes  on  one  side  and  sometimes  on  the  other,  has 
afforded  a  triumph  to  many  a  combatant,  is  still  as  far  from 
decision  as  ever.     Truth  and  knowledge  have  nothing  to  do 
in  all  this  bustle ;  nobody  thinks  them  concerned,  it  is  all  for 
victory   and  triumph:  so  that  this  way  of  contesting  for 
truth  may  be,  and  often  is,  nothing  but  the  abuse  of  words 
for  victory, — a  trial  of  skill,  without  any  appearance  of  a  true 
consideration  of  the  matter  in  question,  or  troubling  their 
heads  to  find  out  where  the  truth  lies.     This  is  not  the  faujt 
of  mode  and  figure,  the  rules  whereof  are  of  great  use  in  the 
regulating  of  argumentation,  and  trying  the  coherence  and 
force  of  men's  discourses.    But  the  mischief  has  been  brought 
in  by  placing  too  high  a  value  and  credit  on  the  art  of  dis- 
puting, and  giving  that  the  reputation  and  reward  of  learning 
and  knowledge,  which  is  in  truth  one  of  the  greatest  hin- 
drances of  it. 

Book  iii.  c.  10,  §  13.— To  do  so. 

We  cannot  but  think  that  angels  of  all  kinds  much  exceed 
us  iQ  knowledge,  and  possibly  we  are  apt  sometimes  to  envy 
them  that  advantage,  or  at  least  to  repine  that  we  do  not  par- 
take with  them  in  a  greater  share  of  it.  Whoever  thinks  of 
the  elevation  of  their  knowledge  above  ours,  cannot  imagine 
it  lies  in  a  playing  with  words,  but  in  the  contemplation  of 
things,  and  having  true  notions  about  them,  a  perception  of 
their  habitudes  and  relations  one  to  another.  If  this  be  so, 
methinks  we  should  be  ambitious  to  come,  in  this  part,  which 
is  a  CTeat  deal  in  our  power,  as  near  them  as  we  can ;  we 
shoiud  cast  off  all  the  artifice  and  fellacy  of  words,  which 
makes  so  great  a  part  of  the  business  and  skill  of  the  dis- 
puters  of  this  world,  and  is  contemptible  even  to  rational  men. 


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ADDITIONS  TO   THE   ESSAY.  363 

and  therefore  must  needs  render  us  ridiculous  to  those  higher 
orders  of  spirits.  Whilst  we,  pretending  to  the  knowledge  of 
things,  hinder  as  much  as  we  can  the  discovery  of  truth  by 
perplexing  one  another  all  we  can  by  a  perverse  use  of  those 
signs  which  we  make  use  of  to  convey  it  to  one  another,  must 
it  not  be  matter  of  contempt  to  them  to  see  us  make  the 
studied  and  improved  abuse  of  those  signs  have  the  name  and 
credit  of  learning  ?  Should  not  we  ourselves  think  the 
Chinese  very  ridiculous,  if  they  should  set  those  destined  to 
knowledge  out  of  the  way  to  it  by  praising  and  rewarding 
their  proficiency  in  that  which  leads  them  quite  from  it  ? 

The  study  of  such  arts  as  these  is  an  unaccountable  wasting 
of  our  time ;  they  serve  only  to  continue  or  spread  ignorance 
and  error,  and  should  be  exploded  by  all  lovers  of  truth  and 
professors  of  science ;  at  least,  ought  not  to  be  supported  by 
the  name  and  rewards  of  learning  given  to  them.  Those  who 
are  set  apart  to  learning  and  knowledge,  should  not,  one 
would  think,  have  that  made  the  chief,  or  any  part  of  their 
study,  which  is  a  hiiidrance  to  their  main  end — knowledge. 
The  forms  of  argumentation  should  be  learned  and  made  use 
of;  but  to  teach  an  apprentice  to  measure  well,  would  you  com- 
mend and  reward  him  for  cheating  by  putting  off  false  and 
sophisticated  wares  ?  It  is  no  wonder  men  never  come  to 
seek  and  to  value  truth  sincerely,  when  they  have  been 
entered  in  sophistry,  and  questions  are  proposed  and  argued, 
not  at  aU  for  the  resolving  of  doubts  nor  settling  the  mind 
upon  good  grounds  on  the  right  side,  but  to  make  a  sport  of 
truth,  which  is  set  up  only  to  be  thrown  at,  and  to  be  battled 
as  falsehood,  and  he  has  most  applause  who  can  most  effect* 
ually  do  it.  What,  then,  shall  not  scholars  dispute  ?  how 
else  will  they  be  able  to  defend  the  truth,  unless  th^  under- 
stand the  ways  and  management  of  arguments  P  To  this  I 
answer, — 

1st.  This  way  of  managing  arguments  is  nothing  but  the 
forms  of  syllogism,  and  may  quickly  be  learned. 

2nd.  If  disputing  be  necessary  to  make  any  one  master  of 
those  forms,  it  must  be  allowed  to  be  absurd  for  beginners  to 
dispute  in  any  science  till  they  have  well  studied  that  science ; 
if  they  be  accustomed  and  required  to  dispute  before  they 
know,  will  it  not  teach  them  to  take  words  for  things, — 
to  prefer  terms  to  truth, — and  take  disputing  for  knowledge  ? 


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364  LIFE  AJSD  LETTEES  OP  JOHN  LOCKE. 

3rd.  K  disputing  be  necessary,  every  one  should  dispute 
in  earnest  for  the  opinion  he  is  really  of;  that  truth  and 
falsehood  might  not  appear  indifferent  to  him,  nor  was  it 
matter  which  he  held,  victory  was  all,  truth  nothing  in  the 
case. 

4th.  But  that  can  never  teach  a  man  to  defend  truth  which 
teaches  him  not  the  love  of  it,  and  when  he  gets  commenda- 
tion not  by  holding  the  truth,  but  for  well  maintaining  ialse- 
hood.  Besides,  if  it  find  approbation  never  to  come  to  an 
end  of  his  syllo^sms  or  distmctions  till  he  has  got  the  last 
word,  what  is  this  but  to  persuade  a  man  it  is  a  fine  worthy 
thing  never  to  have  done  talking, — ^to  take  no  answer  as  long 
as  he  can  find  any  terms  of  opposing, — ^nor  ever  to  yield  to 
any  arguments?  than  which  there  can  be  nothing  more 
odious  to  those  who  have  a  regard  to  truth,  to  say  nothing  of 
civil  conversation  and  good  breeding. 


In  Locke's  fou^ftrlietter  for  Toleration  there  is  an  hiatus, 
where  the  Editor  informs  the  reader  that "  [the  two  following 
leaves  of  the  copy  are  either  lost  or  mislaid] ."  That  deficiency 
is  now  supplied  from  the  original  rough  draft. 

[But  since,  perhaps,  it  would  have  laid  the  matter  a  little 
too  open,  if  you  had  given  the  reason  why  you  say  I  was 
concerned  to  make  out  that  there  are  as  clear  and  solid  ar- 

fuments  for  the  belief  of  false  religion  as  there  are  for 
elief  of  the  true ;  or  that  men  may  both  as  firmly  and  ra- 
tionally believe  and  embrace  false  religions  as  they  can  the 
true, — I  shall  endeavour  here  to  do  it  for  you. 

Kiiowledge,  properly  so  called,  or  knowledge  of  the  true 
religion,  upon  strict  demonstration,  as  you  are  pleased  to  call 
it,  not  being  to  be  had,  his  knowledge  could  not  point  out 
to  him  that  religion  which  he  is  by  force  to  promote.  The 
magistrate  being  thus  visibly  destitute  of  knowledge  to  guide 
him  in  the  right  exercise  oi  his  duty,  you  will  not  allow  his 
belief  or  persuasion,  but  it  must  be  firmness  of  persuasion,  or 
full  assurance  ;  and  this  you  think  sufficient  to  point  out  to 
him  that  religion  which  by  force  he  is  to  promote.  And 
hereupon  you  think  your  cause  gained,  unless  I  could  prove 
that  which  I  think  utterly  false,  viz.  that  there  are  as  clear 


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ABSTRACT  OF  TKB  ESSAY.  865 

and  solid  grounds  for  the  belief  of  false  religions  as  there 
are  for  belief  of  the ,  true,  and  that  men  may  l)oth  as  firmly 
and  as  rationally  believe  and  embrace  false  religions  as  true. 
All  which  is  bottomed  upon  this  very  false  supposition,  that 
in  the  want  of  knowledge  nothing  is  sufficient  to  set  the  ma- 
gistrate upon  doing  his  duty  in  using  of  force  to  promote 
the  true  religion,  but  the  firmest  belief  of  its  truth ;  whereas 
his  own  persuasion  of  the  truth  of  his  own  religion,  in  what 
degree  soever  it  be  .  .  .he  believes  it  to  be  true,  will,  if  he 
think  it  his  duty,  be  sufficient  to  set  him  to  work. 

This,  as  well  as  several  other  things  in  my  former  letters, 
stick  with  some  readers,  who  want  to  have  them  clear ;  but 
such  poor  spirits  deserve  not  to  be  regarded  by  a  master  of 
fencing,  who  answers  by  specimen,  and  relates  by  wholesale, 
and  whose  word  is  to  be  taken  for  sufficient  guarantee  of 
truth — the  most  commodious  way  that  hath  been  yet  found 
out  for  silencing  objections,  and  putting  an  end  to  contro- 
versy.] 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ESSAY. 


On  opening  the  MS.  copy  of  the  Essay  on  Human  IJn- 
derstanoing,  dated  1671, 1  found  the  following  paper  without 
title  or  date :  it  is  an  Epitome  or  Abstract  of  the  Essay, 
drawn  up  by  Locke  himself; — the  same  which  was  translated 
by  Le  Clerc,  and  published  in  the  Bibliotheque  IJniverselle 
of  1688,  before  the  Essay  was  given  to  the  world. 

Lib.  I.  In  the  thoughts  I  have  had  concerning  the  Under- 
standing, I  have  endeavoured  to  prove  that  the  mind  ip  at 
first  rasa  tabula.  But  that  being  only  to  remove  the  preju- 
dice that  lies  in  some  men's  minds,  I  think  it  best  in  this 
short  view  I  design  here  of  my  principles,  to  pass  by  all  that 
preliminary  debate  which  makes  the  first  book,  since  I  pretend 
to  show  in  what  follows  the  original  from  whence,  and  the 


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366       LITE  Ain)  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

ways  whereby,  we  receive  all  the  ideas  our  understandings 
are  employed  about  in  thinking. 

Lib.  II.  Chap.  1.  The  mind  having  been  supposed  void  of 
all  innate  characters,  comes  to  receive  them  by  degrees  as 
experience  and  observation  lets  them  in ;  and  we  sh^,  upon 
consideration,  find  they  all  come  from  two  originals,  and  are 
conveyed  into  the  mind  by  two  ways,  viz.  sensoHoit  and 
reflection. 

1st.  It  is  evident  that  outward  objects,  by  affecting  our 
senses,  cause  in  our  minds  several  ideas  which  were  not  there 
befcJre:  thus  we  come  by  the  idea  of  red  and  blue,  sweet 
and  bitter,  and  whatever  other  perceptions  are  produced  in 
us  by  sensation, 

2nd.  The  mind,  taking  notice  of  its  own  operation  about 
these  ideas  received  by  sensation,  comes  to  have  ideas  of  those 
very  operations  that  pass  within  itself:  this  is  another  source 
of  ideas,  and  this  I  call  reflection  ;  and  from  hence  it  is  we 
have  the  ideas  of  thvnhvng^  mllingy  reasoning,  dotibting,  pttr- 
posing,  &c. 

jProm  these  two  originals  it  is  that  we  have  all  the  ideas 
we  have ;  and  I  think  I  may  confidently  say  that,  besides 
what  our  senses  convey  into  the  mind,  or  the  ideas  of  its 
own  operations  about  those  received  from  sensation,  we  have 
no  ideas  at  all.  From  whence  it  follows — ^first,  that  where  a 
man  has  always  wanted  any  one  of  his  senses,  there  he  will 
always  want  the  ideas  belonging  to  that  sense ;  men  bom 
deaf  or  blind  are  suflScient  proof  of  this.  Secondly,  it  follows 
that  if  a  man  could  be  supposed  void  of  all  senses,  he  would 
also  be  void  of  all  ideas ;  because,  wanting  all  sensation,  he 
would  have  nothing  to  excite  any  operation  in  him,  and  so 
woidd  have  neither  ideas  of  sensation,  external  objects  having 
no  way  by  any  sense  to  excite  them,  nor  ideas  of  reflection^ 
his  mind  having  no  ideas  to  be  employed  about. 

Chap.  2.  To  imderstand  me  right,  when  I  say  that  we  have 
not,  nor  can  have,  any  ideas  but  of  sensation,  or  of  the  oper- 
ation of  our  mind  aoout  them,  it  must  be  considered  that 
there  are  two  sorts  of  ideas,  simple  and  complex.  It  is  of 
simple  ideas  that  I  here  speak ;  such  as  are  the  white  colour 
of  tnis  paper,  the  sweet  taste  of  sugar,  &c.,  wherein  the  mind 
perceives  no  variety  nor  composition,  but  one  uniform  per- 


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ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ESSAT.  867 

ception  or  idea;  and  of  these  I  say  we  have  none  but  what 
we  receive  from  sensation  or  reflection  ;  the  mind  is  wholly 
passive  in  them,  can  make  no  new  ones  to  itself,  though  out 
of  these  it  can  compound  others,  and  make  complex  ones 
with  great  variety,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter ;  and  hence  it  is 
that  though  we  cannot  but  allow  that  a  sixth  sense  may  be 
as  possible,  if  our  all- wise  Creator  had'  thought  it  fit  for  us, 
as  the  five  he  has  bestowed  ordinarily  upon  man,  yet  we  can 
have  by  no  means  any  ideas  belonging  to  a  sixth  sense,  and 
that  for  the  same  reason  that  a  man  bom  blind  cannot  have 
any  ideas  of  colours,  because  they  are  to  be  had  only  by  the 
fifth  sense,  that  way  of  sensation  which  he  always  wanted. 

Chap.  3 — 6.  I  think  I  need  not  go  about  to  set  down  all 
those  ideas  that  are  peculiar  objects  of  each  distinct  sense, 
both  because  it  would  be  of  no  great  use  to  give  them  by 
tale,  they  are  most  of  them  obvious  enough  to  our  present 
purpose,  and  also  because  they  most  of  them  want  names ; 
lor,  bating  colours,  and  some  few  tangible  qualities,  which 
men  have  been  a  little  more  particular  in  denominating, 
though  far  short  of  their  great  variety,  tastes,  smells,  and 
sounds,  whereof  there  is  no  less  a  variety,  have  scarce  any 
names  at  all,  but  some  few  very  general  ones.  Though  the 
taste  of  milk  and  a  cherry  be  as  distinct  ideas  as  white  and 
red,  yet  we  see  they  have  no  particular  names ;  sweet,  sour, 
and  bitter,  are  almost  all  the  appellations  we  have  for  that 
almost  infinite  difference  of  relishes  to  be  found  in  Nature. 
Omitting,  therefore,  the  enumeration  of  the  simple  ideas  pe- 
culiar to  each  sense,  I  shall  here  only  observe  that  there  are 
some  ideas  that  are  conveyed  to  the  mind  only  by  one  sense, 
viz.  colours  by  the  sight  only,  sounds  by  the  hearing,  heat 
and  cold  by  tne  touch,  &c.  Others  again  are  conveyed  into 
the  mind  by  more  than  one  sense,  as  motion,  rest,  space,  and 
figure,  which  is  but  the  termination  of  space,  by  both  the 
•sight  and  touch.  Others  there  be  that  we  receive  only  from 
reflection ;  such  are  the  ideas  of  thinking,  and  willing,  and 
all  their  various  modes.  And  some  again  that  we  receive 
from  all  the  ways  of  sensation,  and  from  reflection  too,  and 
those  are  number,  existence,  power,  pleasure,  and  pain,  &c. 

These,  I  think,  are  in  general  all,  or  at  least  the  greater 
part,  of  the  simple  ideas  we  have,  or  are  capable  of,  and  which 
contain  in  them  the  materials  of  all  our  knowledge,  out  of 


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868  LITE   AISTD  LETTEBS  01*  JOHN   LOCEJ!. 

whicH  all  our  other  ideas  are  made,  and  beyond  which  our 
minds  have  no  thoughts  nor  knowledge  at  all. 

Chap.  7.  One  thing  more  I  shall  remark  concerning  our 
simple  ideas,  and  then  proceed  to  show  how  out  of  them  are 
made  our  complex  ideas;  and  that  is,  that  we  are  apt  to 
mistake  them,  and  take  them  to  be  resemblances  of  something 
in  the  objects  that  produce  them  in  us,  which,  for  the  most 
part,  they  are  not.  This,  though  it  lead  us  into  the  consider- 
ation of  the  way  of  the  operation  of  bodies  upon  us  by  our 
senses,  yet,  however  unwilling  I  am  to  engage  in  any  p»hysical 
speculations,  pretending  here  to  give  only  an  historical  ac- 
count of  the  understanding,  and  to  set  down  the  way  and 
manner  how  the  mind  first  gets  the  materials,  and  by  what 
steps  It  proceeds  in  the  attsonment  of  knowledge ;  yet  it  is 
necessary  a  little  to  explain  this  matter,  to  avoid  confusion 
and  obscurity.  For  to  discover  the  nature  of  sensible  ideas 
the  better,  and  discourse  of  them  intelligibly,  it  will  be  con- 
venient to  distinguish  them,  as  they  are  ideas  or  perceptions 
in  our  minds,  and  as  they  are  in  the  bodies  that  cause  such 
perceptions  in  us. 

"Whatsoever  immediate  object,  whatsoever  perception,  be 
in  the  mind  when  it  thinks,  that  I  call  idea ;  and  the  power 
to  produce  any  idea  in  the  mind,  I  call  quality  of  the  subject 
wherein  that  power  is.  Thus,  whiteness,  coldness,  roundness, 
as  they  are  sensations  or  perceptions  in  the  understanding,  I 
call  ideas  ;  as  they  are  in  a  snow-baU,  which  has  the  power 
to  produce  these  ideas  in  the  understanding,  I  call  them 
qualities. 

The  original  qualities  that  may  be  observed  in  bodies  are, 
solidity,  extension,  figure,  number,  motion,  or  rest ;  these,  in 
whatsoever  state  body  is  put,  are  always  inseparable  from  it. 

The  next  thing  to  be  considered  is,  how  bodies  operate  one 
upon  another ;  and  the  only  way  intelligible  to  me  is  by  im- 
pulse ;  I  can  conceive  no  other.  When,  then,  they  produce 
in  us  the  ideas  of  any  of  their  original  qualities  which  are 
really  in  them, — let  us  suppose  that  of  extension  or  figure  by 
the  sight, — ^it  is  evident  that  the  thing  seen  being  at  a  dis- 
tance, the  impidse  made  on  the  organ  must  be  by  si»^e  in- 
sensible particles  coming  from  the  object  to  the  eyes,  an\by 
a  continuation  of  that  motion  to  the  brain,  those  ideas  a^ 
produced  in  us.    Tor  the  producing,  then,  of  the  ideas  q 


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ABSTBACT  07   THE   ESSAY. 

these  origulal  qualities  in  our  understandings,  we  can  find 
nothing  but  the  impulse  and  motion  of  some  insensible  bodies. 
By  the  same  way  we  may  also  conceive  how  the  ideas  of  the 
colour  and  smell  of  a  violet  m&j  as  well  be  produced  in  us  as 
of  its  figure,  viz.  by  a  certain  impulse  on  our  eyes  or  noses, 
of  particles  of  such  a  bulk,  figure,  number,  and  motion,  as 
those  that  come  from  violets  when  we  see  or  smell  them,  and 
by  the  particular  motion  received  in  the  organ  from  that  im- 
pulse, and  continued  to  the  brain ;  it  being  no  more  impossible 
to  conceive  that  God  should  annex  such  ideas  to  such  motions 
with  which  they  have  no  similitude,  than  that  He  should 
annex  the  idea  of  pain  to  the  motion  of  a  piece  of  steel  divid- 
ing  our  flesh,  with  which  that  idea  has  also  no  resemblance. 

W hat  I  have  said  concerning  colours  and  smells  may  be 
applied  to  sounds  and  tastes,  and  all  other  ideas  of  bodies 
produced  in  us  by  the  texture  and  motion  of  particles,  whose 
single  bulks  are  not  sensible.  And  since  bodies  do  produce 
in  us  ideas  that  contain  in  them  no  perception  of  bulk,  figiu^e, 
motion,  or  number  of  parts,  as  ideas  of  warmth,  hunger, 
blueness,  or  sweetness,  which  yet  it  is  plain  they  cannot  do 
but  by  the  various  combinations  of  these  primary  qualities^ 
however  we  perceive  them  not,  I  call  the  powers  in  bodies  to 
produce  these  ideas  in  us  secondary  qualities. 

From  whence  we  may  draw  this  inference,  that  the  ideas 
of  the  primary  qualities  of  bodies  are  resemblances  of  them, 
and  their  archetypes  do  really  exist  in  the  bodies  themselves ; 
but  the  ideas  produced  in  us  by  these  secondary  qualities  have 
no  resemblance  of  them  at  all.  There  is  nothing  existing  in 
the  bodies  themselves  that  has  any  likeness  to  our  ideas. 
'Tis  only  in  them  a  power  to  cause  such  sensations  in  us,  and 
what  is  blue,  sweet,  or  warm,  in  idea,  is  but  the  certain  bulk, 
figure,  and  motion  of  the  insensible  parts  of  the  bodies  them- 
selves to  which  we  give  those  denominations.     Chap  8  — 10. 

Chap.  11.  Having  showed  how  the  mind  comes  oy  all  its 
simple  ideas,  in  the  next  place  I  shall  show  how  these  simple 
ideas  are  the  materials  of  all  our  knowledge,  and  how,  from 
several  combinations  of  them,  complex  ones  are  made. 

Though  the  mind  cannot  make  to  itself  any  one  simple 
idea  more  than  it  receives  from  those  two  sole  inlets,  sensation 
and  reflection,  wherein  it  is  merely  passive,  yet  out  of  these 
being  lodged  in  the  memory,  it  can  make,  by  repeating  and 

2  B 


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870  LIFE   AKD   LETTERS   OF  JOHK  LOCKE. 

several  ways  combining  them,  a  great  variety  of  bther  ideas, 
as  well  as  receive  such  combinations  by  the  senses.  I  shall 
give  some  few  instances  of  this  in  those  that  seem  the  most 
abstruse,  and  then  proceed  to  other  things. 

Chap.  12.  That  our  eyes  and  touch  furnish  us  with  ideaa 
of  space,  I  think  nobody  will  deny ;  we  cannot  open  our  eyes 
nor  move  our  bodies,  or  rest  them  upon  anything,  but  we  are 
convinced  of  it.  Having  got  the  idea  of  the  length  of  our 
span,  or  the  height  and  breadth  of  the  door  we  usually  go  in 
and  out  at,  or  of  the  bulk  of  any  body  that  familiarly  comes 
in  our  way,  we  can  repeat  this  idea  in  our  minds  as  often  aa 
we  will,  and  so  increase  that  idea  to  what  bigness  we  please 
by  still  adding  the  like  or  the  double  to  the  former ;  and  by 
this  way,  though  sensation  should  supply  us  with  no  idea  but 
of  a  foot,  a  yard,  or  a  mile  long,  we  could  by  this  repetition 
attain  and  form  to  ourselves  the  idea  of  immensity,  which 
had  its  foundation  still  in  that  idea  of  space  we  received  by 
our  senses,  and  is  nothing  but  the  enlargement  of  that  by 
repetition.  1  shall  not  here  set  down  what  I  have  at  large 
written,  to  show  the  clear  distinction  between  the  idea  of 
body  and  space,  which  .some  have  endeavoured  to  confound ; 
it  shall  suffice  only  to  mention,  that  when  distance  is  con- 
sidered between  any  two  things,  abstract  from  any  consider- 
ation of  body  filling  up  the  interval,  it  may  most  properly 
be  called  space — when  the  distance  is  considered  between 
the  extremes  of  a  solid  body  it  may  fitly  be  called  extension. 
The  right  application  of  these  two  terms  would,  I  hope, 
help  us  to  avoid  some  confusion,  which  sometimes  happens 
in  discourses  concerning  body  and  space. 

Chap.  13.  Time  and  duration  have  a  great  conformity 
with  extension  and  space.  Had  the  original,  from  whence  we 
have  our  idea  of  duration,  been  well  considered,  I  imagine 
time  would  never  have  been  thought  mensura  motile,  since  it 
hath  truly  nothing  to  do  with  motion  at  all,  and  would  be 
the  same  it  is,  were  there  no  motion  at  all.  He  that  will 
look  into  himself  and  observe  what  passes  in  his  own  mind, 
will  find  that  various  ideas  appear  and  disappear  there  in 
train  all  the  time  he  is  waking,  and  this  so  constantly,  that 
though  he  is  never  without  some  whilst  he  is  awake,  yet  it 
is  not  one  single  one  that  possesses  his  mind  alone,  but  con- 
stantly new  ones  come  in  and  go  out  again.     If  any  one 


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ABSTEACT  OF  THE  ESSAY.  371 

doubts  of  this,  let  him  try  to  keep  his  thoughts  fixed  upon 
any  one  idea  without  any  alteration  at  all ;  for  if  there  be 
any  the  least  alteration  of  thought  by  addition,  subtraction, 
or  any  manner  of  change,  there  is  then  another,  a  new  idea. 

From  this  perpetual  change  of  ideas  observable  in  our 
minds,  this  train  of  new  appearances  there,  we  have  the  clear 
idea  of  succession.  The  existence  of  anything  commensurate 
to  any  part  of  such  succession,  we  call  duration ;  and  the  dis- 
tance between  any  two  points  of  duration,  we  call  time.  That 
our  ideas  of  time  and  duration  have  their  original  from  this 
reflection  is  evident  from  hence,  that  whenever  this  succes- 
sion of  ideas  ceases  in  our  minds,  we  have  no  idea,  no  per- 
ception at  all  of  duration,  and  therefore  a  man  that  sleeps 
without  dreaming  perceives  no  distance  betwixt  his  falling 
asleep  and  waking ;  but  if  dreams  furnish  him  with  trains  of 
ideas,  the  perception  of  duration  accompanies  them,  and  that 
'  comes  in  to  his  account  of  time. 

Though  mankind  have  made  choice  of  the  revolution  of  the 
sun  and  moon  as  the  fittest  measure  of  time,  because  they 
are  everywhere  observable,  and  not  easily  discernible  to  be 
unequal,  yet  this  is  not  because  of  any  connection  between 
duration  and  motion ;  for  any  other  regular  periodical  appear- 
ances, that  were  common  to  all  the  world,  would  measure 
time  as  well,  were  it  without  any  sensible  motion. 

Chap.  14.  And  though  the  word  time  is  usually  taken 
for  that  part  of  duration  which  is  taken  up  by  the  existence 
of  natural  things,  or  the  motions  of  the  heavens,  as  extension 
for  that  part  of  space  which  is  commensurate  and  filled  by 
body,  yet  the  mind  having  got  the  idea  of  any  portion  of 
time,  as  a  day,  or  a  year,  it  can  repeat  it  as  often  as  it  will, 
and  so  enlarge  its  ideas  of  duration  beyond  the  being  or  mo- 
tion of  the  sun,  and  have  as  clear  an  idea  of  the  763  years  of 
the  Julian  period  before  the  beginning  of  the  world,  as  of 
any  763  years  since ;  and  from  this  power  of  repeating  and 
enlarging  its  ideas  of  duration,  wdthout  ever  coming  to  an 
end,  frame  to  itself  the  idea  of  eternity,  as  by  endless  addi- 
tion of  ideas  of  space  it  doth  that  of  immensity. 

Chap.  16.  The  idea  of  number,  as  has  been  observed,  is 

suggested  to  us  by  refiection^  and  all  the  ways  of  sensation 

we  count  ideas,  thoughts,  bodies,  everything ;  and  having  got 

the  idea  of  a  unit,  by  the  repetition  and  addition  of  one  or 

2  B  2 


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372  LIFE   AND   LETTEBS   OF  JOHN   LOCKE. 

more  such  units,  make  any  combinations  of  numbers  that  we 
please. 

Chap.  16.  Whereas  the  mind  can  never  come  to  the  end 
of  these  additions,  but  finds  in  itself  still  the  power  of  adding 
more  in  the  proportion  it  pleases,  hence  we  come  by  the  idea 
of  infinite,  which,  whether  applied  to  space  or  duration,  seems 
to  me  to  be  nothing  else  but  this  infinity  of  number,  only 
with  this  difierence,  that  in  number,  beginning  at  a  unit, 
we  seem  to  be  at  one  end  of  the  line,  which  we  can  extend 
infinitely  forward.  In  duration  we  extend  the  infinite  end 
of  number  or  addition  two  ways  from  us,  both  to  duration 
past  and  duration  to  come ;  and  in  space,  as  if  we  were  in  the 
centre,  we  can  on  eyery  side  add  miles  or  diameters  of  the 
orbis  magntM,  &c.,  till  number  and  the  power  of  addition  fail 
us,  without  any  prospect  or  hopes  of  coming  to  an  end. 

That  this  is  the  idea  we  have  of  infinite,  made  up  of  addi- 
tions, with  still  an  inexhaustible  remainder,  as  much  as  there 
is  in  number,  and  not  in  any  positive  comprehensive  idea  of 
infinity,  I  shall  not,  in  the  brevity  I  now  propose  to  myself, 
set  down  the  proofs  of  at  large :  let  any  one  examine  his  own 
thoughts  and  see  whether  he  can  find  any  other  but  such  an 
idea  of  infinity ;  in  the  mean  time,  it  suffices  me  to  show  how 
our  idea  of  infinite  is  made  up  of  the  simple  ideas  derived 
from  sensation  and  reflection.     Chap.  18,  19. 

Chap.  20.  Amongst  the  simple  ideas  we  receive  both  from 
sensation  and  reflection,  pleasure  and  pain  are  none  of  the 
most  inconsiderable;  they  are  our  great  concernment,  and 
they  often  accompany  our  other  sensations  and  thoughts. 
For  as  there  are  few  sensations  of  the  body  that  do  not  bring 
with  them  also  some  degrees  oi pleasure  or  pain,  so  there  are 
few  thoughts  of  our  minds  so  indifferent  to  us  that  do  not 
delight  or  disturb  us;  all  which  I  comprehend  under  the 
names  of  pleasure  and  pain.  That  satisfaction  or  delight, 
uneasiness  or  trouble,  which  the  mind  receives  from  any  either 
external  sensation  or  internal  thought  whatsoever,  has  an 
aptness  to  cause,  increase,  or  continue  pleasure  in  us,  or  to 
lessen  or  shorten  any  pain,  we  call  good,  and  the  contrary  we 
call  evil:  upon  these  two,  good  and  evil,  all  our  passions 
turn,  and  by  reflecting  on  what  our  thoughts  about  them 
produce  in  us,  we  get  the  ideas  of  the  passions. 

Thus  any  one  reflecting  upon  the  thought  he  has  of  the  de- 


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ABSTEACT   or   THE   ESSAY.  373 

light  which  any  present  or  absent  thing  is  apt  to  produce  in 
him,  has  the  idea  we  call  love.  For  when  a  man  declares  in 
autumn,  when  he  is  eating  them,  or  in  the  spring  when  there 
Bxe  none,  that  he  loves  grapes,  he  means  no  more  but  that 
the  taste  of  grapes  delights  him.  The  being  and  welfare  of  a 
man's  children  and  friends  producing  constant  delight  in  him, 
he  is  said  constantly  to  love  them.  On  the  contrary,  the 
thought  of  the  pain  which  anything  present  or  absent  is  apt 
to  produce  in  us,  is  what  we  call  hatred. 

The  uneasiness  a  man  finds  in  himself  upon  the  absence  of 
anything  whose  present  enjoyment  carries  the  idea  of  delight 
with  it,  is  that  we  call  desire,  which  is  greater  or  less  as  that 
uneasiness  is  more  or  less. 

Joy  is  a  delight  of  the  mind  from  the  consideration  of  the 
present  or  future  assured  possession  of  a  good.  Thus  a  man 
almost  starved  has  joy  at  the  arrival  of  relief  even  before  he 
tastes  it ;  and  we  are  then  possessed  of  any  good  when  we 
have  it  so  in  our  power,  that  we  can  use  it  when  we  please ; 
a  father,  in  whom  the  very  well  being  of  his  children  causes 
delight,  is  in  the  possession  of  that  good  always  as  long  as  his 
children  are  in  such  an  estate  ;  for  he  needs  but  to  reflect  on 
it  to  have  that  pleasure. 

Eear  is  an  uneasiness  of  the  mind  upon  the  thought  of 
fliture  evil  likely  to  befall  us. 

I  will  not  go  over  all  the  passions ;  they  are  not  my 
business ;  these  are  enough,  I  think,  to  show  us  how  the 
ideas  we  have  of  them  are  derived  from  sensation  and  re* 
flection. 

Chap.  21.  I  shall  only  mention  one  more  simple  idea,  and 
show  how  we  come  by  it,  and  give  some  instances  of  some 
modifications  of  it,  and  then  put  an  end  to  this  part  of  simple 
ideas  and  their  modes.  Every  man  experiences  in  himself 
that  he  can  move  his  hand  or  tongue,  which  before  was  at 
rest;  that  he  can  apply  his  mind  to  other  thoughts,  and 
lay  by  those  that  he  has  at  present ;  hence  he  gets  the  idea 
oifower. 

All  power  regarding  action,  we  have,  as  I  think,  the  ideas 
but  of  two  sorts  of  action  :  viz.  motion  and  thinking. 

The  power  we  find  in  ourselves  to  prefer  this  or  that  pecu- 
liar thought  to  its  absence,  this  or  that  peculiar  motion  to 


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374  LIFE   AlH'D   LETTERS   OP   JOHK   LOCKE. 

rest,  is  that  we  call  unlL    And  the  actual  preference  of  any 
action  to  its  forbearance,  or  vice  ve-rsd,  is  volition. 

The  power  we  find  in  ourselves  to  act,  or  not  to  act,  con- 
formable to  such  preference  of  our  minds,  gives  us  the  idea 
we  call  liberty. 

Chap.  22.  Having  thus,  in  short,  given  an  account  of  the 
original  of  all  our  simple  ideas,  and  in  the  instances  of  some 
of  them  showed  how,  from  certain  modifications  of  them,  the 
mind  arrives  at  those  that  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  very  far 
from  having  their  original  in  any  ideas  received  from  sensa- 
tion, or  from  any  operation  of  our  minds  about  them,  I  shall 
now  proceed  to  those  that  are  more  complex,  and  show  that 
all  the  ideas  we  have  (whether  of  natural  or  moral  things, 
bodies  or  spirits)  are  only  certain  combinations  of  these 
simple  ideas  got  from  sensation  or  reflection,  beyond  which  our 
thoughts,  even  when  they  ascend  up  into  the  highest  heavens, 
cannot  extend  themselves. 

The  complex  ideas  we  have  may,  I  think,  be  all  reduced  to 
these  three  sorts,  viz. — 

Substances, 

Modes,  and 

Eelations. 

Chap.  23.  That  there  are  a  great  variety  of  substances  in 
this  world  is  past  doubt  to  every  one ;  let  us  then  see  what 
ideas  we  have  of  those  particular  substances  about  which  our 
thoughts  are  at  any  time  employed.  Let  us  begin  with 
those  more  general  ideas  of  body  and  spirit.  I  ask,  what 
other  idea  a  man  has  of  body,  but  of  solidity,  extension,  and 
mobility,  joined  together,  which  are  all  simple  ideas  received 
from  sense.  Perhaps  some  one  here  will  be  ready  to  say, 
that  to  have  a  complete  idea  of  body,  the  idea  of  substance 
must  be  added  to  solidity  and  extension.  But  of  him  that 
makes  that  objection,  I  shall  demand  what  his  idea  of  sub- 
stance is  ?  So  likewise  our  idea  of  spirit  is  of  a  substance 
that  has  the  power  to  think  and  to  move  body,  from  which, 
by  the  way,  I  conclude  that  we  have  as  clear  an  idea  of  spirit 
as  we  have  of  body ;  for  in  one  we  have  the  clear  ideas  of 
solidity,  extension,  and  mobility,  or  a  power  of.  being  moved, 
with  an  ignorance  of  its  substance,  and  in  the  other  we  have 
two  as  clear  ideas,  viz.  of  thinking  and  motivity,  if  I  may  so*" 
say,  or  a  power  of  moving,  with  a  like  ignorance  of  its  sufh 


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ABSTBACT  07  THE  ESSAT.  375 

stance.  For  substance  in  both  is  but  a  supposed  but  un- 
known substratum  of  those  qualities,  something,  we  know- 
not  what,  that  supports  their  existence ;  so  that  all  the  ideas 
-we  have  of  the  suostance  of  anything  is  an  obscure  idea  of 
what  it  does,  and  not  any  idea  of  what  it  is.  This  further  I 
have  to  add,  that  our  idea  of  substance,  whether  spiritual  or 
corporeal,  being  equally  obscure,  and  our  ideas  of  mohility 
and  motivity  (if  I  may  for  shortness'  sake  coin  that  new 
word)  being  equally  clear  in  both,  there  remains  only  to 
compare  extension  and  ihmking.  These  ideas  are  both  very 
clear,  but  the  difficulty  that  some  have  raised  against  the 
notion  of  a  spirit,  has  been,  that  they  said  they  could  not 
conceive  an  uneitended  thinking  thing,  and  I,  on  the  contrary, 
affirm  that  they  can  as  easily  conceive  an  unex tended  think- 
ing thing  as  an  extended  solid.  To  make  an  extended  solid 
there  must  be  an  idea  of  a  cohesion  of  parts,  and  I  say  it  is 
as  easy  to  conceive  how  a  spirit  thinks,  as  how  solid  parts 
cohere ;  that  is,  how  a  body  is  extended  ;  for  where  there  are 
no  cohering  parts,  there  are  no  parts  extra  partes,  and  con- 
sequently no  extension ;  for  if  body  be  divisible,  it  must  have 
united  parts,  and  if  there  were  no  cohesion  of  the  parts  of 
body,  body  would  quite  be  lost,  and  cease  to  be.  He  that 
can  tell  me  what  holds  together  the  parts  of  steel  or  a  dia- 
mond, will  explain  a  fundamental  difficulty  in  natural  philo- 
sophy. Bemouli,  who  has  endeavoured  to  explain  the  coher- 
ence of  the  parts  of  all  bodies  by  the  pressure  of  the  other, 
hath  made  two  great  oversights :  1st,  That  he  takes  no  no- 
tice that  let  the  pressure  of  anv  ambient  fluid  be  as  great  as 
it  will,  yet  that  if  there  be  nothing  else  to  hold  the  parts  of 
any  body  together,  though  they  cannot  be  pulled  asunder 
perpendicularly,  yet  it  is  demonstrable  they  may  be  slid  off 
from  one  another  as  easily  as  if  there  were  no  such  pressure ; 
and  the  experiment  of  two  polished  marbles  held  together 
by  the  pressure  of  the  atmosphere  makes  it  evident  to  sense, 
since  they  can  so  easily  by  a  side  motion  be  separated,  though 
they  cannot  by  a  perpendicular. 

That  he  takes  no  care  of  the  particles  of  the  ether  itself, 
for  they  too  being  bodies,  and  consisting  of  parts,  must  have 
something  to  hold  them  together,  which  cannot  be  themselves ; 
for  it  is  as  hard  to  conceive  how  the  parts  of  the  least  atom 
of  matter  are  fEistened  together,  as  how  the  greatest  masses, 


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376  LIFE  AND  LETTEBB  07  JOHN  LOOEE. 

and  yet,  without  this,  we  have  as  great  a  difficulty  to  conceive 
body  as  spirit,  an  extended  as  a  thinking  thing. 

But  whether  the  notion  of  a  spirit  be  more  obscure,  or 
less  obscure,  than  that  of  body,  this  is  certain,  that  we  get 
it  no  other  way  than  we  do  that  of  the  body ;  for  as,  by  our 
senses,  receiving  the  ideas  of  solidity ,  extension,  motion,  and 
rest,  and  supposing  them  inherent  in  an  unknown  substance^ 
we  have  the  idea  of  body ;  so  by  collecting  together  the  sim- 
ple ideas  we  have  got  by  reflecting  on  those  operations  of 
our  own  minds  which  we  experience  daily  in  ourselves,  as 
ihinhing,  wider  standing,  toilling,  knowing,  and  the  power  of 
moving  bodies,  and  by  supposing  those,  and  the  rest  of  the 
operations  of  our  minds,  to  be  coexisting  in  some  substance 
which  also  we  know  not,  we  come  to  have  the  idea  of  those 
beings  we  call  spirits. 

The  ideas  we  have  of  understanding  and  power,  which  we 
have,  from  reflection  on  what  passes  in  ourselves,  joined  to 
duration,  and  all  these,  enlaced  by  our  idea  of  if\finite,  gives 
us.the  idea  of  that  Supreme  Being  we  call  God  ;  and  to  satis- 
fy us  that  all  our  complex  ideas  contain  nothing  in  them 
but  the  simple  ideas  taken  from  sensation  and  ruction,  we 
need  but  cast  our  thoughts  on  the  different  species  of  spirits 
that  are  or  may  be ;  for  though  it  be  possible  there  may  be 
more  species  of  spiritual  beings  between  us  and  God  upwards, 
than  there  are  of  sensible  beings  between  us  and  nothing 
downwards,  we  being  at  a  greater  distance  from  infinite  per- 
fection than  from  the  lowest  degree  of  being,  yet  it  is  certain 
we  can  conceive  no  other  difference  between  those  various 
ranks  of  angelic  natures,  but  barely  different  degrees  of  under- 
standing and  power,  which  are  but  different  modifications  of 
the  two  simple  ideas  we  got  from  reflecting  on  what  passes 
in  ourselves. 

As  to  our  ideas  of  natural  substances,  it  is  evident  they 
are  nothing  but  such  combinations  of  simple  ideas  as  have 
been  observed  bv  sensation  to  exist  together;  for  what  is 
our  idea  of  gold,  out  of  a  certain  yellow  shining  colour,  a  cer- 
tain degree  of  weight,  malleablensss,  fusibility,  and  perhaps 
fixedness,  or  some  other  simple  ideas  put  together  in  our 
minds,  as  constantly  coexisting  in  the  same  substance,  which 
complex  idea  consists  of  more  or  fewer  simple  ones  as  his 
observation  who  made  this  combination  was  more  or  less  ao- 


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ABSTRACT  or  THE  ESSAY.  877 

curate  P  And  thus  I  think  from  sensation  and  reflection^ 
and  the  simple  ideas  got  thence,  differently  combined  and 
modified,  we  come  by  all  our  ideas  of  substances. 

Another  sort  of  complex  ideas  there  is,  which  I  call  modes, 
which  are  certain  combmations  of  simple  ideas,  not  including 
the  obscure  one  we  have  of  substance.  Of  these  modes  there 
are  two  sorts :  one  where  the  combination  is  made  of  simple 
ideas,  of  the  same  kind  as  a  dozen  or  a  score  made  up  oi  a 
certain  collection  of  units ;  the  other  sort  of  modes  is,  when 
the  combination  is  made  up  of  ideas  of  several  kinds,  such 
are  the  ideas  signified  by  the  words  obligation,  friendship, 
a  lie.  The  former  sort,  whereof  I  have  above  given  several 
instances,  I  call  simple  modes;  the  latter  I  call  mixed 
modes. 

These  mixed  modes,  though  of  an  endless  variety,  yet  they 
are  all  made  up  of  nothing  but  simple  ideas  derived  from 
sensation  or  reflection,  as  is  easy  for  any  one  to  observe  who 
will,  with  ever  so  little  attention,  examine  them.  For  exam- 
ple, if  a  lie  be  speaking  an  untruth  knowingly,  it  comprehends 
the  simple  ideas — 1st,  Of  articulate  sounds :  2nd,  The  re- 
lation of  these  sounds  to  ideas,  whereof  they  are  the  marks : 
3rd,  The  putting  those  marks  together  differentlv  from  what 
the  ideas  they  stand  for  are  in  the  mind  of  tne  speaker : 
4th,  The  knowledge  of  the  speaker,  that  he  makes  a  wrong 
use  of  these  marks :  all  which  are  either  simple  ideas,  or 
may  be  resolved  into  them.  In  like  manner  are  all  other 
mixed  modes  made  up  of  simple  ideas  combined  together. 
It  would  be  endless,  as  well  as  needless,  to  so  about  to 
enumerate  all  the  mixed  modes  that  are  m  the  minds  of 
men,  they  containing  almost  the  whole  subject  about  which 
Divinity,  Morality,  Law,  and  Politics,  and  several  other 
sciences,  are  employed.     Chap.  24. 

Chap.  26 — 27.  Besides  the  ideas,  whether  simple  or  com- 
plex, that  the  mind  has  of  things  as  they  are  in  themselves, 
there  are  others  it  gets  from  their  comparison  one  with  an- 
other :  this  we  call  relation ;  which  is  such  a  consideration 
of  one  thing  as  intimates  or  involves  in  it  the  consideration 
of  another.  Now  since  anj  of  our  ideas  may  be  so  considered 
by  us  in  one  thing  as  to  mtimate  and  lead  our  thoughts  to 
another,  therefore  all,  both  simple  and  complex,  may  be 
foundations  of  relation,  which  however  large  it  is,  yet  we 


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378  XIFE   AISTD  LETTEES   OF   JOHN  LOCKE. 

may  perceive  hereby  how  it  derives  itself  originally  from  j^efis- 
ation  and  reflection,  it  having  no  other  foundation  but  iijieas 
derived  from  thence.  I  shall  not  need  to  go  over  the  several 
sorts  of  relations  to  show  it;  I  shall  only  remark  that  to 
relation  it  is  necessary  there  should  be  two  ideas  or  things, 
either  in  themselves  really  separate,  or  considered  as  distinct, 
which  being  not  both  always  taken  notice  of,  makes  several 
terms  pass  for  the  marks  of  positive  ideas,  which  are  in  truth 
relative:  viz.  great  and  old,  &c.,  are  ordinarily  as  relative 
terms  as  greater  and  older,  though  it  be  not  commonly  so 
thought ;  lor  when  we  say  Caius  is  older  than  Sempronius, 
we  compare  these  two  persons  in  the  idea  of  duration,  and 
siguify  one  to  have  more  than  the  other ;  but  when  we  say^ 
Caius  is  old,  or  an  old  man,  we  compare  his  duration  to  that 
which  we  look  on  to  be  the  ordinary  duration  of  men.  Hence 
it  is  harsh  to  say  a  diamond  or  the  sun  is  old,  because  we 
have  no  idea  of  any  length  of  duration  belonging  ordinarily 
to  them,  and  so  have  no  such  idea  to  compare  their  age  tc 
as  we  have  of  those  things  we  usually  call  old. 

This  is,  in  short,  what  1  think  of  the  several  sorts  of  complex 
ideas  we  have,  which  are  only  these  three,  viz.  of  substances} 
modes,  and  relations,  which  being  made  up,  and  containing 
in  them  nothing  but  several  combinations  of  simple  ideas 
received  from  sensation  and  reflection,  I  conclude  that  in  all 
our  thoughts,  contemplations,  and  reasonings,  however  ab- 
stract or  enlarged,  our  minds  never  go  beyond  those  simple 
ideas  we  have  received  from  those  two  inlets,  viz.  sensation 
and  reflection.     Chap.  28 — 31. 

Lib.  III.  When  I  had  considered  the  ideas  the  mind  of 
man  is  furnished  with,  how  it  comes  by  them,  and  of  what 
kind  they  are,  I  thought  I  had  no  more  to  do  but  to  proceed 
to  the  further  examination  of  our  intellectual  faculty,  and 
see  what  use  the  mind  made  of  those  materials  or  instruments 
of  knowledge  which  I. had  collected  in  the  foregoing  book; 
but  when  I  came  a  little  nearer  to  consider  the  nature  and 
manner  of  human  knowledge,  I  found  it  had  so  much  to  do 
with  propositions,  and  that  words,  either  by  custom  or  ne- 
cessity, were  so  mried  with  it,  that  it  was  impossible  to  dis- 
course of  knowledge  with  that  clearness  one  should,  without 
saying  something  first  of  words  and  language. 


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ABSTBAOT  OP  THE  ESSAY.  379 

Cliap.  1.  The  ideas  in  men's  minds  are  so  wholly  but  of 
sight  to  others,  that  men  could  have  had  no  communication 
of  thoughts  without  some  sign  of  their  ideas. 

The  most  convenient  signs,  both  for  their  variety  and 
quickness,  that  t^^^  are  capable  of,  are  articulate  sounds, 
which  we  call  words.  Words  then  are  signs  of  ideas ;  but 
no  articulate  sound  having  any  natural  connection  with  any 
idea,  but  barely  of  the  sound  itself,  words  are  only  signs 
(chap.  2)  by  voluntary  imposition,  and  can  be  properly  and 
immediately  signs  of  nothmg  but  the  ideas  in  the  mmd  of 
him  that  uses  them ;  for  being  employed  to  express  what  he 
thinks,  he  cannot  make  them  signs  of  ideas  he  has  not,  for 
that  would  be  to  make  them  signs  of  nothing.  It  is  true, 
words  are  frequently  used  with  two  other  suppositions — 1st. 
It  is  commonly  supposed  that  they  are  signs  of  the  ideas  in 
the  mind  of  him  with  whom  we  communicate :  this  is  reason- 
ably supposed,  because,  unless  this  be  so,  the  speaker  cannot 
"be  understood ;  but  it  not  always  happening  that  the  ideas 
in  the  mind  of  the  hearer  always  exactly  answer  those  to 
which  the  speaker  applies  his  words,  this  supposition  is  not 
always  true.  2nd.  it  is  commonly  supposed  that  words 
stand  not  only  for  ideas,  but  for  things  themselves ;  but  that 
they  should  stand  immediately  for  things  is  impossible,  for 
since  they  can  be  signs  immediately  of  nothing  out  what  is 
in  the  mmd  of  the  speaker,  and  there  being  nothing  there 
but  ideas,  they  stand  for  things  no  otherwise  than  as  the 
ideas  in  the  mind  agree  to  them. 

Chap.  3.  Words  are  of  two  sorts,  general  terms,  or  names 
of  particular  things :  all  things  that  exist  being  particular, 
what  need  of  general  terms  ?  and  what  are  those  general 
natures  they  stand  for,  since  the  greatest  part  of  words  in 
common  use  are  general  terms  ?  As  to  the  first ;  particular 
things  are  so  many,  that  the  mind  coidd  not  retain  names 
for  them,  and  in  the  next  place,  could  the  memory  retain 
them,  they  would  be  usdess,  because  the  particular  beings 
known  to  one  would  be  utterly  unknown  to  another,  and  so 
their  names  would  not  serve  for  communication  where  they 
stood  not  for  an  idea  common  to  both  speaker  and  hearer : 
besides,  our  progress  to  knowledge  being  by  generals,  we 
have  need  of  general  terms.  As  to  the  second,  the  general 
natures  general  terms  stand  for,  are  only  general  ideas,  and 


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LIFE  AJTD  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

ideas  become  general  only  by  being  abstracted  from  time  and 
place  and  other  particularities,  that  make  them  the  represent- 
atives only  of  individuals,  by  which  separation  of  some  ideas 
which  annexed  to  them  make  them  particular,  they  are  made 
capable  of  agreeing  to  several  particulars :  thus  ideas  come 
to  represent  not  one  particular  existence,  but  a  sort  of  things 
as  their  names,  to  stand  for  sorts,  which  sorts  are  usually 
called  by  the  Latin  terms  of  art,  genus  and  species,  of  which 
each  is  supposed  to  have  its  particular  essence ;  and  though 
there  be  much  dispute  and  stir  about  genus  and  species,  and 
their  essences,  yet  in  truth  the  essence  of  each  genus  and 
species,  or,  to  speak  English,  of  each  sort  of  things,  is  no- 
thing else  but  the  abstract  idea  in  the  mind  which  the  speaker 
makes  the  general  term  the  sign  of.  It  is  true,  every  par^ 
ticular  thing  has  a  real  constitution  by  which  it  is  what  it  is ; 
and  this,  by  the  genuine  notion  of  the  word,  is  called  its  es- 
sence or  being;  but  the  word  essence  having  been  trans- 
ferred from  its  original  signification,  and  applied  to  the  arti- 
ficial species  and  genera  of  the  schools,  men  commonly  look 
on  essences  to  belong  to  the  sorts  of  things,  as  they  are  ranked 
under  different  general  denominations,  and  in  tms  sense  es- 
sences are  truly  nothing  but  the  abstract  ideas  which  those 
general  terms  are  by  any  one  made  to  stand  for.  The  first 
of  these  may  be  called  the  real,  the  second  the  nominal  essence, 
which  sometimes  are  the  same,  sometimes  quite  different  one 
from  another. 

Chap.  4.  The  nature  and  signification  of  words  will  be 
made  a  little  more  dear  if  we  consider  them  with  relation  to 
those  three  several  sorts  of  ideas  I  have  formerly  mentioned, 
viz.  simple  ideas,  substances,  and  modes,  under  which  also  I 
comprehend  relations.  1st.  The  names  of  simple  ideas  and 
substances  intimate  some  real  existence  from  whence  they 
are  taken,  as  from  their  patterns ;  but  the  names  of  mixed 
modes  terminate  in  the  mind,  and  therefore  I  think  it  is  they 
have  the  peculiar  names  of  notions.  2nd.  The  names  of 
simple  ideas  and  modes  signify  always  the  real  as  well  as 
nominal  essences ;  the  names  of  substances  seldom,  if  ever, 
anything  but  the  nominal  essence.  8rd.  The  names  of  sim- 
ple ideas  are  of  all  other  the  least  doubtful  and  uncertain. 
4th.  But  that  which  I  think  of  great  use  to  remark,  and 
which  I  do  not  find  anybody  has  t^en  notice  of,  is,  that  the 


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ABSTBACT   07  THE   ESSAY.  881 

names  of  simple  ideas  are  not  definable,  but  those  of  all  com- 
plex ideas  are ;  for  a  definition  being  nothing  but  the  making 
known  the  idea  that  one  word  stands  for  by  several  others 
not  synonymous  words,  it  cannot  have  place  m  any  but  com- 
plex ideas.     It  is  very  manifest  how  both  the  Peripatetics, 
and  even  modem  philosophers,  for  want  of  observing  this, 
have  trifled  or  talked  jargon  in  endeavouring  to  define  the 
names  of  some  few  of  the  simple  ideas,  for,  as  to  the  greatest 
part  of  them,  they  found  it  best  to  lei  them  alone ;  for  though 
they  have  attempted  the  definitions  of  motion  and  light,  yet 
they  have  forborne  to  offer  any  definitions  of  the  greatest 
part  of  simple  ideas;  and  those  definitions  of  light  and 
motion  they  have  ventured  at,  when  strictly  examined,  will 
be  found  to  be  as  insignificant  as  anything  can  be  said  to  ex- 
plain what  the  term  red  or  sweet  signifies  ;  when  a  man  can 
DO  found  that  can  by  words  make  a  blind  man  understand 
i^hat  idea  the  word  blue  stands  for,  then  also  may  he  be  able 
"by  a  definition  to  make  a  man  have  the  true  signification  of 
the  word  motion  or  light  who  never  had  it  any  other  way. 
5th.  The  names  of  simple  ideas  have  but  few  assents  in  linea 
pradicamentali,  as  they  call  it,  because  these  ideas,  not  being 
compoimded,  nothing  can  be  left  out  of  any  of  them  to  make 
it  more  general  and  comprehensive,  and  therefore  the  name 
eolowr^  which  comprehends  red  and  hlue,  &c.,  denotes  only  the 
simple  ideas  that  come  in  by  the  sight. 

Chap.  5.  As  to  the  names  of  mixed  modes  and  relations, 
which  are  all  of  them  general  terms — 1st.  The  essences  of 
their  several  sorts  are  all  of  them  made  by  the  understanding. 
2nd.  They  are  made  arbitrarily  and  with  great  liberty,  wherein 
the  mind  confines  not  itself  to  the  real  existence  of  any  pat- 
terns. 3rd.  But  though  the  essences  or  species  of  mixed 
modes  are  made  without  patterns,  yet  they  are  not  made  at 
random  without  reason.  Not  only  signification,  but  short- 
ness also,  and  despatch,  is  one  of  the  great  conveniences  of 
language ;  and  hence  it  is  suitable  to  the  end  of  speech  not 
only  that  we  should  make  use  of  sounds  for  signs  of  ideas, 
but  also  that  one  short  sound  should  be  the  sign  of  many 
distinct  ideas  combined  into  one  complex  one.  Suitable  to 
this  end,  men  unite  into  one  complex  idea  many  scattered 
and  independent  ones,  and  give  a  name  to  it  where  they  have 


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©82  LIFE   AND   LETTEES   OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

occasion  often  to  think  on  such  combinations  and  express 
them  to  others,  and  thus  several  species  of  mixed  modes  are 
made  arbitrarily  by  men  giving  names  to  certain  combinations 
of  ideas,  which  have  in  themselves  no  more  connection  than 
others  which  are  not  bv  any  denomination  so  united.  This 
is  evident  in  the  diversity  of  languages,  there  being  nothing 
more  ordinary  than  to  find  many  words  in  one  language  which 
have  none  that  answer  them  in  another. 

Chap.  6.  The  names  of  substances  signify  only  their  nominal 
essences,  and  not  their  real  essences,  which  two  essences  in 
substances  are  far  diflferent  things,  v.  g.  the  colour,  weight, 
malleability,  fusibility,  fixedness,  and  perhaps  some  other 
sensible  qualities,  make  up  the  complex  idea  men  have  in 
their  minds,  to  which  they  give  the  name  gold ;  but  the  tex- 
ture of  the  insensible  parts,  or  whatever  else  it  be,  on  which 
these  sensible  qualities  depend,  which  is  its  real  constitution 
or  essence,  is  quite  a  different  thing,  and  would  give  us 
quite  another  idea  of  gold  if  we  knew  it ;  but  since  we  have  no 
idea  of  that  constitution,  and  can  signify  nothing  by  oiur 
words  but  the  ideas  we  have,  our  name  gold  cannot  signify 
that  real  essence.  It  is  therefore  by  their  nominal  essences 
that  substances  are  ranked  into  sorts  under  several  denomin- 
ations, which  nominal  essences  being  nothing  but  abstract, 
complex  ideas,  made  up  in  various  men  of  various  collections 
of  simple  ideas  which  they  have  observed  or  imagined  to  co- 
exist together,  it  is  plain  the  essences  of  the  species  of  sub- 
stances, and  consequently  the  species  themselves  as  ranked  un- 
der distinct  denominations,  are  of  men's  making.  I  do  not  say 
the  substances  themselves  are  made  by  men,  nor  the  likeness 
and  agreement  that  is  to  be  found  in  them,  but  the  boundaries 
of  the  species,  as  marked  by  distinct  names,  are  made  by  men. 

But  though  men  make  the  essences  whereby  the  species  of 
substances  are  limited  and  distinguished,  yet  they  make  them 
not  so  arbitrarily  as  they  do  in  modes ;  for  in  substances  they 
propose  to  themselves  the  real  existence  of  things  as  the  pat- 
terns they  would  follow,  yet  through  their  variety  of  skill  or 
attention,  their  complex  idea,  made  up  of  a  coDection  of 
sensible  qualities,  signified  by  the  same  specific  name,  is  in 
various  men  very  different,  the  one  putting  in  simple  ideas 
that  the  oth^r  has  omitted ;  but  the  real  essences  supposed  of 


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ABSTEACT  OT   THE  ESSAY.  .  383 

tbe  species  of  things  must  be,  if  there  were  any  such,  in- 
variably the  same.  If  the  first  sorting  of  individuals  into 
their  lowest  species  depend  on  the  mind  of  man,  as  has  been 
shown,  it  is  much  more  evident  that  the  more  comprehensive 
classes,  called  genera  by  the  masters  of  logic,  are  so,  which  are 
complex  ideas  designedly  imperfect,  out  of  which  are  pur- 
posely left  several  of  those  qualities  that  are  to  be  found 
constantly  in  the  things  themselves  as  they  exist ;  for  as  the 
mind,  to  make  general  ideas  comprehending  aeveral  particular 
beings,  leaves  out  those  of  time  and  place,  and  others  that 
make  them  incommunicable  to  more  than  one  individual,  so, 
to  make  others  yet  more  general  that  may  comprehend  dif- 
ferent sorts,  it  leaves  out  these  qualities  that  distinguish 
them,  and  puts  into  its  new  collection  only  such  ideas  as  are 
common  to  several  sorts ;  so  that  in  this  whole  business  of 
genus  and  species,  the  genus,  or  more  comprehensive,  is  but 
a  partial  conception  of  what  is  in  the  species,  and  the  species 
but  a  partial  idea  of  what  is  to  be  found  in  each  individual. 
This  is  suited  to  the  true  end  of  speech,  which  is  to  denote  by 
one  short  sound  a  great  many  particulars  as  they  agree  in  one 
common  conception  genera  ;  and  species,  then,  seem  to  me  to 
be  nothing  but  sorting  of  things  in  order  to  denomination, 
and  the  essence  of  each  sort  is  nothing  but  the  abstract  idea 
to  which  the  denomination  is  annexed  ;  for  a  little  attention 
will  teach  us  that  to  particular  things  nothing  is  essential,  but 
as  soon  as  they  come  to  be  ranked  under  any  general  name, 
which  is  the  same  as  to  be  reckoned  of  any  species,  then  pre- 
sently something  is  essential  to  them,  viz.  all  that  is  compre- 
hended in  the  complex  idea  that  that  name  stands  for. 

This  further  is  to  be  observed  concerning  substances,  that 
they  alone,  of  all  the  several  sorts  of  ideas,  have  proper  names ; 
to  which  we  may  add,  that  though  the  specific  names  of  sub- 
stances can  signify  nothing  but  the  abstract  ideas  in  the  mind 
of  the  speaker,  and  so  consequently  the  substances  that  agree 
to  that  idea,  yet  men,  in  their  use  of  them,  often  substitute 
them  in  the  room  of,  and  would  suppose  them  to  stand  for, 
things  having  the  real  essence  of  that  species,  which  breeds 
great  confusion  and  uncertainty  in  their  use  of  words. 

Chap.  7.  "Words  have  a  double  use :  1st,  to  record  our  own 
thoughts ;  and  for  this  any  words  will  serve,  so  they  be  kept 
constantly  to  the  same  ideas.    2nd.  To  communicate  our 


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384  LirS   AII^D   LETTEBS   07   JOHK   LOCEE. 

thoughts  with  others,  and  for  this  use  they  must  be  common 
signs  standing  for  the  same  ideas  in  those  who  have  com- 
munication together.  In  communication  they  have  also  a 
double  use : 

1st.  Civil. 

2nd.  Philosophical. 

The  first  of  these  is  that  which  serves  for  the  upholding  of 
common  conversation  and  commerce.  The  philosophical  use 
is  to  convey  the  precise  notions  of  things,  and  to  express  in 
general  propositions  certain  and  undoubted  truths,  which  the 
mind  may  rest  upon,  and  be  satisfied  with  in  its  search  after 
true  knowledge. 

In  this  last  use  of  words  they  are  especially  liable  to 
great  imperfections  of  uncertainty  and  obscurity  in  their 
signification. 

Words  naturaUy  signifying  nothing,  it  is  necessary  that 
their  signification,  i.  e.  the  precise  ideas  they  stand  for,  be 
settled  and  retained,  which  is  hard  to  be  done : 

1st.  Where  the  ideas  they  stand  for  are  very  complex,  and 
made  up  of  a  great  number  of  ideas  put  together. 

2nd.  Where  the  ideas  that  make  up  the  complex  one  they 
stand  for  have  no  connection  in  nature,  and  so  there  is  no 
settled  standard  anywhere  existing  in  nature  to  rectify  and 
adjust  them  by. 

3rd.  Where  the  signification  of  the  word  is  referred  to  a 
standard  existing,  which  yet  is  not  easy  to  be  known. 

4th.  Where  the  signification  of  the  word  and  the  real 
essence  of  the  thing  are  not  exactly  the  same.  The  names  of 
mixed  modes  are  very  much  liable  to  doubtfulness,  for  the 
two  first  of  these  reasons;  and  the  names  of  substances 
chiefly  for  the  two  latter. 

According  to  these  rules,  as  well  as  experience,  we  shall 
find,  First,  That  the  names  of  simple  ideas  are  the  least  liable 
to  uncertainty,  1st,  because  they  are  simple,  and  so  easily  got 
and  retained  ;  2nd,  because  they  are  referred  to  nothing  but 
that  very  perception  which  things  in  nature  are  fitted  to  pro- 
duce in  us. 

Second,  That  names  of  mixed  modes  are  very  uncertain, 
because  the  complex  ideas  they  are  the  signs  of  have  no 
standing  patterns  existing  in  nature  whereby  to  be  regulated 
and  adjusted  ;  their  archetypes  are  only  in  the  minds  of  men, 


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ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ES8AT.  385 

and  therefore  uncertain  to  be  known,  and  being  very  much 
compounded  and  often  decompounded,  are  very  hardly  to  be 
exactly  agreed  on  and  retained.  Where  shall  one  find  an  as- 
semblage of  all  the  ideas  the  word  Olory  stands  for,  existing 
together  ?  And  the  precise  complex  idea  the  name  Justice  is 
the  sign  of,  is  seldom,  I  imagine,  settled  and  retained. 

Third,  The  names  of  substances  are  very  uncertain,  because 
their  complex  ideas  not  being  voluntary  compositions,  but 
referred  to  patterns  that  exist,  are  yet  referred  to  patterns 
that  cannot  at  all  be  known,  or  at  least  can  be  known  but 
very  imperfectly.  1st.  As  has  been  showed,  sometimes  the 
names  of  substances  are  supposed  to  stand  for  their  supposed 
real  essences.  Everything  having  a  real  constituticm,  whereby 
it  is  what  it  is,  this  is  apt  to  i)e  called  its  essence,  as  if  it 
were  the  essence  of  a  species ;  but  whether  it  be  or  no,  this 
is  certain,  that,  it  being  utterly  unknown,  it  is  impossible  to 
know  in  such  a  supposition  or  reference,  of  the  name  which 
any  word  stands  for.  2nd.  Sometimes  the  ideas  the  names  of 
substances  stand  for  are  copied  from  the  sensible  qualities  to 
be  observed  in  bodies  existing ;  but  in  this,  which  is  their  pro- 
per use,  it  is  not  easy  to  a(^ust  their  significations,  because 
the  qualities  that  are  to  be  &und  in  substances  out  of  which 
we  make  their  complex  ideas,  being  for  the  most  part  powers, 
they  are  almost  infinite,  and  one  of  them  having  no  more 
right  than  imother  to  be  put  into  our  complex  iaeas,  which 
are  to  be  copies  of  these  originals,  it  is  very  hard  by  these 
patterns  to  adjust  the  signification  of  their  names,  and  there- 
fore it  is  very  seldom  that  the  same  name  of  any  substance 
stands  in  two  men  for  the  same  complex  idea. 

Chap.  8.  To  this  natural  imperfection  of  words  it  is  not 
unusual  for  men  to  add  voluntary  abuses,  some  whereof  I 
take  notice  of;  as,  1st,  the  using  of  words  without  any  clear 
and  determinate  signification :  this  whole  sects  in  philosophy 
and  religion  are  frequently  guilty  of,  there  being  very  few  of 
them  who,  either  out  of  affectation  of  singularity,  or  to  cover 
some  weak  part  of  their  system,  do  not  make  use  of  some 
terms  which  it  is  plain  have  no  clear  and  determinate  ideas 
annexed  to  them.  JBesides  these  appropriated  terms  of  parties, 
which  never  had  any  distinct  meaning,  there  are  others  who 
use  ordinary  words  of  common  language,  without  having  in 
their  minds  any  precise  ideas  they  stand  for ;  it  is  enough  that 

2  c 


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386       lirE  AI^D  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

they  liave  learned  the  words  that  are  common  in  the  language 
of  their  country,  which  serving  well  enough  to  be  produced  iu 
talk,  they  dispense  with  themselves  from  being  solicitous 
about  any  clear  notions  to  be  signified  by  them  ;  and  if  men 
who  have  them  often  in  their  mouths  should  be  examined 
what  they  mean  by  Reason  or  Orace,  &c.,  they  would  often  be 
found  to  have  in  toeir  minds  no  distinct  ideas  which  these  and 
the  like  words  were  the  signs  of.  2nd.  Another  abuse  is  in- 
constancy, or  putting  the  same  word  as  the  sign  sometimes  of 
one  idea,  sometimes  of  another,  in  the  same  discourse.  There 
is  nothing  more  ordinary  in  all  controversies,  where  one  can 
seldom  miss  to  find  the  same  sound  often  put  for  different 
significations,  and  that  not  only  in  the  incidental  parts  of  the 
discourse,  but  in  those  terms  which  are  tlie  most  material  in 
the  debate,  and  on  which  the  question  turns.  3rd.  To  this 
may  be  added  an  affected  obscurity,  either  in  the  use  of  old 
words,  or  the  coining  of  new  ones.  To  this  nothing  has  so 
much  contributed  as  the  method  and  learning  of  the  schools, 
where  all  has  been  adapted  to  and  measured  by  dispute.  This 
way  of  proceeding  unavoidably  runs  all  into  multiplication 
and  perplexity  of  terms.  This  perverse  abuse  of  language, 
having  under  the  esteemed  name  of  subtility  gained  the  re- 
putation and  rewards  of  true  knowledge,  how  much  it  has 
hindered  real  improvements  the  world  is  now  satisfied.  4th. 
The  next  abuse  of  language  is  the  taking  words  for  things : 
this  most  concerns  the  names  of  substances,  for  men  havmg 
feigned  to  themselves  peculiar  and  groundless  ideas,  pro- 
portionably  as  they  have  thought  fit  to  contrive  or  espouse 
some  certain  system  of  natural  philosophy,  have  suited 
names  to  them,  which,  growing  into  familiar  use,  came 
afterwards  among  their  followers  to  carry  with  them  the 
opinion  of  reality,  as  if  they  were  the  necessary  and  un- 
avoidable marks  of  things  themselves.  Thus,  substantial 
forms  and  intentional  species,  and  abundance  of  such  other 
terms,  have  by  their  common  and  unquestioned  use  carried 
men  into  the  persuasion  that  there  were  such  things,  it  being 
hard  for  them  to  believe  that  their  &thers  and  masters,  learned 
men  and  divines,  should  make  use  of  names  that  stood  fop 
fancies  only,  that  never  had  any  real  being  in  the  world.  The 
supposing  words  to  stand  for  the  real  essences  of  substances 
is  an  abuse  which  I  have  already  mentioned.    6th    Another 


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ABSTEACT  OF  THE  ESSAT.  387 

more  general,  though  less  observed,  abuse  of  words 'is,  to  sup- 
pose their  signification  so  clear  and  settled  that  a  man  cannot 
De  mistaken  what  ideas  they  stand  for ;  and  hence  men  think 
it  strange  to  ask  or  be  asked  the  meaning  of  their  words,  when 
yet  it  is  plain  that  many  times  the  certain  signification  of  a 
man's  words  cannot  be  any  otherwise  known  but  by  his  telling 
what  precise  idea  he  makes  any  word  the  sign  of.  6th. 
Pigurative  speeches  and  all  the  artificial  ornaments  of  rhetoric 
are  truly  an  abuse  of  language  also ;  but  this,  like  the  fair 
sex,  has  too  prevailing  beauties  in  it  to  suffer  itself  ever  to 
be  spoken  against,  and  it  is  in  vain  to  find  fault  with 
those  arts  of  deceiving  wherein  men  find  a  pleasure  to  be 
deceived. 

Chap.  9.  That  which  has  nourished  disputes  and  spread 
errors  m  the  world  being  chiefly  the  imperfection  or  abuse  of 
words  before  mentioned,  it  would  be  of  no  small  advantage  to 
truth  and  quiet,  if  men  would  apply  themselves  seriously  to  a 
more  careful  and  candid  use  of  language,  wherein  I  shall  offer 
some  easy  and  obvious  cautions  to  those  who  have  a  mind  to 
be  ingenuous ;  for  I  am  not  so  vain  as  to  think  of  reforming* 
80  prevailing  an  abuse,  wherein  so  many  men  imagine  they 
find  their  account.  Thoiigh  I  think  nobody  will  deny,  Ist, 
That  every  one  should  take  care  to  use  no  word  without  a 
signification, — ^no  vocal  sign  without  some  idea  he  had  in  his 
mind,  and  would  express  by  it.  2nd.  That  the  idea  he  uses 
a  sign  for  should  be  clear  and  distinct ;  all  the  simple  ideas  it 
is  made  up  of,  if  it  be  complex,  should  be  settled.  This,  as  it 
is  necessary  in  all  our  names  of  complex  ideas,  so  is  most 
carefully  to  be  observed  in  moral  names,  which  being  com- 
pounded Mid  decompounded  of  several  simple  ones,  our  ideas 
are  not  right  as  they  should  be,  and  consequently  our  words 
are  full  of  uncertainty  and  obscurity,  and  neither  pthers  nor 
we  ourselves  know  what  we  mean  by  them  till  we  have  so 
settled  in  our  minds  the  complex  idea  we  would  have  each 
word  stand  for,  that  we  can  readily  enumerate  all  the  par- 
ticulars that  make  it  up,  and  resolve  it  into  aU  its  component 
simple  ones.  3rd.  These  ideas  must  be  accommodated  as  near 
as  we  can  to  the  common  signification  of  the  word  in  its 
ordinary  use.  It  is  this  propriety  of  speech  which  gives  the 
stamp  under  which  words  are  current,  and  it  is  not  for  every 
priyate  man  to  alter  their  value  at  pleasure. 

2c2 


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388  LIFE   AND  LETTEBS   OF  JOHN  LOCKE.     ' 

But  because  common  use  has  left  many  if  not  most  words 
yery  loose  in  their  signification,  and  because  a  man  is  often 
unaer  a  necessity  of  using  a  known  word  in  some  with  a 
peculiar  sense,  therefore  it  is  often  his  duty  to  show  the 
meaning  of  this  or  that  term,  especially  where  it  concerns  the 
main  subject  of  discourse  or  question.  This  showing  the 
meaning  of  our  terms,  to  do  it  well  must  be  suited  to  the 
several  sorts  of  ideas  they  stand  for.  The  best,  and  in  many 
cases  the  only,  way  to  make  known  the  meaning  of  the  name 
of  a  simple  idea  is  by  producing  it  by  the  senses.  The  only 
way  of  making  known  the  meaning  of  the  names  of  mixed 
modes,  at  least  moral  words,  is  by  definition ;  and  the  best 
way  of  making  known  the  meaning  of  the  names  of  most 
bodies  is  both  by  showing  and  by  definition  together ;  many 
of  their  distinmiishing  qualities  being  not  so  easUy  made 
known  by  words,  and  many  of  them  not  without  much  pains 
and  preparation  discoverable  by  our  senses. 

Chap.  10.  What  words  signify,  and  how  much  we  are  to 
beware  that  they  impose  not  on  us,  I  have  shown,  it  being 
necessary  to  be  premised  to  our  consideration  of  knowledge, 
the  business  of  the  next  book ;  only,  before  I  conclude  this,  I 
take  notice  of  one  ordinary  distinction  of  words,  because  I 
think  it  gives  us  some  light  into  our  ideas ;  viz.  Abstract  and 
concrete  terms,  concerning  which  we  fliay  observe,  Ist,  That 
no  two  abstract  ideas  ever  affirmed  one  of  another.  2nd. 
That  simple  ideas  and  modes  have  all  of  them  abstract  as  well 
as  concrete  names;  but  substances  only  concrete,  except 
some  few  abstract  names  of  substances  in  vain  affected  by 
the  schools,  which  could  never  get  into  common  use  of  eor- 
porietas  and  animalitas^  &c.  The  first  of  these  sfems  to  me 
to  show  us  that  two  distinct  ideas  are  two  distinct  essences 
that  cannot  be  affitrmed  one  of  another.  The  latter  carries 
with  it  a  plain  confession  that  men  have  no  ideas  of  the  real 
essences  of  the  sorts  of  substances,  since  they  have  put  into 
their  languages  no  names  for  them. 

Lib.  IV.  The  two  foregoing  books  were  of  ideas  and  words, 
this  is  of  knowledge. 

Chap.  1.  The  first  chapter  shows  that  knowledge  is  nothing 
but  the  perception  of  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  any 
two  ideas. 


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▲BSTSAOT  OF  THE  ESSAY.  389 

This  agreement  or  disagreement,  for  the  clearer  explaining 
of  this  matter,  is  reduced  to  these  four  sorts : 

1.  Identity,  2.  Coexistence, 

8.  Beal  Existence,  4.  Eelation. 

1st.  It  is  the  first  and  fundamental  act  of  our  understand- 
ing to  perceive  the  ideas  it  has,  to  know  each  what,  it  is,  and 
perceive  wherein  it  differs  from  any  others ;  without  this,  the 
mind  could  neither  have  variety  of  thoughts  nor  discourse, 
judge  or  reason  about  them.  By  this  faculty  the  mind  per- 
ceives what  idea  it  has  when  it  sees  a  violet,  and  knows  blue 
is  not  yellow. 

2nd.  Our  ideas  of  substances,  as  I  have  showed,  consist  in 
certain  collections  of  single  ideas  which  the  specific  name 
stands  for ;  and  our  inquiry,  for  the  most  part,  concerning 
substances,  is  what  other  qualities  they  have ;  which  is  no 
more  but  this,  what  other  ideas  coexist  and  are  to  be  found 
united  with  those  of  our  complex  ideas.  Thus,  whether  gold 
be  fixed,  is  to  inquire  whether  the  power  of  abiding  in  the 
fire  without  wasting  be  an  idea  which  coexists  in  the  same 
subject  with  those  ideas  of  vellowness,  weight,  malleability, 
and  fusibility,  whereof  my  idea  of  gold  is  made  up. 

The  8rd  sort  of  agreement  is,  whether  a  real  existence  out 
of  my  mind  agrees  to  any  idea  I  have  there. 

4th.  The  last  sort  of  agreement  or  disagreement  of  any 
ideas  is  in  any  other  sort  of  relation  between  them.  Thus, 
sweetness  is  not  hittemessy  is  of  identity.  Iron  is  susceptible 
of  magnetical  impressions,  is  of  coexistence.  Ood  is,  is  of 
existence.  Two  triangles  upon  equal  basis  between  two  pa^ 
rallels  are  equal,  is  of  relation. 

Chap.  2.  According  to  the  different  way  of  perceiving  the 
agreement  or  disagreement  of  any  of  our  ideas,  so  is  the 
evidence  of  our  knowledge  different.  Sometimes  the  mind 
perceives  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  two  ideas  imme- 
diately ;  thus  it  perceives  that  red  is  not  yellow,  that  a  circle 
is  not  a  triangle,  that  three  is  more  than  two,  and  equal  to 
one  and  two ;  and  this  we  may  call  intuitive  knowledge. 
When  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  any  two  ideas  can- 
not be  immediately  perceived,  but  the  mind  makes  use  of  the 
intervention  of  other  ideas  to  show  it,  then  (as  the  woid  im-  v 
ports)  it  is  demonstration. 


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890  LITE  AVD  LETTEBS  OI"  JOUK   LOCKS. 

Thus  the  mind  not  being  able  to  bring  the  three  angles  of 
a  triangle  and  two  right  ones  so  together  as  to  be  able  imme- 
diately to  perceive  their  equality,  it  makes  use  of  some  other 
angles  to  measure  them  by. 

To  produce  knowledge  this  way,  there  must  be  an  intuitive 
knowledge  of  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  the  inter* 
mediate  ideas  in  each  step  of  the  deduction,  for  without  that 
there  can  be  no  demonstration,  the  agreement  or  disagreem^it 
of  the  two  ideas  under  consideration  is  not  shown ;  for  where 
anv  agreement  or  disagreement  of  any  two  ideas  is  not  self- 
evident,  i.  e.  cannot  be  immediately  perceived,  there  it  will 
always  need  a  proof  to  show  it.  This  sort,  which  may  be 
called  rational  or  demonstrative  knowledge,  however  certain, 
is  not  so  clear  and  evident  as  intuitive,  because  here  the 
memory  must  intervene  to  retain  the  connection  of  all  the 
parts  of  the  demonstration  one  with  another,  and  be  sure 
that  none  is  omitted  in  the  account,  which  in  long  deductions 
requires  great  attention  to  avoid  mistake.  Why  demonstra- 
tion is  generally  thought  to  belong  only  to  ideas  of  quantity, 
I  shall  not  in  this  short  epitome  mention. 

These  two  sorts  are  all  the  knowledge  we  have  of  general 
truths.  Of  the  existence  of  some  particular  finite  beings  we 
have  knowledge  by  our  senses,  which  we  may  call  Menntive 
knowledge. 

Chap.  3.  From  what  has  been  said,  it  follows : 

1st.  That  we  can  have  no  knowledge  where  we  have  no 
ideas. 

2nd.  That  our  intuitive  knowledge  reaches  not  so  far  as 
our  ideas,  because  the  greatest  part  of  them  cannot  be  so 
immediately  compared  as  to  discover  the  agreement  or  dis- 
agreement we  seek. 

drd .  Neither  can  rational  and  demonstrative  knowledge  make 
out  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  all  those  of  our  ideas 
wherein  we  fail  of  intuitive  knowledge,  because  we  cannot 
always  find  mediums  to  connect  them  mtuitively  together. 

4th.  Sensitive  knowledge  reaching  no  further  than  the 
actual  presence  of  particidar  things  to  our  senses,  is  much 
narrower  than  either  of  the  former. 

That  which  I  would  infer  from  this  is,  that  our  knowledge 
is  not  only  infinitely  short  of  the  whole  extent  of  beings,  if 


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ABSTBACT   OF   THE   S8SAY.  891 

we  compare  this  little  spot  of  earth  we  are  confined  ta,  to 
that  part  of  the  universe  which  we  have  some  knowledge  o^ 
which  probably  is,  all  of  it,  but  a  point  in  respect  to  what  is 
utterly  beyond  our  discovery,  and  consider  the  vegetables, 
animals,  rational  corporeal  creatures  (not  to  mention  the 
ranks  and  orders  of  spirits),  and  other  things  with  different 
qualities  suited  to  senses  different  from  ours,  whereof  we 
have  no  notion  at  all,  which  may  be  in  them,  we  shall  have 
reason  to  conclude  that  the  things  whereof  we  have  ideas 
are  verf  few  in  respect  of  those  whereof  we  have  none  at  all. 

In  the  next  place,  if  we  consider  how  few,  how  imperfect, 
and  how  superficial,  those  ideas  are  which  we  have  of  the 
things  that  lie  nearest  our  examination,  and  are  best  known 
to  us ;  and  lastly,  if  we  consider  how  few  they  are  of  those 
few  ideas  we  have,  whose  agreement  or  disagreement  we  are 
able  to  discover,  we  shall  have  reason  to  conclude  that  our 
understandings  were  not  proportioned  to  the  whole  extent  of 
being,  nor  men  made  capable  of  knowing  all  things,  but  that 
it  fiEiUs  us  in  the  greatest  part  of  the  inquiry  concerning  those 
ideas  we  have. 

1st.  As  to  identity  and  diversity,  it  is  true  our  intuitive 
knowledge  is  as  large  as  our  ideas  themselves ;  but,  2nd,  on 
the  other  side,  11^0  Juvite  scarce  am/y  general  knowledae  at  all  of 
the  coexistence  of  any  ideas,  because  not  being  able  to  dis- 
cover the  causes  whereon  the  secondary  qualities  of  substances 
depend,  nor  any  connection  between  such  causes  and  our 
ideas,  there  are  very  few  cases  wherein  we  can  know  the  co- 
existence of  any  other  idea  with  that  complex  one  we  have 
of  any  sort  of  substances,  whereby  our  knowledge  of  sub- 
stances comes  to  be  almost  none  at  all.  Srd.  As  to  other 
relations  of  our  ideas,  how  far  our  knowledfi;e  may  reach  is 
yet  uncertain ;  this  I  think,  morality,  if  rigntly  studied,  is 
capable  oi^  demonstration  as  well  as  mathematics.  4th.  As 
to  existence,  we  have  an  intuitive  knowledge  of  our  own,  a 
demonstrative  one  of  a  G-od,  and  a  sensible  one  of  some  few 
other  things. 

I  shall  not  here,  in  this  short  compendium  I  am  giving  of 
my  thoughts,  mention  those  particulars  which  I  have  set 
down  to  show  up  the  narrowness  of  our  knowledge ;  that 
which  I  have  here  said  may,  I  suppose,  suffice  to  convince 


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392  LirU  AND  LETTEBS  OE  JOHN  LOCKE. 

men,.tbat  what  we  know  bears  no  proportion  to  that  which 
we  are  invincibly  ignorant  of. 

Besides  the  extent  of  our  knowledge  in  respect  of  the  sorts 
of  things,  we  may  consider  another  kind  of  its  extent,  which 
is  in  respect  of  its  imiversality.  When  the  ideas  are  abstract, 
our  knowledge  about  them  is  general :  abstract  ideas  are  the 
essences  of  species,  howsoever  named,  and  are  the  found- 
ations of  universal  and  eternal  verities. 

Chap.  4.  It  will  perlftips  be  said,  that  knowledge  placed 
thus  in  the  consideration  of  our  ideas  may  be  chimerical,  and 
leave  us  ignorant  of  things  as  they  really  are  in  themselves, 
since  we  see  men  may  often  have  very  extravagant  ideas ;  to 
which  I  answer,  that  our  knowledge  is  real  so  far  as  our 
ideas  are  conformable  to  things,  and  no  further.  To  be  able 
to  know  what  ideas  are  conformable  to  the  realities  of  things, 
we  must  consider  the  different  sorts  of  ideas  I  have  above 
mentioned. 

1st.  Simple  ideas  we  cannot  but  know  to  be  conformable 
to  things,  because  the  mind  not  being  able  to  make  any 
simple  ideas  to  itself,  those  it  has  must  needs  be  conformable 
to  that  power  which  is  in  things  to  produce  them,  which 
conformity  is  sufficient  for  real  knowledge. 

2nd.  All  our  complex  ideas,  but  those  of  substances,  are 
conformable  to  the  reality  of  things ;  and  this  we  may  cer- 
tainly know,  because  they  being  archetypes  made  by  the  mind, 
and  not  designed  to  be  copies  of  anything  existing,  things 
are  intended  in  our  discourses  and  reasonings  about  these 
ideas  no  further  than  as  they  are  conformable  to  these 
ideas. 

3rd.  Our  complex  ideas  of  substances  being  designed  to  be 
copies  of  archetypes  existing  without  us,  we  can  be  no  further 
sure  that  our  knowledge  concerning  any  of  them  is  real, 
than  the  real  existence  of  things  has  made  it  evident  that 
such  a  collection  of  simple  ideas,  as  our  complex  one  is  made 
up  of,  can  coexist  together ;  the  reason  whereof  is,  because 
not  knowing  the  real  constitution  on  which  these  qualities 
depend,  we  cannot  but  by  experience  know  which  of  them 
are,  and  which  are  not,  capable  to  exist  together  in  the  same 
subject ;  and  if  we  put  other  than  such  that  are  capable  to 
exist  together  into  any  complex  idea,  our  knowledge  con- 


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ABSTBACT  07  THB  SSSAT.  893 

oeming  sucb  an  idea  of  a  substance  will  be  only  concerning 
a  chimera  of  our  own,  and  not  of  any  real  being. 

Chap.  5.  According  to  this  account  of  knowledge,  we  may 
come  to  discover  what  truth  is,  which  appears  to  be  nothing 
else  but  the  joining  or  separating  of  si^s  according  as  things 
themselves  agree  or  disagree.  The  joining  or  separating  I 
here  mean  is,  such  as  is  made  by  affirmation  and  negation, 
and  is  called  proposition,  Kow  the  signs  we  use  being  of  two 
sorts,  viz.  ideas  and  words ;  propositions  also  are  of  two  sorts, 
viz.  mental  or  verbal;  truth  abo  is  twofold,  either  real  op 
harely  verbal,  Eeal  truth  in  any  proposition  is  when  the 
terms  are  afiBrmed  or  denied  as  the  ideas  they  stand  for  agree 
or  disagree,  and  as  the  ideas  also  themselves  agree  to  their 
archetypes.  Verbal  truth  is  when  the  affirmation  or  negation 
is  made  according  to  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  our 
ideas,  but  the  ideas  themselves  have  no  conformity  with  their 
archetypes. 

Chap.  6.  Truth  being  for  the  most  part  conveyed  to  our 
understandings,  or  considered  by  us  in  propositions,  it  will 
be  of  moment  to  examine  what  propositions  are  capable  to 
convey  to  our  understandings  the  certain  knowledge  of 
general  truths. 

1st.  Then  I  say,  that  in  all  general  propositions,  where  the 
terms  are  supposed  to  stand  for  species  constituted  and  de- 
termined by  real  essences  distinct  from  the  nominal,  we  are 
not  capable  of  any  certain  knowledge,  because  not  knowing 
that  real  essence,  we  cannot  know  what  particular  things 
have  it,  and  so  can  never  know  what  particular  things  are  of 
that  species.  This  frequently  happens  in  propositions  con- 
cerning substances  in  otner  things,  not  because  in  the  species 
of  other  things  there  is  no  supposed  real  essence  different 
from  the  nominal. 

2nd.  In  all  general  propositions  where  the  terms  are  sub- 
stituted only  in  the  place  of  the  nominal  essence  or  abstract 
idea,  and  so  the  species  determined  by  that  alone,  there  we 
are  capable  of  certainty  as  far  as  the  agreement  or  disagree- 
ment of  such  abstract  ideas  can  be  perceived ;  but  this  also 
reaches  but  a  very  little  way  in  substances,  because  the  ne- 
Cessarv  coexistence  or  inconsistency  of  any  other  ideas  with 
any  of  those  that  make  up  one  complex  one  of  any  sort  of 
BUDstances,  is  in  very  few  cases  discoverable. 


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894  LIFE   AND  LSTTERS  01  JOHK  LOCKE. 

Chap.  7.  There  are  a  sort  of  propositions  which,  passing 
under  the  title  of  maxims,  are  hy  some  men  received  as  in- 
nates,  and  by  most  esteemed  as  the  foundations  of  know 
ledge ;  but  if  what  we  have  said  concerning  self-evident  or 
intuitive  knowledge  be  well  considered,  we  shall  find  that 
these  dignified  axioms  are  neither  innate  nor  have  any  other 
self-evidence  than  a  thousand  other  propositions,  some  where- 
of are  known  before  them,  and  others  altogether  as  clearly, 
and  therefore  they  are  neither  innate,  nor  be  the  foundations 
of  all  our  knowledge  or  reasonings  as  they  are  thought  to  be. 

Whatsoever  is,  is,  and  it  is  impossible  for  the  same  to  he  and 
not  to  be,  it  is  granted  are  self-evident  propositions ;  but  he 
that  considers  the  native  of  the  understanmng  and  the  ideas 
in  it,  and  that  it  is  unavoidable  for  the  understanding  to  know 
its  own  ideas,  and  to  know  those  to  be  distinct  that  are  so, 
must  needs  observe  that  these  supposed  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  knowledge  and  reasoning  are  no  more  self-evident 
than  that  one  is  one,  and  red  red,  and  that  it  is  impossible 
one  should  be  two,  or  red  blue :  of  these  and  the  like  propo- 
sitions, we  have  as  certain  a  knowledge  as  of  those  other  called 
maxims,  and  a  much  earlier ;  and  can  anybody  imagine  that 
a  child  knows  not  that  wormwood  is  not  sugar,  but  by  virtue 
of  this  axiom  ?  That  it  is  impossible  for  the  same  thing  to 
be  and  not  to  be.  Intuitive  Knowledge  extends  itself  to  all 
our  ideas  in  respect  of  identical  agreement  or  disagreement^ 
therefore  all  propositions  made  concerning  this  sort  of  agree- 
ment or  disagreement,  whether  in  more  or  less  general  terms, 
80  the  ideas  they  stand  for  be  but  known,  are  all  equally 
self-evident.  As  to  the  agreement  or  disagreement  of  coex- 
istence, we  have  very  little  intuitive  knowledge,  and  therefore 
concerning  that  there  are  very  few  self-evident  propositions 
and  little  talk  of  axioms.  In  the  third  sort  oi  agreement, 
viz.  relation,  the  mathematicians  have  dignified  several  gener- 
al propositions  concerning  equality  with  the  title  of  axioms, 
though  these  have  no  other  sort  of  certainty  than  all  other 
self-evident  propositions ;  and  though,  when  they  are  once 
made  familiar  to  the  mind,  they  are  often  made  use  of  to  show 
the  absurdity  of  wrong  reasoning  and  erroneous  opinions  in 
particular  instances ;  yet  the  way  wherein  the  mind  attains 
Knowledge,  is  not  by  oeginning  and  setting  out  from  these 
general  propositions,  but  in  the  quite  contrary  method ;  it 


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ABSTBACT   07  THX  ESSAY.  895 

begins  its  knowledge  in  particulars,  and  thenoe  gradually 
enlarges  it  to  more  general  ideas. 

Chap.  8.  Besides  these  there  are  other  propositions,  which 
are  many  of  them  certain,  but  convey  no  real  truth  to  our 
knowledge,  being  barely  about  the  signification  of  words. 

Ist.  Where  any  part  of  any  complex  idea  is  predicated  of 
the  name  of  that  complex  idea,  such  a  proposition  is  only 
about  the  signification  of  the  terms,  and  such  are  all  propo- 
sitions wherein  more  comprehensive  terms  are  predicatea  of 
less  comprehensive,  as  genera  of  species  or  individuals. 

2nd.  Wherever  two  abstract  terms  are  predicated  one  of 
another,  there  the  proposition  carries  no  real  knowledge  in 
it,  but  is  barely  about  the  import  of  names.  Were  such 
trifling  propositions  as  these  shut  out  of  discourses,  the 
way  to  knowledge  would  be  less  perplexed  with  disputes 
than  it  is. 

Chap.  9.  Universal  propositions,  that  have  certain  truth 
or  falsehood  in  them,  concern  essences  only.  The  knowledge 
of  existence  goes  no  further  than  particulars  of  our  own  ex- 
istences ;  it  is  plain  we  have  such  an  intuitive  knowledge, 
that  nothing  can  be  more  evident. 

Chap.  10.  Of  the  existence  of  God  there  is  demonstration, 
for  which  we  need  go  no  further  than  ourselves  for  a  proof, 
though  God  has  given  *****. 

Chap.  11.  The  existence  of  all  other  things  can  be  known 
only  by  testimony  of  our  senses ;  our  knowledge  reaches  in 
this  as  fiur  as  our  senses,  and  no  further.  For  the  existence 
of  any  other  being  having  no  necessary  connection  with  any 
of  the  ideas  I  have  in  my  memory,  I  cannot  from  them  infer 
the  necessary  existence  of  any  particular  being,  and  can  re- 
ceive the  knowledge  of  it  only  by  the  actual  perception  of 
my  senses. 

Chap.  12.  Por  the  improvement  of  our  knowledge,  we 
must  suit  our  methods  to  our  ideas :  in  substances,  where 
our  ideas  are  but  imperfect  copies,  we  are  capable  of  very 
little  general  knowledge,  because  few  of  our  abstract  ideas 
have  a  discoverable  agreement  or  disagreement  of  coexistence, 
and  therefore  in  substances  we  must  enlarge  our  knowledge 
by  experiment  and  observation  in  particulars ;  but  in  modes 
.  and  relations,  where  our  ideas  are  archetypes,  and  real  as 
well  as  nominal  essences  of  species,  there  we  attain  general 


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396        LIFE  AlH)  LETTEBS  OF  JOHN  LOCKE. 

knowledge  only  by  views  of  our  own  abstract  ideas ;  and  in 
them  our  inquiries  not  being  concerning  the  agreement  or 
disagreement  of  coexistence,  but  of  other  relations  more  dis- 
coverable than  that  of  coexistence,  we  are  capable  of  greater 
advances  in  knowledge :  and  that  which  is  proposed  for 
the  improvement  of  it,  is  to  settle  in  our  minds  clear  and 
steady  ideas,  with  their  names  or  signs,  and  then  to  contem- 
plate and  pursue  their  connections,  and  agreements,  and  de- 
pendencies :  whether  any  method  may  be  found  out  as  useful 
ill  other  modes  as  Algebra  is  in  the  ideas  of  quantity,  for  the 
discovery  of  their  habitudes  and  relations,  cannot,  beforehand, 
be  determined,  and  therefore  not  to  be  despaired  of.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  doubt  not  but  that  Ethics  might  be  improved 
to  a  much  greater  degree  of  certainty,  if  men,  affixing  moral 
names  to  clear  and  settled  ideas,  could  with  freedom  and  in- 
differency  pursue  them. 

Chap.  13.  Knowledge  is  not  bom  with  us,  nor  does  it 
always  force  itself  upon  our  understandings ;  animadversion 
and  application  is,  in  most  parts  of  it,  required,  and  that  de- 
pends on  the  will ;  but  when  we  have  thoroughly  surveyed, 
and  to  our  utmost  traced  our  idea,  it  depends  not  then  on 
our  wills  whether  we  will  be  knowing  or  ignorant. 

Chap.  14.  The  shortness  of  our  knowledge,  not  reaching 
to  all  the  concernment  we  have,  is  supplied  by  that  which 
we  call  judgment,  whereby  the  mind  takes  ideas  to  agree  or 
not  agree ;  i.  e.  any  proposition  to  be  true  or  false,  without 
perceiving  a  demonstrative  evidence  in  the  proofe. 

Chap.  16.  The  ground  on  which  such  propositions  are  re- 
ceived for  true,  is  what  we  call  probability ,  and  the  entertain- 
ment the  mind  gives  such  propositions  is  called  assent^  belief, 
or  opinion^  which  is  the  admitting  any  proposition  to  be  true 
without  certain  knowledge  that  it  is  so.  I'he  grounds  of  pro- 
bability are  these  two — 1st.  The  conformity  of  anything 
with  our  own  knowledge,  observation,  or  experience.  2nd. 
The  testimony  of  others,  vouching  their  observation  and 
experience. 

Chap.  16.  The  variety  of  these  in  concurring  or  counter- 
balancmg  circumstances,  affording  matter  for  assent  in  sever- 
al degrees  of  assurance  or  doubting,  is  too  great  to  be  set 
down  in  an  extract. 

Chap.  17.  Error  is  not  a  fault  of  our  knowledge,  but  a 


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ABSTBAOT  OF   THE  ESSAY.  5^97 

mistake  of  judgment,  giving  assent  to  what  is  not  true ;  the 
causes  whereof  are  these — 

First.  Want  of  proofs,  whether  such  aa  may  be  or  as  can- 
not be  had. 

Secondly.  Want  of  ability  to  use  them. 

Thirdly.  Want  of  will  to  use  them. 

Fourthly.  Wrong  measures  of  probability,  which  are  these 
four — 

1.  Doubtful  opinions  taken  for  principles. 

2.  Eeceiyed  hypotheses, 

3.  Predominant  passions. 

4.  Authori^.  ^ 

Chap.  18.  Keason,  that  serves  us  to  the  discovery  of  both 
demonstration  and  probability,  seems  to  me  to  nave  four 
parts — 1st.  The  finding  out  of  proofs.  2nd.  The  laying 
them  in  their  due  order  for  the  discovery  of  truth.  3rd.  In 
the  perception  of  the  more  or  less  clear  connection  of  the 
ideas  in  each  part  of  the  deduction.  4th,  and  last  of  all,  The 
drawing  a  right  judgment  and  conclusion  from  the  whole. 
By  which  it  will  appear  that  syllogism  is  not  the  great  in- 
strument of  reason,  it  serving  but  only  to  the  third  of  these, 
and  that  only,  too,  to  show  another's  wrong  arguing ;  but  it 
helps  not  reason  at  all  in  the  search  of  new  knowledge,  nor 
the  discovery  of  yet  unknown  truths,  and  the  proofs  of  them, 
which  is  the  chief  use  of  that  faculty,  and  not  victory  in  dis- 
pute, or  the  silencing  of  wranglers. 

Chap.  19.  Faith  is  by  some  men  so  often  made  use  of  in 
opposition  to  reason,  that  he  who  knows  not  their  distinct 
bounds  will  be  at  a  loss  in  his  inquiries  concerning  matters 
of  religion. 

Matters  of  reason  are  such  propositions  as  may  be  known 
by  the  natural  use  of  our  faculties,  and  are  deducible  from 
ideas  received  from  sensation  or  reflection.  Matters  of  faith, 
such  as  are  made  known  by  supernatural  revelation.  The 
distinct  principles  and  evidence  of  these  two,  being  rightly 
considered,  show  where  faith  excludes  or  overrules  reason, 
and  where  not. 

1.  Original  revelation  cannot  be  assented  to  contrary  to 
the  clear  principles  of  our  natural  knowledge,  because,  though 
God  cannot  lie,  yet  it  is  impossible  that  any  one,  to  whom  a 


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898  LIFS  AND  LETTEBS  OF  JOWST  LOCKE. 

rerelation  is  made,  shoald  know  it  to  be  from  Gk)d  more 
certainly  than  he  knows  such  truths. 

2.  But  original  revelation  maj  silence  reason  in  any  pro- 
position, whereof  reason  eives  but  a  probable  assurance,  be- 
cause the  assurance  that  it  is  a  revelation  from  Gk)d  may  be 
more  clear  than  any  probable  truth  can  be. 

8.  If  original  revelation  cannot,  much  less  can  traditional 
revelation  be  assented  to,  contrary  to  our  natural  clear  and 
evident  knowledge ;  because,  though  what  Ghod  reveals  can- 
not be  doubted  of,  yet  he  to  whom  the  revelation  is  not  ori- 
fldnally  made,  but  has  only  received  it  by  the  delivery  or  tra- 
dition of  other  men,  can  never  so  certainly  know  that  it  was 
a  revelation  made  by  Q-od,  nor  that  he  imderstands  the  words 
aright  in  which  it  is  delivered  to  him.  Nay,  he  cannot  know 
that  he  ever  heard  or  read  that  proposition  which  is  supposed 
revealed  to  another,  so  certainly  as  he  knows  those  truths. 
Though  it  be  a  revelation  that  the  trumpet  shall  sound,  and  the 
dead  shall  be  raised,  yet  it  not  being  revealed  anywhere  that 
such  a  proposition,  delivered  by  a  certain  man,  is  a  revelation, 
the  believing  of  such  a  proposition  to  be  a  revelation  is  not  a 
matter  of  faith,  but  of  reason ;  and  so  it  is  if  the  question  be 
whether  I  understand  it  in  the  right  sense. 

According  to  these  principles,  I  condude  all  with  a  division 
of  the  sciences  into  three  sorts — 1st.  ^vtriicri,  or  the  know- 
ledge of  things,  whether  bodies  or  spirits,  or  of  any  of  their 
affections  in  their  true  natures ;  the  end  of  this  is  bare  specu- 
lation. 2nd.  UpaKTucrfy  or  the  rules  of  operation  about  things 
in  our  power,  and  principally  those  wmch  concern  our  con- 
duct; the  end  of  this  is  action.  8rd.  2i7/iui»rii:4,  or  the  know- 
ledge of  signs,  i.  e.- ideas  and  words,  as  subservient  to  the 
other  two,  which,  if  well  considered,  would  perhaps  produce 
another  kind  of  logic  and  critique  than  has  yet  been  thought 
on. 


At  the  end  of  Le  Clerc's  *  translation  of  the  above  Ab- 
stract, in  JBiblioiheque  Universelle,  is  the  following  notifict- 

♦  Stated  to  be  translated  by  Le  Clerc,  on  his  own  authority,  as  I  find 
in  Mr  Locke's  copy  of  that  work  these  words,  in  Le  Clerc*s  handwriting: 
"  Tout  ce  qui  est  depuis  le  commencement  josqu'^  Hi,  p.  261,  est  de  moi." 

Vftl     will 


Vol.  viii 


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LITE  AKD  LETTEB8  OF  J0H5  LOCKE.        399 

tion,  published  evidently  under  Locke's  immediate  direction, 
and  affording  one  amongst  the  many  proofs  of  his  sincerity 
in  the  search  for  truth. 

"  C'est  li,  I'extrait  d'un  ouvrage  Anglois  que  I'auteur  a 
bien  youlu  publier,  pour  satisfaire  quelqu'uns  de  ses  amis 
particuliers,  et  pour  leur  donner  un  abr^g^  de  ses  sentimens. 
Si  ^uelqu'un  de  ceux  qui  prendront  la  peine  de  les  examiner, 
croit  y  remarquer  quelque  endroit,  ou  Tauteur  se  soit  tromp6, 
ou  quelque  chose  d'obscur,  et  de  d^fectueux  dans  ce  syst^me, 
11  n'a  qu'^  envoy er  ses  doutes,  ou  ses  objections,  a  Amsterdam, 
aux  Marchands  Libraires,  chez  qui  s'imprime  la  Bibliotheque 
Universelle.  Encore  que  I'auteur  n'ait  pas  une  grande  envie 
de  voir  son  ouvrage  imprim6,  et  qu'il  croie  (ju'on  doive  avoir 
plus  de  respect  pour  le  public  que  de  lui  offnr  d'abord  ce  que 
ron  croit  etre  veritable,  avant  que  de  savoir  si  les  aulJes 
I'agr^ront,  ou  le  jugeront  utile ;  neanmoins  il  n'est  pas  si 
r^serv^,  qu'on  ne  puisse  esperer  qu'il  se  disposera  k  donner 
au  public  son  traite  entier,  lorsque  la  maniere  dont  cet  abr^ge 
aura  ete  re9u,  lui  donnera  occasion  de  croire  qu'il  ne  publiera 
pas  mal  k  propos  son  ouvrage.  Le  lecteur  pourra  remarquer 
aans  cet  version  quelques  termes,  dont  on  s  est  servi  dans  un 
nouveau  sens,  ou  qui  n'avoient  peut-^tre  jamais  paru  dans 
aucun  livre  Fran9ois.  Mais  il  auroit  ^t^  trop  long  de  les  ex- 
primer  par  des  periphrases ;  ou  a  crut  qu'en  matiere  de  phi- 
losophie  il  ^toit  bien  permis  de  prendre  en  n6tre  langue  la 
m6me  liberty  que  Ton  prend  en  cet  occasion  dans  toutes  les 
autres,  c'est  de  former  des  mots  analo^ques  quand  1' usage 
commun  ne  foumit  pas  ceux  dont  on  a  besoin.  L'auteur  I'a 
fait  en  son  Anglois,  et  on  le  pent  faire  en  cette  langue,  sans 
qu'il  soit  necessaire  d'en  demander  permission  au  lecteur. 
il  seroit  bien  k  souhaiter  qu'on  en  pM  autant  faire  en  Fran- 
cois, et  que  nous  puissions  ^galer  dans  I'abondance  des  termes 
une  langue,  que  la  n6tre  surpaase  dans  I'ezactitude  de  Tex- 
pression." 


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APPENDIX. 


THOMAS   BUBKETT  TO  MB  LOCKS. 

<' London. 
"WoBTHY  Sib, 

"  I  was  sorry  I  could  not  see  you  at  my  coming  back  from  Tun- 
bridge  in  September  last,  having  called  twice  at  your  lodgings.  I 
was  necessitated  to  go  to  the  country  immediately  there^R^er,  and 
made  a  ramble  from  the  Bath  through  the  West  of  England  to 
Salisbury,  and  at  last  to  Oxford,  where  the  good  society  and  most 
kind  treatment  from  all  I  made  acquaintance  with,  did  charm  me 
for  more  than  three  months,  and  made  me  at  last  leave  that  place 
with  regret. 

I  have  lately  received  a  letter  from  your  worthy  admirer,  Monsieur 
Leibnitz.  He  hath  been  kept  back  nrom  making  his  returns  to  his 
correspondents  this  lone  time,  having  more  to  do  in  the  public  af- 
fairs of  that  country,  as  I  understand  from  the  new  title  I  find  ffiven 
him,  of  Conseiller  mtime  de  S.  A.  E.  de  Brunswick.  In  this  letter 
he  gives  a  new  proof  of  the  esteem  he  hath  of  your  writings,  having 
writ  seven  or  eight  pages  of  his  observations  concerning  your  dis- 
pute with  the  Bishop  of  Worcester,  and  seeming  to  hold  the  balance 
oetwixt  your  learned  antagonist  and  you  with  all  the  fairness  of  an 
honest  man  and  the  judgment  of  a  philosopher ;  though  the  weight 
of  what  is  thrown  into  the  scales  seems  to  make  him  mcline  some- 
times to  one  side,  sometimes  to  another.  It  appears  he  hath  not 
yet  seen  the  last  letter  of  the  Bishop's  nor  your  two  last  to  him, 
though  I  have  sent  him  all  that  was  come  out,  with  several  books 
of  other  authors,  by  three  packets  at  several  times. 

There  is  a  young  gentleman  who  was  here  a  long  time  to  search 
for  records  relating  to  the  House  of  Brunswick,  for  whom  I  did 
buy  all  the  curious  oooks  that  have  come  out  these  several  years, 
with  whom  I  have  also  sent  all  what  he  could  not  find  himself  out 
of  my  own  library.  He  will  open  his  pack  at  Hanover,  and  both 
the  Electrix  and  Monsieur  Leibnitz  will  see  what  books  are  for 
their  service.  In  speaking  to  the  certainty  and  clearness  of  idea^, 
he  pleases  himself  with  the  difierenoe  he  makes  betwixt  the  two 


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*     THOM^lS   BTTEKETT   to   LOCKE.  401 

terms  of  clear  and  distinct.  That  he  calls  clear,  which  can  be  dif- 
ferenced in  our  notion  by  a  certain  characteristic  from  all  things 
"besides  itself.  This  knowledge  he  calls  distinct,  when  we  know  a 
tJiins  in  its  whole  essence  or  nature  with  all  its  conditions  and  re- 
quisites, or  when  we  can  give  its  definition.  So  that  the  knowledge 
of  substance,  in  so  far  as  we  know  its  certain  differences  and  acci- 
dents, may  be  called  clear,  but  cannot  be  termed  distinct. 

But  if  I  may  add  my  own  thoughts,  this  distinct. notion  is  not 
applicable  to  anything  else  we  know,  any  more  than  it  is  to  our 
ideas  of  substance ;  since  no  human  knowledge  reaches  a  complete 
understanding  of  the  nature  of  the  most  minute  subject,  reasoning 
so  as  to  exhaust  its  whole  nature,  essence,  and  all  that  is  to  be 
known  about  it,  no  more  than  the  understanding  of  the  nature  of 
the  least  grain  of  the  dust  we  trample  upon :  tnis  knowledge  by 
comprehensive  ideas  is  too  wonderful  for  us,  and  can  only  belong 
to  that  infinite  Being  who  is  perfect  in  knowledge. 

Monsieur  Leibnitz  desires  the  names  of  all  your  works,  that  he 
may  have  all  sent  him.  Now  you  are  best  able  to  inform  him  of 
that  particular.  I  thought  fit  to  acquaint  you  (Sir)  with  this  letter, 
and  of  two  long  articles  in  it  relating  to  the  metaphysical  subject 
of  ideas,  and  your  discourses  of  the  coin  also.  I  was  transcribing 
all  that  belongs  to  these  two  parts,  and  sending  them  to  you  ;  but 
I  imagine  you  will  be  no  less  pleased  to  see  the  whole  contexture 
of  the  letter  itself,  where  there  is  an  account  of  many  other  parti- 
culars that  may  be  interesting. 

I  need  not  send  you  the  news  of  the  town ;  I  only  take  the  liberty 
to  acquaint  you  of  some  particulars  concerning  Dr  Bentley's  book> 
which  is  at  last  come  out.  He  read  to  me  a  great  part  of  the  pre- 
face long  before  it  was  nublished,  and  I  then  thougnt  his  narration 
of  the  matter-of-fact  (if  he  be  to  be  believed  in  verho  sacerdotis)  did 
justify  very  much  his  behaviour  to  Mr  Boyle  at  the  beginning. 
And  as  to  the  controversy  itself,  if  he  like,  many  j^ood  judges  think 
he  is  able  to  defend  himself  against  the  reason,  if  not  against  the 
authority,  of  his  contrary  party.  He  told  me  then  the  Bishop  of 
Coventry  and  Litchfield  was  so  far  of  his  opinion,  that  he  would 
publish  something  of  his  own  at  the  same  time  upon  the  same  sub- 
ject, which  he  had  kept  by  him  many  years ;  wherein,  though  there 
were  some  small  things  wherein  they  dissented,  the  Bishop  said  it 
was  so  much  the  better,  since  thereby  was  taken  away  all  suspicion  of 
combination ;  and  that  the  Bishop  himself  would  send  the  Doctor's 
book  to  Mons.  Spanheim ;  so  that  Grevius,  Mons.  Spanheim,  and 
that  Bishop,  a  learned  triumvirate,  seemed  to  be  engaged  on  the 
Doctor's  side.  But  I  doubt  not  that  a  greater  number  will  be  of 
another  sentiment,  who  would  not  be  thought  to  be  of  the  unlearned 
tribe ;  and  I  heard  yesterday  morning  from  Mr  Gasterell  that  the 
Bishop  of  Coventry  and  Litchfield  hath  thought  fit  to  suppress  his 

2  D 


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402  APPENDIX. 

own  dissertation ;  and  that  there  would  come  forth  an'  apology  for 
the  bookseller  by  himself  within  a  day  or  two. 

The  Doctor  told  me  likewise,  the  Bishop  thought  Mr  Dodwell's 
opinion  was  wholly  overturned  upon  this  occasion,  who  founded 
his  hypothesis  upon  the  authenticness  and  the  supposed  antiquity 
of  the  Epistles  of  Phalaris.  There  is  also  come  out  Master  Gaste- 
rell's  book,  in  8vo,  of  the  Certainty  of  the  Christian  Religion,  as  the 
second  part  of  his  Discourses  intended  upon  Mr  Boyle^  Lecture ; 
and  I  doubt  not  but  will  argue  as  much  of  the  reason  and  judgment 
of  the  author  as  his  Sermons  on  that  occasion. 

I  have  read  over  Doctor  Bentle/s  long  preface,  and  a  great  part 
of  the  book,  and  have  just  now  finished  the  new  piece  that  is  come 
out  against  him,  exposing  his  plagiary,  ingratitude,  and  inhumanity, 
particularly  to  Mr  Stanley,  in  the  edition  {as  the  Doctor  calls  it  him- 
self) of  his  Callimachus.  The  booksellers  Vindication,  and  Letter 
of  Dr  Kinfif  s,  and  the  Judgment  of  Sir  Wm.  Temple,  &c.,  are  annexed 
to  the  end.  I  do  profess,  upon  second  thoughts  (which  sometimes 
are  best),  I  think,  considering  Doctor  Bentley's  magisterial  and  super- 
cilious way  of  treating  his  adversaries,  his  hard  words,  and  oppro- 
brious language  to  Mr  Bennet ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  Mr  Bonnet's 
manner  of  justifying  himself,  and  representing  the  matter  in  a  sober 
and  far  less  passionate,  but  more  natural,  narration  of  everything,  so 
that  his  story  seemeth  the  more  likely,  if  not  the  most  true,  of  the 
two ;  and  thouffh  the  Doctor  may  have  both  truth  and  learning  on 
his  side,  he  hath  no  ways  shown  the  spirit  of  meekness  in  reprovine, 
but  rather  hath  made  not  only  his  own  character  but  that  of  his 
order  cheap  and  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦by  writing  so 

much  and  in  such  a  manner  to  take  off  little  reflections  upon  his 
civility  and  breeding,  which  he  had  easier  wiped  off  by  slighting 
and  forgetting  than  answering. 

I  have  presumed  to  communicate  to  you  these  accounts,  since  I 
have  them  from  immediate  hands,  I  have  sent  you  Mr  Leibnitz's 
letter,  consisting  of  pieces.  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  your  orders, 
if  you  have  anything  to  charge  me  with,  when  you  send  back  the 
papers,  at  whicn  time  I  am  to  write  again  to  Mr  Leibnitz.  I  did 
write  to  him  from  Oxford,  at  the  same  time  Dr  Wallis  received  a  line 
from  him,  which  was  six  weeks  ago ;  and  now  lately  I  did  write  with 
that  gentleman,  who  is  gone  to  Hanover,  but  he  will  expect  I  should 
write  to  him  again,  since  the  receipt  of  this  I  now  send  you,  wherein 

Syou  see)  he  desires  to  know  what  things  are  unclear  in  what  he  did 
brmerly  write  in  the  first  paper  of  reflections  I  sent  you.  I  have 
not  been  so  well  as  to  write  to  you  sooner,  since  I  had  this  last  letter. 
To  hear  of  your  own  health  will  be  the  best  news  to  Mr  Leibnitz, 
and  to.  Sir,  your  most  ready  and  most  obliged 
"  Pali-Mall  Street,  in  London,  And  humble  servant, 

17th  March,  1699."  T.  BUKNETT.*' 


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1686.]  DiLVID  THOMAS  TO  LOCKE.  403 

**  Sir,  I  thought  once  of  sending  this  packet  with  Mr  Cunningham, 
who  told  me  at  my  chambers  some  days  ago  he  was  to  go  out  to 
you ;  but  now,  after  waiting  longer  than  his  set  time,  I  was  resolved 
to  delay  no  longer.  I  wish  you  would  indulge  him  before  he  leaves 
you  to  piece  together  his  proofs  of  the  Christian  Religion,  that  the 
-world  may  enjoy  that  light  he  hath  so  long  promised.  You  may 
send  back  the  papers  to  Mr  C,  and  I  shall  send  for  them;  or 
direct  them  for  me  at  the  Two  Pigeons,  on  the  east  end  of  the  Fall 
Mall." 

The  following  letter  from  Mr  Thomas  to  Locke  was  the  occasion 
-which  led  to  the  acquaintance  with  Lord  Shaftesbury. 

*«  My  deak  Fkiend, 

/'This  town  is  very  barren  of  news,  and  therefore  you  must  not 
expect  much.    The  most  considerable  is,  that  the  Commissions  are 

f  ranted  for  raising  sixteen  troops  of  horse  ;  amongst  others  to  Lord 
airfax.  Col.  Inglesby,  Sir  W.  W  aller,  &c.  &c.  The  fleet  will  set  sail 
the  beginning  of  the  next  week,  if  the  London  be  ready,  but  not 
without  her,  as  I  am  now  informed  by  a  gentleman  of  Prince 
Rupert's,  who  came  yesterday  firom  the  fleet,  consisting,  as  he  says, 
of  eighty-nine  sail,  which  are  ready,  and  eighteen,  or  as  some  say 
twenty-five,  fire-ships,  which  -will  be  made  thirty.  After  all  the  great 
noise  of  a  press,  I  am  informed  that  not  above  2200  were  sent  from 
hence  to  the  fleet.  The  Gazette  will  inform  you  of  more,  which  is, 
the  story  of  Capt.  Reeves  is  true,  and  the  Kipg  much  troubled  at  it, 
and  has  pven  orders  that  the  Captain,  who  was  to  be  exchanged  for 
him,  be  laid  in  irons. 

"  I  must  request  one  favour  of  you,  which  is  to  send  me  word  by 
the  next  opportunity  whether  you  can  procure  twelve  bottles  of 
water  for  my  Lord  Ashley,  to  dnnk  in  Oxford  Sunday  and  Monday 
mornings  :  if  you  can  possibly  do  it,  you  will  very  much  oblige  him 
and  me.  I  have  this  aay  spoke  with  C.  Grant,  and  will  Rive  you  an 
account  of  vipers  by  my  next.  I  am  to-morrow  resolved  to  go  for 
the  fleet ;  however,  let  me  receive  a  letter  by  the  next  opportunity. 
Your  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

Dayid  Thomas." 
«  Half-Moon  Street,  Bread  Street, 
9th  July,  1666." 


The  first  of  the  following  letters  from  Limborch  to  Locke  relates 
to  the  Letter  for  Toleration,  published  anonymously  at  Tergou  in 
Holland,  with  Locke's  answer,  reproaching  his  friend  for  having 
divulged  to  others  the  name  of  the  author  of  that  celebrated  publica- 


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byGoogld 


404  APPENDIX. 

tion.  The  other  ten  letters  from  Limborch  have  been  selected  and 
printed,  because  Locke's  answers  to  them  have  long  since  been 
printed  in  the  best  editions  of  his  works  ;  and  therefore  it  is  presumed 
that  their  publication  will  not  be  unacceptable,  as  it  will  so  far  make 
that  correspondence  complete. 

"Amplissime  Vir, 

"Postquam  tuis  postremis  respondi,  D.  Consuli  Hadde  com- 
municavi  quae  de  Slado  nostro  scripsisti,  quae  gratissima  ipsi  erant, 
omnemque  simplici  quam  exhibes  narratione  smistram  suspicionem 
nuUo  negotio  dilui  posse  videt.  De  Epitaphio  virum  illustrem  in- 
terpellare  ausus  non  fui :  res  est  hie  admodum  rara,  et  a  nobis  neg- 
ligi  solita :  omnes  quos  consului  amici  dissuadent  de  re  apud  nos- 
tros  exigui  admodum  momenti  compellare  Consulem,  neque  credunt 
hac  in  re  quicquam  suasurum  aut  dissuasurum  hseredibus  Sladi. 
Quare  pro  more  apud  nos  recepto  epitaphio  carebit,  nisi  amici  et 
consanguinei  eo  propendeant.  Veriim  id  non  tam  imputandum 
amicis  aliis  quam  sorori,  mulieri  fatuee,  quae  quoniam  Sladus  absque 
testamento  mortuus  est,  ex  asse  haeres  est;  liberi  itaque  ejus  jam 
nihil  possunt.  Male,  hac  in  parte  Sladus,  cui  sororis  indoles 
notissima  erat,  liberis  illius  consuluit.  Verdm  hoc  jam  mutari 
nequit. 

"  Accessit  me  nuperrimd  cognatus  Guenellon,  dixitque  se  ex  D. 
d'Aranda  intellexisse,  amicum  quendam  meum  tractatiis  cujusdam 
valde  hie  laudati  autorem  esse  idque  fratrem  D.  d'Aranda  ex  Anglia 
scripsisse,  quasi  rem  illic  notissimam.  Ego  mirabar  admodum: 
ille  me  urgebat,  primo  an  ego  autor  essem ;  negavL  Tum  porro, 
an  nescirem  amicum  ilium  meum  esse  autorem  ?  volui  quidem  dis- 
simulare :  veriim  ita  ab  homine  amicissimo  prorsus  negare  non  potui. 
Hactenus  autor  in  patria  nostra  nulli,  nisi  mihi  uni  cognitus  fuit : 
imo  nulla,  ne  levissima  quidem  de  ipso  suspicio  fuit.  Nunc  coram 
homine,  et  quidem  vel  indiciis  instructo,  negare  non  potui ;  qui  si 
postea  rescivisset  merito  succensere  potuisset,  quod  hoc  de  viro 
etiam  ipsi  amicissimo,  tam  pertinaciter  dissimulare  nedum  negare 
voluerim.  Considerans  ergo  et  intiman  illius  cum  autore  familiari- 
tatem,  coram  ipso  ac  socero  ipsius  autorem  me  scire  feissus  sum : 
obtestans  maximopere,  ut  eadem  fide,  qua  alia  ipsis  ab  autore  cre- 
dita,  etiam  hoc  sibi  solis  concreditum  servent,  neque  ulli  divulgent 
Ita,  quod  hactenus  uni  cognitum  fuit,  tribus  commune  factum  est. 
Unitas  omnis  multiplicationis  est  expers :  sed  quamprimiim  ab  ea 
receditur,  diversae  fieri  possunt  multiplicationes.  Ego  arcanum  mihi 
creditum,  quantum  possum,  servabo ;  quod  a  me  propalatum  non 
est  Verum  quod  nunc  inter  tres  dispersum  est,  facile  inter  plures 
divulgari  potest ;  idque  praecavere  jam  meae  potestatis  non  est.  Ve- 
rum si  expediat autorem  non  latere?  Nomen illius  et  plures  lectores 
alliciet  et  tractatui  autoritatem  conciliabit.    Duo  illi  quos  memoravi 


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1690.]  LETTEHS   FEOM  LIMBOEOH  TO   LOCKE.  405 

viri,  audito  autoris  nomine,  majore  cum  voluptate  ejus  lectionem 
repetere  voluerunt.  .  Ego  singulis  exemplar  dedi,  quod  hactenus 
ausus  non  fueram  j  typographus  mihi  pauca  dederat,  quia  correctioni 
prsBfueram.  Idem  pluribus  futuram  presagio ;  non  eum  credo,  licet 
ego  fidem  datam  sanctissime  servem,  nunc  celari  posse,  quod  pluri- 
bus innotuit  j  et  duobus  amicis  indicavi,  quia  eos  metaphysics  mek 
circumducere  non  potui,  neque  veritatem  rogatus  negare.  Veriim 
de  hisce  satis. 

"  Hactenus  nullum  si  D.  Decano  Petroburgensi  accepi  responsnm : 
sed  nee  a  D.  Allix,  cui  prolixiorem  de  Albigensium  et  Valdensium 
do^matibus  ac  ritibus,  unde  illos  duas  fuisse  diversas  sectas  constat, 
scnpsi  historiam*i  quam  se  accepisse  ad  D.  Clericum  scripsit :  verum 
verbis  ita  tectis  ut  nomen  meum  exprimere  non  iuisse  ausus  videri 
debeat :  commendat  quippe  D.  Clerico,  ut  scriptori  historise  Albi- 
gensium et  Valdensium  salutera  dicat  et  gratias  agat.  Nescio  qute 
tanti  timoris  causa.  An  simili  metu  cohibeatur  fi.  Decanus,  cujus 
mihi  amicitiam  conciliavit  D.  Allix,  ignoro.  Hoc  scio  Anglorum 
amicorum  neminem   ad  literas  meas   declinare  responsum.    Nu- 

Serrime  literas  k  D.  Decano  Sarisburiensi  accepi,  eadem  qua  antes 
bertate  scriptas.    Quis  viros  hosce   eruditos  scrupulus  urgeat, 
ignoro. 

"Cum  hasce  hue  usque  scripsissem,  convenit  me  amicus  noster 
Cyprianus,  qui  mihi  salutem  k  te  dixit,  prosperamque  tuam  valetu- 
dinem  riuntiavit.  Nihil  mihi  hoc  nuntio  gratius  :  cum  de  te  tuoque 
statu  ex  illis  gui  tibi  adfuerunt  audio,  quodammodo  tibi  presens 
videor,  suavissimamque  tuam  conversationem  ac  familiaritatem  in 
memoriam  revoco,  nihilque  magis  mihi  displicet,  qudm  quod  Oceano 
ab  invicem  dividamur.  Si  nunc  Clivise  haereres,  ad  te  excurrerem, 
ut  eruditissimis  tuis  sermonibus  eadem  qua  solitus  sum  voluptate 
firuerer :  nunc  grata  eonmi  recordatione  me  oblecto.  Interim  sum- 
mo  cum  gaudio  te  bene  valere  intellexi :  Deus  valetudinem  hanc 
velit  esse  diutumam.  Furlseum  nostrum  ex  quo  ex  Anglia  rediit, 
non  vidL  Dedit  mihi  preeterita  hebdomade  D.  Remontius  literas 
illius,  cui  respondi.  Opus  Sancti  Officii  adhuc  apud  me  est.  Wet- 
stenius  adhuc  cunctatur,  credo  ob  summam  chartee  caritatem.  Re- 
cepit  a  te  Wetstenius  exemplar  Actorum  Eruditorum  anni  1688, 
quare  summa,  quam  mihi  debuisti,  detrahendi  sunt  tres  florin!  nos- 
trates,  ita  ut  solummodo  restent  f.  35  :  8,  de  quibus  me  brevi  post 
Pentecostes  festum,  quando  mihi  Roterodamum  morandum  erit,  cum 
FurlsBo  transacturum  spero.  De  negotio  paciflcationis  ecclesiasticaB 
nihil  jam  audimus:  Videtur  tota  ilia  transactio  sufflaminata,  et 
penitus  abiisse  in  iumum.  Ecclesise  facili  negocio  scinduntur; 
scissae  ver6  segerrime  coalescunt.  Omnes  causam  Christi  et  Ec- 
clesiaB  praBtendunt :  sed  nisi  propriam  agerent,  iniquas  pacis  con- 
ditiones  non  praescriberent  aliis,  nee  aequas  sibi  oblatas  respuerent. 
Deus  pacis  orandus,  ut  omnibus  earn  mspiret  mentem,  quam  sibi 


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406  APPENDIX. 

quisque  Tindicat,  et  in  alio  requiiit.    Vale,  vir  amplissime.    Uxor 
mea  liberique  plurimam  tibi  precantur  salutem. 
Tui  amaDtissimus, 

Philippus  a  Limbobch." 
1 

<*  Amstelodami,  25  Aprilis,  16    90. 

18. 
"  Amplissimo  doctissimo  "Viro 
D.  Joanni  Locke,  Londinom." 

PHILLIPPO  A  LIMBOKCH  JOANNES  LOCKE. 

«*  London,  Apr.  22  (1690). 
"ViR  DOCTISSIME, 

"  Literas  tuas  25"  datas  heri  accepi,  et  perculsus  sum  legendo  ea 
qu8B  transacta  esse  inter  te  et  Doctorem  GuenoUeonem  scribis. 
Miratus  sum,  ut  fatear,  tuam  in  dicendo  facilitatem,  et  quod  aliqui 
hie  non  nimis  benevole  in  me  curiosi  id  ex  te  expiscan  poterant, 
quod  ego  in  tuto  coUocatum  speraveram.  Kumores  enim  Hie  ab 
iisdem  orti,  cum  sine  autore  spargerentur,  nihil  me  movebant,  mox 

Sonte  interituri.  Quid  de  iis  scissitanti  GuenoUoni  responderim,  ex 
timis  ad  eum  literis  scire  potest.  Sed  jam  te  fatente  certum  nacti 
sunt  autorem.  Hoc  solum  dicam,  si  tu  hujusmodi  arcanum  mem 
commisisses  fidei,  ego  illud  nee  cognato  nee  amico  nee  cuipiani 
mortalium  quavis  conditione  evulgassem.  Nescis  in  quas  res  me 
conjecisti.  Quod  solum  restate  fac,  si  posses,  ut  quod  tu  solus 
tacere  non  poteras,  id  duo  alii  jam  taceant.  Quod  tamen  minimi 
spero ;  non  dubito  enim  quin  Dr  Guenollon  (qui  non  sua  sponte  tarn 
intemperanter  in  alien^  re  fuit  curiosus,  sed  Darandse  instructu),  ante 
harum  adventum  DarandsB  dixerit.  Id  si  perspexeris,  nihil  ten- 
tan  dum  frustra  laboraveris.  Actum  est,  nee  remedio  restat  locus. 
Vale. 

Tui  observantissimus, 
J.L.'' 

«ViR  Amplissime, 

"Literse  tuae  13  Martii  scripts^  demum  IJ  Maii  ad  me  perlat» 
stmt,  cum  parte  versionis  doctissimi  tui  de  intellectu  humano  trac- 
tSLtds.  Ubi  tam  diu  hseserint,  incertus  sum.  Furlaeus  noster,  qui 
ante  paucos  Tut  audio)  dies  uxorem  suam  amisit,  has  se  pridie  ac- 
cepisse  scribit.  Interim  conspectis  tuis  maxime  gavisus  sum, 
quoniam  ob  diutumum  tuum  ac  inusitatum  silentium  mens  mihi 
nescio  quid  mali  prsesagiebat  Nunc  me  omni  sollicitudine  de  te  ao 
tua  valetudine  tuae  liberarunt.  Quid  prioribus  meis  de  Verrini 
literis,  quas  ispe  Verrinus  fascicule  chartarum  alligayit,  accident, 


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1691.]  LETTEES  EEOM  LIMBOECH   TO   LOCKE.  407 

nescio.  Doleo  ego  versionem  non  felicius  successisse,  med  caus^ 
qui  jam  uberrimo  fructu,  quern  ex  libri  tui  lectione  sperabam,  spoil- 
atus  sum.  Non  autem  ut  ingenue  ac  rotunde  tecum  agam,  id  plane 
preeter  exspectationem  meam  evenit :  quia  semper  non  satis  linguaB 
AnglicanaB  peritum  credidi,  ut  tractatum  de  materiis  philosophicis 
subtiliter  disserentem  ita  Latine  posset  scribere,  ut  et  sensum 
autoris,  et  argumentorum  vim  ac  ivtpyeiav  perspicue  representet. 
Nondum  ego  mterpretem  conveni ;  cupio  emm  integrum  scriptum 
antequam  ipse  redaam,  perlegere.  Sed  licet  non  ederetur,  non  periit 
ipsi  penitus  suus  labor.  Tractatum  enim  tuum  cum  attentione  legit, 
plunma  non  vulgaria  (qusB  utinam  et  ego  Latine  legere  possem)  et 
aidicit,  et  boras  suas  quae  forte  alias  ipsi  periissent,  studio  sibi 
utilissimo  impendit.  Ambiebat  nuptias,  quas  nuper  confirmavit : 
erant  impedimenta  qusBdam,  quse  has  ad  tempus  aliquod  dififerre 
coegerunt :  ille  ut  tempus  istud,  amantibus  valde  tsediosum,  honesto 
labore  transigeret,  versionem  banc  suscepit  et  perfecit.  Interim 
doleo  versionem  illam  non  melius  successisse,  tum  mea,  tum  et 
omnium  eorum,  qui  linguam  Anglicanam  non  intelligunt  causa. 
Cum  D.  Clerico,  qui  nunc  etiam  uxoratus  est,  alusque  amicis  con- 
sulam,  et  interpreti  consilium  dabimus,  quod  quale  sit  futurum, 
facile  vides.  Speraveram  ego  volumen  Sententiarum  Inquisitionis 
Tholosanae  hoc  mense  prelo  subjiciendum ;  venim  Wetstenius  con- 
fatur,  Diogenis  Laertii  editionem  nondum  esse  ad  finem  perductam : 
nuUius  autem  no\i  operis  editionem  inchoare  cupit,  nisi  hac  prius 
plene  ad  finem  perducta :  denuo  itaque  quatuor  aut  quinque  mensi- 
bus  editionem  dififert.  Ego  meum  quem  praemittam  tractatum,  con- 
stitui  ab  initio  ad  finem  relegere,  si  quid  desit  supplere,  et  ita 
perficere,  ut  editioni  paratus  sit,  ut  quamprimun  Wetstenius  se 
paratum  dicit,  in  me'ne  minima  quidem  sit  mora :  quamquam  jam 
per  me  inchoare  posset.  Prsemitto  ego  brevem  narrationem  anti- 
quiorum  sseculorum,  et  sententise  patrum  (ut  vocantur)  de  here- 
ticorum  persecutione.  Non  possum  quin  edicta  imperatonun 
quaedam  reprehendam,  et  maxime  doctrinam  Augustini,  qui  omnium 
apertissime  Donatistarum  persecutiones  propugnavit:  singulorum 
testimonia,  tam  qui  persecutiones  impugnarunt,  quslm  propugnarunt, 
adscribam :  atque  ita  transibo  ad  ssBcula  quibus  Paps  Komani  se 
Eoclesiee  Dominos  confirmaverunt,  et  imperatorum  ac  regum  sceptra 
subjecerunt.  Proxima  occasione  mittam  tibi  Indicem  capitum,  ut 
pleniorem  totius  operis  ideam  conspicias. 

**  Hsc  jam  prsecedente  hebdomade  scripta  erant :  verum  subito 
Harlemum  evocatus  ob  funus  neptis  cujusdam  ex  fratre  uxoris  mese, 
banc  non  potui  nisi  jam  absolvere  et  ad  te  mittere.  Ego  in- 
terim tractatiis  tui  interpretem  conveni,  inspexit  correctiones  tuas. 
Salutem  k  te  plurimam  dixi:  non  se  ausum  dixit  ea  libertate  in 
alieno  opere  uti:  an  suae  versionis  correctionem  tentaturus  sit, 
ignoro :  puto  tamen  eum  literas  ad  te  daturum,  quas  si  mittat  meis 


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408  APPENDIX. 

includam :  m  iis  plenius  se  explicabit :  Ego  nondum  ipsi  scrfptnm 
reddidi,  sed  hac  hebdomade,  postquam  perlegero,  redditurus  sum : 
turn  uberius  cum  ipso  loquar. 

"  Maxime  gratum  fuit  ex  tuis  cognoscere,  Dominam  Cudwortham 
honestam  ibei  memoriam  servare.  Inter  amicos  Anglos  maxime 
semper  D.  Doctorem  Cudworthum  colui.  Spirabant  ejus  epistols 
eruditionem  non  vulgarem :  unicum  doleo  quod  occupatior  rariores 
ad  me  dederit.  Nunc  illustri  adeo  feminse  gratulor,  quod  non  tarn 
opum  paternarum,  quam  ingenii  ac  eruditionis  paternse  haeres  sit, 
patremque  ea  parte,  quk  proprie  homines  sumus,  referat.  Gaudeo 
lUi  institutum  meum  ac  scribendi  methodum  probari  :  spero  ipsum 
opus,  quando  prodierit,  ipsi  placiturum,  quando  interprets  m  'eo 
totum  Ulud  iniquitatis  mysterium  revelatum  viderit,  quod  verbis  vix 
exi)rimi  potest,  qukm  atrox  ac  detestandum  sit.  Ro^o  humillima 
mei  servitia  illi  offeras,  illique  dicas,  me  ardentibus  votis  precari,  ut 
quicquid  honesto  lectionis  assiduse  exercitio  oculorum  aciei  deperiit, 
Deus  judicii  acumine  aliisque  gratiae  suae  donis  compenset,  ut  sic 
mente  contempletur  ea,  ad  quae  oculorum  acies,  etiam  acutissima 
penetrare  nequit.  Ipsam  ego  colere  ac  venerari  non  desinam,  ejusque 
dotes  minime  vul^es  semper  suspiciam. 

"  Antequam  fimam,  memorabile  quid,  et  quod  miraculi  instar  est 
adjiciam.  Novi  ego  Harlemi  puellam,  quae  jam  octayum  annum 
explevit,  et  nonum  ingressa  est :  nata  est  penitus  surda,  ita  ut  neve 
clamorem  licet  vehementem,  neve  campanarum  sonitum,  neve 
quemcunque  alium  sonum  unquam  audiverit.  Hoc  narro  non  ex 
relatu  aliorum,  sed  ipse  testis  sum  ocularius,  qui  a  prima  infantia 
puellam  illam  saepius  vidi,  et  ipsam  auditu  penitus  aestitutam  de- 
prehendi.  Surda  ciJim  esset,  nullum  sermonem  diflferre  potuit,  neque 
ullorum  verborum  significationem  comprehendere ;  nutibus  et  ges- 
tibus  omnia  praecipiebat,  et  exprimebat ;  et  in  hisce  admodum  so- 
lertem  se  ostendit.  Nunc  tamen  paucos  intra  menses  arte  et 
industria  loqui  didicit.  Est  bic  quidam  Sweverius,  medicus,  juvenis 
viginti  quinque  circiter  annorum,  qui  artem  excogitavit,  surdis 
motu  oris,  labiorum,  ac  linguae  monstrandi,  qua  ratione  voces  for- 
mare  et  pronunciare  possint.  Hie  intra  spatium  quinque  mensium, 
nam  decimo  quarto  die  Decembris  institutionem  puellse  inchoavit, 
eam  plurima  non  tantum  verba,  sed  et  integras  sententias  eloqui, 
et  apte  satis  pronuntiare,  et,  quod  mireris,  legere  docuit.  Ipse  die 
Adsensionis  experimentum  cepi :  cum  uxore  mea  in  parentum  SBdi- 
bus  diverti :  hospites  mei  humanissimi  coram  me  producunt  filiam, 
quam  anno  elapso  plane  mutam  videram :  gratulatur  ilia  mihi  et 
uxori  adventum :  scribo  in  charta,  verum  Uteris  majusculis,  nomen 
meum  et  uxoris :  ilia  distincte  legit :  oflfertur  ipsi  scnedula,  quiL  hie 
in  funus  homines  invitari  solent,  m  qu&  extabant  non  tantum  literae 
majusculae,  sed  et  romanae  et  cursivae,  uti  vocantur :  omnes  distincte 
legit,  et,  quod  miratus  sum,  singularum  totius  alphabet!  literarum 


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1691.]  LETTEBS   FEOM  LIMBOECH   TO   LOCKE.  409 

vim  distincte  novit,  et  unamquamque  literam  primo  intra  labia 
formabat,  mox  totam  syllabam  pronuntiabat,  atque  ita  pergens  totam 
formabat  vocem ;  peccabat  quidem  aliquatenus  contra  accentum : 
quia  enim  auditu  caret,  necesse  est  ut  aliquoties  in  accentum  erret : 
sed  distincte  tamen  quicquid  legebat  et  loquebatur  intelligebamus : 
quin  et  numeros  per  cifras  legebat :  id^ue  didicerat  puella  octo  an- 
norum  intra  tarn  breve  temporis  spatium:  recitabat  coram  nobis 
integram  precationem  dominicam :  verba  percipiebat  ex  motu  oris 
patemi :  si  quid  vero  minus  perciperet,  innuebat  patri  ut  scriberet,  et 
mox  legebat.  Cum  abirem,  et  mihi  et  uxori  mesB  valedixit,  ex- 
pressis  nominibus  nostris,  quee  ex  lectione  bis  tantum  repetita 
memorisB  ipsius  inhseserant.  Plurima  jam  noverat  verba,  et  vocum 
significationem,  et  quotidie  plura  addiscit.  Ita  videmus  et  mutos 
jam  loqui  in  patria  nostra,  magno  parentum,  <^uibu8  unica  bcec  est 
soboles,  gaudio.  Non  potui,  quin  non  adeo  mirum  tibi  indicarem : 
ad  certum  quendam  patris  gestum,  quem  intelligebat,  mihi  dixit 
verbis  Belgicis,  ego  sum  sur£i,  verum  ego  non  sum  muta.  Omnes 
non  sine  admiratione  puellam  adspiciunt.  Et  quotidie  ex  aliis  ci- 
vitatibus  plures  adveniunt  in  sedes  viri  illius  ut  puellam  videant. 
Tu  mecum  ipiraberis,  et  agnosces  benignitatem  oivinam,  quae  ea 
homines  solertia  extruxit,  ut  et  surdos  verba,  quae  audire  nequeunt, 
pronunciare  doceant.  Verum  ego  nimia  prolixitate  jam  pecco. 
Vale,  vir  amplissime,  et  mei  memor  vive.  Salutant  te  amici  omnes, 
Verrinus,  Guenellonus,  Grevius  advocatus  Utrajectinus,  praecipue 
vero  uxor  mea,  ac  liberi,  imprimis  ego, 

Tui  amantissimus, 

Fhilippus  a  Lxmbobch." 

9 
<'  Amstelodami,  29  Maji,  16    91. 

19 

"Hodie  Archithalassus  noster  Trompius  in  hac  civitate  diem 
8uum  obiit,  lento  morbo  consmntus. 

**  For  Mr  John  Locke,  at  Mrs  Sinithby*8  in  Dorset 
Court  in  Chand®  Row,  "Westminster." 

Mr  Locke's  answer  to  this  letter,  dated  June  18,  1691,  will  be 
foimd  page  407  of  the  quarto  edition  of  Locke's  Works. 

**  Vnt  Amplissime, 

'*  Acceptis  tuis  literis  non  mediocriter  gavisus  sum,  quia  anxiam 
de  tua  valetudine  sollicitudinem  exemerunt.  Statueram  confestim 
iis  respondere,  sed  impedimento  admodum  molesto  hactenus  retentus 
fui.  Cognata  qusedam  mea  moriens  me  liberorum  suorum  tutorem 
designavit.    Negotiimi  hoc,  quod  commode  declinare  non  potui,  i 


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410  APPBITDIX. 

Studiis  meis  alienum,  plures  mihi  dies  abstulit.  Jam  scribendi  op- 
portunitatem  nactus,  calamum  arripio,  ut  et  me  omnesque  meas 
Talere  sciaa,  et  per  gratiam  divinam  totam  meam  familiam  hacte- 
nus  k  morbis  ac  febribus  admodum  in  patria  nostra  grassantibus 
fuisse  immunem.  Scotus,  qui  tibi  renuntiavit  historiam  S^  Officii 
jam  sub  prelo  esse,  erravit.  Wetstenius  editionem  de  die  in  diem 
differt :  Confatur  Diogenem  Laertium  nondum  in  lucem  exiisse : 
nullius  autem  opens  novi  editionem  se  inchoaturum  antequam  ilia 
prodierit.  Cum  ur^rem,  ut  semel  tandem  tot  dilationibus  finem 
imp<meret,  respondit  se  circa  Pascha  editionem  inchoaturum,  et 
ante  anni  finem  absoluturum  firmissime  promisit.  Interim  ego  his- 
toriam meam  relego;  et  si  quid  desit,  suppleo;  hiantia  connecto, 
superflua  reseco,  ut  nihil  editionem  a  mea  parte  remorari  pos^t. 
Doctor  ille  Theologus,  qui  de  Angelis  paradoxa  ilia  docuit^  satis 
fratrum  suorum  pro  puritate  zelo  experitur.  In  Synedrio  Amstelo- 
damensi  liber  est  condemnatus,  aut,  ut  ipsis  Synedrii  verbis  utar, 
Synedrium  librum  ilium  pronuntiayit  abominabilem.  Synodus 
Hollandise  Borealis  non  tantum  Synedrii  sententiam  approbavit; 
sed  etiam  Synedrio  mandavit,  ut  ante  primum  Septembris  jam 
elapsi  diem,  scandalum  illo  libro  datum,  emcaciter  repararet :  quod 
si  intra  constitutum  diem  non  possit,  mandatum  dedit  classi  .^- 
stelodamensi  scandalum  illud  efficaciter  reparandi;  utque  majore 
cum  autoritate  classis  procedat,  illi  adjunxit  quatuor  Synodi  depu- 
tatos.  Jam  multum  sudatum  est,  ut  Doctor  hie  ad  palinodiam 
cogatur:  plures  sunt  concepti  articuli,  quibus  ut  subscribat  cu- 
piunt :  his  non  tanttim  continetur  rejectio  sententiae  ipius,  veriim 
etiam  approbatio  omnium  actorum  Synedrii  contra  ipsum.  Ille 
articulos  illos  rejecit :  primo  dati  ipsi  sunt  duo  menses  ad  deliber- 
andum :  Magistratus  zelum  ilium  ecclesiasticum  temperare  conatur : 
sed  ipse  n68ti,  claves  regni  coelorum  Synedrio  creitos,  non  posse 
committi  magistratui,  nee  judicium  ecclesiasticum  ullo  modo  sseculari 
esse  obnoxium.  Interim  noc  effectum  est,  ut  alterum  duorum  mensi- 
um  ad  deliberandum  spatium  ipsi  concessum  sit :  ne  vero  sine  ulla 
censura  ecclesiastic^  interea  vivat,  breve  scriptum  ^  suggestu  Ecclesiae 
est  preelectum,  quo  indicatur,  processum  cum  Doctore  ipso  nondum 
esse  ad  finem  perductum,  ideoque  rogatur  Ecclesia  ut  duobus  adhuo 
mensibus  illius  eventum  expectare  velit.  Durius  erat  conceptum 
decretum,  sed  ma^stratu  intercedente  miti^atum  est :  k  quibusdam 
etiam,  Doctori  illi  miniis  adversis,  pronuntiatum  est  voce  adeo  sub- 
miss^  ut  vix  audiri  potuerit :  haec  dilatio  ipsi  per  Amstelodamenses 
est  procurata :  Classis  enim  sententiam  pronuntiare  voluit.  Multi 
creaunt  Amstelodamenses  jam  esse  mitiores,  quoniam  metuunt,  ne, 
si  hie  exauctoretur,  illis  denegetur  facultas  alium  in  ipsius  locum 
vocandi :  ne  ergo  ministerium  ipsorum  aliquo  onere  gravetur,  hunc 
creduntur  retinere  malle,  quam  illius  exauctorati  vices  supplere  : 
de  quo  tamen  certi  nihil  affirmare  possum.    Nunc  alterum  deliber- 


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1692.]  LETTEES  TBOM  LIMBOBCH  TO  LOCKE.  411 

andi  spatium  elapsum  est,  et  propediem  expectatur  quid  Classis 
decretura  sit :  ilia  ubi  sententiam  pronunciaverit,  quae  tantum  inter- 
locutoria  est,  Synodus  Hollandise  borealis,  quse  proximSi  sestate 
conveniet,  seotentiam  decretoriam  pronuntiatura  est.  Interea  plures 
adversus  ilium  calamum  stringunt;  quidam  admodiim  imperite  et 
infeliciter :  alii  felicius  paulum :  veriim  quod  miyeris,  nee  ipse  in 
toto  suo  tractatu,  nee  ullus  eorum  qui  ipsum  impugnant,  hactenus 
controversice  statum  rite  formarunt :  ideoque  tota  hsec  disputatio 
satis  est  confusa.  Prostat  libellus  Anglicus,  titulo,  Doctrina  De- 
monum  probata  quod  sit  magna  iUa  apostasia  horum  uUimorum  tern- 
porum :  scripta  ab  iV.  Orchard^  Ministro  in  Nova  Anglia :  illius  sen- 
tentiam noster  sequitur,  variisque  puenat  argumentis  ex  illo  libello 
depromptis :  sed  et  alia  plura  nabet  de  demonibus.  Negari  nequit, 
multa  a  Doctore  hoc  valde  imprudenter  esse  asserta,  quae  profanis 
hominibus  ScripturaB  historias  aliquot  cavillandi  prsebent  occasio- 
nem ;  quae  tamen  salva  ipsius  sententia  abesse  potuissent :  ipsum 
etiam  absque  uUa  necessitate  qusedam  obiter  dicere,  quee  ipsis  sus- 
picionem  prsebent  heterodoxias,  et  quidem  ejusmodi  in  capitibus, 
quae  si  quis  vel  leviter  tangat  heretici  infame  nomen  evadere  nequit. 
Veriim  de  hoc  negotio  hactenus. 

**  Noster  D.  de  Cene  haeret  Londini :  aliquam  in  Anglia  sibi  jjro- 
motionem  sperat.  Doleo  viri  illius  vicem.  Cotnmendatitias  ipsi 
dedi  ad  Reverendum  Episcopum  Bathensem  et  Wellensum  nuper 
electum,  qui  amicissime  mihi  rescripit.  Ostendit  se  in  epistola  pa- 
cis  ecclesiasticae  quam  maxime  studiosum.  Yerrinus  noster  rus  con- 
cessit habitatum,  valetudine  ejus  id  flagitante :  aliquoties  sanguinem 
evomuit :  corpus  ejus  continuas  illas  fatigationes  non  fert :  quare 
ruri  degit  in  otio  ;  aut  potius  in  studiis ;  sed  molesto  illo  medicince 
praxeos  exercitio  non  fatigatur.  Habes  jam  epistolam  prolixiorem, 
cui  malo  brevi  epistolio  respondeas,  qu£im  longam  meoitando  nul- 
1am  mihi  mittas.  Salveat  plurimum  D.  Cudwortha,  cui  indicem 
librorum  et  capitum  historise  S^  OjQIcii  probari  gaudeo.  Spero  in- 
tegram  histonam,  (^uando  prodierit,  non  displicituram.  Fortassis 
jam  sedatioribus  ammis  excipientur,  quae  in  hoc  tractatu,  qui  unice 

Sontificiis  oppositus  videtur,  de  persecutionibus  ob  reli^onem  k  me 
icentur ;  qusg,  si  yel  paucula  qusedam  de  Reformatis  mmiiscerem, 
primo  statim  aspectu  a  zelotis  rejicerentur.  Plerumque  enim  sua 
vitia  in  aliis  taxari  minus  gravate  ferunt  homines :  et  fortasse  qui- 
dam meliora  docebuntur.  Vale,  vir  amplissime.  Salutat  te  Ver- 
rinusy  Guenellonus,  uxor  mea  ac  liberi :  imprimis  ego 

Tm  amantissimus, 
Philippus  a  Limbobch. 
8 
<<  Amstelodami,  22  Jan.  16    92. 

13 
For  Doctor  John  Locke,  at  Mr  Smithsby's, 
in  Dorset  Court,  in  Chanell  Row,  Westminster," 


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412  APPENDIX. 

Locke's  answer,  dated  Feb.  29,  1692,  at  page  409,  quarto  edition 
of  Locke's  Works. 

"  ViR  Amplissime, 

**  Prelum  Wetstenianum  jam  fervet.  Historiae  sancti  Officii 
editio  ex  voto  procedit.  Jam  tertia  operis  pars  excusa  est.  Duo 
nimirum  prela  hoc  opere  occupantur :  alterum  historisL  mea,  cujus 
lam  primus  liber  excussus  est ;  et  in  secundo  jam  pervenimus  ad 
caput  de  cruce  signatis ;  in  indice  tibi  misso  facile  videbis  quousque 
processerimus :  alterum  prelum  occupat  Liber  Sententiarum  In- 
quisitionis  Tholosanse  ;  et  illius. tertia  pars  jam  impressa  est.  Spero 
intra  tres  menses  opus  integrum  proditurum :  non  eo  labore  meo 
defunctus  ante  finem  editionis.  Nuperrime  mihi  liber  ad  manum 
venit,  unde  et  nonnulla  historiae  mese  magis  expoliendse  apta  deprom- 
si,  et  quotidie,  etiam  inter  excudendum,  depromo.  Quando  liber 
prodierit,  istiusmodi  augmentis  et  correctionibus  non  erit  ampliiis 
locus.  Et  tapien  is  sum,  qui,  dum  opus  adhuc  in  manibus  meis  est, 
negligere  aut  contemnere  non  possum,  quae  mihi  nova,  mihique 
inaudita  suppeditantur.  Catalogum  autorum,  ^  quibus  historia  mea 
concinnata  est,  illi  prsemittam,  ut  unusquisque  de  fide  mek  certus 
esse  possit.  Yerum  est  aliud,  in  quo  operam  tuam  flagito.  Non 
is  sum,  qui  qusB  k  me  eduntur  alteri  dedicare  gestio :  noc  tamen 
opus,  pro  conscientiarum  libertate,  contra  persecutionem  ob  re- 
ligionem  multo  labore  deumbratum,  dedicare  cupiam  Archiepis- 
copo  Cantuariensi,  viro  long^  prae  omnibus,  quos  novi,  Theologis, 
uti  dignitate,  ita  etiam  mentis  eminentissimo,  si  reverendissimse 
illius  dignitati  meam  dedicationem  non  ingratam  fore  n6ssem. 
Et  scripta  et  actiones  testantur,  favere  ipsum  doctrinae,  quam 
mihi  propugnandum  suscepi :  quamvis  enim  historiam  solummodo 
scribam,  ipsa  ilia  historia  quod  mlendo  luculentiua  confirmat,  quam 
si  multis  ad  id  probandum  uterer  argumentis.  Utinam  tu,  qui  Key. 
illius  non  es  ignotus,  captatk  occasione  expiscari  posses,  num  dedi- 
cationem meam  beni^ne  admissura  esset.  Nescio  an  mea  professio 
intra  Remonstrantes  ipsi  apud  rigidiores  zelotas  aliquam  sit  confla- 
tura  invidiam  aut  indignationem.  Nolim  mek  oyerk  vel  minimam 
creari  molestiam  viro  quem  ex  animo  colo  ac  veneror.  Tu  argu- 
mentum  et  scopum  operis  mei  ndsti :  capitum  historiaB  meae  indicem 
habes,  quem  ostendere  potes  si  opportunum  duxeris.  Nulli  rectius 
opus  pro  conscientiarum  libertate  dedicari  potest,  nisi  illi,  ^ui  non 
tantilm  libertatis  illius  est  patronus,  sed  et  mter  patronos  dignitate 
prae  aliis  est  conspicuus.  Si  dedicationem  non  respuat^  velim  illam 
ante  illius  editionem  ad  te  mittere,  ut  a  Rev.  su^  videri  possit,  et  si 

?[uid  incautius  a  me  dictum  sit,  resecetur,  emendetur,  amplietur. 
nterim  titulos  quibus  compellari  decet  ut  mihi  scribas  expecto. 
Hoc  quicquid  sit  tuae  prudentiae  committo,  et  gratissimum  mihi 
feceris  si  quamprimiim  rescribas,  quoniam  editio  velocissim^  proce- 


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1692.]  LETTEBS  TBOM  LIMBOECH  TO  LOCKE.  413 

dit,  et  spatium  ad  deliberandum  non  est  amplum.  Grevium,  cui 
ante  quatriduum  Traiecti  adfui,  tuo  nomine  salutavi :  ille  pro  sua, 
qua  me  complectitur  benevolentia,  suppeditaturus  mihi  est,  historiam 
cujusdam  ex  ordine  Francisci,  qui  adulteratis  pontificiis  diplomatibus 
se  falso  jactavit  Episcdpum,  et  postea  Trajecti  comprehensus,  post 
degradationem  verbalem  et  actualem  ferventi  oUse  fuit  immissus: 
postea  tamen  inde  ereptus  et  capite  truncatus.  Historiam  ipsam 
habeo  ex  Raynaldo ;  sed  sententiam,  illius  pronuntiationem,  et  exe- 
cutionem,  prout  extat  in  archivis  capituli  S.  Salvatoris,  cuius  ille 
est  canonicas,  mihi  Grevius  est  suppeditaturus.  Istiusmodi  nosculis 
undique  corrasis,  historiam  meam  exomatam  dabo.  Ipse  Grevius 
plurimam  tibi  salutem  rescribi  jussit.  Verrinus  ruri  bene  valet : 
inter  homines  sibi  amicissimos  ac  familiarissimos  qui  villas  illius 
villae  vicinas  incolunt  degit,  eorumque  quotidiana  consuetudine 
fruitur.  Jam  ab  aliquot  hebdomadibus  ilium  non  vidi :  recte  tamen 
yalere  audio.  D.  Cudworthae  rogo  humillima  mea  officia  offeras, 
salutemque  plurimam  k  me  dicas.  Salutat  te  uxor  mea  liberique. 
Vale,  vir  amplissime,  et  in  amore  mei  persevera 

Tui  amantissimus, 

Philippus  a  Limboech." 

18 
"  Amstelodamii,  27  Junii,  16    92." 
18 

Mr  Locke's  answer,  page  410,  quarto  edition  of  Locke's  Works. 

"Amplissime  Vie,  amice  plubium  honoeande: 

"  Tandem  Wetstenius,  post  diutumas  ac  longas  cunctationes,  ex- 
emplaria  nautse,  (fax  hinc  in  Angliam  abit,  concredidit.  Nudiuster- 
tius  missa  sunt  Koterodamum  :  inde  prima  occasione  nauta  solvet, 
fortasse  intra  biduum  aut  triduum ;  adeo  ut  jam  intra  paucos  dies, 
modo  ventus  faveat,  ea  habiturus  sis.  Fasciculus  ad  te  directus 
est  J  continet  quinque  exemplaria ;  quatuor  incompacta,  quia  Wet- 
stenius rigidas  Anglise  leges  veritus  compacta  mittere  ausus  non 
est :  quod  velim  saltem  apud  honoratissimimi  Comitem  Pembrok- 
iensem  excuses :  indecorum  alias  foret,  ad  talem  virum  incompactum 
mittere.  Exemplar  autem  reverendissimo  Archiepiscopo  destmatum 
compactum  est,  et  capsa  inclusum,  eodem  tamen  fascicule  conten- 
tum.  Singulis  exemplaribus  additse  sunt  epistolae,  ex  (juibus  cog- 
nosces, cui  unumquodque  exemplar  destinatum  est.  Qumtum  vero, 
cui  nulla  addita  est  epistoia,  tibi  destinavi.  Vldes  causam,  cur  et 
tibi  incompactum  mittere  debuerim.  Rogo  ut  ipse,  si  sis  Londini, 
aut  per  amicum  si  ruri  degas,  apud  bibliopolam  Samuelem  Smita 
fasciculum  hunc  requiras,  ut  saltem  reverendissimo  Archiepiscopo 
suum  exhibeatur  exemplar,  antequam  liber  venum  posset.    Nunc 


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414  APPEI^DIX. 

candidum  tuum  ac  liberum  requiro  judicium,  et  quicquid  censuril 
dignum  judices,  pro  familiaritate  nostra  rigide  censeas.  Attulit 
muii  nuperrime  ex  Brabantia  Wetstenius  tractatum  de  Inquisitione 
Bifontina :  ex  illo,  si  ante  quinque  aut  sex  menses  eum  habuissem, 
aliqua  mutuari  potuissem :  verum  hoc  infiniti  laboris  est ;  nam  et 
alius  posthac  quidem  mihi  ostendetur,  qui  et  alia  hoc  non  contenta, 
continebit.  Ego  me  hac  vice  satis  defimctum  puto.  Nunc  adhuc 
sub  prelo  habeo  omnes  Episcopii  Conciones  in  unum  Tolumen  in 
folio  redactas :  additee  sunt  septemdecim  aut  octodecim,  hactenus 
neutiquam  editee.  Scribo  ego  historiam  vitse  Episcopii,  quae  con- 
cionibus  preemittetur.  Duplici  illo  labore,  Concionum  harum,  et 
historisB  Inquisitionis,  hac  eestate  fatigatus  sum,  nunc  aliquam  de- 
sidero  requiem  :  verum  restat  adhuc  non  contenmenda  pars  excu- 
denda,  et  major  longe  historise  vitse  Episcopii  pars  conficienda: 
circa  proximum  ver  laboris  illius  finem  me  habiturum  spero.  Pro- 
cessus contra  ministrum  qui  de  Diabolis  paradoxam  edidit  senten- 
tiam,  hac  ratione  terminatus  est.  Synodus  HoUandise  BoreaHs 
prsescripsit  illi  formulam  palinodiae,  qua  profiteatur  se  dolere,  quod 
noc  suo  libro  recesserit  a  S.  Scriptura,  et  formulis  Unioms  Refor- 
matse  Ecclesise;  quod  multis  Scripturse  locis,  et  explicationem 
Bcandalosam  tribuere  conatus  sit :  quod  variis  locis  nimis  irreveren- 
ter  verbum  Dei  tractaverit ;  quod  nimis  irreverenter  de  Servatoris 
nostri  munere  prophetic©,  et  doctrina  divina  scripserit ;  qu6d  Ec- 
clesise B^formatee  absurdam  sententiam  de  scientia,  et  potentia 
diaboli  non  tantum  preeter  varitatem  affinxerit,  sed  et  exinde  valde 
odiosis  consequentiis  graTaverit ;  quod  non  tantum  indiscrete,  sed 
et  contra  decretum  C&dinum  et  Synodi  nostrse  Belgica$  yersionis 
interpretes  ssepius  contumeliose  reprehenderit ;  et  de  Baformatis 
ministris  nimis  contemtim  scripserit,  qu^  sua  scriptione  ministerium 
ipsorum  suspectum  et  infructuosum  reddi  possit ;  et  quod  librum 
suum  passim  stylo  satyrico  ac  sarcastica  scripserit :  quse  cihn  omnia 
jam  maturii!ks  expressa  ad  animum  revocet,  quod  dolens  con^iciat, 
theses  suas,  et  loquendi  formas  libro  ipso  comprehensas,  Consistorio 
Amstelodamensi,  Classi,  et  Synodo,  justas  offensionis  et  toti  Ecclesiie 
gravis  scandali  dedisse  causas :  ac  propterea  k  misericorde  Deo, 
Christiano  Synodo,  omnibusque  quos  libri  sui  editione  contristavit, 
aut  scandalum  prsebuit,  precatur  delicti  sui  veniam :  quod  ipsorum 
de  suo  libro  ac  pbrsona  judicium  approbet,  et  sincere  promittat  tan- 
quam  coram  facie  Dei,  quod  imposterum  adhsesurus  sit  immobilibus 
nmdamentis  EcclesisB  Reformats,  prout  ilia  in  omnibus  et  per  onmia 
in  formulis  Unionis,  videlicet,  Catechismo,  Confessione,  et  Canonibus 
Synodi  Dordrachtae,  juxta  verbum  Dei  definita  sunt,  nee  uUum  illius 
dogma  in  dubium  sit  revocaturus :  et  quod  hoc  sua  subscriptioAe 
simul  promittat  prsdictas  sententias  a  se  jam  retractatas  et  libro 
suo  contentas,  in  posterum  nee  in  concionibus,  nee  catechisationibus, 
neo  scriotis,  nee  colloquiis,  directe  nee  indirecte  docere  aut  asserere : 


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1602.]  LETTEES  FBOM  LIMBOECH  TO   LOCKE.  416 

et  quicquid  dicturus  aut  scripturus  est,  non  tantum  visitationi  Classis 
subjicere,  sed  et  contrari^  et  saniore  doctrind,  eos  auos  seduxit, 
quantilm  in  se,  in  rectam  viam  reducere.  Ille  hanc  paunodiam  non 
tantiim  recusavit ;  sed  oblato  scripto,  contendit  causam  suam  jam  a 
classe  fiiisse  judicatam  ac  decisam ;  ac  proinde  non  posse  Synodum 
deniio  sententiam  pronunciare.  Tandem  Synodus,  auditis  omnium 
classium  suffiragiis,  hanc  in  ipsum  pronunciavit  sententiam :  Christ- 
iana Synodus  omni  mansuetudine  et  sequitate  sua,  ut  Doctorem 
Belthasarum  Bennetum  ad  sufficieniem  retractionem  inducat; 
ipseque  Synodum  pro  judice  competente  agnoscere,  et  articulos 
satisiactionis  a  Christiana  Synodo  conceptos  recipere  recuset,  et  in 
hac  sud  recusatione  persistat ;  auditis  Classium  sententiis,  concordi- 
bus  suffiragiis  eundem  Doctorem  Balthasarum  declaravit  non  posse 
ut  pastorem  in  Ecclesia  B^formata  tolerari :  ac  proinde  ipsum  k 
ministerio  suo  removit,  ac  hoc  suo  decreta  removet.  Ejusque  decreti 
apographum  Reverendse  Classi  de  Consistorio  Amstelodamiensi 
mittetur,  ut  ipsis  actionum  erga  ipsum  norma  sit.    Habes  prolixiils 

giulo  enarratam  hanc  sententiam,  ut  in  ilia  specimen  jurisdictionis 
cclesiasticflB  videas.  Verum  hsec  hactenus.  Hogo  Keverendam 
Dominam  Cudwortham  meis  verbis  qu4m  officiosissime  salutes. 
Uxor  mea  liberique  plurimam  tibi  precantur  salutem :  imprimis  ego 

Tui  amantissimus, 
Philibpus  a  Limboech." 

17 
*'  Amstelodami,  7  NoTem.  16    92 
18 

For  Mr  John  Tjocke,  at  Mr  Robert  Pawlings, 
in  Dorset  Court,  in  Chanell  Row,  "Westminster.    8." 

Locke's  answer,  duted  Nov.  28,  1692,  page  411,  quarto  edition 
of  Locke's  Works. 

"Vie  Amplissime, 

"Gratissimas  tuas  eodem  die  quo  D.  Guenellonus  suas,  rect^ 
accepi,  sed  plane  laceras,  et  pluvia  madefactas :  quse  communis  om- 
nium ferunt  e|)istolarum  eodem  die  hie  ex  AngM  allatarum  sors 
fuit  Gratias  tibi  maximas  habeo,  pro  labore  mei  causa  suscepto. 
Sane  non  id  volui,  ut  tu  amoenissimo,  quo  rure  fueris,  contubemio 
relicta,  Londinum  te  conferres,  et  negotia  mea  expedires :  sed  so- 
lummodo,  si  forte  Londini  subsisteres,  typographum,  alias  fortasse 
tardiorem,  excitares,  ne  uUa  in  officin^  su4  exemplaria  historiae  mesa 
yenalia  habeat,  antequsbn  reverendissimo  Archiepiscopo,  reliquisque, 
exemplaria  k  me  ipsis  destinata  tradidisset :  ahis  ia  negotu  amico 
Londini  degenti  demandares.  Nunc  a^osco  solitam  tuam  humani- 
tatem  ac  sedulitatem,  qua  me  de  novo  tibi  devinxistL    Gaudeo  opus 


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416  APFEITDIX. 

ipBum  Archiepiscopo  non  dispiicuisse ;  judicium  ipsius  benignum 
admodum  facit,  ut  mihi  gratulor  auod  patronum  historise  mese,  quse 
forte  fdiorum  denies  non  evadet,  aaeo  benevolum,  tantaque  autoritate 
poUentem,  elegerim.  Episcopus  Salisburiensis  benevolum  suum 
erga  me  affectum  declarat.  Gratissimum  tamen  erit,  benigna  ipsorum 
judicia,  Uteris  expressa,  videre :  ut  contra  eos,  quibus  omnia  nostra 
displicent,  si  necesse  sit,  me  tueantur.  Ab  honoratissimo  Comite  Pem- 
brokienisi,  nullas  literas  sperare  ausus  sum :  auodcunque  tamen  scrip- 
serit,  gratissimum  erit  Si  viri  cordati,  prsejuoiciis  non  prsBoccupati,  et 
Bolam  spectantes  veritatem,  mea  non  improbent,  alioi'um  iudicia  non 
moror.  Animo  afiectibus  aut  prsejudiciis  excsBcato,  ad  veritatem 
aditus  minime  patet.    Gratum  omnibus  credo  fore,  Inquisitionem 

Sontificiam  genuinis  suis  coloribus  depictam,  videre  :  Multum  vero 
ubito,  an  eodem  quo  pontificiam  t}Tannidem  animo  nsevos  eorum, 
quos  ut  patres  mazmie  orthodoxos  venerantur,  lecturi  sint :  et  tamen 
81  pontinciorum  tvrannidem  damnamus,  illorum  recusari  minime 
potest.  Vidi  quiaem  multorum  me  reprehensioni  expositum :  at 
veritati  sincere  litandum  statui :  nee  tyrannidem  illam  anti- 
christianam  extirpari  posse  credidi,  nisi  ipsi  radici  securis  admovea- 
tur.  Optas  ut  hac  hyeme  Tobiscum  sim,  ut  simul  habeamus  noqtes 
Atticas  ;  et  d  me  sales  Atticos  expectas.  Ego  vero  nihil  tali  con- 
tubemio  prsetulerim,  ubi  Phoebo  ac  Minervse  Deee  Atticse  assidens 
oracula  Delphicis  certiora  ex  utriusque  ore  haurirem,  et  quid  in  mea 
historic  jure  reprehendi  queat,  cognoscerem.  Interim  quod  presenti 
denegatum  est,  ab  absentibus  exspecto.  Kadios  sues  Phoebus  etiam 
in  longissime  dissitos  ejaculatur.  Errata  mea  corrigi  unice  opto : 
ilia  autem  acutissimum  vestrun^  judicium  minime  fugient.  Exemplar 
manuscriptum  libri  sententiarum  ipse  tecum  loco  nitidissimo,  ut  ab 
omnibus  mspici  possit,  collocari  optem  :  idque  satis  in  fine  praefati- 
onis  mese  indicavi,  si  forte  aliquos  iv  viripoxy  constitutos  excitare 
possim.  Ex  te  autem  audire  velim,  quem  locum  aliis  praeferendum 
credas.  Episcopii  vitam  jam  ad  finem  perduxi :  quoniam  con- 
cionibus  Beigicis  prsefigitur,  etiam  Belgice  conscripta  est.  Verum 
potent  ilia  in  Latinum  verti  sermonem.  W etstenium  conveni.  Joan- 
nes Malela  nondum  hie  ad  ipsum  missus  est,  neque  se  brevi  ulla  illius 
exemplaria  nacturum  credit,  sed  citius  a  te,  vel  ad  ipsum,  vel  recta  in 
Galliam  ad  Toinardum  mitti  posse.  Historiam  Gailorum,  quse  pali- 
nodise  k  me  perscriptae  accenseri  posset,  libenter  audiam.  Videntur  illi 
locum  in  historia  Inquisitionis  affectare.  Utinam  tandem,  vel  sue 
malo,  sapere  discant !  In  familia  tibi  amicissima  omnia  jam  pacata 
sunt.  Omnes  te  salutant  peramanter :  uti  et  D.  Quina,  qui  balsamum 
Capoyvae  tibi,  tanquam  astmati  sanando  aptissimum  commendat: 
ego,  ut  urbem  tibi  mfestam  quantum  potes,  vites,  ac  run  te  oblectes 
docto  otio.  Clericus  literas  tuas  accepit,  mihique  quae  de  me  scrip- 
seras  quamprimum  acceperat  indicavit.  Vale,  vir  amplissime,  ac 
cum  laudatissima  D.  Cudwortha,  plurimum  a  me,  uxore,  libcrisque 


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1693.]  LETTERS   FBOM   LIMBOBCH  TO   LOCKE.  417 

salyere.    Deus  vobis,  nobisque  omnibus  hiinc,  quern  modo  inchoa- 
mus  annum,  feliciter  transigere  benignus  concedat. 

Tui  amantissimus, 

Philippus  a  Limborch.** 

14 
<'  Amstelodami,  2  Januar.  16    93 

6 
"  For  Mr  John  Locke,  at  Mr  Robert  Pawling*  s, 
in  Dorset  Court,  in  Chanell  Row,  "Westminster.    8." 

Locke's  answer,  dated  Jan.  10,  1693,  page  413,  quarto  edition  of 
Locke's  Works. 

« 
"Amplbssime  Vib, 

'^Pertinax  tuum  silentium  oppugnare  non  desinam  donee  ex- 
pu^avero.  Jam  ultra  quinque  menses  elapsi  sunt,  ex  quo  Silverius 
mini  tuas,  breyissimas  quidem,  sed  gratissunas,  tradidit :  promittis 
mihi  prolixiores  ;  sed  licet  ego  mox  rescripserim,  et  postea  alteras  ad 
te  dederim  literas,  nihil  literarum  exinde  k  te  accepi.  Tantse  dila- 
tionis  causam  occupationibus  tuis,  licet  gravioribus,  imputare  nequeo. 
Kus  ex  urbe  reverse,  vel  amica  bora  superfuit,  etiam  occupatissimo, 
optanti  amico  scribendi  epistolam.  Quid  itaque  aliud  concludam, 
nisi  te  adverse  detineri  valetudine  ?  Ea  cura  me  plane  soUicitum 
habet:  ^uare  si  vivas  et  valeas,  hac-quseso  me  sollicitudine  libera. 
D.  Clencus  mihi  bis  urbe  k  te  salutem  dixit:  verum  et  jam  k 
pluribus  hebdomadibus  ille  nullas  k  te  literas  habuit,  quod  non 
mirabatur :  valde  autem  mirabatur,  nullas  ad  me  pervenisse.  Aber- 
rasse  tuas  literas  non  credo :  non  enim  qusB  ad  me  ex  Anglia 
mittuntur  aberr&sse  solent  Itaque  unice  de  valetudine  tua  solli- 
citus  sum.  <Ees  est  solliciti  plena  timoris  amor.'  Preesertim  cimi 
responsum  tuum  ad  duo  flagitaverim :  de  editione  Biblioruna  Cas- 
tellionis,  quam  hie  elegantem  et  plenam  meditantur  bibliopols 
quidam:  et  de  obitu  docUssimi  Spenseri,  ad  quem  si  vivat  mihi 
necessario  scribendum  est :  et  inofficiosus  sim  ac  cessator,  si  falsus  de 
morte  illius  ad  nos  rumor  perlatus  est,  quod  viro  magno  hactenus 
nihil  responderim.  Expectaveram  accuratum  ao  sincenmi  tuum  de 
historic  Inquisitionis,  jam  proculdubio  ad  finem  a  te  perlect^  judi- 
cium. Lipsienses  in  actis  suis  illius  jam  mentionem  fecerunt: 
ffeneratim  qusedam  dixere  in  iHius  laudem,  recensent  satis  prolixe 
ubrum  primum,  nihil  autem  (quod  miratus  fui)  carpunt.  An  tamen 
placeat  ipsis  7rappfi<Tia  mira,  ac  librum  de  actionibus  quorundam  pa- 
trum  judicium,  valde  dubito.  Mihi  satis  est  qudd  reprehendere  non 
audeant.  Yer^m  nee  ab  illorum  judicio  pendet  causa  libertatis; 
aliorum  requirit  patrocinium,  qui,  nullius  addicti  jurare  in  verba 
magistri,  absque  prsejudicio  ac  partium  studio,  omnia  flequ&  lance 
ponderant    Quare  tuum  flagito  judicium,  quod  meritd  me  flagitare 

2e 


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418  APPEHDIX. 

posse  credo,  utpote  (jui  te  hortatore  illius  historisB  scriptionein 
aggressus  sum.  Amici  nostri  hactenus  bene  valent.  Verrinus  rure 
relicto  rursus  vitam  urbanam  amplecti  velle  videtur.  Credo  otium 
viro,  hactenus  occupatissimo,  esse  molestum :  bine  est,  quod  in  ciTi<- 
tate  se  ad  auietem  componere  nequeat,  sed  de  novo  praxim  exerceat* 
Vivet  et  valet,  et  post  nuptias  valetudo  ipsi  videtur  reddita  confir- 
matior.  Filia  mea  jam  octiduum  febri  continua,  qu»  suDs  habet 
paroxysmos,  laborat :  spes  tamen  blauda  nobis  affiilget,  ipsam  con- 
valituram.  Alias  omnes  jam  bene  valemus.  Salutant  te  quam 
amicissime  omnes  mei.  Salutem  plurimam  a  me  rogo  dicas  Dns 
Cudworthse,  cui  omnia  servitia  humiUime  offero.  Vale,  vir  amplissime, 
ac  persevera  in  amore 

Tui  amantissimi, 

P.  ▲  LlMBORCH." 

19 
**  Amstelodami,  10  Nov.  16    93. 

6 
"  For  Mr  John  Locke,  at  Mr  Robert  Pawling^s, 
in  Dorset  Court,  in  Chanell  Bow,  "Westminster.     8." 

Locke's  answer,  page  413,  quarto  edition  of  Locke's  Works. 

"Vir  Amplissime, 

"  UltimsB  tuce,  quibus  te  recte  valere  scribis,  non  mediocriter  me 
exhilararunt.  Omnino  enim  sinistra  qusedam  de  valetudine  tua 
metuebam.  De  amiciti^  tua  certus  eram,  nee  in  ea  vel  minimum 
suboriri  posse  frigusculum  persuasissimus  sum.  Venim  cum  D. 
Gericus  negaret  ad  se  quicquam  de  Spenser!  obitu  scriptum,  in 
eiusque  Uteris  te  brevi  ad  me  scripturum  indicares,  jamque  plures 
elabuntur  hebdomadse,  nuUusque  amicorum  ne  tenuem  quidem  de  te 
rumorem  audiret,  quid  aliud  suspicari  potui  nisi  morbum,  ipse 
ignarus  plurimarum  quae  te  detinerent  occupationum  F  Interim 
securum  te  esse  volo  de  Uteris  tuis  ad  Clericum  datis  :  postremas 
cum  inclusis  Comitis  Pembrokiensis  bene  illi  esse  traditas  certo 
scio;  nam  ipse  statim  literas  Comitis  mihi  ostendit.  Gratias  tibi 
maximas  ago,  quod  molestissimum  ilium  laborem,  historiam  meam 
Inquisitionis  perlegendi,  devoraveris.  Encomia  tua  scutum  mihi 
erunt,  quo  aliorum,  si  qui  exsurgant,  criminationes  retundam. 
Maliem  tamen  ego  legere  censuras  tuas,  quas  ab  erudita  et  arnica 
manu  profecturas  scio,  et  per  quas  multum  proficere  possem.  Ego 
quidem  defectus  aliquot  historiae  mese  video :  sed  quod  toUere  non 
potui.  Aliqua  quae  inserta  cuperem,  pauca  tamen,  post  editionem 
m  quibusdam  autoribus  antea  mihi  npn  visis,  reperi.  Sed  ilia  in- 
tegritati  historiae  nihil  obsunt :  solummodo  circumstantias  quasdam 
exactiiks  narrant.  Sed  aliud  est  majoris  moment!.  Tota  historia 
contexta  est  ex  autorum  testimoniis:  nihil  ego  ad  eam  contuli. 


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1693.]  LETTEES  FEOM  LIMBOECH   TO   LOCKE.  419 

prseter  solam  methodum.  Hsec  si  placet,  est  quod  mihi  gratulor. 
J?otui8set  historia  esse  uberior  et  concinnior,  si  uno  filo,  et  eodem 
stilo  conscripta  fuisset.  Veriim  consultius  duxi  ipsa  autorum  quos 
consului  verba  exhibere,  licet  in  majorem  historia  excresceret 
molem ;  quia  multa  adeo  sunt  torva  et  atrocia,  ut  nisi  ipsa  doctorum 
pontificiorum  verba  adscripta  fuissent,  fidem  vix  invenissent.  Malui 
itaque  prolixior  esse,  qudm  alicui  calumniandi  ansam  prsebere,  quam, 
si  meis  verbis  usus  fuissem,  fortassis  aliqui  arripuissent,  meque 
criminandi,  quod  qusedam  minus  vera  ipsis  adscripsissem.  Nunc  ipsa 
autorum  verba  posui,  et  in  margine  autores  adscripsi,  ut  unicuique 
de  Me  mea  constare  possit.  Interim  rem  mihi  longe  gratissimam 
feceris,  si  quicquid  censurft  judicaveris,  mihi  perscribas,  ut  id  in  ex- 
emplari  novo  emendem.  Ego  quicquid  mihi  in  autoribus  quibusdam 
k  me  prseteritum  occurrit,  in  eodem  exemplari  annoto,  et  singula  suis 
locis  msero,  si  forte  aliquando  usui  esse  possit ;  et  si  non  aliis,  mihi 
saltem  usui  est.  Penultimas  meas  per  juvenem  Hibemum,  doctum 
sane,  ingeniitjue  admodum  moderati,  ad  te  misi,  quas  ilium  tibi 
tradidisse  nihil  dubito,  quia  maximo  te  videndi  desiderio  flagrabat. 
Nihil  tamen  post  ejus  discessum  de  ipso  audivi.  Habuit  etiam  Uteris 
d  me  ad  Keverenaissimum  Archiepiscopum,  quibus  pro  libro  mihi 
missQ  gratias  ago.  Judicium  tuum  de  editione  nova  Bibliorum 
Castelhonis  bibliopolce  Stulma  indicavi :  nunc  ipsius  est  decernere 
quid  d  re  sua  fore  crediderit.  Vellem  ego  novam  illam  editionem 
videre.  Sed  nee  minus  videre  cupiam  Harmoniam  Evangelicara 
doctissimi  Toinardi.  Non  possum  quin  obnix^  te  orem,  ne  patiaris 
tantum  thesaurum  post  obitum  tuum  negligi,  aut  interire ;  sed  ilium 
fideli  alicui  amico  commendes,  cujus  oper&,  si  non  vivo,  saltem  mov- 
tuo  autem,  lucem  adspiciat :  autor  enim  ipse  moras  sine  fine,  nectit, 
et  citius  elephas  pareret,  qudm  ipse  hunc  suum  fcetum.  Filia  mea 
jam  multi^m  convaluit;  continua  febris  deperit;  quotidie  tamen 
aliquos  sentit  paroxysmos,  quibus  Integra  sanitatis  recuperatio  re- 
lardatur.  Spero  et  illos  brevi  cessaturos.  Omnes  te  amici  salutant, 
imprimis  uxor  mea,  liberique.  Salutem  rogo  dicas  D.  Cudworthee, 
cui,  uti  et  tibi,  omnia  fausta  precor. 

Tui  amantissimus, 

P.  A  LiMBORCH." 
16 

*'  Amstelodami,  4  Decern.  16    93. 
14 

**  For  Mr  John  Locke,  at  Mr  Robert  Pawling's, 
in  Dorset  Court,  Chanell  Row,  Westminster.    8." 

Locke's  answer,  dated  13  Jan.  1694,  page  414,  quarto  edition  of 
Locke's  Works. 


2s2 


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420  AFPEKDIX. 


"ViR  Amplissime, 

''Ultimas  tuas  13  Januar.  hujus  anni  scriptas  14  Febr.  accepL 
Binas  aut  temas  exinde  ad  te  misi.  Nihil  hactenus  responsi  tuli. 
Statim  aliquoties  alias  addem,  ut  pertinax  tuum  expugnarem  silen- 
tium:  verim,  quoniam  TheologiflB  meae  Christianae  editio  altera 
sub  prelo  erat,  expectandum  duxi,  donee  ea  prodiret :  quare  nee 
jam  scripissem,  quoniam  per  otium  prolixiores,  quas  tibi  destina- 
veram,  jam  scribere  baud  vacat;  yenim  quoniam  Jurisconsultus 
Grevius  has  ad  me  misit,  quibus  fdias  D.  Professoris  Grseyii  inclusas 
ait,  eas  diutius  apud  me  heerere  nolui.  Intra  paucos  alias  i  me  ex- 
pecta  prolixiores,  ut  sic  tsBdiosa  yerbosissimarum  literarum  lectione 
nimis  diutumi  silentii  poenam  luas.  Intra  paucos  dies  alteram 
TheologiflB  mese  editionem  absolutam  fore  spero.  Paucissima  qua&- 
dam  emendavi :  et  pauca  addidi :  si  limatissimum  tuum  judicium 
hie  corim  audire  licuisset,  plura,  i  te  monitus,  emendare  potuissem. 
Magnam  tamen  mutationem  in  secunda  editione  extare  nolui,  ut 
idem  esset  liber  ubique  appareat.  Volui  jam  diu  accuratam  tibi 
scribere  historiam  coUoquii  mei  cum  pueUa,  quje  de  religionis  Christi- 
anse  yeritate  dubia  ac  yacillans  ad  Judaismum  tota  inclinabat.  lies 
est  per  totam  nostram  patriam  yulgatissima.  Panels  dicam  me  in 
ea  deprehendisse  tantum  ingenii  acumen,  judicii  solertiam,  argu- 
mentandi  dexteritatem,  et  indefei^am  yariorum  librorum  lam  in 
Theologia,  qu^m  philosophia,  lectionem,  ut  credi  yix  possit.  Annos 
nata  est  yiginti  auos,  sed  ea  judicii  maturitate,  ut  adultos  et  in 
scholis  exercitatos  longe  superet.  Cessit  ilia  rationibus  meis,  et 
Jesum  Christum  suum  Seryatorem  ingenue  professa  est  Jam  plura 
cum  ipsa  coUoquia  instituerant  tres  ex  prcecipuis  hujus  civitatis 
ministris  Ecclesise  Contraremonstrantium,  cujus  ipsa  membrum  est : 
yerdm  sine  fine ;  neye  mirum,  quoniam  disputationem  inchoarunt 
adjunctione  dogmatis  de  SS.  Trinitate  et  quidem  locis  h  Vet.  Test 
depromptis :  quodque  magis  mirere,  Judseis  illius  credendi  necessi- 
tatem  ex  Vet.  Test,  fuisse  iinpositam  urgebant.  Ula  facile  onmia 
eiusmodi  argumenta  elusit.  Ego  ad  earn  yocatus,  longe  aMk  me- 
thodo  sum  usus,  eadem  niminim  qua  Don  Balthasarum  oppugnayi : 

Srius  nempe  historice  Noyi  Testamenti,  ac  prsecipue  resurrectionis 
ominicse,  ac  missionis  Spiritus  S adstruxi,  iis  argumentis, 

quibus  se  nihil  solidi  opponere  posse,  ac  proinde  quibus  se  per- 
suasam  ingenue  fassa  est.  Exinoe  prophetias  omnes  in  Vet  Test. 
suum  in  historia  Novi  Testamenti  complementum  habere  probayi : 
quod,  adstructa  prius  Eyangelii  yeritate,  mihi  difficile  non  fuit 
J  am  multo  qu^m  antea  in  rehgione  Christian§L  confirmatior,  mecum 

quandoque  de VerCim  finiendum  mihi  est :  aliafl 

plura  et  exactiora  scribam:  nunc  de plane  ig- 

narum  nolui.  Indi^antur  mihi,  (juos  maximas  mihi  gratias  .... 
:  quasi  m  sui  ignominiam  cedat,  puellam,  quam  ipsi  suis 


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1694.]  LB   CLEBO'S  OEATION  FOE  LTMBOECH.  421 

ineptis  argumentis  alieniorem  quotidie  ab  Evangelio  reddebant, 
meis  argumentis  ac  methodo  cessisse.  Alii  tamen  inter  ipsos  meliora 
de  me  loquuntur.  Verum  finiendum  est.  Vale,  Tir  amplissime. 
Saluta  officiosissime  meis  verbis  D.  Cudwortham. 

Tui  amantissimus, 

P.  A  LlMBOECH." 

"  For  Mr  John  Locke,  at  Mr  Robert  Pawling's,  in 
Dorset  Court  in  Chanell  Row,  Westminster." 

The  omissions  in  this  letter  (where  the  dotted  Knes  occur)  are  oc- 
casioned by  4&mage  in  the  original.  Locke's  answer,  dated  Dec 
11,  1694,  page  416,  quarto  edition  of  Locke's  Works* 


In  the  Monthly  Repository  for  1818,  in  a  note  to  the  correspond- 
ence between  Locke  and  Limborch,  page  479,  it  is  said  that  there 
was  a  letter  of  the  date  of  1694,  on  an  interesting  subject,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  following  account  in  Le  Clerc's  oration  for  Limborch, 
a  small  part  of  which  only  has  been  published,  page  418,  8yo 
edition  of  Locke. 

**  In  1694  an  accident  happened  which,  in  the  opinion  of  all  equit- 
able judges,  made  wonderfully  for  the  honour  of  Limborch,  and  of 
the  ifemonstrant  divinity.  I  shall  relate  it  the  more  nakedly,  because 
the  person  who  was  principally  concerned  in  it  is  since  dead.  She 
was  a  young  gentlewoman  in  this  city,  of  twenty-two  years  of  age, 
who  took  a  fancy  to  learn  Hebrew  of  a  Jew,  and  was  by  this  oppor- 
tunity gradually  seduced  by  him  into  a  resolution  of  quitting  the 
Christian  for  the  Jewish  religion.  Her  mother,  when  she  came  to 
understand  it,  employed  several  divines  to  dissuade  her  from  that 
unhappy  design,  but  all  in  vain,  for  their  arguments  had  no  other 
influence  than  to  confirm  her  still  more  in  Judaism ;  because  they 
went  to  prove  Christianity  a  priori,  as  philosophers  speak,  omitting 
generally  the  authority  of  the  New  Testament;  and  to  the  passages 
which  they  quoted  from  the  Old,  she  returned  the  common  answers 
of  the  Jews,  which  she  had  been  taught ;  nor  were  they  able  to 
make  any  reply  which  could  give  her  satisfaction. 

"While  the  yoimg  lady,  who  was  otherwise  mistress  of  sense 
enou|^h,  was  in  the  midst  of  this  perplexity,  M.  Veen,  whom  I 
mentioned  before,  happened  to  be  sent  for  to  visit  a  sick  person, 
and  hearing  the  motner  speak  with  great  concern  of  the  doubts 
which  disturbed  her  daughter's  mind,  he  mentioned  Limborch's  dis- 
pute with  Orobio,  which  put  her  upon  desiring  Limborch  might 
discourse  with  her  daughter,  in  hope  he  would  be  able  to  remove 
her  scruples  and  bring  her  back  to  the  Christian  religion,  which, 
«he  professed,  would  be  the  greatest  joy  she  could  receive.  Limborch 


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422  AFFZirDTX. 

accordingly  came  to  her  the  second  day  in  Easter  week,  which  was 
April  12;  and,  poceeding  with  her  in  the  same  way  and  method 
he  had  used  witn  Orobio,  ne  quickly  recovered  her  to  a  better  judg- 
ment For  whereas  she  insisted  he  should,  in  the  first  place,  prove 
from  the  Old  Testament  that  Ood  had  commanded  the  Israelites  to 
believe  in  the  Messiah ;  he  informed  her,  it  was  proper  first  to 
establish  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  that  afterwards  he  would 
show  her  from  the  Old  Testament  that  which  she  desired ;  as  he 
really  did.  In  ^e  first  conference  he  prevailed  so  far,  that  she 
owned  she  was  not  able  to  answer  him ;  and  at  several  other  inter- 
views in  the  same  week  he  so  entirely  satisfied  her,  that  she  had  no 
doubt  remaining.  Mr  Limborch  sent  the  sum  of  their  conferences  in 
a  letter  to  our  friend  and  acquaintance,  Mr  John  Locke,  frt>m  which, 
if  it  should  ever  be  published,  they  who  have  a  curiosity  to  know 
Limborch's  exquisite  method  will  understand  the  whole  affair  more 
exactly ;  for  the  narrow  limits  of  this  oration  will  not  suffer  me  to 
enlarge  upon  it.  I  shall  only  add,  that  whatever  some  may  whisper, 
the  mother  declared  she  thought  it  was  the  hand  of  Divme  Provi- 
dence which  brought  Limborcn  into  her  house ;  and  the  daughter 
herself  ever  after  honoured  him  as  a  father.'* 

*<  Virginis  nuper  Judaizantis,  et  ad  fidem  Chnstianam  feliciter 
retract®  historiam,  quam  petis,  ad  minutas  usque  circumstantias 
deductam,  non  possem  nisi  multis  paginis  comprehendere :  col- 
lationi  enim  ipsi,  per  quinque  dies  continuatse,  ultra  viginti  boras 
impendi.  Sea  nee  argumenta  singula  recensere  opus  est :  multa 
enim  paucissimis  tantum  verbis  indiclisse  suffecerit  Quse  te  maximd 
desiderare  scio,  accurate  describam :  inde  facile  dubitationum  fontes 
ipse  deteges,  et  qu^  methodo  alii  cum  ipsa  frustra  disputaverint  in- 
telliges.  Hortatu  Venni  nostri  post  habitas  aliquot  a  tribus  ecclesice 
pubEcee  concionatoribus  irritas  collatibnes,  k  matre  virginis  illius, 
mihi  antea  nunquam  visce,  ad  illam  vocatus  sum.  Primo  congressu, 
qui  fuit  duodevicesimus  ApriHs,  sed  Paschalis  secundus  dies,  dixi, 
intellexisse  me,  aliqua  ipsi  circa  veritatem  religionis  Christian«e 
dubia  esse  enata.  Fassa  est,  priusque  sibi  de  lege  Mosis  probaii 
mandatam  fuisse  Israeli  fidem  in  Messiam.  Respondi  ego :  £x 
lege  quidem  divinitatem  Evangelii  probari  posse ;  esse  autem  alia 
argumenta  quibus  ilia  adstruatur :  Bominum  Jesum,  Johan.  cap.  v., 
plura  ad  probandam  doctrinse  suse  veritatem  argumenta  proferre; 
videl.  testmionium  Johannis  Baptistee,  miracula  sua,  et  tandem 
Mosis  testimonium.  C  onsen taneum  esse  ut  pritis  agamus  de  miracu- 
lis  D.  Jesu ;  et  historise  Novi  Testamenti  Veritas,  quae  miraculorum 
Christi  narrationem  continet,  adstruatur,  qu^  probatd  accedamus 
ad  examen  vaticiniorum  de  Christo,  quee  in  Mosi  et  Prophetis  ex- 
stant.  Mirabatur  hoc  meum  responsum,  credebatque  me  methodo 
non  legitimd  cum  ipsa  velle  agere.    Itaque  respondet,  Petrum, 


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1694.]  LETTEES  FEOM   LIMBOECH   TO   LOCKE.  423 

postquam  locutus  esset  de  ^lori^  in  monte  ostensa,  addere,  quod 
nabeamus  sermonem  propheticum  quern  appellet  firmiorem.  2  Epist. 
i.  19.  Regessi  ego  Petrum  utraque  conjungere :  nos  Petxum  imi- 
taturos :  sed  banc  esse  legitimam  methodum,  ut  primo  inquiramus 
argumenta  quibus  divina  Christi  missio  adstruatur :  exinde  siquid 
Moses  et  Prophetse  de  ipso  praedixerint.  Cum  ilia  urgeret,  si  Israeli 
dim  fides  in  Messiam  venturum  mandata  sit,  oportere  ut  in  lege 
Mosis  id  mandatum  exstet,  quia  omnia  quae  Israeli  mandata  sunt 
lege  Mosis  continentur :  Ego  prolix^  meum  de  fide  Israelis  in  Mes* 
siam  venturum  sententiam  exposui,  perinde  uti  collatione  mek  cum 
Don  Balchasare  feci.  Ilia  non  sine  admiratione  boc  meum  respon- 
sum  sibi  prorsus  inexpectatum  audivit :  et  bac  occasione  quorun- 
dam  suorum,  qui  cum  ipsa  consulerant,  rigores  incusavit,  qui  omnes, 
non  tantum  Uentiles  et  Judaeos  sed  et  discrepantes  a  se  Cbristia- 
norum  ccetus,  Oreo  adjudicent.  Ego  arrept^  bac  occasione  prolixiiis 
sententiam  meam  de  mutu^  dissentientium  Cbristianorum  toUeranti^ 
exposui :  quae  valde  placere  videbatur.  Addidi  quid  sentirem  de 
Gentilibus  cognitione  Evangelii  nunquam  illustratis :  tum  de  Ju- 
dsBis  quibus  veritatis  Evangelicae  lucem  affiilsisse  manifestum  est : 
agnovi  tamen  discrimen  aliquod  inter  JudfEOS  Apostolorum  praedi- 
cationem,  virtute  Spiritus  peractam,  et  miraculis  confirmatam,  re- 
spuentes ;  et  bodiemos,  quibus  Evangelium  saepe  ab  imperitis  et 
inidoneis  predicatur,  quibusque  multa  si  Christianis  scandala  obji- 
ciuntur :  quae  etiam  fusitis  in  collatione  melt  cum  Orobio  legi  pos- 
sunt.  Tandem,  ut  sermonem  meum  ad  ipsam  converterem,  et  ex 
ipsius  ore  elicerem,  hie  aetemae  ipsius  salutis  negotium  agi ;  dixi, 
esse  alios  qui  postquam  jam  in  Jesum  Christum  crediderint,  rursus 
ab  eo  deficiunt ;  tales  non  posse  Christum  rejicere  quin  simul  omnia 
ipsius  beneficia  abnegent :  sibique  nihil  cum  Christo  commune  esse 
aperte  profiteantur.  Hoc  cum  legitime  sequi  agnosceret,  dixi :  hie 
est  status  in  quo  tu  nunc  es:  tu  agnovisti  Christum  Dominum 
tuum :  non  potes  ergo  ab  ipso  recedere,  nisi  abnegatis  omnibus 
ipsius  beneficiis :  si  itaque  religio  Christiana  sit  vera,  non  potes  ek 
desertii  amplecti  Judaismum,  nisi  amissione  Etemae  Salutis.  Quod 
cum  legitime  consequi  admitteret,  addidi :  quoniam  nunc  agnosceret 
quantum  ipsius  intersit  scire  utrum  religio  Cnristiana  sit  vera,  necne, 
orare  me  ut  quasi  chara  ipsi  esset  etema  salus,  mecum  attent^  et 
in  timore  Domini  expenderet  argumenta  quibus  religionis  Chris- 
tianae  divinitatem  essem  adstructurus.  Ilia  denuo  urgebat  initium 
disputationis  esse  faciendum  ex  lege  Mosis,  vaticiniaque  pro  Mes- 
sia  ex  iUI,  esse  petenda.  Hie  diu  haesimus  qu^  methodo  proce- 
dendum  sit.  Ego  ut  meam  methodum  probarem,  dixi,  pleris- 
que  prophetiis  duplicem  inesse  sensum,  literalem  et  mysticum: 
me  ultro  fateri,  literalem  olim  suum  habuisse  complementum, 
venim  in  typo :  mysticum  in  Christo  esse  impletum.  Cum  autem 
exinde  Uqueat,  Prophetias  olim  suum  habuisse  complementum,  licet 


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424  APPE]<rDix. 

non  secundum  omnem  literse  vim  et  ivepyuav,  ipsam  facile  Tideri, 
non  potuisse  olim  mysticum  ilium  sensum  distincte  cognoscere, 
sed  ilium  ex  eyentu  debuisse  innotescere:  Ita,  et  nunc  sepo^t^ 
historiflB  Novi  Testamenti  veritate,  non  posse  me  a  priore  demon- 
strare  quis  sensus  mysticus  sub  prophetiis  illis  lateat,  sed  necessario 
prsBcedere  oportere  probationem  veritatis  historifle  Novi  Testamenti  ,• 
qu^  adstructSi,  me  ex  eventu  probaturum,  vaticiniis  illis  sublatentem 
inesse  sensum  mysticum,  eumque  in  Christo  secundum  omnem  liters 
IvBpyHav,  esse  impletum.  Addebam  obiter  hac  eidem  methodo 
Apostolos  in  suis  adversus  Judeeos  disputationibus  quse  in  Actorum 
libro  exstant,  esse  usos.  Cum  ilia  contrariam  metnodum  urgeret, 
dixi,  si  evidentibus  argumentis  constat  Jesimi  Christum  k  Deo  esse 
missum,  an  non  in  ipsum  esset  credendum,  etiamsi  nee  Moses,  nee 
ProphetsB  quidouam  de  ipso  prsedixissent.  Cum  hie  ali^uatenus 
hsesitavit,  ostendi  ut  fides  alicui  habeatur  nihil  aliud  requin,  nisi  ut 
divina  ejus  missio  probetur,  etiamsi  nulla  de  ipsius  adventu  exstent 
vaticinia.  Id  probavi  exemplo  Mosis,  cujus  adventum  nusquam 
prsedictum  legimus ;  non  tamen,  quoniam  missionem  suam  diyinam 
evidentibus  comprobavit  miraculis,  Judsei  in  eum  gravantur  credere. 
Hie  ilia  mihi  narravit,  quid  multi  suorum  concionatorum  de  hac  ma- 
teria futiunt,  quae  mece  sententise  non  admodum  consentanea  vide- 
bantur.  Rogavi  ego,  ut  non  respiceret  aliorum  hominum,  quales- 
cunquc  sint,  dogmata  et  theses,  sed  solum  yerbum  Dei,  sive  libros 
Veteris  et  Novi  Testamenti :  et  manum  meam  sacro,qui  aderat,  codici 
imponenS}  dixi :  hoc  esse  purum  verbum  Dei :  eo  continetur  con- 
fessio  mea,  extra  quam,  aliam  nullam  cui  sim  adstrictus  agnosco : 
quando  tibi  probavero,  Evangelium  perinde  esse  k  Deo  ac  legem, 
nihil  ultra  a  me  requirere  notes  :  Sermonemque  interruptum  repe- 
tens,  dixi,  unicam  cur  in  Mosem  credamus  esse  causam,  quod  a 
Deo  sit  missus :  argumentum  autem  missionis  divinse  unicum  esse 
ipsus  miracula.  Hie  querebatur,  aliquos  sibi  objecisse,  unde  his 
Mosen  k  Deo  esse  missum?  aliaque  plura  contra  divinam  Mosis 
missionem ;  addens,  sic  omnia  possint  m  dubiiun  vocari,  et  tandem 
via  premeretur  ad  Atheismum.  Hie  ego  tam  commodam  occasionem 
mihi  elabi  minime  sum  passus ;  et  quia  ex  sermone  ipsius  depre- 
henderam,  quanto  in  pretio  ipsi  esset  Moses,  prudenter  sermonem 
meum  esse  temperandum  duxi :  Kespondi  ego :  si  relicto  Christo 
se  ad  Mosen  conferre  vellet,  non  debere  ipsam  mirari,  si  Chnstianus 
ex  ipsa  quserat,  quibus  rationibus  de  Mosis  divina  missione  persuasa 
sit?  Ego  addebam,  de  Mosis  divina  missione  nuUatenus  dubito, 
neque  de  Legis  Mosaics  divina  autoritate :  de  ea  vero,  etiamsi  alia 
deessent  argumenta,  satis  me  persuasum  reddit  relig^o  Christiana : 
sed  quando  tu  relicto  Christo  ad  Mosen  transis,  omnia  quae  mihi 
suppeditat  religjo  Christiana  argumenta  simul  repudias.  Possum 
itaque  ut  Christianus  quserere,  quae  tibi  pro  divina  Mosis  missione 
argumenta  sepersint?    Non  enim,  si  (Jnristum  relinquas,  certum 


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1694.]  LETTEBS  FBOM  LIMBOBCH  TO  LOCKE.  425 

est  amplectendum  esse  Mosen.  Quid  si  enim  qaeeram,  cur  non  am- 
plecteris  Mahomedis  Alcoranum,  cur  non  ad  Gentiles  abis  ?  annon 
tibi  arffumenta  proferenda  sunt,  quibus  Legis  divinitatem  adstruas 
prcB  Alcorano  et  Gentilismo  ?  Quid  si  Gentilis  i  te  petat  divinita- 
tem Legis  probari)  promittCRS  se,  ek  probata,  Judsepm  futurum,  an 
non  officii  tui  judicares  argumentis  quibus  ille  conyinci  posset  eum 
adstruere  ?  Assensit.  Itaque  aiebam,  ego  etiam  ut  Cnristianus  a 
te  peto,  qusB  argumenta,  si  Christum  relinquas,  tibi  restent,  quibus 
Mosis  divinitatem  probes :  egoque  in  me  recipio,  me  clard  demon* 
straturum,  eadem  ilia  argumenta  validids  pro  divina  Christi  missione, 
quam  Mosis  concludere ;  ac  proinde  si  dlis  argumentis  de  divina 
Mosis  missione  te  rect^  persuasam  credas,  oportere  ut  per  eadem 
argumenta  Christum  k  Deo  missum  agnoscas.  Sic  tandem  eo  (]uo 
volebam  deducta  disputatio  fuit,  quod  ma^o  molimine  qusesivi, 
quia  sine  hac  methodo  felicem  disputatioms  successum  non  spera- 
bam.  Hie  e^o  coUatione  inter  argumenta  et  signa  quibus  Mosis, 
et  quibus  Christi  divina  missio  adstruitur,  aliquamdiu  hsesimus,  in 
qua  quicquid  ilia  mro  Mose  urgebat,  ego  certius  pro  Christo  esse 
arffumentum  ostendi.  Hie  cum  diu  hsereremus,  ego,  ut  paucis  ab- 
solverem,  tandem  dixi :  Hodie  est  festum  Paschaiis,  quo  tota  £c- 
clesia  Christiana  resurrectionib  dominicse  memoriam  celebrat.  Si 
solidis  argumentis  tibi  veritatem  resurrectionis  Jesu  de  mortuis 
probavero,  annon  agnosces  ipsum  k  Deo  esse  missimiP  Omnino 
inquiebat,  mortuus  enim  seipsum  excitari  nequit.  Si  er^o  revixit, 
a  Deo  excitatum  esse  necesse  est.  Hie  ego  prolix^  ventatem  re* 
surrectionis  dominicsB  adstruxi,  et  ad  omnes  objectiones  et  dubia, 
quae  ^uandoque  objiciebat,  respondL  Cum  omnia  mea  argumenta 
audivisset,  respondit^  hsec  optimd  fluere,  siquidem  historia  prout  ab 
Evangelistis  conscripta  est  vera  sit.  Prime  itaque  multis  historise 
Evangelicee  veritatem  adstruxi.  Deinde  probavi  libros  sacrorum 
scriptorum  incorruptos  ad  nospervenisse,  ac  tandem  majorem  multo 
esse  certitudinem  traditionis  Christian»,  quam  Judaics.  Cilkm  pro- 
lixi  hujus  discursCis  finem  fecissem,  respondit :  Non  possum  imprse* 
sentiarum  argumentis  tuis  respondere,  sed  ea  attentius  considerabo. 
Perrexi  ego,  Festo  Pentecostes  celebramus  memoriam  missionis 
Spiriti^s  Sancti  in  Apostolos:  si  et  iUius  historise  veritatem  tibi 
probavero,  annon  et  ea  tibi  erit  alterum  argumentum,  quo  divina 
Jesu  Christi  missio  evidenter  demonstratur  P  Concessit.  Itaque  ego 
multis  probavi,  Apostolos  certos  fuisse,  se  donum  illud  opiritus 
Sancti  accepisse,  neque  de  eo  dubitare  potuisse :  deinde  se  illud  k 
Domino  Jesu  in  cobus  regnante  accepisse :  tertio,  ipsos  sufe  setatis 
homines  argumentis  idoneis  de  dom  hujus  k  Jesu  Christo  accepti 
veritate  convicisse :  tandem  et  nos  hodie  argumentis  omni  excep- 
tione  majoribus  de  illius  veritate  esse  persuasos.  Cum  omnia  hsec 
argumenta,  quse  tibi  satis  sunt  nota,  et  k  me  brevitatis  caus^  omit- 
tuntur,  fusiiis    deduxissem,  iterum   respondit :   Impraesentiarum 


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426  APPENDIX. 

nihil  argumentis  tuis  opponere  possum,  sed  ea  attentius  considerabo. 
Dixi)  hoc  mihi  gratissimum  fore ;  et  quando  ea  ponderaret  exactius, 
tanto  id  mihi  fore*  gratius ;  sed  petebam,  ut,  quascunque  haberet 
considerationes  mihi  aperiret,  ut  et  illis  respondere  possem.  Hoc  se 
facturam  promisit:  addiditque,  accusant  me  pervicacise;  sed  im- 
merito :  non  certarunt  mecum  idoneis  argumentis :  nunc  tu  mihi 
opposuisti  argumenta,  nunquam  mihi  antea  objecta,  quibus  me  im- 
prsesentiarum  respondere  non  posse  fateor :  attent^  ea  considerabo : 
si  (j^uid  alicujus  momenti  contra  ilia  reperirem,  tibi  indicabo :  si  nihil 
solidi  contra  ilia  reperire  queam,  me  convictam  fatebor.  Ego  com- 
mendayi,  ut  serio  consideraret  statum  suum,  agi  hie  negotiimi 
cetemae  salutis.  '  Laudavi  illius  prudentiam,  quod  non  temere  ratio- 
nibus  meis  cederet,  sed  eas  accurate  ac  mature  meditari  cuperet ; 
neque  me  dubitare,  quin  quanto  exactius  eas  esset  consideratura, 
tanto  evidentiiis  illarum  soliditatem  esset  agnitura  :  quibus  medita^ 
tionibus  si  addat  preces  ad  Deum»  felicem  hujus  coUationis  successum 
esse  expectandum.  Commendavi  etiam  ut  eximium  Hugonis  Grotii 
de  ventate  religionis  Christianae  tractatum,  quem  sibi  hactenus 
visum  negabat,  et  alterum,  quem  ipse  dedi,  ex  Anglico  (cui  titulus 
est,  The  uentleman's  Religion),  in  linguam  Belgicam  versum,  evol- 
veret.  Hie  fuit  primse  mese  collatonis  exitus,  quam  prolixiils  paulo 
descripsi,  quia  illis  quae  nunc  prolata  sunt  argumentis  propria  con- 
victa  est.    Duravit  haec  collatio  duabus  horis. 

"  Postridie  reversus  petii  ut  considerationes  ad  argumenta  pridie 
k  me  allata  si  quas  haberet,  mihi  aperiret.  Ilia  ingenue,  prsesente 
matre,  fassa  est,  se  attent^  argumenta  mea  considerasse,  sed  solidi 
nihil  contra  ea  reperire  potuisse  :  Fateor,  inquiebat,  te  mihi  verita- 
tem  duorum  miraculorum,  resurrectionis  nimirum  Jesu  Christi,  et 
missionis  SpiritQs  Sancti  in  Apostolos,  evidentur  demonstr^sse': 
agnosco  Jesum  Christum  a  Deo  esse  missum.  Ego,  gratias  me 
agere'Deo,  inquiebam,  de  ingenue  hfixj  confessione :  posse  nos  nunc 
reliqua  coUationis  nostree  illi  confessioni,  tanquam  fiindamento  solido 
supersedificare.  Itaque  ut  omnis  animo  ipsius  scrupulus  eximatur, 
nos  jam  ad  prophetarum  vaticinia  progressuros,  meque  probaturum, 
quicquid  a  prophetis  de  Messia  fuit  preedictum,  in  Domino  Jesu 
Christo  suum  nabere  complementum.  Verum  antequam  novam 
hanc  disquisitionem  inchoavimus,  repetitio  argumentorum  prioris 
diei  instituta  fuit ;  et  dubiis  quibusdam,  quae  Judsei  contra  Evan- 
geliorum  scriptores,  et  traditionem  Christianam  objicere  solent,  re- 
sponsum,  multaque  prioris  diei  plenius  paul6  fuere  explicata.  Etiam 
respondi  objectioni  quod  certi  non  simus,  quo  tempore  singula  Evan- 

felia  conscripta  sint :  et  quod  certius  Judsei  de  ventate  resurrectionis 
)ominic8e  potuissent  convinci,  si  Dominus  Jesus  se  ipsis  redivivum 
ostendisset.  Cum  his  aliisque  ita  respondissem  ut  se  meae  respbn- 
sioni  acquiescere  fateretur,  ad  prophetarum  valicinia  transivimus. 
Hie  ego  praemonui  non  esse  a  me    expectandas    mathematicas 


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1694.]  LETTEBS   FEOM  LIMBOEOH   TO   LOCKE.  427 

demonstrationes,  contra  quas  homo  infidelis  nihil  (juicquam  re- 
perire  posset :  quoniam,  non  probata  historiae  Novi  Testainenti 
veritate,  difficile  admodum  sit  d  prophetarum  vaticiniis  ostendere, 
ita  omnia  oportuisse  evenire,  prout  in  Christo  impleta  sunt ;  quier 
pleraque  juxta  sensum  literalem  olim  suum  habere  complementum  • 
sed  quoniam  nunc  historiae  Novi  Testamenti  veritatem  agnoscebat, 
me  probaturum  vaticiniis  prophetarum  majus  quid,  prseter  id  quod 
olim  impletum  fuit  contineri,  eorumque  complementum  secundum 
omnem  literse  Ivspynav  esse  in  Jesu  Christo.  Eespondit  ilia  se  de- 
monstrationes  mathematicas  non  requirere,  acquieturam  verb  argu- 
mentis  quibus  nihil  solidi  opponi  posset,  quseque  veritatis  studioso  . 
Bufficiunt.  Hie  ilia  aperto  sacro  quem  in  mambus  habebat  codice, 
initium  disquirendi  facere  cupiebat  k  celebri  Genes,  iii.  16,  loco. 
Dixi  ego  :  rogo  ut  mihi  permittas  m^a  argumenta  ordine  quem  ipse 
elegero,  proferre.  Non  sequar  ordinem  librorum  sacri  codicis,  sed 
eum  ex  ipsa  materie  desumam.  Itaque  hoc  ordine  procedam. 
Primo  ostendam,  Deum  certum  tempus  prsedefinivisse  adventui  Mes- 
siee,  Dominumque  Jesum  tempore  prsedefinito  in  mundum  venisse : 
deinde  prsedictum  esse  locum  nativitatis,  genus  ipsius,  ac  tandem  de 
matre  Virgine  nasciturum.  Hcec  autem  omnia  ver^  in  Domino  Jesu 
ita  evenisse.  Hisce  probatis,  evincam  munera  ipsius,  prophetiam, 
sacerdotium  et  regnum^  ac  tandem  doctrinse  ipsius  per  totum  terrarum 
orbem  prsedicationem,  fuisse  preedicta,  omnesque  illas  pnedictiones 
in  Dommo  Jesu  impletas :  singula  argumenta  mea  distinct^  propo- 
nam,  et  vaticiniis  prophetarum  adstruam.  Tibi  ad  singula  quse  k  me 
proferentur,  liberum  erit  tuas  dicere  considerationes :  meum  erit, 
omnes  tibi  eximere  scrupulos.  Postquam  ego  argimientandi  fin  em 
fecero,  tu,  si  quas  contra  religionem  Christianam  nabes  objectiones, 
eas  mOii  objicie8,neque  desines,  quamdiu  uUum  tibi  superest  dubium : 
meum  ^nim  est  tibi  per  omnia  satisfacere.  Primo  ergo,  certum  4 
Deo  adventui  Messiae  prsedefinitum  esse  tempus,  probavi  ex  celebri 
loco  Genes,  xlix.  10,  de  cirjus  sensu,  et  variantious  interpretatio- 
nibus  quando  sceptrum  Judse  datum,  quando  k  Juda  ablatum  sit, 
prolix^  actum  fuit.  Addidi  alterum  ex  Hagg.  ii.  7 — 10,  et  de  hujus 
loci  sensu  multis  actum  fuit.  Hdc  occasione  qusesivit,  quid  sentirem 
de  Templo  Esechielis.  Aperui  sententiam  meam  quam  et  in  coUa- 
tione  me^  cum  Orobio  expressi,  quae  valde  ipsi  placere  videba- 
tur.  Tandem  addidi  locum  Dan.  xix.  24 — 27,  cujus  sensum  cum 
aperuissem,  etiam  Judaeorum  objectiones  in  contrarium  dilui.  Et 
quia  hie  multus  eram  in  dispersionis  praesentis  Judaeorum  causis 
assignandis,  eamque  aliam  esse  non  posse  ostenderem,  nisi  MessisB 
contemtum,  mihi  objectum  fuit,  banc  dispersionem  fuisse  praedictam, 
Levit.  xxvi.  et  Deut.  xxviii. :  ex  iisque  capitibus  liquere,  Judaeos  in 
earn  propter  defectionem  k  lege  Mosis  et  idolatriam  incidisse,  et  adhuc 
liberationem  ex  1114*  Judaeis  esse  expectandam.  Ego,  quia  jam  hora 
octava  vespertina  erat  elapsa,  paucis  respondi,  vaticinia  haec  captivi- 


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428  APPENDIX. 

tstem  Babylonicam  reroicere :  quod  ipsi  priin6  valde  paradoxnm 
erat :  paucis  meam  expucationem  conmrmabam :  sed  quoniam  jam 
tempus  affluxerat,  resijue  hsec  magni  erat  momenti,  unde  multorum 
jraticiniorum  explicatio  dependet,  me  id  postridie,  fus^  et  clard 
demonstraturum  promisi.    Duravit  heec  collatio  quatuor  horis. 

"  Tertio  die  sermonis  initium  feci  explicatione  cap.  Levit.  xxvL 
et  Deut.  xxviii.  Argumenta  mea  quibus  probavi  illis  cap.  contineri 
comminationem  non  captivitatis  hujus  prsesentis,  sed  Babylcnicfe, 
scripto  comprehenderam,  excerpta  ^  disputatione  mea  cum  Orobio. 
Postquam  omnia  proposuissem,  ilia  se  iis  plan^  convictam  fassa  est. 
Mox  cum  attentius  ea  considerdsset,  ait :  Hsec  est  genuina  Scrip- 
turse  per  Scripturam  explicatio:  jam  clard  multarum  prophetia- 
rum,  quas  adhuc  implendas  esse  hactenus  credidi,  sensum  percipio, 
easque  jam  impletas  esse  comperio.  Lux  hinc  mihi  ma^a  in  pro- 
phetarum  scriptis  explicandis  exorta  est.  Tradidi  ipsi  scriptum 
meum,  ut  etiam  me  absente,  omnia  loca  relegere  et  expendere  pos- 
set. Exinde  Mich.  v.  1,  indicate  prius  literaii  illius  sensu,  probavi 
locum  nativitatis  Messise  fore  Bethlehemum,  Dominumque  Jesum 
in  ilia  civitate  speciali  directione  divina  esse  natum.  Cum  in  hac 
probatione  nihil  desideraret,  ad  genus  Domini  Jesu  processi.  Mes- 
siam  ex  familia  Davidis  nasciturum  ut  probarem  opus  non  fuit,  ipsis 
Judseis  id  habentibus.  Solummodo  probandum  fuit,  Dominum 
Jesum  ex  Davide  ortum  suum  habere.  Hic  multis  actum  de  ge- 
nealo^a  Domini  Jesu,  et  de  discrepantia  inter  Matthseum  et  Lucam, 
quos  ita  conciliavi,  ut  ilia  conciliationi  mese  acquiesceret.  Ilesta- 
bat  tandem  probanda  nativitas  ejus  ex  matre  virgine,  juxta  Esa. 
vii.  14, 15,  &c.  Hic  prolixiiis  pauld  sensum  literalem  vaticinii  illius 
aperui  j  atque  ex  verborum  Esaiae  iwpyctaprobavi  alium  sublimio- 
rem  ac  mysticum  sub  eo  latere,  quern  in  JDomino  Jesu  complemen- 
tum  suum  habere,  veritatemque  nativitatis  Domini  ex  virgine,  os- 
tendi.  Sicque  huic  coUoquio  finis  fuit  impositus.  Habita  est  heec 
collatio  die  Mercurii,  duravitque  quinque  horis. 

"Reversus  sum  die  Veneris,  quo  die  probavi  ex  Deut  xviii.  15 
et  18,  propheticum  Christi  munus.  Vaticinium  hoc  Messiam  re- 
spicere  probavi.  Hic  multis  actum  de  prophetico  Christi  munere, 
de  Lege  et  Evangelio,  quo  sensu  Evangelium  Lege  perfectius  dici 
potest:  de  variorum  Legis  et  Evan^elii  praeceptorum  sensu:  de 
promissis  Evangelii  et  Legis,  et  de  cuscrimine  inter  ilia.  Exinde 
ostendi,  Dominum  Jesum  nihil  docuisse  aut  prsecepisse  Legi  con- 
trarium.  Hac  occasione  quaedam  dicta  sunt  de  dogmatibus  qui- 
busdam  Christianorum,  quae  Judaei  Legi  repugnare  credunt.  Ego 
dixi,  ea  esse  consideranda  prout  in  Script  ura  extant,  non  prout  pos- 
tea  ab  hominibus  sunt  definita,  et  vocibus  ac  phrasibus  non  in 
Scriptura  extantibus,  sed  ab  hominibus  inventis,  enuntiata.  Et  ad 
ea  solum  esse  respiciendum,  quae  Scriptura  tan^uam  fidei  salvificae 
objectum  passim  inculcat.    £t  quantum  ad  dogmata,  quorum  pro- 


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16t4.]  LETTEES  FEOM  LIMBOECH   TO   LOCKE.  429 

batio  non  ex  Veteri,  sed  Novo  Testamento  peti  debet,  de  iis  non 
esse  disputationem  cum  Judaeo  inchoandam ;  sed,  ut  ego  nunc  feci, 
primtim  contra  ipsum  divinam  librorum  Novi  Testament!  autorita* 
tem  esse  abstruendam,  ut  ill^  probatli  ex  ipsis  Novi  Testament! 
Hbris,  ouid  de  tali  dogmate  sentiendum  sit,  dnudicet :  et  tum  utri- 
usque  Testament!  dicta  inter  se  conferat.  Hie  ilia  subridens,  ait : 
Magnam  mihi  fieri  injuriam  credidi,  qu6d  meam,  quam  conceperam, 
metbodum  rejiceres :  video  autem  nunc  te  legitime  methodo  usum : 
Nostri  concionatores  longe  ali&  methodo  sunt  usi :  nihil  attulerunt 
ad  probandam  historise  Nov!  Testament!  veritatem ;  sed  disputandi 
initium  fecerunt  a  dogmate  SS.  Trinitatis,  idque  adstruere  volue- 
runt  argumentis  ex  Veteri  Testamento  depromptis :  Unus  ^  nomine 
^'^n^  pluralis  numeri ;  et  d  locutione  in  plurali  numero,  qua  Deus 
in  hommis  creatione  usus  est,  Faciamus  hominem :  (alter  vir  prius 
argumentum  rejiciebat,  sed  posterius  probabat)  ex  apparitione  trium 
angelorum  Abrahamo  factd;  et  sinoilibus.  Tum  seternam  Fili! 
prseexistentiam  ex  verbis  Dei  ad  serpentem,  Ponam  inimicitiam  in- 
ter te  et  mulieris  semen.  Genes,  iii.  15 :  et  verbis  Evee  post  Cain!  par- 
tum,  Genes,  iv.  1.  Accepi  virum  Jehovam :  ita  enim  interpretabatup 
textum  Hebreeum,  non,  k  Jehova :  aliisque  pluribus.  Tantum  abest, 
inquiebat,  ut  me  argumentis  suis  retraxisseut,  ut  me  in  sentent!^ 
mea  obstinatiorem  reddidissent.  In  tua  autem  methodo  legitime 
proced!  video:  probatli  enim  divina  Novi  Testament!  autoritate, 
quid  de  hoc  aliisque  Christianse  religionis  dogmatibus  statuendum 
sit,  ex  illo  dijudicare,  dictaque  prophetarum  cum  Novo  Testamento 
conferre  possum.  Hac  digressione  facta,  priorem  meum  sermonem 
repetii,  ostendique,  Dominum  Jesum  Legem  Mosis  non  abrog^e, 
sea  perfectionem  introduxisse,  quae  Legem  Mosis  divinam  esse  pne- 
supponit,  sed  ad  cujus  prsesentiam  omnes  Mosaicee  legis  imperfecti- 
ones  evanescere  debuerunt  Hie  prolix^  satis  sententiam  meam  de 
Christianorum  k  Lege  Mosis  libertate  aperuL  Ostendi  etiam  quo 
sensu  Lex  vocatur  eetema ;  et  quomodo  Dominus  Jesus,  perfectiorem 
annuntiando  legem,  ad  cujus  preesentiam  lex  Mosis  evantdt,  docuerit 
consentanea  orac^lis  prophetarum,  Deusque  banc  Domini  Jesu  doo- 
trinam  ratam  habuerit,  et  destructione  templi,  et  eversione  Reip. 
Judaicse  confirmavit.  Quse  omnia  fusd  contra  Don  Balthasarum 
disputavi.  Hsec  collatio  duravit  quinque  horis,  et  per  illam  pluri- 
mum  se  in  veritate  Evangelidi  confirmatam  aliquoties  professa  est. 
"  Red!!  tandem  die  Sabbath!,  quo  die  actum  fuit  de  morte  Christ!. 
Probavi  ex  Esa.  liii.  mortem  Messice,  et  quidem  tanquam  sacrificium 
pro  peccato,  illo  in  capite  apertd  praedici.  Postquam  de  capitis 
nujus  sensu  fusd  actum  esset,  petiit  ut  ipsi  sententiam  meam  de 
sacerdotio  Christ!  aperirem.  Ilespondi  ego :  Nos  hactenus  sollicite 
vitatis  omnibus  qute  inter  Christianos  controversa  sunt  dogmatibus, 
solummodo  generalem,  quee  omnibus  Christianis  cum  Judsis  in- 
tercediti  controversiam  tracttoe :  me  autem,  si  ipsi  distincte  meam 


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480  APPEKDIX. 

de  saoerdotio  Chiisti  Bententiam  explicem,  a  Ti4  hactenus  k  nobis 
tritk  defecturom :  non  enim  id  i  me  posse  fieri,  quin  sententiam 
Remonstrantium,  quatenus  k  Contraremonstrantibus  recedit,  ipsi 
aperiam.  dim  ilia  instaret,  sententiamque  meam  cognoscere  ae- 
sideraret :  ostendi  triplicem  esse  potissimum  de  sacerdotio  Chrisd 
sententiam :  Contraremonstrantium,  et  Socini,  quas  tanquam  duas 
extremas  inter  se  direct^  oppositas  considerabam ;  et  nostram,  quae 
inter  duas  extremas  media  mtercedit.  Dixi,  quid  in  utraque  senten- 
tii  extrem4  desideremus ;  quomodo  nostra  sententia  omnia  aliarum 
sententiarum  incommoda  eyitet  Addidi  me  rationem  salvationis 
non  oonsiderare  in  solo  Christi  sacerdotio,  sed  etiam  in  i^us  pro- 
phetii  et  regno.  Hisce  omnibus  diffuse  satis  explicatis,  petii,  an  jam 
yeUet  progredi  ad  munus  Christi  regium  ?  Respondit,  Non  id  esse 
neeesse,  de  eo  enim  nullum  sibi  superesse  dubium.  Dixi,  Quoniam 
Judffii  urgent  Messiam  nromissum  fore  re^m  terrenum,  placere  ut 
examinemus  dicta  propnetarum,  an  ilia  de  terreno  regno  neces- 
sario  accipienda  sint  P  Kespondit :  Non  id  necesse  est :  quo- 
niam per  hactenus  monstrata  jam  omnia  qu»  de  illo  habui  dubia 
animo  exenusti  meo.  Qusesivi  porro  ;  utrum  sibi  ea  Prophetis 
probari  cu])erety  MessisB  doctrinam  per  omnem  terram  annuntiari 
debuisse ;  idque  in  Domino  Jesu  esse  impletum  ?.  Respondit : 
De  eo  nullum  sibi  superesse  dubium.  Tandem  rogavi,  quoniam 
mihi  nulla  jam  ex  prophetarum  vaticiniis  restarent  argumenta, 
ut,  si  quas  contra  religionem  Christianam  haberet  objectiones,  cas 
paroferret,  ut  et  illis  respondere  possem.  Turn  ilia  ita  me  affistta  est : 
Dubitationes,  quas  de  religione  Christiana  habui,  abundd  iis  quae  a 
te  disputata  sunt,  omnes  mihi  sunt  sublatse.  Agnosco  te  mihi  pro- 
bavisse  yeritatem  historiee  Noyi  Testaraenti,  et  speciatim  illorum 
duorum  ingentium  miraculorum,  resurrectionis  Domini  Jesu  de 
mortuis,  et  effusionis  Spiritiis  Sancti  in  Apostolos  die  Pentecostes : 
quod  mihi  probayeris  prophetias  Vet.  Testamenti  in  Domino  Jesu 
suum  habere  complementum :  qu6d  mihi  ostenderis  connexionem 
Noyi  Testamenti  cum  Vetere.  Agnosco  Dominum  Jesum  Christum 
Senratorem  meum :  hsecque  jam  mihi  erit  immota  yeritas,  de  oua 
per  ffratiam  diyinam  nunquam  dubitabo.  Gratias  tibi  ago  pro  fideli 
tuft  mstitutione :  rogoque  ne  coUationes  nostras  abrumpas,  sed  in 
iis  mecum  pergas ;  cupio  enim  huic  fimdamento  solidiorem  relinonis 
mecB  cognitionem  superstruere.  Kespondi  ego :  Deo  optati  nujus 
sucoessiu  gloriam  umc^  esse  tribuendam ;  me  ad  summiun  tantiim 
plantftsse  aut  rigftsse,  Deum  autem  dedisse  incrementum.  At<|ue 
ita  consumta  in  ultima  hac  collatione  qiuituor  horis,  sexto  k  prima 
nostra  collatione  die  optatum  laboris  nrei,  Deo  benedicente,  yidi 
eyentum.  Ex  hac  autem  collatione  intima  inter  nos  amicitia  coa- 
luit :  ilia  me  patris  instar  yeneratur ;  ego  illam  filisB  loco  diligo. 

«  Vides  hie  prolixam  collationis  hujus  hibtoriam,  in  qua  fortasse 
inutiliora  quedam  consectatus  sum :  sed  ut  morem  tibi  geram  sin^ 


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1694.]  LETTEBS  PBOM  LIMBOBOH   TO  LOCKE.  431i 

^la  annotare  volui,  ut  totius  historiee  seriem  haberes.  Argumenta 
sin^a  non  desideras,  nee  singula  recitare  possem,  nisi  integro  con- 
scnpto  tractatu.  Turn  quid  necesse  est  re^etere,  quae  in  coUatione 
cum  Orobio  extant  P  Quod  scjre  desider^sti,  abundfe  hac  narratione 
oomprehensum  credo.  Kumor  hujus  collationis,  etiam  me  tacente, 
mox  totam  pervasit  civitatem,  et  sicut  mihi  plurimorum  conciliavit 
benevolentiam,  ita  et  aliorum  contra  me  indignationem  proTocavit, 
et  emulationem,  eorum  prsecipu^,  qui  irrito  conatu  virginem  illam 
oppu^arunt:  quorum  unus  ipsam  accedens,  cum  indignatione 
rogavit,  quibus  argumentis  et  quk  methodo  eco  in  disputando 
usus  essem  ?  Ciim  ilia  responderet,  me  primo  et  ante  omnia 
sibi  probavisse  veritatem  historise  Novi  Testamenti :  ille  maximo 
cum  contemtu  dixit,  ]ioc  nuUius  esse  pretii,  utens  his  ipsissimis 
verbis :  Quid  tum  habebasP  Nihilum  cum  magna  cauaa.  lUa 
respondit,  se  non  intelligere  quid  sibi  velit :  credere  se,  multiim  se 
profecisse,  quando  de  veritate  historise  Novi  Testamenti  esset  per- 
suasa.  Ille  nihil  effectum  aiebat,  quamdiu  k  priore  d  prophetis 
solids  non  esset  probatum ;  ita  omnia,  prout  evenerunt,  debuisse 
impleri :  imo  alio  die  eo  usque  exorbitavit,  ut  dicere  non  erubuerit, 
nisi  omnia  seque  perfect^  ex  Mose  possint  k  priore  probari,  atque 
ex  Evangelic,  se  Evangellmn  habere  pro  fabula.  Cum  autem  ula 
se  argumentis  meis  acquiescere  indicaret,  ille  indignabundus  inquit, 
jam  posteriora  tua  pejora  sunt  prioribus :  adeo  ut  ipso  cum  matre, 
ex  sermonibus  collegerint,  maluisse  ipsum,  ut  ad  Judaismum  peni- 
ttis  defecisset,  qu&m  ut  meis  ar^^umentis  revocata  ad  fidem  Qiris- 
tianam  redierit.  Non  etiam  sine  stomacho  rogavit :  Tunc  dix- 
isti,  Cocceianos  te  decepisse  P  Nequaquam,  respondit :  sed  Coccei* 
anos  esse  ineptos  qui  Judseum  convincant  lUo  quserente  an  id  potest 
Limburgius  ?  ilia  regessit,  Exemplum  in  me  habes.  Fostea  mater 
virginis  mihi  dixit :  Nunquam  credideram,  tantam  in  concionatori- 
bus  esse  semulationem :  Ego  nescio  qua  occasione  sedes  meas  ingres- 
8US  sis :  nunquam  de  te  cogitaveram :  Verrinum  longe  alia  de  causa 
advocavi ;  nescio  qua  occasione  tui  mentio  sit  facta :  Deum  te  in 
eedes  meas  immisisse  credo:  k  primo  enim  quo  tu  filiam  meam 
compeUasti  momento  ipsam  mutatam  vidi.  Non  tamen  omnes  con- 
cionatores  huius  hominis  stomachum  prob^runt :  Quidam  satis  be- 
nimk  de  me  locuti  sunt,  ingenueque  professi,  me  prsBScivisse  quod 
ooUegse  sui  frustra  tentarunt.  Hsec  addo,  ut  et  aliorum  IfruiKtiav 
agnoscas.  Verum  tempus  tandem  est  prolixam  banc  narrationem 
abrumpendi. 

*'  Reliauis  epistolse  tuse  breviterrespondebo.  Theologisemese  Chris- 
tianse  editionem  alteram  jam  in  An^liam  appulisse  nullus  dubito, 
Dedi  in  mandatis  bibliopolse  Samueli  Smith,  ut  tibi  exemplar  illius 
tradat.  Iden^  tibi  alia  nuper  epistola,  cujus  Marcus  Tent,  juvenis 
statura  corporis  exilis,  sed  in^enio  magnus,  quemque  hie  seepius 
vidisti,  lator  est,  significavi.    Si  ergo  biUiopola  nondum  tibi  exem- 


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432  AFPEKDIX. 

plar  dedit,  posses  id  ab  ipso  petere.    Quin  multa  in  mea  Theologia 
emendando  restent  nullus  dubito.    Vellem  te  consultore  potuiase 
uti,  multa  proculdubio  te  indicante  correxissem,  quse  nunc  a  me  non 
animadyersa  inemendata  prodeunt.    Paucula  addidi :  quse  alicujus 
sunt  momenti  potissimum  reperies  Lib.  ii.  cap.  1,  3,  6,  et  8,  Cap. 
xzi.  §  23,  26,  et  26 ;  Lib.  iii.  cap.  iv.  §  3  et  11 ;  Lib.  y.  cap.  xxxiiL 
§  7 ;  Lib.  yii.  cap.  iy.  §  7.    Sunt  et  paucis  in  locis  qusedam  addita, 
rertim  ilia  sunt  breyiora.    Occasione  libri  hie  editi  paucula  dixi 
de  spiritibus  maHs,  ut  preecipua  libri  illius  fundamenta  eyerterem : 
de  quibus  tuum  ayeo  scire  judicium.    Quod  aliqui  Calyinismum 
restituere  moliuntur,  minimi  miror :  Si  ita  yerd  sentiunt,  reprehen- 
dendi  non  sunt,  (juod  sententiam  suo  judicio  yeram  aliis  persuasam 
cupiant,  sed  solidis  rationibus  confutandi.  .Si  aliud  quid  lateat, 
Deus  id  judicaturus  est.    Qud  heec  tandem  eyasura  sint,  dies  doce- 
bit.    Libri  tui  de  intellectu  humane  yersionem  Latinam  ayidissimd 
expecto :  ex  illius  compendio  Gallico,  quod  nobis  D.  Clericus  sup- 
peditayit,  facile  perspicio,  quantihn  exinde  laus  in  arduis  Ulis  mate- 
nis  philosophicis  hauriri  possit    Non  dubito  quin  eruditis,  quibus 
lingua  Anglicana  ignota  est,  ^yissimum  sit  futurum,  ilium  Ungu& 
inter  omnes  erudites  communi,  non  posse  lesi.    Quanto  latiiis  dis- 
pergetur,  tanto  illustriorem  reddet  yeritatem  a  te  monstratam.     Ve- 
rum  ubi  ipsum  yidero,  distinctius  de  singulis  judicare  potero.    Ante 
menses  aliquot  ad  te  misi  Episcopii  conciones  aliquot  hactenus  in- 
editas,  quibus  historiam  yitse  Episcopii  prsefixi.    Nescio  an  omnia 
distincte  intelligas.    Varia  in  ea  aayersa  quibuscum  Episcopius 
luctatus  est,  leges.     Scripsit  Keyerendissimus  Bathoniensis  et  Wei- 
lensis,  ad  quern  exemplar  misi,  se  alicui  yersionem  yitse  Episcopii 
in  liuffuam  Anglicam  yertendam  mandasse.    Itaque  fortasse  Anghce 
eam  leges.    Unum  fere  oblitus  sum.    Scripsi  tibi  historiam  colla- 
tionis  mese  cum  ylrgine  nuper  judaizante  bene  longam.    Non  re- 

Sugno  quin  amicis  quibusdam  prselegatur,  apographa  autem  null! 
entur.  Cum  enim  post  quinque  congressus  peoitus  omnes  suas 
dubitationes  abjecerit,  fundamentaque  relicionis  Christians  nunc 
distinctius  cognoscat,  et  fide  solidiore  amplectatur  quam  antehac, 
omnino  quicquid  per  ignorantiam,  siye  incogitantiam  aut  negligen- 
tiam  peccatum  est,  setemse  tradendum  est  obliyioni.    Fieri  autem 

Sosset,  ut  quis  pia  intentione  exemplum  hoc  allegaret  ad  ostenden^ 
um  legitima  methodo  plerumque  non  cum  Judseis  disputari,  et 
excerpta  ex  epistola  mea  sibi  communicata  ad  majorem  dictorum 
suorum  fidem  scripto  suo  insereret:  ita  rei  hujus  memoria  typis 
expressa  nunquam  obliteraretur.  Video  autem  hie  multos  non  tam 
ipsius  conyersione  gaudere,  qu^m  dolere  quod  meis  colloquiis  ab 
errore  suo  reyocata  est,  maffisque  materiam  quserere  errorem  ejus 
exaggerandi,  qu&m  conyersionem  deprsedicandi.  Non  enim  yeriti 
sunt  passim  eam  tanc^uam  presumtuosam,  procacem,  pertinacem,  et 
simul,  quod  mireris,  mstabilem,  cuique  nulla  religio  cordi  sit,  tra- 


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1694.]  LETTEK8   TROM   LIMBOBCH   TO    LOCKE.  483 

ducere :  quidam  e6  usque  exorbitarunt,  ut  et  atheam  vocaverint. 
Cum  ego,  quod  vere  testor,  earn  expertus  sim  modestam,  neutiquam 
refractoriam,  sed  maxime  docilem,  attentam,  ac  sedulam,  Deique 
reverentem :  et  quod  rarum  est,  ingenii  admodum  facilis  ac  prompt!, 
judiciique  peracris  ac  limati,  supra  setatem  (est  enim  viginti  duorum 
tantvkm  annorum)  et  sexum,  ac  incredibiU  veritatis  mvestigandsB 
amore  incensam,  adeo  ut  proprio  Marte  sine  magistro  plurimos  libros 
evolverit,  et  si  quid  minus  intelligeret  indefesso  labore  illius  lec- 
tion em  aliquantenus  reperierit,  et  assidu^  meditata  sit,  nee  con- 
quieverit,  donee  omnia  distincte  intellexerit.  Vix  annos  natj^  qua- 
tuordecim  (ut  mihi  aliquoties  narravit)  solita  iuit  mane  hora  quarta 
insciis  parentibus  ^  lecto  surgere,  et  librorum  lectioni  incumbere : 
quando  autem  post  iteratam  lectionem  sensum  non  perciperet,  ali- 
quoties quasi  desperabunda  cum  lachrymis  librum  e  manibus  pro- 
jecit :  post  horam  vero  ubi  puellari  lusu  se  recreasset,  librum  in 
manus  resumsit,  lectionem  repetiit,  meditata  est:  et  hsec  omnia 
crebro  iteravit,  donee  tandem  sensum  assecuta  esset.  Quod  sane 
exemplum  rarissimum  est  in  puella,  quae  in  otio  et  deliciis  educata 
credi  posset.  Quare  hsec  ita  amicis  communicabis,  ut  nihil  ex  meis 
Uteris  depromatur,  quod  ne  a  malevolo  quidem  in  illius  calumniam 
rapi  possit.  Verim  tandem  tempus  est  manum  de  tabula  tollere. 
Ultus  jam  sum  silentium  tuum  probe.  Mirabor  si  non  aliquoties 
prolixitatem  meam  sis  incusaturus,  epistolamque  antequam  ad  finem 
perveneris  d  manibus  abjecturus.  Salutem  a  me  quam  officiosissime 
jDominse  Masham.  Salutat  te  Verrinus  cum  uxore,  necnon  uxor 
et  liberi  mei,  et  me,  ut  facis,  amare  ne  desine, 

Tui  amantissimum, 

Philippum  a  Limbokch." 
4 
<*Amstelodami,  12  Decemb.  16    94." 
18. 

"  Post  hasce  scriptas  tristis  me  de  subita  Archiepiscopi  Cantuari- 
cnsis  morte  nuntius  non  leviter  perculit.  Destinaveram  ipsi  Theo- 
logiae  mesB  ChristiansB  exemplar:  pridie  autem  antequam  tradi 
potuerit  mortuus  est.  Ecclesise  Heformatee  tan  to  patron  o,  tam  pru- 
dente,  perito,  pacisque  amantissimo  antistite,  orbatee  statum  doleo. 
Utinam  Deus  qui  potens  est  etiam  e  lapidibus  Abrahse  filios  exci- 
tare,  alium  nobis  substituat,  illi  si  non  parem,  quod  vix  sperare 
ausim,  tamen  vestigia  ejus,  quantum  fieri  potest,  proxime  premen- 
tem !  lUe  tibi  et  DominsB  Masham  vitam  ad  seros  usque  annot 
producat !    Interim  vale. 

"  Vides  hie  additamenta  in  historiam  Inquisitionis.  Liber  unde 
aliquot  loca  descripsi,  hunc  prsefert  titulum :  Speculum  Inquisitionis 
Bifuntinae  ejus  Officiariis  exhibitum  a  R.  P.  F.  Joanne  des  Loix 
S.  T.  D,  Ord.  praedicat  Convent.  Audomerensis,  per  Bifunt.  Diver- 

2f 


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434  A.ppEin)ix, 

sum  et  fol.  Comitat.  Burgund.  Inquisitore  general!,  &c.  Dolee  apud 
Antonium  Pinard  typographum  juratum,  1628  in  8.  Continet 
pagg.  791. 

'*  Si  per  otium  licet,  velim  quamprimum  certior  fieri  literas  hag 
recte  ad  manus  tuas  pervenisse ;  eas  enim  errlsse  nollem,  nee  diu 
in  incerto  heerere :  quia  multa  scripsi,  et  quse  in  aliorum  manus  in- 
cidere  nolim.  Clericus  tuas  rectd  acce^it.  Inclusas  has  mihi  Cue* 
nellonus  dedit,  qui  familise  su»  statum  ipse  scribit." 

**  For  Mr  Jolm  Locke,  at  Mr  Pawlin^s,  over 
against  the  Plough,  in  Little  Lmcoln's 
Inn  Fields,  London." 


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NOTES 


DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS, 

DTTBING  THE  LAST  TEARS  OF  THE  BEIGN  OF  GEORGE  I.  AND  THE 
EABLT  PART  OF  THE  BEIGN  OF  GEORGE  n. 


PREFACE, 

After  the  trial  of  the  Earl  of  Macclesfield,  Sir  Peter  King,  Lord 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  was  made  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
held  the  Seals  from  1725  to  1733,  during  which  period  he  noted 
down  in  short-hand  the  principal  suhiects  which  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  the  administration  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole.  It  will  be  seen, 
however,  that  these  Memoranda  are  very  much  broken  and  discon- 
tinued after  1730,  in  consequence,  probably,  of  the  declining  health 
of  the  writer. 

Abundant  proof  will  be  found  in  the  following  pages  of  the  dis- 
proportionate importance  attached  to  German  pohtics,  during  the 
reigns  of  the  two  first  Princes  of  the  House  of  Brunswick,  who 
were  more  interested  in  the  welfare  of  their  Electorate,  and  in  mak- 
ing some  petty  addition  to  their  German  territories,  than  in  that  of 
Great  Britain,  which  they  neither  valued  nor  understood.  Many 
of  the  questions  stirred  up  by  the  restless  activity  of  the  Queen  of 
Spain,  and  the  projects  of  the  Emperor,  for  establishing  a  great 
trading  company  at  Ostend,  to  the  detriment  of  English  commerce 
in  the  East  ana  West,  perplexing  as  they  may  have  been  to  the 
Ministers  of  that  day,  have  now  lost  the  interest  that  formerly  be- 
longed to  them ;  but  as  they  may  serve  to  explain  some  parts  of  our 
history,  they  are  printed  verbatim  from  the  snort-hand  memoranda. 

There  are  some  curious  anecdotes  of  George  II.  and  Queen 
Caroline,  and  a  remarkable  proof  is  afforded  of  their  early  hatred 
to  their  eldest  son  Frederick,  afterwards  Prince  of  "Wales,  in  the 
plan  which  they  had  formed  for  disinheriting  him  in  England. 
The  project,  however,  was  defeated  by  the  equally  inimical  feelings 

2f  2 


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436  NOTES   ON  DOMESTIC  [l726. 

of  the  reigning  King  George  I.  towards  his  own  immediate  succes- 
sor, if  not  by  his  sense  of  right  and  justice. 

Wherever  Walpole  is  mentioned,  we  may  observe  the  good  sense 
and  discretion  which  distinguished  him  amongst  the  Statesmen  of 
his  own  times.  He  is,  indeed,  eminently  distinguished  above  the 
Statesmen  of  almost  every  age  by  his  love  of  Peace — ^the  first  and 
greatest  of  all  virtues  in  a  Minister. 


NOTES 
OF  DOMESTIC  AND  FOEEIGN  AFFAIES. 

1725. — ^Tuesday,  June  1.  Monday  the  31st  May  being  the  last 
day  of  the  sitting  of  Parliament,  I  was  introduced  into  5ie  House 
of  Lords,  as  Lord  King,  Baron  of  Ockham,  in  the  County  of  Surrey. 
My  introducers  were  Lord  Delaware  and  Lord  Onslow.  Baron's 
robes  lent  me  by  Lord  Hertford.  And  this  day  at  noon  I  went  to 
St  James's,  and  being  called  into  the  King's  closet,  he  delivered  the 
seals  to  me  as  Lord  Chancellor:  and  soon  after  I  went  to  the 
council-chamber,  carrying  the  seals  before  him.  The  first  thing  that 
was  done  was  to  swear  me  Lord  Chancellor,  after  which  I  took  my 
place  as  such.  The  King  then  declared  that  he  was  going  beyond 
sea,  and  had  appointed  a  ilegency,  whose  names  were  men  declared. 

2nd. — ^In  the  morning  I  received  the  visits  of  several  lords  and 
others  of  my  friends,  and  at  noon  went  to  wait  on  the  Prince  and 
Princess,  and  kissed  their  hands.  This  day  I  surrendered  my  place 
of  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas. 

The  King  signed  a  Bill  for  establishing  a  Commission  in  Chancery 
during  my  absence  ;  the  Commission  was  as  usual,  only  the  deficient 
Masters  in  Chancery  were  left  out,  and  the  Commission  was  sealed 
at  the  seal  next  day. 

3rd. — About  ten  o'clock  I  waited  on  the  King,  to  have  two  Bills 
signed,  the  one  for  Eyre  to  be  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas, 
the  other  for  Gilbert  to  be  Chief  Baron,  and  as  soon  as  I  left  him 
he  went  on  his  voyage  to  Hanover.  And  inasmuch  as  several  of 
the  nobility  were  to  wait  on  him  to  Greenwich,  so  that  they  could 
not  attend  me,  according  to  custom,  to  Westminster  Hall,  I  did 
from  thence  take  an  occasion  to  go  privately  to  Westminster  Hall, 
which  I  did  this  day,  being  a  day  of  motions.  I  here  took  again 
the  oath  of  a  Chancellor,  which  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown  read,  and 
the  Master  of  the  Rolls  held  the  book. 

8th. — News  being  come  of  the  King's  safe  arrival  in  Holland,  the 


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1725.]  AND   rOEEIGir  AFFAIRS.  437 

Itegency  first  met  and  a^eed  to  meet  again  on  the  Tuesday,  and 
that  there  should  be  a  Privy  Council  every  fortnight. 

9th. — The  Duke  of  Athol  was  with  my  secretary,  to  desire  the 
names  of  several  persons  might  be  put  in  Justices  of  the  Peace  for 
Perthshire ;  but  on  talking  with  Sir  R.  Walpole,  he  advised  me  not 
to  take  them  from  him,  because  he  knew  by  letters  intercepted  that 
the  Duke  of  Athol  was  in  measures  with  his  elder  brother,  who  is 
attainted. 

12th. — ^Went  to  Ockham,  and  returned  Monday  morning. 

14th. — Returned  from  Odkham,  and  sat  in  the  Court  of  Chancery. 

16th. — ^A  Regency,  where,  amongst  other  things,  was  read  a  Peti- 
tion of  George  Lord  Murray,  setting  forth  that  he  was  but  eighteen 
years  old  when  he  went  into  the  rebellion :  that  he  stands  indicted, 
Dut  was  never  convicted  nor  attainted,  praying  the  King's  mercy : 
which  being  referred  by  the  King  to  the  Regency  for  their  opinions, 
we  were  all  of  opinion  that  there  was  nothing  in  law  to  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  King^s  pardon,  and  that  if  he  pleased  he  might  do  it. 
But  it  was  desired  that  there  might  be  a  more  explicit  opinion,  and 
what  we  should  advise  the  King  to  do.  I  said  1  wished  him  par- 
doned, but  I  was  unacquainted  with  the  facts,  and  therefore  could 
only  say  that,  if  the  King  thought  fit  to  pardon  him,  there  was  no- 
thing in  law  to  obstruct  it,  but  to  advise  either  one  way  or  other  I 
could  not,  because  I  was  not  sufficiently  master  of  the  facts.  The 
Archbishop  would  not  advise  anything  in  the  case  of  blood.  The 
Duke  of  Arg}de  strongly  against  it,  because  this  man's  treason  was 
attended  wiui  perfidy,  in  deserting  the  King's  troops  and  running 
away  to  the  reoels ;  and  if  this  man  were  pardoned,  others  would 
immediately  make  the  same  application.  Roxburgh,  Walpole,  a 
majority  were  for  it ;  so  a  letter  ordered  to  advise  the  King  to  par- 
don him. 

At  my  desire  the  Regency  now  ordered  that  Mr  Paxton,  who 
had  been  employed  by  the  Council  in  the  afiair  of  the  Masters, 
might  lay  beH)re  the  Regency  an  accoimt  of  the  deficiency  of  the 
Masters,  showing  to  this  time  what  the  particular  effects  were  that 
.  were  paid  into  9ie  Bank ;  and  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor-General 
were  ordered  to  take  care  that  the  suitors  might  receive  satisfaction 
for  their  several  demands,  lliis  I  did  that  care  might  be  taken  of 
the  suitors  in  Chancery,  and  because  it  was  not  proper  that  I  should 
be  both  judge  and  party ;  that  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor-General 
might  bring  all  things  necessary  before  the  court,  and  might  be  the 
prosecutors  in  this  matter. 

The  Duke  of  Argyle  and  Mr  Walpole  spoke  to  me  to  expedite 
the  Commissions  of  the  Peace  for  the  several  shires  of  Scotland, 
which  commissions,  as  they  said,  had  been  settled  by  Lord  Towns- 
hend  before  he  went  away,  and  sent  to  the  late  Commissioners  of 


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438  KOTES   OS  DOMESTIC  [l726. 

the  SeaL  I  told  them  I  knew  nothing  of  it — nothing  had  been 
said  to  me  about  it. 

16th. — Mr  Scroop  came  to  me  from  Mr  Walpole,  to  let  me  know 
that  the  lists  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  Scotland,  sent  to  the 
Commissioners,  were  by  them  sent  to  the  Crown-office ;  and  Mr 
Pynsent,  Deputy  Clerk  of  the  Crown,  now  brought  the  several  lists 
for  all  the  counties  in  Scotland,  and  the  old  lists,  and  said  that  he 
had  never  received  any  orders  from  the  late  Commissioners  of  the 
Seal  to  make  out  any  commissions  upon  them.  Whilst  we  were 
talking,  the  Master  of  the  Bolls  came  in,  and  he  said  that  all  he 
knew  of  it  was,  that  Mr  Bulkley  brought  these  new  lists  to  him  from 
Lord  Townshend,  without  any  letter  or  order,  and  that  being  but 
two  or  three  days  before  he  closed  up  the  seals,  he  did  nothing 
ui>on  it,  but  sent  them  to  the  Crown-omce.  I  told  Mr  Scroop  that 
this  was  not  the  usual  way  of  putting  in  Justices  of  the  Peace^ 
that  I  would  look  over  the  lists,  but  if  any  were  to  be  left  out  I 
should  first  know  the  reason,  and  whosoever  were  to  be  put  in  I 
would  have  a  recommendation  in  writing  from  the  Lord-Lieutenants, 
desiring  they  might  be  put  in,  and  attesting  their  fitness,  or  from 
some  other  person  of  quality  and  known  integrity.  He  said  Mr 
Stewart  of  the  House  of  Commons  should  wait  on  me  and  give  me 
more  particular  account  of  these  matters,  that  be  himself  was  unao- 
(^uainted  with  them,  but  there  was  a  necessity  for  the  new  commis- 
sions, because  of  levying  the  malt  tax. 

17th. — Mr  Stewart,  a  Scotch  member  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
was  with  me,  and  acquainted  me  that  all  the  lists  of  the  Justices  of 
the  Peace  for  the  several  coimties  of  Scotland  had  been  settled  by 
the  direction  of  Lord  Townshend,  by  Lord  Islay,  with  the  Members 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  that  the  setuing  these  lists  had 
taken  up  three  months'  time.  I  spoke  this  morning  with  the  Mar- 
quis of  Tweedale,  and  showed  him  the  lists  for  Edinburgh,  Had- 
dington, Berwick,  and  Roxburgh ;  he  said  that  no  objection  could 
be  made  to  the  men  put  therein,  only  in  Haddington  he  thought 
some  more  new  names  might  be  added,  but  he  would  not  add  any 
because  he  had  not  been  consulted  in  it,  notwithstanding  which  he 
sent  me  three  names,  which  I  put  into  the  commission  for  Had- 
dington. 

30th. — ^An  express  came  from  General  Wade,  of  a  tumult  that 
had  been  at  Glasgow  on  Ibe  24th,  the  day  the  malt  tax  took  place, 
and  tiiat  among  other  outrages  they  had  puUed  down  Daniel  Camp- 
bell's house  and  gutted  it  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  came  to  the 
seal  where  I  was  then  sitting,  in  the  Liner  Tem))le  hall,  and  ac- 
quainted me  of  it ;  whereupon  I  told  him  my  opinion,  and  desired 
him  to  get  together  that  evening  as  many  of  the  Begency  as  he 
could,  and  to  have  a  general  meetmg  the  next  morning,  and  to  send 
out  notices  accordingly. 


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1726.]  AITD  rOEBIGK  AFFAIES.  439 

July  Ist — ^There  was  a  meetmg  of  the  Regency:  present,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  myself,  Duke  of  Devonshire,  Duke  of  King- 
ston, JDuke  of  Dorset,  Earl  of  Berkley,  Earl  Oodolphin,  Duke  of 
Newcastle.  At  the  meeting,  a  letter,  amongst  others,  from  General 
Wade  was  read,  in  wluch  mere  was  a  passage,  that  if  the  commis- 
sions for  the  justices  of  {>eace  had  been  sent  down,  it  might  have 
been  of  use  to  them  on  this  occasion :  on  which  I  told  the  Kegents, 
that  when  I  had  the  seals  I  found  thirty-one  commissions  of  the 


peace  for  thirty-one  of  the  shires  of  Scotland,  or  rather  lists  of  names 
for  those  commissions,  lying  in  the  Crown-office,  and  I  had  been 
informed  that  there  had  been  lists  likewise  for  the  two  other  shires 


now  missing,  viz.  Peebles  and  Perth.  On  which  Mr  Pynsent,  the 
Deputy  clerK  of  the  Crown,  was  called  in,  and  said  that  the  Lords 
Commissioners  of  the  Great  Seal  had  sent  these  lists  for  the  several 
counties  of  Scotland,  but  had  not  given  any  particular  directions ' 
what  to  do  with  them.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  informed  the  Be* 
gents,  that  the  Earl  of  Islay  had  had  orders  for  a  considerable  time 
oefore  the  Xin^  went  away  to  settle  proper  and  fit  lists  for  the  jus- 
tices of  peace  in  Scotland,  it  bei^  now  proper,  both  for  levying 
the  malt  tax  and  disarming  the  Highlanders,  and  that  such  lists 
had  been  made  and  delivered  to  Lord  Townshend,  who  had  desired 
him  to  see  those  lists  expedited,  and  that  it  was  only  the  hurry  of 
business,  just  as  he  went  away,  that  was  the  occasion  it  had  not 
been  done.  The  Earl  of  Islay,  who  attended  at  my  desire,  was 
called  in,  and  he  gave  an  account  that  several  months  ago  he  re- 
ceived orders  from  the  King,  by  Lord  Townshend,  to  go  through 
the  lists  of  all  the  commissions  of  the  peace  in  Scotlano,  and  setUe 
proper  lists ;  that  to  this  end  he  had  consulted  with  the  parliament- 
men  of  the  several  counties:  that  those  who  were  dead,  or  had 
never  acted,  or  had  no  est&tes  in  the  county,  they  had  left  out  $  that 
this  was  the  common  method  of  such  proceedings,  and  had  added 
men  of  estates  and  character  in  the  respective  counties ;  that  the  list 
took  up  three  months'  time  in  preparing,  and  was  done  with  great 
exactness  and  regard  to  gentlemen.  On  this,  I  told  the  Begency, 
that  though  in  England  the  Great  Seal  would  be  a  little  more  con- 
sulted in  matters  of  this  nature,  yet,  considering  the  urgency  of 
afiairs,  if  their  Excellencies  would  order  me  to  pass  those  commis- 
sions of  the  peace,  as  now  settled,  I  would  do  it  Whereupon  they 
ordered  me  forthwith  to  pass  these  thirty-one  commissions,  and  ako 
the  two  others,  if  the  originals  could  be  recovered  again,  and,  in  de- 
fault thereof,  such  as  the  Earl  of  Islay  should,  from  his  papers,  or 
memory,  or  any  other  way,  recollect.  Whereupon,  I  sent  by  the 
express  that  now  went  to  Scotland  commissions  of  the  peace  for 
Emnburgh,  Haddin^n,  Lanark,  and  Berwick,  and  the  others  I 
ordered  to  be  expedited  as  fast  as  possible. 
24th. — Sir  Robert  Walpole  went  with  me  to  my  house  at  Ockham, 


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440  NOTES   ON  DOMESTIC  [l725. 

and  lodged  there  the  night.  He  entered  into  a  firee  discourse  with 
roe  about  foreign  affairs.  That  whilst  we  had  plenipotentiaries  at 
Cambray,  the  King  of  Spain,  being  provoked  by  the  French  Court 
sending  back  his  daughter,  had  entered  into  a  private  treaty  with 
the  Emperor ;  that  the  Queen  of  Spain,  who  governs  all  there,  was 
unmeasurably  angry  with  France,  and  that  she  was  allured  by  the 
Emperor,  by  a  proposal  that  the  Emperor's  daughter  should  be 
married  to  her  son  Bon  Carlos  ;  that  in  this  point  she  trusted  the 
Emperor,  and,  believing  that  it  would  be  so,  inclined  Spain  to  come 
into  the  treaty,  whereby  the  hereditary  dominions  of  Austria  are 
preserved  in  the  Emperor's  daughters.  That  the  Emper<»  had  in- 
vited us  to  accede  to  this  treaty,  and  so  to  guarantee  the  succession 
for  his  daughters ;  that  to  encourage  us,  he  had  proposed  his  media- 
tion with  Spain  to  settle  all  differences  between  us,  and  particularly 
that  of  Gibraltar  and  Port  Mahon  ;  we  declining  to  enter  into  that 
guarantee,  Spain  had  now  intimated  to  the  King  her  hopes  that  the 
King  would  restore  those  two  places. 

He  likewise  informed  me  of  the  state  of  the  North :  that  the 
Czarina  had  pressed  the  King  of  Sweden  to  let  her  send  her  fleet  to 
Norkoping,  to  be  ready  for  her  design  upon  Denmark  and  Sleswick, 
and  that  he  had  been  likely  to  have  granted  it,  had  not  we  warned 
him  that  if  this  were  suffered,  the  Czarina  would  by  this  means  turn 
him  out  of  his  kingdom,  and  put  it  under  the  dominion  of  the  Duke 
of  Holstein ;  and  that  to  encourage  him  we  were  forced  to  give  him 
£10,000  as  part  of  some  subsidies  that  by  treaty  we  are  to  give 
him  in  case  of  a  war ;  that  now  all  things  were  like  to  be  quiet  on 
that  side. 

He  told  me  also  another  secret :  that  pending  the  design  in  France 
of  sending  back  the  young  Queen  to  Spain,  there  had  been  a  ne- 
gotiation between  the  Princess  and  Count  Broglio,  the  French 
Ambassador,  by  the  intervention  of  the  late  Lady  Darlington*  for 
Princess  Ann  to  be  give)i  in  Marriage  to  the  French  King,  and  that 
the  French  Court  expected  it  hs  a  thing  sure ;  and  for  that  reason, 
at  the  same  time  that  the  Ambassador  notified  the  resolution  of 
sending  the  young  Queen  back,  he  desired  of  the  King  his  grand- 
daughter for  his  master,  but  that  the  King  absolutely  refused  it. 

Another  negotiation  had  lately  been  on  foot  in  relation  to  the  two 
young  Princes,  Frederick*  and  William,  f  The  Prince  J  and  his 
wife§  were  for  excluding  Prince  Frederick  from  the  throne  oi 

•  Afterwards  Frederick  Prince  of  Wales. 
^  t  Afterwards  Duke  of  Cumberland.    This  is  a  very  curious  proof  of  the 
early  hatred  of  George  the  Second  and  Queen  Caroline  to  Frederick  Prince 
of  Wales.    It  would  have  been  fortunate  if  the  separation  of  Hanover  from 
England  had  taken  place  then  or  at  any  time,  by  fair  means,  or  by  any  means. 

X  The  then  Prince  of  Wales,  afterwards  George  the  Second. 

4  The  Princess  of  Wales,  afterwards  Queen  Caroline. 


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1726.]  AND   FOEEIGN  APFAIES.  441 

England ;  but  that,  after  the  King  and  .Prince,  he  should  be  Elector 
of  Hanover,  and  Prince  William  King  of  Great  Britain :  but  that 
the  King  said  it  was  unjust  to  do  it  without  Prince  Frederick's  con- 
sent, who  was  now  of  age  to  judge  for  himself ;  and  so  this  matter 
now  stood.  But  that  Sir  Bobert  Walpole  had  told- the  King,  that  if 
he  did  not  in  his  life-time  bring  over  Prince  Frederick,  he  would 
never  set  his  foot  on  English  ground ;  so  that  he  did  not  know 
whether  the  King,  when  he  returned  from  Hanover,  would  not  bring 
that  Prince  with  him. 

26th. — ^Received  by  Lord  Townshend  from  the  BLing  a  warrant  to 
pass  a  commission  under  the  Great  Seal  to  Lord  Townshend  to  ...  ^ 
treat  and  contract  with  such  princes  and  states  as  the  King  should 
direct,  which  I  accordingly  passed  under  the  Great  Seal. 

29th. — The  Duke  of  Newcastle  was  with  me  to  explain  the  mean- 
ing of  the  commission  to  Lord  Townshend,  which  was,  that  the 
Emperor  and  King  of  Spain  being  now  in  strict  amity,  there  was  a 
necessity  to  enter  into  a  league  with  other  powers  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  Europe ;  that  France  and  the  King  of  Sardinia  were  ready, 
and  it  was  hoped  that  the  Protestant  Princes  of  the  Empire  and 
Holland  would  likewise  come  into  it. 

Aug.  11th. — At  Sir  Robert  Walpole'sj  dined  there  with  Lord 
Harcourt  and  Lord  Trevor.  The  end  of  our  dinine  there  was  to 
consider  what  was  fit  to  be  done  with  Lord  Macclesfield's  £30,000, 
We  all  agreed  that,  till  the  deficiency  was  known,  there  could  not  be 
any  distnbution ;  and  therefore  the  safest  way  would  be  to  lend  this 
£30,000  upon  the  land-tax,  and  so  it  would  carry  interest,  and 
liiat  interest  might  go  to  the  credit  of  the  suitors,  in  aid  of  the  defi- 
ciency. 

12th. — ^At  a  Regency,  some  of  the  Regents  being  then  gone,  Mr 
.8troop  bringing  a  warrant  from  the  Lords  Justices  to  sign  for 
striking  £30,000  land-tax  tallies  to  Holford  and  Lovibono,  two 
of  tiie  masters,  for  the  use  of  the  suitors,  to  be  disposed  of  as  the 
Court  of  Chancery  should  direct,  myself.  Lord  Dorset,  Lord  Har^ 
eourt,  and  Sir  R.  Walpole  signed  the  said  warrant  to  the  Treasury 
for  that  purpose.  But  at  the  Regency  the  week  after,  this  was  al- 
tered, because  it  was  said  that  the  first  intimation  must  come  from 
the  Court  of  Chancery ;  and  thereon,  on  the  motion  of  the  Attorney- 
General,  an  order  of  Court  was  made  that  the  Treasury  should  be 
desired  to  issue  the  £30,000  fine,  paid  in  by  the  Earl  of  Maccles- 
field, to  Holford  and  Thruston,  the  senior  and  junior  Masters,  to 
be  by  them  lent  on  the  land  tax,  &c.,  for  the  benefit  of  the  suitors. 

In  the  month  of  August,  I  drew  up  an  order  for  obliging  the 
Masters  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  to  pay  their  money  into  tne  Bank 
according  to  the  order  of  the  26th  May,  1725,  reciting  or  confirming 
the  said  order,  with  additions  and  explanations ;  the  Master,  of  the 
Rolls  intimating  by  the  Attorney-General  that  he  was  willing  to 


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442  K0TE8  OK  DOMESTIC  [l726. 

join  with  me  therein.  I  drew  up  the  order  to  be  made  by  the  ad- 
vice and  assistance  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  adding  the  Usher  to 
the  same  regulations  as  the  Masters'  were,  and  prescribing  his  fees. 
Sent  it  by  the  Attorney-General  to  the  Master,  then  at  Belbar. 
The  Attorney-General  brought  back  the  order  amended,  or  agreed 
to  by  the  Master  of  the  Rolls ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  told  me 
that,  since  he  came  from  him,  he  understood  the  Usher  had  been 
with  him,  and  that  he  now  wrote  to  him  to  desire  me  to  suspend 
the  order  about  the  Usher.  I  told  him  this  was  an  indefinite  sus- 
pension. I  thought  the  order  was  necessary  for  the  Master  and 
the  Usher  together ;  but  inasmuch  as  the  Usher  was  of  his  nomina- 
tion, if  he  would  ^ve  it  me  under  his  hand,  that  he  was  his  officer, 
and  it  was  his  business  to  look  after  him,  so  that  he  would  take  it 
upon  him  to  see  that  office  duly  executed,  I  might  suspend  it  for 
some  time,  till  further  consideration  could  be  had  thereof^  This 
was  about  the  26th  or  27th  of  August,  on  one  of  which  days  I  went 
to  Ockham,  and  did  not  return  to  London  till  Wednesday  night, 
the  8th  of  September.  Thursday  morning,  the  9th  of  September, 
Mr  Floyd,  his  Secretary,  delivered  me  a  letter  from  him,  dated  at 
Belbar,  1st  of  September,  1725,  whereby  he  declares  that  he  will 
prevent  as  much  as  he  can  the  Usher  submitting  to  any  such  order. 

Sept.  7th. — Tuesday  night  a  messenger  came  to  me  from  Mr 
Delafaye,  with  ten  instruments  from  Hanover,  with  the  King's 
warrant,  countersigned  by  Lord  Townshend,  to  fix  the  Great  Seal 
to  them  ;  five  of  the  instruments  were, — 1st,  the  treaty  entered  into 
by  the  Kings  of  England,  France,  and  Prussia ;  2nd,  the  first  se* 
parate  article ;  3rd,  the  second  separate  article ;  4tli,  a  tlurd  separate 
article ;  5th,  a  secret  article.  The  other  five  instruments  were 
duplicates  of  the  same  to  be  executed  by  the  King  of  France.  I 
returned  back  word  by  the  messenger  that  I  was  coming  to  town, 
and  would  there  do  what  was  necessary. 

8th. — ^Wednesday,  at  night,  I  came  to  town.  The  Duke  of  Somer- 
set came  to  me,  and  I  asked  him,  when  he  was  in  the  Regencyi 
and  the  King  abroad,  as  had  happened  in  Kin^  William's  time, 
and  the  King  made  a  treaty  abroad,  whether  this  were  communi* 
cated  to  the  Regency  or  Council  here  ?  or  whether,  upon  tlie  SLing^s 
warrant  from  beyond  the  sea,  the  Great  Seal  was  affixed  to  them 
here  ?  He  said  it  was  always  the  custom,  on  the  King^s  warrant, 
for  the  Chancellor  to  affix  the  Great  Seal.  The  next  day,  Mr 
Delafaye  told  me  this  was  always  the  custom,  and  that  it  would  be 
absurd  to  lay  them  before  the  Regency,  because  the  King  had 
agreed  and  signed  them  already.  I  therefore  put  the  Great  Seal 
to  them,  September  9th,  in  the  evening. 

9th. — ^In  the  morning,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  came  to  me,  and 
showed  me  a  letter  from  Lord  Townshend,  that  the  King  and  peo- 
ple there  were  very  apprehensive  that  the  Spaniards  were  about  to 


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1725.]  JlJUD  rOEEiaK  AJTAIBS.  443 

strike  a  blow  against  us,  and  that  they  intended  to  seize  our  mer- 
chants' effects,  and  therefore  desired  that  he  would  speak  to  me, 
and  such  other  of  the  Kind's  ministers  as  he  and  Sir  Robert  Walpole 
should  think  fit,  to  consider  how  to  be  ready  against  such  an  oc- 
casion. He  suggested  that  it  would  be  proper  to  have  fifteen  or 
sixteen  men-of-war  ready,  with  bombs,  boats,  &c.  &c.,  so  that  if  we 
had  our  merchants'  goods  seized,  immediately  to  go  and  demand, 
and  in  case  of  refusal,  to  compel  restitution ;  to  do  as  had  been 
done  in  Wingfield's  case  in  Portugal ;  and  on  this  he  desired  me, 
after  the  Regency  was  over,  to  dine  at  Sir  Robert  Walpole's :  and 
accordingly  mere  dined  there  with  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  Earl  of  Berkeley,  Earl  Godolphin,  myself,  and  Mr 
Delafaye.  The  occasion  of  this,  the  apprehension  of  Lord  Towns- 
hend,  that  it  appeared  plainly  that  the  Emperor  was  at  the  bottom 
of  all  this  management  of  Spain ;  that  when  the  Emperor  and  Spain 
made  their  private  treaty,  the  Emperor  proposed  to  us  to  accede  to 
that  treaty,  which  the  King  refused,  it  being  made  without  his  par- 
ticipation ;  and,  in  truth,  it  was  so,  guaranteeing  an  unknown  suc- 
cession to  the  House  of  Austria.  The  Emperor,  at  the  same  time, 
offered  his  mediation  to  make  up  all  differences  between  the  Kinff 
and  Spain.  The  King  thanked  mm,  but  told  him  he  knew  of  no  di^ 
ferences  but  such  as,  considering  the  friendship  then  between  them, 
might  be  terminated  among  themselves,  without  the  intervention 
of  any  other  Prince.  Some  short  time  after,  the  Queen  of  Spain 
let  Mi  Stanhope,  our  envoy  there,  know  that  the  King  of  Spain 
expected  that  Gibraltar  and  Minorca  should  be  delivered  up ;  and 
the  like  was  repeated  in  another  interview  between  him  a^  the 
King  and  the  Queen  of  Spain.  He  then  asked  whether,  if  this  were 
not  Qone,  the  friendship  between  them  was  to  be  determined  P  They 
said.  No,  but  hoped  that  the  King,  considering  the  advantages  he 
had  bv  trade  and  otherwise  from  Spain,  would  make  no  scruple  of  it. 
A  little  after  he  was  gone  from  theKing  and  Queen,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  the  Marquis  de  Grimaldi,  let  him  know  by  letter,  that  what- 
ever friendship  the  King  and  Queen  had  exhibited  to  Great  Britain, 
it  was  still  to  be  taken  with  liie  condition  that  Gibraltar  was  re- 
stored. Some  time  after.  Stanhope  went  to  Court,  to  desire  an 
explanation  of  this  letter,  and  when  it  was  they  expected  the  re- 
storation ?  The  Queen  said  presto,  bien  tot  bien  vtte.  dtanhope  said 
that  was  impossible,  it  could  not  be  done  till  the  Parliament  met, 
which  could  not  be  held  during  the  King^s  absence.  She  replied 
that  the  Kin^  might  go  over  on  purpose  to  hold  the  Parliament, 
that  the  Parhament  would  be  all  for  it.  He  told  her  that  she  would 
find  herself  deceived  in  such  information,  and  that  his  orders  were, 
to  declare  positively  that  the  King  of  England  thought  those  places 
were  secured  to  him  by  treaty,  and  that  neither  he  nor  the  Parlia- 
ment would  give  them  up.    This,  we  afterwards  found,  was  set  on 


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444  WOTES   ON   DOMESTIC  [l786. 

foot  by  the  Emperor,  who  had  prevailed  over  the  passion  of  the 
Queen  of  Spain,  on  her  disappointment  in  France,  and  on  promise 
to  marry  Dan  Carlos  to  one  of  his  daughters.  Things  running  thus 
BO  high,  occasioned  the  speculations  of  Lord  Townshend  in  ms  let- 
ter. But  this  morning,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  received  a  letter 
from  Mr  Stanhope,  wherein  the  Queen  of  Spain  expressed  herself 
now  in  another  manner,  and  that  she  did  not  mean  that  the  restitution 
should  be  done  instantly,  but  hoped  the  King,  in  friendship,  would 
find  out  some  way  to  restore  it  to  the  throne  of  Spain.  That  he  told 
her  it  was  impossible  ever  to  hope  England  would  give  up  Gibraltar, 
at  least  not  without  some  satisfaction :  she  asked  what  satisfaction  ? 
he  said  he  had  no  orders  to  offer  any  such  thing,  or  any  instruction 
about  it ;  but  possibly,  if  they  would  offer  the  free  cutting  of  log- 
wood in  the  bay  of  Campeachy,  some  advantages  for  the  South  Sea 
Company  in  point  of  trade,  the  continuance  of  the  Assciento,  it 
might  be  considered  of.  We  all  now  present  thought  that  Mr  Stan- 
hope had  gone  too  far.  But,  however,  it  appeared  that  Spain  began 
now  to  explain  away  those  demands,  which  might  possibly  arise 
from  the  apprehension  of  their  inability  to  go  into  a  war  with 
England  and  France.  However,  we  all  were  of  opinion  that  there 
should  not  be  any  present  preparation  made  of  any  ships,  because 
that  would  alarm  our  own  people  here  at  home  too  much  ;  that  it 
was  very  probable  this  would  blow  over,  but  that  if  it  did  not,  and 
if  any  seizure  should  be  made  of  our  merchants'  ships,  the  Earl  of 
Berluey  said  he  would  engage  to  have  fifteen  men-of-war  well 
manned  immediately,  when  there  should  be  occasion :  and  we  were 
of  opinion  that  on  any  act  of  hostility  commenced  by  Spain,  we 
should  immediately,  without  more  ado,  make  reprisals. 

The  reason  of  this  triple  alliance  between  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Prussia  was,  as  I  take  it,  this,  llie  Emperor,  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  Kings  of  France  or  Great  Britain,  who  were  the 
mediators  at  Cambray,  unknown  to  them,  clapped  up  a  peace  with 
Spain,  the  general  contents  of  which  peace  were  to  settle  the  suc- 
cession of  Tuscany,  Parma,  &c.,  in  Dan  Carlos,  according  to  the 
quadruple  alliance,  to  secure  the  succession  of  the  hereditary  coun- 
tries of  the  Empire  in  his  daughters.  We  understood  that  there 
were  secret  articles  relating  to  the  Ostend  company,  to  give  them  a 
privilege  of  sending  ships  to  the  South  Sea,  and  that  the  Emperor 
would  take  upon  him  to  mediate  all  differences  between  the  Courts 
of  Spain  and  Great  Britain.  By  which  was  understood,  the 
Eitaperor's  interposing  to  obtain  the  restitution  to  Spain  of  Gibral- 
tar and  Minorca ;  and  the  Queen  of  Spain  was  promised  by  the 
Emperor  that  Don  Carlos  should  marry  the  eldest  daughter  of  the 
Emperor,  and  that  he  should  be  sent  to  Vienna,  to  be  there  educated 
in  the  German  manner.  By  this  method  there  was  a  prospect  of 
bringing  the  three  greatest  monarchies  of  Europe  and  Italy  into  one 


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1726.]  AKD   FOEEIGK  AFFAIES.  445 

hand.  Don  Carlos  would,  by  this  means,  have  Italy,  and  by  his 
marriage  the  Asturian  hereditary  dominions — whosoever  had  these 
would  be  fair  for  the  Empire.  The  Prince  of  Asturias  is  hectical, 
and  if  jie  should  drop  Don  Carlos  would  have  Spain.  If  the  present 
King  of  France  should  die  without  issue,  Don  Carlos,  likewise,  then 
would  have  title  to  France ;  and  if  all  or  two  of  these  govern- 
ments should  unite  in  one  jjerson,  it  would  be  formidable  to  Europe. 

The  Queen  of  Spain,  being  under  great  resentment  for  sendmg 
back  the  Infanta  Queen,  was  worked  upon  by  the  Emperor,  under 
the  view  of  this  marriage  of  Don  Carlos,  to  do  whatever  the  Emperor 
desired.  The  Emperor,  as  we  understood,  put  the  Spaniar(w  on 
demanding  Gibraltar  and  Minorca,  and  promised  to  manage  it  so  as 
that  they  should  accomplish  the  obtaining  it. 

When  Coimt  Staremberg  notified  this  peace  to  the  King,  and 
offered  the  Emperor's  mediation  to  make  up  the  differences  between 
•Great  Britain  and  Spain,  the  King  told  him  he  was  very  glad  that 
the  peace  was  made  between  them,  especially  since  the  terms  for  the 
main  were  the  same  as  the  mediator  Kings  had  proposed  at  Cam- 
bray,  but  that  as  for  any  differences  between  him  and  Spain  he 
knew  of  none,  and  so  there  was  no  need  of  any  mediation. 

In  the  mean  time  Mr  Stanhope,  our  envoy  at  Madrid,  was  given 
to  understand,  both  by  the  King  and  Queen,  that  they  expected  the 
King  should  give  up  Gibraltar  and  Minorca,  and  do  it  speedily. 
And  when  he  remonstrated  to  them  that  the  King  could  not  do  it 
without  his  Parliament,  and  a  Parliament  could  not  now  be  called 
the  King  being  beyond  sea,  the  Queen  said  that  it  was  worth  the 
King's  while  to  come  over  on  purpose  to  hold  a  Parliament ;  that 
she  was  sure,  as  soon  as  it  was  proposed,  the  Parliament  would 
unanimously  give  it  up,  rather  than  lose  the  advantages  of  trade 
they  now  enjoyed  from  Spain.  Mr  Stanhope  told  her  she  was  mis- 
informed, and  that  the  Kmg  could  not  give  it  up. 

The  Emperor's  ministers  were  exceedingly  elated  upon  this  peace, 
and  could  not  forbear  publicly  declaring  that  now,  havmg  established 
peace  with  Spain,  and  made  their  alliance,  they  should  be  able  to 
manage  the  Protestants  in  Germany,  and  get  the  Empire  and  other 
princes  to  guarantee  this  succession.  This  obliged  the  Kings  of 
Great  Britam,  Frsmce,  and  Prussia,  to  enter  into  this  treaty,  with 
liberty  to  other  princes  to  accede. 

Thursday,  March  10,  1726. — At  the  desire  of  Lord  Townshend  I 
was  this  evening  at  the  Duke  of  Devonshire's,  with  the  said  Lord 
and  Duke,  the  Dukes  of  Argyle  and  Newcastle,  and  Sir  Robert 
Walpole,  where  the  Lord  Townshend  acquainted  us,  that  when  he 
came  from  Hanover  with  the  King,  as  he  was  at  Helvoetslues, 
Major-General  Diemar,  agent  from  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  had 
made  a  proposition  to  him  in  writing  to  furnish  the  King  with  8000 
foot  and  4000  horse,  upon  certain  terms  in  the  said  writmg  con- 


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446  NOTES  07  DOMESTIC  [l726. 

tained ;  but  inasmuch  as  he  had  not  then  the  express  direction  of 
the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  he  expressed  it  so  in  the  writing,  and  that 
these  terms  were  subject  to  the  approbation  of  the  Landgrave ;  that 
since  the  King  came  over,  the  Landgrave  had  sent  a  ratification  in 
form,  which  was  then  produced,  and  that  the  King  thought  it 
reasonable  to  accept  this  proposaL  None  present  could  declare  an 
opinion  to  the  contrary,  but  agreed  it  to  be  reasonable,  because  the 
King  being  by  the  treaty  at  Hanover  obliged,  in  case  of  an  attack  on 
any  of  the  allies,  to  furnish  8000  foot  and  4000  horse,  here  they 
would  by  this  means  be  ready,  and  would  be  a  satisfaction  to  the 
King  of  Prussia  and  to  Holland,  who  were  both  desirous  to  know 
where  these  men  would  be  in  case  of  a  rupture.  Then  the  method 
of  the  ratitication,  or  acceptance  of  this  declaration  of  the  Landgrave 
was  proposed  to  me,  because  Lord  Townshend  had  brought  the 
draught  of  a  warrant  under  the  sign:  manual,  countersigned  by  him- 
self as  secretary,  purporting  the  proposition  of  Diemar,  and  the 
ratification  by  the  Landgrave ;  after  which  followed  the  King's  ap- 
probation and  ratification  under  the  Great  Seal.  This  I  thought  was 
not  the  usual  and  legal  form,  because  there  was  no  minister  of  the 
King's  to  treat  with  Diemar,  and  so  would  be  in  efiect  a  treaty  made 
by  the  Great  Seal  only.  Lord  Townshend  said  that  this  was  only  a 
declaration  under  the  Landgrave's  seal,  and  that  after  he  had  ratified 
no  minister  could  set  his  hand  to  it,  because  that  would  put  the 
minister  on  an  equality  with  a  Sovereign  Prince ;  and  therefore  the 
other  Prince  only  must  ratify :  and  that  this  was  not  properly  a 
treaty,  but  only  a  declaration  by  the  Landgrave,  on  what  terms  he 
would  furnish  the  King  with  so  many  soldiers,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  more  to  do  than  for  the  King  to  show  his  approbation  by  a 
ratffication  under  the  Great  SeaL  1  thought  that  the  form  of  tiis 
instrument  made  no  alteration  in  the  substance,  and  that  this  was 
really  nothing  else  than  a  treaty,  and  that  there  was  no  instance 
where  ever  the  Great  Seal  made  a  treaty  by  itself,  or  ratified  a  treaty 
which  was  not  first  agreed  to  by  some  minister  or  commissioner. 
And  thereupon  it  was  agreed  that  inquiry  should  be  made  in  the 
Secretary's  office,  whether  there  had  been  anything  of  this  nature 
before ;  and,  on  inquiry  the  next  day,  it  being  found  tiiere  was  none 
such,  it  was  agreed  that  Diemar  and  Lord  Townshend  should  both 
mutually  sign  the  agreement  by  way  of  treaty,  and  that  after  such 
signing,  the  ratification  should  pass  according  to  the  usual  forms. 
And  I  having  hinted  to  Lord  Townshend  that,  when  I  was  to  be 
concerned  in  the  conclusion  of  an  affair,  it  was  but  reasonable  that 
I  should  know  the  beginning  and  the  progress,  he  did  the  12th  of 
March  send  to  me  inclosed  the  copy  of  mis  matter,  drawn  up  in 
form  of  a  treaty  between  him  and  Diemar. 

Thursday  in  Easter  week,  14th  April,  I  was  at  Ockham,  where 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  sent  me  by  a  messenger  the  copies  of  Ad- 


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1726.]  AND   rOBEIGK  AFFAIES.  447 

miral  Hosior's  instructions  for  the  "West  Indies,  and  of  Sir  Charles 
Wager's  for  the  Baltic.  Hosier  was  at  this  time  sailed,  and  "Wager 
sail^  a  little  after,  but  before  this  time  I  never  saw  the  instructions, 
nor  was  acquainted  with  them. 

June  20tn. — ^The  Duke  of  Newcastle  communicated  to  me  the  in- 
formation given  by  Mr  Keene,  the  15th  instant,  to  the  Duke,  of 
the  discoveries  made  to  Mr  Stanhope  in  Spain  by  the  Duke  of 
Kipperda.  After  ^e  Duke  of  Ripperda's  disgrace  he  sheltered 
himself  in  Mr  Stanhope's  house,  and,  whilst  there,  made  such  dis- 
coveries to  Mr  Stannope  that  he  did  not  think  fit  to  send  in 
vmting,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  those  who  might 
make  an  ill  use  of  them,  therefore  sent  Mr  Keene  to  acquaint  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  with  them  by  word  of  mouth,  that  so  he  might 
lay  them  before  the  King. 

The  account  that  Mr  Keene  gave  was,  that  Mr  Stanhope  having 
pressed  the  Duke  of  Kipperda  to  inform  him  of  the  schemes  that 
had  been  projected  or  agreed  to  by  the  Emperor  and  King  of  Spain, 
either  with  rep^ani  to  the  state  of  Europe  in  general,  or  to  His  Ma* 
jest)r*s  a£Eairs  m  particular,  the  Duke  began  with  the  secret  treaty 
of  Vienna,*  consisting  of  five  articles,  and  three  separate  ones,  the 
substance  of  which  he  dictated  to  Mr  Stanhope,  who  took  them 
down  in  writing  with  his  own  hand,  and  are  as  follows. 

Abt.  1.  con&ms  and  ratifies  all  preceding  treaties  made  between 
their  Imperial  and  Catholic  Majesties. 

2.  The  Emperor  gives  the  eldest  Archduchess  in  marriage  to  the 
Infant  Don  Carlos. 

3.  The  second  Archduchess  is  given  to  the  Infifnt  Don  Philip. 

4.  The  Emperor  and  King  of  Spain  enter  into  reciprocal  engage- 
ments to  begin  a  war  for  reconquering  the  Duchy  of  Burgunay, 
Franche  Comte,  Alsace,  and  all  the  French  conquests  in  Flanders 
and  encroachments  on  Lorraine,  Navarre,  Roussillon,  Petite  Sar- 
daigne,  which  are  to  be  divided  after  the  following  manner.  Bur- 
gundy, Franche  Comt§,  Alsace,  and  aU  that  formerly  belonged  to 
the  House  of  Austria,  is  to  be  settled  upon  Don  Carlos,  and  looked 
upon  as  the  Austrian  patrimony :  Lorraine  is  to  be  restored  to  its 
Duke :  and  Navarre,  Roussillon,  and  La  Petite  Sardaigne,  to  be  re- 
united to  the  Spanish  Monarchy. 

5.  The  Emperor  and  King  of  Spain  do  mutually  oblige  them- 
selves and  posterity,  never  to  give  an  Archduchess  or  Infanta  in 
marriage  to  the  House  of  Bouroon  in  France. 

1.  Separate  article — That  in  case  the  present  King  of  France 

•  The  particulars  of  this  secret  treaty  of  Vienna,  related  bv  Ripperda 
are  curious,  and  almost  incredible ;  they  rest  on  the  veracity  oi  Eipperda, 
Kipperda  was  an  adventurer ;  bom  a  Dutchman,  he  became  a  Spanish 
minister,  and  at  last  retired  to  Morocco,  where  he  died,  having  attempted 
to  establish  a  new  religion. 


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448  BTOTES   OK  DOMESTIC  [iTStf. 

should  die  without  issue  to  inherit  that  Crown,  the  Infant  Don  Philip 
is  to  be  King  of  France. 

2.  The  Emperor  and  King  of  Spain  do  solemnly  engage  to  assist 
the  Pretender  with  their  forces,  in  order  to  the  putting  him  in  pos- 
session of  the  throne  of  Grreat  Britain. 

3.  Is  a  reciprocal  engagement  between  the  Emperor  and  King  of 
Spain  utterly  to  extirpate  the  Protestant  religion,  and  not  to  lay 
down  their  arms  till  this  design  be  fully  and  ejectually  executed. 

None  of  the  King  of  Spaiirs  Ministers  besides  himself  knew  this 
treaty,  and  that  it  had  not  been  communicated  to  any  person  what- 
soever, except  the  Emperor,  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  and  the 
Ministers  who  signed  it. 

His  Catholic  Majesty  was  so  earnest  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
Protestant  religion,  that  in  the  several  letters  that  had  passed 
directly  between  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Emperor  upon  this 
subject,  the  King  proposed,  in  case  of  necessity,  to  see  the  domains 
of  his  throne  put  up  grandezaa  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  dispose  of 
all  the  employments  for  life  in  the  Indias  to  the  best  purchaser,  for 
promoting  this  scheme ;  and  in  one  of  his  own  'letters  he  makes 
use  of  these  extraordinary  expressions,  "Je  vendrai  meme  ma 
chemise." 

July  28th. — Received  the  King's  orders  by  the  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
to  make  Ric.  Edgecombe,  Esq.  cmtos  rotulorum  of  the  County  of 
Cornwall. 

Received  also  a  sign  manual  to  put  the  Great  Seal  to  the  power 
to  Lord  Glenorchy,  envoy  in  Denmark,  to  treat  with  foreign  princes. 


Wednesday,  June  14th,  1727. — About  five  in  the  evening,  I  had 
a  letter  from  Sir  R.  Walpole,  informing  me  that  the  King  was  dead, 
and  desiring  me  to  meet  him  immediately  at  the  Duke  of  Devon- 
shire's. 

I  went  there  immediately,  and  found  that  Sir  R.  Walpole,  on  re- 
ceipt of  the  news  from  Lord  Townshend,  had  instantly  gone  to 
Richmond,  and  acquainted  the  Prince  with  it,  and  that  thereupon 
the  Prince  had  resolved  to  be  in  town  as  fast  as  he  could  that  even- 
ing. In  the  mean  time  we  prepared,  by  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor- 
General,  the  draft  for  proclaiming  the  King,  Eind  settled  the  other 
things  necessary  to  be  done.  Tne  King,  in  the  mean  time,  came 
to  town,  and  sent  us  word  that  he  was  ready,  whenever  we  were 
ready  to  wait  on  him.  Accordingly,  we  who  were  at  the  Duke  of 
Devonshire's,  except  the  Duke  himself,  who  had  the  gout,  went  to 
Leicester-House,  and  there  being  joined  by  several  others  of 
the  nobility,  we  sent  in  to  the  King  to  desire  an  audience :  and  al- 
though the  Archbishop  was  present,  yet  I  made  a  short  speech  to 
the  King,  according  to  agreement,  setting  out  the  great  sorrow  we 


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1727.]  AKD   FOBEIGN  AFFAIBS.  449 

were  under  by  the  unexpected  death  of  the  late  King,  and  that 
nothing  could  relieve  or  mitigate  it,  but  the  certain  prospect  of 
happiness  under  his  future  administration ;  and  that  being  now  be- 
come our  lieee  lord,  we  desired  leave  to  withdraw  into  the  Council- 
chamber,  to  draw  up  a  form  of  a  proclamation  for  proclaiming  him, 
and  to  sign  it  as  usual ;  which  being  granted,  we  retired  into  the 
Council-chamber,  and  there  Hie  form,  which  we  had  before  agreed 
m>on,  was  produced,  engrossed,  and  thereon  all  the  Lords  of  the 
Council  then  present  first  sign^  it  Then  the  doors  were  opened, 
and  the  peers  in  the  outer  room  were  desired  to  walk  in  and  sign 
it,  which  they  did ;  then  it  was  delivered  to  the  gentlemen  in  me 
outer  room  to  sign  as  many  as  they  pleased.  And  after  it  had  been 
some  time  out,  the  Lords  of  the  Council  sent  for  the  parchment, 
which  being  returned,  secret  intimation  was  given  to  the  Kin^  that 
the  Council  were  ready  to  receive  him.  Whereon  he  immediately 
came  in,  and  seating  himself  in  the  royal  chair,  he  there  read  the 
declaration,  that  was  printed  at  the  desire  of  the  Lords  of  the 
Council :  it  had  been  prepared  at  the  Duke  of  Devonshire's,  by  Sir 
R.  Walpole  and  liie  Speaker.  After  that,  orders  were  given  for  the 
proclaiming  of  the  Sing  the  next  morning  at  ten  o*clock,  and 
several  other  orders  of  course  were  made,  which  are  to  be  seen  in 
the  Coimcil-book,  particularly  one  for  proroguing  the  Parliament, 
being  now,  by  reason  of  the  king's  demise,  immediately  to  meet. 

Thursday,  15th.— A  little  after  ten,  I  came  to  Leicester-House, 
and  the  Heralds  and  all  being  ready,  about  eleven,  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  myself,  and  ouier  Lords,  went  into  the  yard  before 
Leicester-House,  and  there  the  Heralds  proclaimed  the  King,  we 
being  there  on  foot  uncovered.  As  soon  as  that  was  done,  we  went 
into  our  respective  coaches,  and  in  the  street  before  Leicester-House 
the  King  was  again  proclaimed.  From  thence  we  went  and  pro- 
claimed him  at  Charmg-Cross,  Temple-Bar,  the  comer  of  Wood- 
street,  and  the  Koyal  Exchange. 

After  that  I  came  home,  and  about  four  o'clock  got  to  the  House 
of  Lords,  where  the  Parliament  met,  and  all  the  Lords  present  tak- 
ing the  oaths,  I  then  informed  the  House  that  I  had  a  commission 
from  the  Kin^  to  prorogue  the  Parliament  to  the  27th  instant,  which 
was  the  day  it  stood  prorogued  to  in  the  late  King's  time.  And 
thereon  the  Lords  Commissioners  seated  themselves  as  usual  in  such 
cases,  and  on  messajg^  by  the  Usher  of  the  Black  Rod,  the  Speaker 
and  Commons,  coming  to  the  bar,  the  commission  was  read,  and  I 
declared  the  Parliament  prorogued  to  the  27th  inst 

From  hence  I  went  to  Leicester-House,  a  Council  being  appointed 
this  evening,  and  there  several  other  orders  were  made,  wnich  had 
been  omitted  the  evening  before,  and  particularly  the  same  pro- 
clamation, which  had  been  issued  out  upon  the  death  of  Queen 
Anne,  on  the  foundation  of  the  act  Sexto  JnnOy  for  continuing 

2  o 


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450  NOTES   ON  DOMESTIC  [l727. 

persons  in  their  offices,  and  requiring  them  to  take  the  oaths, 
according  to  the  said  act. 

Friday,  16th. — A  Council  in  the  evening,  wherein  I  delivered  up 
tlie  Seais  to  the  King,  who  re-delivered  them  to  me  as  Chancellor, 
and  thereon  I  was  sworn  Chancellor  in  Council. 

Saturday,  17th. — I  was  sworn  Chancellor  in  the  Chancery  Court 
in  Westmmster-Hall,  and  this  day  I  swore  all  the  Judges  de  novo, 
and  the  King's  Council,  and  some  of  the  Welsh  Judges,  pursuant 
to  the  Act  of  Parliament,  Sexto  Anna. 

Sunday,  18th. — ^Beceived  the  Sacrament  at  Ockham,  to  qualify 
myself. 

Tuesday,  20th. — ^Took  the  oaths  in  the  King's  Bench ;  went  to 
Kensington,  and  presented  the  Judges,  both  English  and  Welsh, 
Masters  in  Chancery,  and  the  Kings  Council,  who  all  kissed  the 
King's  and  Queen's  hands. 

Saturday,  24th. — ^At  a  Cabinet  Council  at  Lord  Townshend's  office, 
the  King's  speech  settled.  There  then  arose  a  question,  whether 
the  King  was  to  take  the  test  on  his  first  coming  to  Parliament  next 
Tuesday,  and  the  Lords  desired  me  to  look  into  that  matter,  and  I 
promised  them  to  do  it  by  Monday  morning,  and  lay  what  I  could 
nnd  before  them,  for  their  determination. 

Monday,  26th. — At  Lord  Townshend's  in  the  morning,  where  were 
present  Harcourt,  Trevor,  Walpole,  Newcastle,  the  Sp^er,  Towna- 
hend,  Godolphin,  and  myself,  and  I  stated  the  matter  to  them. 

*^  That  by  the  first  Gm.  et  Mar.  c.  2,  an  Act  declaring  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  subject,  and  settling  the  succession  of  the  Crown, 
it  is  enacted,  That  every  King  and  Queen  of  this  realm  shall,  on 
the  first  day  of  the  meeting  of  the  first  Parliament  next  after  his  or 
her  coming  to  the  Crown,  sitting  m  his  or  her  throne,  in  the  House 
of  Peers,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  therein  assem- 
bled, or  at  his  or  her  coronation,  which  shall  first  happen,  make  and 
subscribe  the  declaration,  &c." 

As  this  Act  stood,  there  could  be  no  doubt  when  this  declaration 
was  to  be  made,  viz.  at  the  coronation,  or  on  the  first  day  of  the 
meeting  of  the  first  Parliament,  which  should  first  happen ;  that  at 
this  time  the  Parliament  determined  by  the  demise  of  the  King, 
and  therefore  the  first  Parliament  could  not  be  meant,  but  of  the 
first  Parliament  called  by  him,  and  the  first  day  of  the  meeting  is 
the  day  when  the  King  comes  to  the  House  of  Lords  and  opens  the 
Parliament,  and  declares  the  causes  of  the  meeting,  4  Inst.  7. 

That  afterwards,  by  the  7  et  8  Qui.  c.  16,  it  was  enacted.  That 
that  Parliament,  or  any  other  Parliament  which  should  be  sum- 
moned by  King  William,  his  heirs  or  successors,  should  not  deter- 
mine  or  he  dissolved  by  the  death  or  demise  of  the  said  King,  Ins 
heirs  or  successors,  but  stich  Parliament  should  continue^  and  was 
thereby  impowered  and  required  immediately  to  meet,  convene,  and 


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1727.]  AND   rOBEIGN  AITAIBS.  461 

sit,  and  to  act,  notwithstanding  such  death  or  demise,  for  six  months 
and  no  longer,  unless  the  same  should  be  sooner  prorogued  or  dis- 
solved by  the  next  heir  to  the  Crown  in  succession,  according  to  the 
first  Gul.  et  Mar.  c.  2.  Though  the  enacting  part  of  the  said  Act 
be  general,  extending  to  the  death  or  demises  of  all  future  Kings, 
yet  the  restriction  of  determining  the  continuance  within  the  six 
months  being  appropriated  only  to  those  who  were  within  the  limit- 
ation of  the  Crown,  by  the  first  Gul.  et  Mar.  c.  2,  shows  that  the 
intention  of  the  legislature  was,  this  Act  should  extend  no  further 
than  to  the  persons  inheriting  the  Crown  imder  the  limitation  of  the 
said  Act 

12  et  13  Gul.  0.  2;  an  Act  for  the  further  limitation  of  the 
Crown,  &c.,  thereby  enacts  that  whosoever  should  inherit  the  Crown 
by  virtue  of  the  limitations  in  the  said  Act,  should  make,  take,  sub- 
scribe, and  repeat  the  declaration  in  the  first  Gul.  et  Mar.  c.  2,  in 
the  manner  and  form  thereby  prescribed. 

Anno  1701,  8th  March,  King  William  died,  the  Parliament  then 
sitting ;  they  met  the  same  da^r,  and  continued  on  to  do  business. 
Nothmg  was  discontinued  by  his  death,  but  they  went  on  just  as  if 
he  had  been  living,  and  the  7  et  8  Gul.  c.  15,  not  reqmring  the 
oaths  to  be  again  taken,  they  did  not  take  the  oaths  de  novo  only 
before  the  2dm  March,  1702 ;  they  took  the  oath  of  abiuration,  ac- 
cording to  the  prescription  of  the  13  et  14  Gul.  c.  6,  which  passed 
into  a  Taw  but  tne  nignt  before  the  King's  death,  whereby  all  mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  as  well  peers  as  commoners,  were  to  take  the 
said  abjuration  before  the  2dth  March,  1702." 

1701,  11th  March,  the  Queen  came  to  the  House  the  first  time, 
made  a  speech,  but  did  not  subscribe  the  declaration. 

The  session-  in  King  William's  time,  and  the  session  in  Queen 
Anne's  time,  did  not  make  two  different  sessions,  but  one  session 
under  two  different  sovereipis.  If  they  had  been  different  sessions, 
then  on  Queen  Anne's  commg  to  the  Chrown,  the  Houses  of  Parlia^ 
ment  must  separately  have  begun  all  things  de  novo,  which  they  did 
not ;  the  consequence  of  whicn  was,  that  without  a  particular  pro- 
vision to  the  contrary,  the  Acts  passed  in  Queen  Anne's  time  must 
in  law  have  commenced  the  beginning  of  the  session  in  King  Wil- 
liam's time,  because  all  Acts  commence  in  law  the  first  day  of  the  - 
session,  unless  a  special  time  of  commencement  be  Hmited  and  ap- 
pointed. Therefore  an  Act  was  made  the  same  Parliament,  1  Anne, 
c  8,  that  that  Act  and  all  other  Acts  to  which  the  royal  assent  should 
be  ^ven  after  the  8th  March,  1701,  and  before  the  end  of  the,present 
session  of  Parliament,  shall  commence  and  begin,  and  be  taken  in 
law  to  commence  and  be^n,  the  said  8th  day  of  March,  1701,  unless 
in  such  Acts  some  other  tune  for  commencement  thereof  be  specially 
limited  and  appointed.  This  was  the  case  of  the  King's  dyine  when 
the  Parliament  was  sitting,  and  it  seems  that  they  did  not  take  this 

2o2 


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452  NOTES   ON  DOMESTIC  [l727. 

Parliament  to  be  the  first  Parliament  after  the  Eine's  demise,  but 
the  first  Parliament  that  should  be  by  him  called,  and  therefore  the 
Queen  did  not  take  the  declaration,  nor  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next,  because  the  coronation  intervened,  when  she  took  it. 

The  4  Anne,  c.  8,  which  was  made  the  year  before  the  Union, 
was  after  the  Union  reenacted  by  6  Anne,  c  7.  6  Anne,  c.  7,  is 
entitled  an  Act  for  Security  of  her  Majesty's  person  and  goyemment, 
and  of  the  Succession  to  the  Crown  in  the  Protestant  line ;  and 
enacts  that  that  Parliament,  or  any  other  Parliament  which  should 
be  thereafter  summoned  by  the  Queen,  her  heirs  or  successors, 
should  not  be  determined  or  dissolved  by  the  death  or  demise  of  the 
Queen,  her  heirs  or  successors,  but  such  Parliament  shall  and  is 
hereby  enacted  to  continue. — §  5.  And  if  there  be  a  Parliament  in 
being  at  the  time  of  such  demise,  but  the  same  happen  to  be  separ- 
ated by  adjournment  or  prorogation,  such  Parliament  shall  imme- 
diately after  such  demise  meet,  convene,  and  sit,  &c 

§  11  takes  notice,  that  it  might  hapnen  that  the  next  Protestant 
successor  might,  at  the  time  of  the  Queen's  demise,  be  out  of  the 
realm  of  Great  Britain,  in  parts  beyond  the  seas,  and  therefore 
makes  provision  for  the  administration  of  the  Government,  and 
particularly  for  holding  the  Parliament  during  his  absence.    And 

{)articularly  §  17,  that  the  Lords  Justices  shall  not  dissolve  the  Par- 
lament  continued  and  ordered  to  assemble  and  sit  as  aforesaid,  with- 
out express  direction  from  such  succeeding  King  or  Queen. 

§  18.  That  all  the  members  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  who 
are  or  shall  be  continued  by  this  Act  as  aforesaid,  shall  take,  the 
oatht  &c. 

1714,  July  9th,  the  Parliament  was  prorogued  to  the  10th  of 
August. 

Aug.  1st,  Queen  Anne  died :  and  the  same  day  the  Parliament 
met,  and  in  the  House  of  Lords  they  took  the  oath,  according  to 
the  6th  Anne ;  and  so  likewise  did  me  Commons,  as  soon  as  the 
Speaker  and  they  could  make  a  House. 

25th,  the  Parliament  prorogued  to  the  23rd  of  September. 

Sept.  20th,  the  King  came  to  St  James's. 

23rd,  the  Parliament  prorogued  by  Commissioners  under  the 
Great  Seal  to  the  21st  of  October. 

Oct  21st,  further  prorogued  by  Commissioners  under  the  Great 
Seal  to  the  13th  of  January  following  $  but,  in  the  mean  time,  viz. 
the  5th  of  January,  the  Parliament  was  dissolved  by  proclamation. 

King  George  did  not  take  the  tests  at  the  meeting  of  this  Parlia- 
ment. He  was  not  in  England  at  that  time ;  neitner  did  he  take 
them  on  the  23rd  of  September,  which  was  after  he  came  into  Eng- 
land, and  was  a  meeting  of  Parliament,  because  Lords  and  Com- 
mons were  both  there  when  the  Commissioners  prorogued  them. 
This  happened  in  case  where  the  Parliament  was  separated  by  pro- 


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1727.]  AND  rOEEiaN  ATFAIBS.  453 

rogation ;  and  on  the  death  of  the  Queen  they  assembled,  according 
to  the  Act  of  Parliament,  and  made  several  la^s. 

As  on  the  death  of  King  William,  the  Parliament  being  then 
meeting,  it  was  taken  to  be  the  same  Parliament  and  the  same  ses- 
sion, so  now  the  opinion  was  that  it  was  the  same  Parliament  but  a 
different  session,  tne  former  session  having  been  determined  by  the 
prorogation. 

Thus,  in  the  Act  that  passed  this  session  for  the  civil  list,  c.  1, 
there  is  a  recital  of  the  Soap  Act,  which  passed  in  the  same  Parlia- 
ment, just  before  the  last  prorogation  by  the  Queen,  and  it  is  said 
to  be  an  Act  made  in  the  last  session  of  this  present  Parliament ; 
the  nature  of  the  thing  shows  it  to  be  another  session,  just  as  in  the 
common  case  of  a  prorogation ;  and  in  the  session  1  George,  c.  2, 
in  the  Act  to  rectirjr  Mistakes  in  the  Names  of  the  Commissioners 
of  the  land  tax,  &c.,  §  8,  the  laws  which  would  have  expired  at 
the  end  of  that  session  of  Parliament,  are  enacted  to  continue  in 
force  till  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  Parliament 

So  that  this  was  a  different  session  of  the  same  Parliament,  as  the 
present  case  is,  and  the  King  did  not  come  to  the  House  and  take 
the  tests ;  so  that  the  apprehension  then  must  be,  that  the  first 
Parliament  in  the  1  Gul.  et  Mar.  must  be,  what  certainly  was  the 
meaning  of  the  Act  when  made,  a  new  Parliament  called  by  the 
authority  of  the  successor." 

On  these  reasons  the  Lords  all  present  agreed,  that  there  was  no 
need  for  the  King  now  to  take  the  test ;  but  he  might  do  it  at  his 
coronation,  if  that  intervened  before  a  new  Parliament  should  be 
chosen. 

On  the  King's  coming  to  the  throne,  he  ordered  Sir  B.  Walpole 
and  Sir  S.  Gompton  to  confer  together  about  his  affairs,  and  let 
him  know  wh*at  they  thought  fit  to  be  done  for  his  service  from 
time  to  time.  Sir  K.  Walpole  seemed  so  sensible  that  he  should 
be  laid  aside,  that  he  was  very  irresolute  what  to  do,  whether  to 
retire  into  the  House  of  Lords  and  give  up  all  business,  or  whether 
to  continue. 

But  the  King  and  the  Speaker  persuading  him  to  continue,  he 
went  on,  and  undertook  what  the  King  expected  from  him,  as  to 
the  Civil  List  and  the  Queen's  jointure,  which  he  forwarded  in 
Parliament. 

During  which  time,  by  his  constant  application  to  the  King  by 
himself  in  the  mornings,  when  the  Speaker,  by  reason  of  the  sitting 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  was  absent,  he  so  worked  upon  the  King 
that  he  not  only  established  himself  in  favour  with  him,  but  pre- 
vented the  cashiering  of  many  others,  who  otherwise  would  have 
been  put  out. 

The  Speaker  for  some  time  came  constantly  to  the  King  every 
afternoon,  and  had  secret  conferences  with  him ;  but  in  about  three 


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454  KOTES  OK  DOMESTIC.  [l727 

weeks'  time  he  saw  his  credit  diminish,  and  so  left  off  the  constancy 
of  his  attendance.  The  Tories  and  others,  who  expected  great 
changes  and  alterations,  finding  things  not  to  answer  their  expect- 
ations, began  to  retire  about  the  end  of  the  short  session  of  Parlia- 
ment that  was  held  for  settling  the  Civil  List 

The  King,  when  he  came  to  the  throne,  had  formed  a  system 
both  of  men  and  things,  and  to  make  alterations  in  several  offices, 
as  to  their  power,  and  particularly  as  to  mine.  About  July  8th  be 
told  me  that  he  expected  to  nominate  to  all  benefices  and  prebend- 
aries that  the  Chancellor  usually  nominated  to.  I  told  mm,  with 
great  submission,  that  this  was  a  right  belonging  to  the  office,  an- 
nexed to  it  by  Act  of  Parliament  and  immemorial  usage,  and  I 
hoped  he  would  not  put  things  out  of  their  ancient  course.  He 
told  me  my  Lord  Cowper*  told  him,  that  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
Chancellorship,  in  the  Queen's  time,  he  laid  before  the  Queen  a  list 
of  all  persons  whom  he  recommended  to  benefices,  that  she  might 
be  satisfied  they  were  good  Churchmen.  I  did  not  give  up  uiis 
point,  but  directly  desired  him  to  consider  it ;  and  anerwaras,  at 
another  time,  he  told  me  that  I  should  go  on  as  usual. 

Sunday,  July  16th. — I  then  saw  him  again :  he  seemed  now  very- 
pleasant,  and  I  gave  him  a  list  of  all  the  Judges,  both  in  England 
and  Wales,  King's  Serjeants,  and  Council,  and  other  subormnate 
officers  in  the  law,  in  his  invariable  nomination,  and  told  him,  that 
as  to  those  which  were  not  Judges  in  England,  they  were  many  of 
them  Parliament  men,  and  some  now  stood  again.  So  he  ordered 
me  to  make  out  fiaii  for  such  of  them  as  were  like  to  be  Parlia- 
ment men. 

He  also  told  me,  now  that  he  had  heard  that  I  had  acted  pru- 
dently in  his  father's  time,  as  to  the  commissions  of  the  peace,  that 

*  Lord  Cowper's  Diary,  found  amonffst  Lord  King's  papers  at  Ockham, 
confirms  George  the  Second's  account  of  the  conversation. 

EXTBAOT  FROM  LOBD  OOWPEB^S  DIABT. 

"  November  13thj  1705. — I  had  the  Queen's  leave  to  bestow  my  livings 
of  £40  and  under  without  consulting  her. 

'^  June  25th,  1706. — ^At  cabinet.  Before  it  begun,  I  had  discourse  with 
the  ibrchbishop  about  disposing  of  the  livings  in  my  gift,  and  mv  having 
promised  the  Queen  to  present  as  she  directed  in  ul  the  valuable  ones ; 
ne  said  he  feared  it  wt)uld  be  under  a  worse  management  than  under  the 
late  Keeper's  servants,  by  the  importunity  of  the  women  and  other  hang- 
ers-on at  court,  and  pronused  to  endeavour  to  get  that  matter  into  a  pro- 
per method." 

These  importunate  women  and  other  han^rs-on  at  court,  were  proba- 
bly the  first  and  loudest  to  cry  "  the  Church  is  in  danger,"  on  every  occasion 
that  suited  their  interest  or  secured  their  patronage ;  and  the^  thought  the 
best  security  of  the  Church  was  to  be  found  in  the  worst  distribution  of 
the  richest  benefices  in  that  Church. 


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1727.]  AND  rOBEIGl^  AITAIES.  455 

his  pleasure  was,  that  I  should  put  into  the  commission  of  the  peace 
all  genUemen  of  rank  and  qualit}r  in  the  several  counties,  unless 
they  were  in  direct  opposition  to  his  Government ;  but  still  keep  a 
majority  of  those  who  were  known  to  be  most  firmly  in  his  interest, 
and  he  would  have  me  declare  the  former  part  as  his  sentiment. 

I  did  declare  this  to  very  few,  but  I  did  to  Sir  T.  Hanmer  among 
others,  which  afterwards  occasioned  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble ;  for 
he  gave  me  the  names  of  Sir  R.  Kemp,  Sir  C.  Blois,  and  ^ree 
otiiers,  to  put  into  the  commission  of  the  peace  for  Suffolk,  which 
I  promisee!  him  to  do,  and  intended  so  to  have  done  in  the  Novem- 
ber following,  when  the  commission  of  the  peace  was  renewed.  I 
showed  these  names  to  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  the  Lord-Lieutenant, 
but  he  would  not  hear  of  them.  I  told  him  what  the  King  had 
told  me,  and  what  I  had  said  to  Sir  Thomas  Hanmer ;  whereon  he 
went  to  the  King,  and  complained  to  the  King,  who  told  me  of  it, 
and  that  the  Duke  of  Grafton  assured  him  these  men  were  Jesuits, 
and  that  he  did  not  intend  that  such  should  be  put  in.  I  told  him 
I  never  intended  to  put  in  any  such ;  but  these  were  certainly  gen- 
tlemen of  quality,  and  recommended  to  me  by  Sir  T.  Hanmer,  whom 
his  Majesty  knew  to  be  well  affected  to  his  Government.  But  I 
was  not  so  fond  of  them ;  but  if  his  Majesty  did  not  think  fit  they 
should  be  put  in,  I  should  not  pu^  them  in.  He  told  me  that  I 
must  in  this  be  guided  by  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  the  Lord-Lieuten- 
ant ;  so  I  did  not  put  them  in. 

November  24th,  Friday. — Sir  R.  Walpole  came  to  my  house,  and 
informed  me  that  there  was  a  treaty  on  foot  between  the  King  and 
the  Duke  of  Wolfenbuttel,  whose  resident,  Count  Dehn,  was  here ; 
that  it  was  as  good  as  adjusted,  and  that  Lord  Townshend  being 
sick,  he  could  not  attend  to  it ;  and  that  the  King  would  not  let  it 
be  communicated  to  the  whole  Cabinet,  but  would  take  the  three 
first  of  the  lay  Lords,  viz.  the  Chancellor,  President  of  the  Council, 
Privy  Seal,  the  two  Secretaries,  and  Sir  R.  Walpole,  the  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer.  I  told  him  I  had  heard  nothing  of  it,  but  that 
whatever  the  King  commanded  must  be  submitted  to.  He  left 
with  me  a  draft  of  the  intended  treaty  in  English.  I  desired  to  see 
the  French,  because  that  must  be  the  original. 

At  this  time,  he  took  occasion  to  tell  me  of  the  great  credit  he 
had  with  the  King,  and  that  it  was  principally  by  the  means  of  the 
Queen,  who  was  the  most  able  woman  to  govern  in  the  world. 

However,  he  wished  now  he  had  left  off  when  the  King  came  to 
the  throne,  for  he  looked  upon  himself  to  be  in  the  worst  situation 
of  any  man  in  England ;  that  that  which  engaged  him  to  go  on, 
was  seeing  every  one  willing  to  settle  a  large  Civil  List  on  the  King. 
•He  went  with  the  others,  and  that  the  &vil  List  now  given  ex- 
ceeded the  Civil  List  ^ven  to  his  father,  and  all  the  additions  made 
to  it ;  so  that  this  Civil  List,  which  was  given  with  unanimity,  was 


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45G  KOTES   ON  D0ME8TI0  [l727. 

more  than  the  late  King  ever  had,  and  so  was  a  justificatioD  of  his 
conduct  as  to  that  matter  in  the  late  reign  :  that  ne  was  now  struck 
at  by  a  great  number  of  people.  All  those  who  had  hopes  on  the 
King's  coming  to  the  throne,  seeing  themselves  disappointed,  looked 
upon  him  as  the  cause.  All  the  discontented  Whigs,  and  Carteret, 
Roxburgh,  Berkeley,  Bolingbroke,  the  Speaker,  Compton,  and 
Pulteney,  were  entered  into  a  formal  confederacy  against  him ;  and 
if  he  could  once  retire,  he  never  would  meddle  by  way  of  opposition, 
but  would  comply  with  the  Government  in  everything. 

25th. — ^Lord  Townshend  sent  me  the  French  draught  of  the  in- 
tended treaty. 

Sunday,  26th. — At  Court.  Sir  R.  Walpble  desired  me  to  be  at 
home  the  next  evening,  for  he  would  come  and  talk  with  me  about 
the  treaty.  The  King  spoke  to  me  that  he  was  entering  into  a 
treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Wolfenbuttel ;  that  it  was  personal  to  him, 
and  that  he  had  appointed  me  a  Commissioner.  I  told  him  it  was 
usual  to  appoint  the  whole  Cabinet.  He  said  he  did  not  like  it. 
I  told  lum  I  must  submit  to  his  pleasure. 

27th. — I  was  at  home  all  the  evening  to  expect  Sir  R.  Walpole ; 
but  he  sent  me  word  at  eight  that  evening  that  he  could  not  come. 

28th. — Sir  R.  Walpole  came  to  me  in  the  evening,  and  talked  to 
me  about  the  treaty,  and  that  ke  was  against  having  the  Cabinet ; 
no  good  ever  came  from  them. 

29th. — ^This  being  the  day  in  term  when  I  had  resolved  to  go  to 
Ockham,  just  before  I  went  out,  there  came  a  Bill  to  me  by  a  mes- 
senger, signed  by  the  King,  for  passing  the  Commission  under  the 
Great  Seal,  to  treat  and  sign  with  the  Ministers  of  the  Duke  of 
Wolfenbuttel.  The  said  Bill  or  Warrant  was  dated  the  28th  of 
November.  I  immediately  put  the  seal  to  the  Commission,  delivered 
it  to  the  messenger,  and  forthwith  went  to  Ockham. 

30th. — Received  at  Ockham  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
dated  November  29th,  wherein  he  acquainted  me  that  the  treaty 
with  the  Duke  of  Wolfenbuttel  had  been  adjusted  with  Count 
Dehn  ;  and  he  being  very  pressing  to  have  it  signed  forthwith,  the 
Duke  desired  me  to  be  in  town  this  day,  that  so  we  might  meet, 
and  sign  with  Count  Dehn  on  Friday.  He  likewise  took  notice, 
that  when  I  came,  the  Commission  must  be  re-sealed,  the  reason 
whereof  he  would  tell  me  when  he  saw  me.  To  this  I  returned 
answer,  that  my  constant  and  continued  application  to  the  business 
of  the  Court  of  Chancery  had  brought  upon  me  rheumatical  and 
sciatical  pains ;  and  if  I  had  any  regard  to  myself  or  family,  I  must 
for  remedy  stay  three  or  four  days  m  the  country.  And,  therefore, 
I  hoped  he  would  excuse  my  coming  this  day,  especially  when  there 
was  no  necessity,  because  two  are  sufficient  to  sign.  * 

Dec.  1st. — ^Received  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  dated 
80th  November,  letting  me  know  that  there  was  a  mistake  in  the 


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1728.]  AND  rOEEIGN  AITATBS.  457 

date  of  the  fxill  power,  and  that  which  made  it  materia]  was,  that 
Count  Dehn  had  writ  to  his  master,  on  Saturday  the  26th,  that  the 
treaty  was  then  signed ;  and  therefore  the  treaty  must  be  antedated, 
and  the  Kind's  warrant,  and  so  sent  me  a  new  warrant,  dated  the 
26th,  to  which  I  put  the  seal  and  returned  it.  And  he  told  me  by 
the  same  letter,  that  on  the  return  of  this  full  power  new  sealed, 
they  could  sign  the  treaty  without  giving  me  any  ^rther  trouble. 
I  received  at  the  same  time  a  letter  from  Sir  R.  Walpole,  much  to 
the  same  purpose. 

January  2nd,  1728. — In  the  evening  at  the  Duke  of  Devonshire's, 
there  being  present  the  said  Duke,  me  Duke  of  Newcastle,  Sir  R. 
Walpole,  Lord  Trevor,  and  myself.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  and 
Sir  R.  Walpole  communicated  to  us  that  the  King  of  France  had 
sent  orders  to  Count  Rottemburg,  with  memoires  or  instructions 
very  little  different  from  what  had  been  desired  of  them :  and  pro- 
ducing a  copy  of  these  memoires,  Sir  R.  Walpole  asked  whether 
anything  was  to  be  objected  to  these  memoires,  or  to  our  assenting 
to  them.  I  asked  him  whether  they  were  not  already  gone  from 
the  Court  of  France  to  Rottemburg  at  the  Court  of  Spain.  He 
told  me  they  were.  I  then  said  that  our  assent  was  not  now  of 
any  great  importance.  On  that  he  went  on  to  read  them,  and  asked 
particularly  whether  in  that  part  of  the  memoires  or  orders  which 
related  to  the  ship  Prince  Frederick,  that  it  should  be  determined 
at  the  Congress  whether  it  was  contraband  or  not,  et  en  cette  discus- 
sion all  the  pretensions  of  Spain  should  be  considered,  and  the  affair 
of  Gibraltar,  or  anything  relating  thereto,  was  included.  We  all 
thought,  both  from  what  went  before  and  after,  that  it  was  not  in- 
cluded. This  ultimatum  on  our  side  was  sent  from  the  Court  of 
France  to  Rottemburg,  to  Madrid,  vnth  orders  that  if  it  were  not 
complied  with  he  should  come  away  in  two  days  after.  But  before 
these  orders  came,  Rottemburg  prevailed  on  the  King  of  Spain  to 
propose  a  new  ultimatum  on  his  side,  which  was  ramer  more  for 
our  advantage  than  that  which  we  sent. 

In  the  evening  of  January  19th,  a  courier  brought  from  France 
this  ultimatum  on  the  Spanish  side.  Whereon  a  cabinet  was  held 
at  Lord  Townshend's  by  the  King's  orders  on  Saturday  evening, 
20th  January,  whereat  were  present  King,  Trevor,  Devonshire, 
Argyle,  Bolton,  Grafton,  Dorset,  Wilmington,  Sir  R.  Walpole, 
Townshend,  Newcastle,  Scarborough,  and  Horace  Walpole,  and  all 
agreed  to  advise  the  King  to  comply  with  it  The  principal  matter 
in  debate  was  in  the  article  wherem  the  pretences  about  uie  Prince 
Frederick  were  to  be  left  to  the  Congress. 

There  is  a  general  clause,  that  all  reciprocal  pretensions  shall  be 
left  to  the  Congress  generally.  Whether  the  pretension  to  Gibraltar 
was  included  in  the  general  words.  The  8th  article  of  the  prelimin- 
aries hath  the  same  word,  that  all  pretensions  shall  be  open  at  the 


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468  KOTBS   OP  DOMBSTIO  [l728. 

Congress.  But  it  is  plain  that  that  excludes  any  pretension  about 
Gibndtar,  because  one  of  the  preliminaries  is,  that  all  things  shall 
continue  as  they  were  by  treaties  before  1725,  and  therefore  the 
pretensions  to  be  discussed  must  be  of  such  things  as  are  consistent 
with  the  preliminaries ;  and  though  the  words  here  be  general,  yet 
they  cannot  be  construed  to  design  anything  agreed  to  before  the 
preliminaries :  and  the  whole  transaction  of  the  affair  and  of  this 
article  shows  that  it  can  only  be  meant  of  pretensions  for  prizes,  in- 
demnification for  damages  and  the  like,  and  so  is  understood  by 
France,  the  Cardinal  having  given  assurance  more  than  once  that 
the  Court  of  France  will  support  us  with  respect  to  Gibraltar.  This 
was  afterwards,  with  an  amendment  of  mutually  laying  all  preten- 
sions before  the  Congress,  returned  to  France,  and  &om  thence  to 
Spain,  who  agreed  to  it  and  signed  it.  • 

After  this  Horace  Walpole  pressed  the  Cardinal  that  the  powers  of 
the  Hanover  alliance  might  settle  between  themselves  then:  several 
pretensions,  and  to  stick  to  them  at  the  Congress.  The  Cardinal,  upon 
the  proposal,  agreed  that  the  preliminary  article  must  be  the  ground- 
work of  all  our  proceedings  at  the  Congress,  and  that  the  union  of  the 
Treaty  of  Hanover  must  still  subsist ;  but  he  did  not  seem  disposed 
to  have  any  particular  points  reduced  into  writing,  by  way  of  agree- 
ment or  instruction  to  the  respective  ministers,  saying  that  as  it  was 
impossible  to  have  the  secret  kept  considering  the  nature  of  the  Butch 

fovemment,  so  it  would  ^ve  an  occasion  to  our  adversaries  to  up- 
raid  us  wiUi  having  previously  settled  among  ourselves  all  points, 
without  having  heard  the  reasons  and  pretensions  of  others. 

By  Horace  Walpole's  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  of  the  23rd 
March,  1728,  N.S.,  he  gives  an  account,  that  that  day  he  had  been 
at  the  Cardinal's  at  Versailles,  where  he  found  the  Dutch  Ministers 
with  him,  and  as  they  had  desired  that  he  would  be  present,  they 
being  then  to  communicate  the  points  they  had  received  in  confi- 
dence from  the  Pensionary,  he  joined  them,  and  the  said  points  were 
then  examined. 

These  were  points  proposed  on  the  part  of  the  States  to  the 
Ministers  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  as  well  for  the  form  as  the 
matter  of  the  future  Congress.  The  first  three  points  were  as  to  the 
form  of  the  Congress,  the  last  four  as  to  the  matter.  They  proposed 
that  the  matter  should  be  principally  to  regulate  and  settle  among 
the  allies  of  Hanover  the  points  which  created  the  misimderstanding 
and  differences  in  Europe;  as,  with  respect  to  the  Dutch,  the 
abolition  of  the  Ostend  trade,  and  the  not  granting  any  further 
licences  to  the  Imperial  ships.  And  the  sixth  point  was,  that  the 
treaties  anterior  to  the  year  1725,  being  to  serve  as  a  basis  in  the 
negotiations  in  the  Congress,  and  the  States  having  stipulated  by  the 
barrier  treaty,  15th  November,  1715,  for  the  extension  of  those 
limits   which  were  regulated  by  the  posterior  convention,  22nd 


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1728.]  AlTD  FOBEIGN  AFFAIBS.  459 

December,  1718,  and  that  that  stipulation  not  having  yet  taken 
effect,  as  this  is  an  important  point,  they  TOoposed  whether  this 
should  not  be  carried  to  the  Congress.  Mx  Walpole  declared  that 
England,  beinff  a  party  and  guarantee  to  the  barrier  treaty,  was 
ready  to  do  what  might  be  thought  proper.  The  Cardinal  said  it 
was  to  be  considered  whether  it  would  not  be  more  advisable  for 
the  States  to  renew  first  their  application  to  the  Imperial  Court,  for 
the  execution  of  these  treaties. 

The  seventh  point  was  about  Embden;  that  the  Dutch  having 
been  in  possession  for  more  than  a  hundred  ^ears,  to  put  a  garrison 
in  the  town  of  Embden,  and  in  the  fort  of  Lierwort,  m  East  Fries- 
land  ;  that  if  in  virtue  of  any  decrees  given  or  to  be  given  by  the 
Aulic  Chamber  at  Vienna,  in  the  differences  between  the  prince  and 
the  States  of  East  Friesland,  or  otherwise  they  should  endeavour  to 
oblige  the  Dutch  troops  to  withdraw  out  of  these  places,  and  put 
others  in  their  room,  in  prejudice  of  so  long  and  just  a  possession, 
which  is  absolutely  necessary  for  their  safety  on  that  side,  that  they 
cannot  neglect  to  maintain  meir  garrisons  .there,  in  persuasion  and 
expectation  that  the  allies  will,  in  case  of  necessity,  assist  them,  and 
therefore  they  desired  to  know  their  sentiments  thereon.  If  it 
would  be  proper  to  bring  this  point  to  the  Congress,  or  if  it  be  suf- 
ficient that  the  States  be  assured  of  the  assistance  of  France  and 
Qreat  Britain  in  the  cases  before  mentioned  ? 

As  to  this,  the  Cardinal  in  this  conference  seemed  desirous  to  be 
more  particularly  informed  of  the  titles  and  facts  relating  to  the 
States*  rights  for  having  a  garrison  in  that  place.  Mr  Walpole  was 
of  opinion  that  the  possession  of  a  hundred  years,  and  the  States* 
immediate  security,  was  strong  indication  of  having  right  and  reason 
on  their  side,  and  motives  which,  on  account  of  the  strict  union  be- 
tween them,  Great  Britain,  and  France,  might  induce  them  to  con- 
sider what  will  be  necessary  for  the  security  and  satisfaction  of  the 
States  in  it. 

To  this  letter  of  the  23rd  March,  1728,  N.  S.,  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle sent  two  letters  to  Horace  Walpole,  by  Sharp  the  messenger, 
the  one  private,  the  other  very  private,  both  dated  21st  March, 
1727-8,  O.  S.  In  the  private  letter  he  signifies  that  it  was  the 
King's  sentiment  that  the  Hanover  allies  should  immediately  come 
to  a  resolution,  not  to  a^ee  to  anything  at  the  Congress  but  what  is 
conformable  to  the  prehminary  articles,  and  to  the  several  engage- 
ments they  are  under  to  each  other  as  to  any  other  power,  and  that 
he  thought  that  something  of  this  nature  should  be  put  into  writing ; 
and  that  he  thought  the  Cardinal's  objection  against  reducing  the 
principal  points  into  writing  might  be  obviated,  and  that  the  uiing 
might  be  kept  a  secret,  it  being  in  effect  no  more  than  settling  what 
particular  instructions  shall  be  given  to  the  ministers  of  the  several 
powers  ,*  that  the  rejecting  any  proposal  inconsistent  with  the  en- 


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460  KOTBS  ON  DOMESTIC  [l728. 

gagement  that  the  Hanover  allies  are  xinder  to  each  other,  or  to 
any  other  power,  would  greatly  shorten  the  business,  as  indeed 
comprehenmng  most,  if  not  all,  the  points  that  came  properly  in 
debate.  But  as  it  may  be  thought  necessary  to  insert,  particularly 
in  the  instructions,  such  points  as  relate  to  each  power,  Mr  Walpole 
is  directed  to  take  care  to  have  those  in  which  his  Majesty  and  his 
subjects  are  more  immediately  concerned,  explained  and  settled, 
the  chief  of  which  are  already  secured  by  the  Hanover  treaty  and 
the  preliminary  articles,  and  therefore  the  Duke  doth  not  enter  into 
particulars,  but  only  in  general  observes  that  it  should  be  inserted 
m  the  instructions,  that  any  proposal  against  his  Majesty's  pos- 
sessions, and  particularly  that  of  Gibraltar,  should  be  rejected ;  and 
that  effectual  care  should  be  taken  to  put  the  trade  of  England, 
France,  and  Holland  upon  the  foot  it  was  before  the  year  1726. 
That  as  some  points  are  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  Congress, 
relating  to  the  contraband  trade  carried  on  by  the  ship  the  Prince 
Frederick,  and  to  the  restitution  of  prizes  taken  at  sea,  justice  should 
be  done  to  the  King  and  his  subjects,  and  to  all  others  of  that  na- 
ture that  might  be  carried  to  the  Congress. 

As  to  the  paper  given  in  by  the  Dutch  ministers  containing  these 
points,  he  suggests  to  him,  that  his  Majesty  is  willing  to  do  whatever 
the  Dutch  think  necessary  for  their  security ;  and  then  answers  point 
by  point,  and  particularly  as  to  the  barrier,  that  his  Majesty  is 
ready  to  give  all  the  assurances  imaginable  to  the  Dutch  for  the 
execution  of  the  barrier  treatj.  And  as  to  the  -affair  of  Embden, 
that  the  King  is  willing  to  give  them  all  possible  assurance  of  his 
assistance  and  support. 

In  the  very  private  letter  of  the  same  date,  sent  by  the  same 
messenger,  the  Duke  writes,  that  though  in  the  paper  of  points 
delivered  to  the  Dutch  Ministers  there  are  two  points  which  cannot 
well  be  said  to  have  been  any  cause  of  the  present  misunderstanding 
between  the  Powers  now  at  variance,  and  consequently  cannot  be 
looked  upon  as  an  object  of  the  preliminary  articles ;  viz.  what  re- 
lates to  the  barrier  treaty,  and  to  the  affair  of  Embden ;  yet  the 
King,  out  of  his  great  desire  to  preserve  in  everything  the  most 
perfect  unanimity  with  the  States,  nas  given  into  it,  and  hopes  that 
this  great  facility  he  has  shown  in  what  concerns  them,  will  procure  a 
suitable  return  from  them  in  whatsoever  may  assist  his  Majesty's 
interest ;  and  that  they  will  stand  by  him  in  regard  to  any  little 
dispute  which  the  Kins  may  have  to  settle  with  the  Emperor  and 
the  Congress.  The  points  that  occur  to  his  Majesty  at  present  are, 
the  investiture  of  Bremen  and  Verden,  and  what  relates  to  tiie 
country  of  Hadelen.  It  is  certain  that  his  Majesty  is  very  hardly 
dealt  with  in  both  these  cases ;  and  it  is  not  natural  that  there 
should  be  a  perfect  reconciliation  with  the  Emperor  till  he  has  done 
the  King  justice  on  these  heads. 


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1738.]  AKD  FOBEIOK  AFFAIBS.  461 

Your  Excellency  will  in  g^reat  confidence  mention  these  points  to 
Mr  Pesters,  and  show  him  the  justice  thereof;  that  as  bis  Majesty 
makes  no  difficulty  in  what  concerns  the  States,  they  should  show 
the  Kinff  the  same  regard  in  what  touches  his  particular  interest. 
You  will  ask  Mr  Pesters  whether  he  thinks  the  States  will  come 
into  it,  and  whether  he  can  take  upon  him  to  answer  for  it ;  and  if 
he  cimnot,  you  will  beg  of  him  to  write  to  the  Pensionary  upon  it, 
and  in  the  mean  time  not  to  mention  it  to  Mr  Van  Hoes,  ^ut  if 
Mr  Pesters  himself  is  willing  to  engage  for  it,  you  will  then  speak 
of  it  to  the  Cardinal,  or  omerwise  not  say  anything  of  it  to  him 
till  you  have  the  Pensionary's  answers ;  and  if  our  friends  in  Holland 
do  agree  to  it,  as  it  is  hardly  possible  to  imagine  they  should  not, 
you  will  then  take  care  to  have  it  inserted  in  the  instructions  to  the 
several  plenipotentiaries  at  the  Congress. 

In  the  said  very  private  letter,  the  Duke  teUs  Mr  Walpole  that 
he  was  sufficiently  apprized  of  the  matter  of  Bremen  and  Verden ; 
but  as  to  the  country  of  Hadelen,  he  enclosed  in  his  letter  a  pap^ 
containing  a  particular  statement  of  that  matter,  which  was  ^wn 
by  Mr  St  Saphorin,  the  contents  of  which  paper  was  this.  The 
country  of  Hadelen,  which  was  part  of  the  estates  of  the  kte  Duke 
of  Saxe  Lawenburg,  was  taken  mto  sequestration  by  the  Emperor ; 
whilst  the  Princes  of  the  House  of  Brunswick  put  themselves  in 
possession  of  the  rest  of  the  Duchy  of  Saxe  Lawenburg,  in  virtue 
of  the  right  of  reversion  which  they  had.  The  ElectorS  House  of 
Saxony  pretended  that  both  the  Duchy  and  the  country  of  Hadelen 
ought  to  come  to  him,  in  consequence  des  expeetatives  which  the 
Emperor  had  sfiven  him.  But  afterwards,  the  Electoral  House  of 
Saxony  yielded  their  rieht  to  his  late  Majesty. 

On  the  other  side,  the  Princess  of  Baden,  daughter  of  the  late 
Duke  of  Lawenburg,  pretended  also  to  the  succession ;  yet  neither 
she,  nor  the  Princess  Palatine  her  sister,  could  hinder  the  present 
Emperor  from  giving,  in  the  year  1716,  the  investitures  of  the  pos- 
sessor of  Lawenburg  to  his  late  Majesty.  But  as  to  the  countiy  of 
Hadelen  being  taken  once  into  sequestration,  it  there  remains,  under 
pretence  that  it  could  not  be  given  to  the  King  before  the  Aulic 
Uouncil  had  decided  this  dispute  by  way  of  law. 

It  was  to  no  purpose  that  it  was  shown  on  the  part  of  his  Majesty 
that  this  country  was  always  a  part  of  Lawenburg,  and  by  conse- 
Quence  ought  to  follow  its  fate ;  and  it  was  in  vam  to  remember 
tne  Court  of  Vienna  of  the  promises  which  the  Emperor  had  made 
to  the  King  in  the  year  1713,  whilst  he  had  a  great  body  of  troops 
at  the  disposition  of  the  Emperor,  that  this  country  should  be  re- 
mitted to  him.  They  persisted  still  at  Vienna  to  say  mat  they  would 
not  invest  the  King  without  a  previous  judgment.  The  Imperial 
Court  was  thereon  strongly  pressed  to  examine  this  dSakc  before 
the  Aidic  Council. 


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462  NOTES   ON  DOMESTIC  [l72d. 

At  length,  after  many  delays,  this  Council  examined  the  preten- 
sions of  the  Princesses  of  Saxe  Lawenburg,  and  those  of  Sweden, 
which  made  some  also;  and  both  were  found  to  be  without  any 
right,  and  rejected.  And  then,  when  every  one  expected  that  in 
consequence  thereof  the  investiture  of  this  country  would  be  giyen 
to  the  late  King,  the  Count  de  Wurmbrand  maintained  in  the  Aulic 
Council,  that  the  fief  did  not  belong  to  the  late  King,  but  was  es- 
cheated, and  by  consequence  devolved  to  the  Emperor.  This  notion 
caused  great  debates  in  the  Aulic  Council.  But  the  proposition  of 
the  Count  de  Wurmbrand,  in  all  probability  underhand  supported 
by  the  Court,  carried  it  by  the  plurality  of  votes,  referring  it  never- 
theless to  the  Emperor,  and  laying  before  him  the  reasons  of  both 
opinions.  Since  which  nothing^  publicly  had  been  done  thereon,  so 
that  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  Emperor  to  do  justice  to  the  present 
King,  and  to  give  him  possession  of  this  country  of  Hadelen. 

In  a  letter  from  Mr  Walpole  and  Lord  Waldgrave  from  Paris  to 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  dated  30th  of  March,  N.  S.  1728,  they  tell 
him,  that  in  order  to  execute  his  Majesty's  commands  contained  in 
his  Grace's  and  Lord  Townshend's  letters  of  the  11th  inst.  O.  S.,  to 
each  of  them  respectively,  they  waited  on  the  Cardinal  that  morning 
at  Versailles ;  and  having  thoroughly  considered  the  point  upon 
which  they  were  to  endeavour  to  learn  his  Eminence's  sentiments, 
and  the  manner  of  doing  it,  they  thought  it  most  prudent,  instead  of 
communicating  to  him  a  French  translation  of  Lord  Townshend's 
letter,  to  make  use  of  Lord  Waldgrave's  taking  leave  of  him,  on  ac- 
count of  his  setting  put  the  Monday  following  for  Vienna,  to  desire 
to  know  his  thoughts  upon  some  matters  about  which  it  was  reason- 
able to  expect  that  the  Court  of  Vienna  would  sound  him  upon  his 
arrival  there.  One  of  the  points  was  about  guaranteeing  the 
Emperor's  succession ;  another  was  the  Emperor's  design  of  uniting 
the  Duchies  of  Milan  and  Mantua,  and  makmg  them  a  feminine  fief 
to  be  annexed  to  the  Empire. 

The  next  point  was,  whether  such  interests  and  pretensions  as 
were  only  collateral,  particularly  those  of  the  North  and  the  Ger- 
manic body,  should  or  should  not  be  considered  at  the  Congress. 
The  Cardinal  seemed  to  be  of  opinion  that  these  matters  should  be 
postponed,  and  considered  or  not  as  circumstances  might  require, 
after  things  of  more  immediate  concern  should  have  l^en  debated 
and  settled ;  though  he  thinks  that  the  afiiedr  of  the  North,  and  par- 
ticularly that  of  Steswick,  is  an  object  of  the  preliminaries  by  virtue 
of  an  article  in  them.  Lastly,  they  mentioned  to  his  Eminence  the 
injustice  done  to  his  Majesty  by  the  sequestration  of  the  country  of 
Hadelen,  and  the  refusal  of  the  investiture  of  Bremen  and  Verden, 
letting  his  Eminence  know  that  his  Majesty  would  never  make  any 
separate  addresses  to  the  Lnperial  Court  for  his  undoubted  rights  in 
these  points,  being  persuaded  that  France  would  be  equally  steady 


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1728.]  AND  rOBEIGN  AFPAIBS.  463 

in  their  engagement  to  him.  His  Eminence  said  that  he  was  con- 
vinced that  the  Emperor  detained  these  things  without  doing  his 
Majesty  justice,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  some  particular  advantage 
from  it,  and  therefore  he  was  very  sensible  of  this  mark  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's steadiness  and  union,  and  that  he  might  depend  at  all  times 
upon  a  suitable  return  from  their  Court. 

May  19th. — At  Lord  Townshend's ;  met  himself,  the  Duke  of 
Devonshire,  Lord  Trevor,  Duke  of  Newcastle,  and  Sir  R.  Walnole ; 
about  renewing  the  treaties  with  Holland ;  the  Dutch  usually  re- 
newing all  their  treaties  with  us  on  the  accession  of  a  new  King ; 
this  was  only  a  renewing  of  the  old  treaties  with  an  explanation 
about  rehearing  of  causes  of  no  great  significancy ;  and  the  27th 
following,  these  treaties  were  signed  by  us  six  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land, and  by  the  Count  Welderen  and  Sylvius  on  the  part  of  Holland. 
2tith  May,  the  Parliament  was  prorogued  to  the  8th  of  August 
following. 

Monday,  November. — ^A  letter  came  from  Fontainbleau,  dated 
8th,  N.  S.,  from  Messrs  Stanhope  and  Walpole,  informing  us  that 
Count  Zinzendorf,  on  the  arrival  of  a  courier  from  Vienna,  was  much 
altered  as  to  his  countenance  and  disposition,  and  that  it  appeared 
to  be  his  orders  not  to  sign  without  the  concurrence  of  Spam,  and 
that  it  appeared  that  he  had  many  personal  enemies  at  Vienna,  and 
he  intended  to  return  to  Vienna  as  soon  as  he  had  a  courier  from 
Madrid,  to  know  how  the  Duke  of  Boumonville  was  there  received; 
and  that  he  would  go  to  Vienna  before  the  Duke  of  Boumonville 
returned  to  Soissons,  and  hoped  by  his  presence  to  set  things  right 
again. 

This  seems  to  put  a  stop  to  the  affairs  of  the  peace ;  thereupon 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  sent  a  letter,  dated  November  6th,  O.  S.,  to 
Mr  Stanhope  and  Mr  Walpole,  that  in  case  nothing  should  come  of 
the  Duke  of  Boumonville's  journey  to  Madrid,  from  which  little 
good  could  be  expected,  they  should  forthwith  commimicate  to  the 
Cardinal  his  Majesty's  sentiments  thereon,  in  order  to  be  prepared 
for  the  worst,  and  to  be  determined  amongst  ourselves  what  to  do  in 
such  an  emergency  which  is  likely  to  fall  out. 

As  the  notion  of  a  provisional  treaty  arose  from  the  Court  of 
Vienna,  the  reason  of  it  was  apprehended  to  be,  that  if  the  Congress 
went  on,  the  several  grievances  of  the  empire,  the  affair  of  the 
marriages,  and  many  other  points  would  be  brought  before  them, 
contrary  to  the  Emperor's  inclination,  and  therefore  his  Majesty 
thought  that  one  way  of  terrifying  the  Imperial  Court  would  be,  to 
let  them  see  that  if  the  Congress  should  be  resumed,  these  points 
would  infallibly  come  into  debate,  and  the  Allies  must  have  justice 
done  on  them.  But  the  chief  point  that  the  King  thinks  is  to  be 
pressed  is,  that  the  Allies  of  Hanover  should,«upon  the  refusal  of 
the  Emperor  and  Spain,  take  a  resolutipn  generally,  which  should  be 


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464  KOTGS   OK  DOMESTIC  [l729. 

commuDicated  both  to  the  Imperial  Court  and  to  that  of  Spain, 
whereby  the  Allies  should  declare,  that  in  case  the  Emperor  and 
Spain  will  not  come  into  the  provisional  treaty,  as  last  adjusted  by 
Count  Zinzendorf  with  the  English,  French,  and  Spanish  Ministers, 
and  promised  to  be  ffenerally  supported  by  them  all,  that  then 
within  a  time  certain,  for  example,  two  months,  the  Allies  will  then 
break  off  all  negotiations,  and  take  the  proper  measures  to  obtain 
Buch  satisfaction  and  redress  upon  their  several  grievances,  and  to 
procure  for  themselves  that  justice  which  they  could  not  obtain  by 
the  way  of  treaty  and  negotiation:  this  his  Majesty  looking  upon  to 
be  the  only  means  left  for  bringing  these  two  powers  to  a  compli- 
ance. As  the  declaration,  in  the  King's  opinion,  would  be  a  right 
measure  with  regard  to  the  Emperor  and  Spain,  his  Majesty  does 
also  look  upon  it  to  be  what  his  Allies  cannot  refuse  to  come  into. 
The  Cardinal  will  consider  that  the  King  is  just  upon  opening  the 
session  of  Parliament,  and  had  the  greatest  reason  to  hope  that  the 
negotiation  would  by  this  time  have  been  finished  to  his  own  and  his 
Ames'  satisfaction  ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  matters  seem  now  to  be 
further  from  a  settlement  than  ever,  the  Emperor  gone  back  from  what 
his  own  Minister  proposed,  and  Spain  more  intractable  than  it  had 
ever  been ;  and  if  his  Majesty  pannot  have  the  satisfaction  to  show 
his  Parliament  that  his  Allies  are  still  firm  and  steady  to  him,  and 
that  if  an  end  of  our  present  difficulties  cannot  be  brought  about 
one  way,  it  will  another ;  which  will  be  one  good  effect  of  the  prp^ 
posed  aeclaration.  The  Cardinal  will  much  reflect  what  will  uien 
be  the  notion  here  of  France,  and  of  the  manner  of  that  Crown's 
supporting  its  engagements,  especially  when  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  if  the  French  Court  had  showed  me  vigour  they  ought  to  have 
done,  all  this  must  have  been  over  several  months  ago,  and  his  Ma- 
jesty  doth  not  conceive  that  the  Cardinal  in  justice  or  friendship 
can  refuse  this,  or  that  in  act  or  policy  he  should  be  inclined  to 
do  so. 

March  19th,  1728-9.— Lord  Townshend  sent  me  some  letters 
from  Lord  Chesterfield,  Ambassador  in  Holland,  to  Lord  Towns- 
hend, and  his  answers ;  the  first  was  a  private  letter  from  the  Hague, 
from  Lord  Chesterfield  to  Lord  Townshend,  dated  15th  March, 
1729  ;  wherein  he  wrote  that  he  had  been  yesterday  with  the  Pen- 
sionary, to  know  if  he  had  any  positive  answer  to  give  upon  the 
subject  of  a  very  private  letter  of  the  20th  of  February,  0.  S.,  of 
Lord  Townshend's,  and  that  the  answer  he  gave  was,  that  he  had 
consulted  with  the  Greffier,  and  with  some  few  others  of  his  friends, 
upon  the  proposition  of  concerting  a  plan  with  England,  to  oblige 
the  Emperor  and  Spain  to  come  into  measures,  ana  to  excite  and 
press  France  to  join  in  that  design,  but  that  he  found  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  tjp  propose  it  here ;  that  they  were  so  sensible  of 
their  own  weakness,  so  persuaded  of  the  inactivity  of  France,  and 


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1729.]  AND   FOBEIGlir  AFFAIBa.  465 

SO  apprehensive  of  engaging  in  measures  that  may  by  any  accident 
bring  on  a  war,  that  he  was  sure  such  a  proposal  would  be  instantly 
rejected,  and  with  a  good  share  of  indignation  upon  himself  for 
having  done  it.  That  the  only  possible  way  of  bringing  it  about, 
"was  for  England  and  France  to  join  in  pressing  the  Republic  to 
come  into  such  measures,  in  which  case,  he  beheved,  they  neither 
could  or  would  refuse,  but  to  act  separately  with  England  alone  he 
was  sure  they  would  never  do  it. 

The  Earl  of  Chesterfield  proceeds  further  in  his  letter  to  give  an 
account  of  the  arguments  that  he  made  use  of  with  the  Pensionary 
to  induce  him  to  enter  into  the  concerting  of  the  said  plan  with 
England,  but  it  was  all  without  success.  For  the  Pensionary  told 
him  that  he  was  as  much  convinced  of  the  truth  of  those  reasonings 
as  Lord  Chesterfield  could  be  himself,  and  as  desirous  to  bring  the 
Republic  into  vigorous  measures  if  possible ;  but  that  the  weakness 
of  the  government,  the  private  interest  of  some,  and  the  reasonable 
fears  of  others,  made  it  impossible  to  carry  it  through,  and  conse- 
quently imprudent  to  attempt  it.  That  besides,  the  stay  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  made  at  the  Hague,  though  but  short,  had 
given  so  great  an  alarm,  and  caused  so  much  uneasiness  amongst 
the  anti-Stadtholder  party,  that  they  could  think  of  nothing  else, 
and  they  would  apprehend  that  a  war  would  facilitate  the  designs 
of  that  Prince. 

The  Earl  of  Chesterfield  says  further  in  that  letter,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  describe  the  miserable  situation  of  the  Republic 
The  disputes  between  province  and  l)rovince  engross  both  the 
thoughts  and  the  time  of  the  States-General,  as  the  disputes  be- 
tween town  and  town  wholly  employ  the  states  of  each  particular 
province.  Private  interest  or  resentment  is  to  be  gratified  at  the 
expense  of  the  whole.  Present  and  imminent  dangers  are  neglected 
for  the  fear  of  those  remote  and  chimerical ;  and  I  may  venture  to 
say  with  justice  of  this  government,  that  the  utter  ignorance  of 
some,  the  notorious  depravity  of  many,  and  the  private  view  of  all, 
render  this  Republic  at  present  a  most  contemptible  enemy,  and  a 
most  insignificant  ally. 

Of  the  same  date  with  the  former  letter,  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield 
sent  another  very  secret  letter  to  Lord  Townshend,  that  having 
mentioned  in  his  private  letter  something  the  Pensionary  said  to 
him  concerning  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he  would  in  this  give  him  a 
more  particular  account  of  what  passed  between  him  and  the  Pen- 
sionary on  that  subject,  viz. — that  the  Pensionary  having  recapitu- 
lated everything  that  had  happened  during  that  Prince's  stay  at 
the  Hague,  said  that  everybody  looked  upon  his  coming  there  as 
a  forerunner  of  his  match  with  the  Princess  Royal,  and  upon  that 
match  as  a  sure  forerunner  of  the  Stadhouderat ;  that  this  persua- 
sion gave  the  utmost  uneasiness  there,  and  imless  removed,  might 

2  H 


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466  NOTES   OW  DOMESTIC  [l729. 

be  attended  at  the  time  witli  very  ill  consequences,  and  that  he 
wished  some  declaration  could  be  made,  or  something  done  on  the 
part  of  England  to  quiet  their  fears.  That  he  was  informed  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  was  to  return  here  in  May  at  the  time  of  the 
Kermes,  and  when  the  troops  were  to  be  exercised,  and  the  militia 
imder  arms.  That  this  would  give  a  general  alarm,  and  might  have 
a  very  ill  effect  with  regard  to  England  at  the  time,  and  Uierefore 
desired  that  his  return  might  be  prevented.  The  Pensionary,  in 
further  talking  about  the  dSairs  of  the  Stadtholder,  said  that  when 
he  was  made  Pensionary,  he  was  asked  whether  he  would  be  for 

E reserving  the  present  form  of  government  ?  That  he  had  promised 
e  would,  and  though  he  plainly  said  now  that  sooner  or  later  a 
Stadtholder  would  come,  ttiat  yet  he  would  not  betray  his  trust  as 
a  minister,  but  when  that  should  happen,  "  il  quitteroit  la  partie," 
and  retire. 

The  Earl  of  Chesterfield  afterwards  goes  on  in  the  said  letter,  and 
writes  that  the  Prince  of  Orange's  presence  at  the  Hague  had  had  a 
much  better  effect  than  either  his  friends  could  have  expected,  or  his 
enemies  apprehended.  The  people  followed  him  wherever  he  went, 
crying  out,  Long  live  our  Stadtholder !  and  uttering  bitter  invectives 
against  the  present  government ;  so  that  with  a  very  little  trouble  a 
tumult  might  have  been  raised  equal  to  that  in  1672.  His  levee  was 
crowded  with  officers  of  all  ranks,  who  openly  declared  themselves 
for  him ;  and  even  those  who  talked  the  loudest  against  him  before 
his  arrival,  and  declared  they  would  not  go  near  him,  seeing  the 
fury  of  the  people  in  his  favour,  thought  it  prudent  at  last  to  wait 
upon  him,  tnough  with  an  ill  grace.  The  great  point  then  to  be 
considered,  and  by  which  that  Prince,  I  think,  is  to  direct  his  con- 
duct, is,  whether  his  Majesty  intends  to  bestow  the  Princess  Koyal 
on  him  or  not :  and  when  ?  If  his  Majesty  should  think  fit  to 
make  that  match  this  summer,  I  think  it  is  absolutely  necessary  he 
should  return  to  this  place  at  the  time  I  mentioned  before,  viz.  May 
next  at  the  Kermes,  both  upon  account  of  the  main  view  of  the 
Stadhouderat,  and  upon  account  of  his  admission  into  the  council  of 
state  in  September,  which  is  a  very  important,  point,  and  a  leading 
card  to  the  other.  For  as  I  am  persuaded  the  Pensionary  and  the 
Greffier  can  never  be  brought  to  approve  that  match,  whenever  it 
shall  be  made,  the  scabbard  is  thrown  away,  and  the  main  object 
must  be  pushed  with  vigour,  and  I  doubt  not  with  success.  On  the 
other  hand  it  is  certain  that  the  match,  the  return  of  the  Prince,  and 
his  admission  to  the  council  of  state,  will  cause  very  great  disorders 
here,  both  parties  being  now  animated  in  the  highest  degree,  so  that 
it  is  to  be  considered  how  far  the  present  situation  of  public  affairs 
makes  it  advisable  or  not  to  venture  those  disorders  that  will  inevit- 
ably happen.  Upon  the  whole,  I  am  persuaded  the  Prince  is  not 
likely  to  be  Stadtholder  by  fair  means,  the  power  and  profit  of  that 


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1729.]  AND   FOEEIGN  AFFAIES.  467 

employment  being  so  much  taken  away  from  the  most  considerable 
people  of  the  province,  who  will  always  oppose  it.  But  I  am  con- 
vinced, too,  that  whenever  it  shall  be  thought  proper  to  push  that 
aflfair,  a  general  insurrection  of  the  people  may  with  very  little  diffi- 
culty and  expense  be  procured,  and  a  Stadtholder  imposed  upon  the 
province. 

10th  March,  1728-9,  O.  S.,  Lord  Townshend  wrote  to  Lord  Ches- 
terfield, that  the  King  was  sorry  to  see  by  his  letter  of  the  15th 
inst.  N.  S.  that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  propose  to  the  Republic  the 
concerting  of  a  plan  with  his  Majesty,  in  order  to  press  France  to 
join  in  it,  and  by  that  means  effectually  oblige  the  Emperor  and 
Spain  to^come  to  a  speedy  determination.  But  his  Maiesty  hopes 
and  expects  that  the  States  may  be  induced  to  join  with  his  Majesty 
(shoula  the  provisional  treaty  be  rejected  by  the  Courts  of  Vienna 
and  Madrid)  in  preventing  our  being  carried  back  to  the  Congresa 
again ;  aad  therefore  your  Excellency  may  in  confidence  assure  the 
Pensionary  and  Gremer  that  his  Majesty  is  at  all  events  determined 
not  to  submit  to  this.  But  this  is  certainly  the  aim  of  the  Court  of 
Madrid,  and  we  have  reason  to  think  that  the  Court  of  Vienna  has 
likewise  the  same  view.  The  term  prescribed  by  the  8th  article  ot 
the  preliminary  treaty  for  the  duration  of  the  Congress,  is  but  four 
months.  Now,  not  only  that  number,  but  above  as  many  more  have 
been  spent  since  the  opening  of  the  Congress,  and  that  purely  by 
the  fault  of  Spain,  which  has  not  hitherto  vouchsafed  to  give  the 
allies  of  Hanover  an  answer  upon  the  provisional  treaty.  His  Ma- 
jesty might  in  justice  insist  upon  the  execution  of  the  preliminaries 
in  this  point,  which  limits  the  duration  of  the  Congress  to  the  term 
before  mentioned,  and  in  consequence  not  permit  his  plenipoten- 
tiaries to  return  thither,  unless  it  be  to  sign  the  provisional  treaty ; 
but  rather  chooses  to  abide  by  the  preliminaries  for  the  remainder  of 
the  seven  years  prescribed  by  them  as  the  term  for  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  than  begin  the  Congress  again. 

Mr  Stanhope  and  Mr  Walpole  will  be  going  to  France  the  latter 
end  of  this  week  or  the  beginning  of  the  next,  and  will  be  instructed 
to  acquaint  the  Cardinal  with  his  Majest/s  resolution  not  to  go 
back  to  the  Congress  unless  to  sign.  His  Majesty  must,  for  the 
reason  before  mentioned,  insist  to  know  the  Pensionary's  opinion 
as  to  the  probability  of  obtaining  from  the  State  the  same  orders  to 
their  Mimsters  at  Paris,  to  join  with  t^hose  of  England  in  the  par- 
ticular. 

The  same  10th  March,  O.S.,  Lord  Townshend  wrote  a  very  secret 
letter  to  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield,  in  answer  to  the  EarPs  said  very 
secret  letter  of  the  19th  March,  1729,  N.  S.,  wherein  he  writes, 
"  Your  Excellency  knows  that  the  King,  as  well  as  his  royal  father, 
always  looked  upon  the  States  as  the  only  ally  upon  whose  friend- 
ship they  could  rely  upon  all  occasions ;  and  in  consequence  of  this 

2  H  2 


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468  KOTES  OK  DOMESTIO  [l729. 

principally,  his  Majesty,  as  well  as  the  late  King,  has  never  suffered 
any  other  consideration,  but  the  real  good  and  prosperity  of  the 
public,  to  have  any  share  in  his  sentiments,  or  in  the  part  he  was 
acting  towards  them ;  and  for  this  reason,  it  always  has  been  his  in- 
tention that  his  ministers  residing  in  Holland  should  avoid  entering 
into  any  factions  or  cabals.  It  is  no  secret  to  the  Pensionary  that 
his  NJajesty,  out  of  regard  to  the  House  of  Nassau,  and  foreseeing 
from  the  confused  and  disunited  state  of  the  Commonwealth  under 
its  present  form,  that  the  Prince  might  one  day  arrive  at  being 
Stadtholder,  has  given  him  reason  to  hope  that,  at  some  time  or 
other,  he  may  have  one  of  his  Majesty  s  daughters  in  marriage. 
And  in  this  the  King  thinks  he  has  acted  the  part  of  a  true  friend, 
not  only  to  the  Prince,  but  to  the  Republic ;  there  being  no  alliance 
so  desirable  for  them  as  that  of  a  Princess  of  England :  further  than 
this  the  King  has  not  gone.  In  order  to  give  the  Pensionary  the 
most  signal  proof  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him,  his  Majesty  is 
resolved  to  oreak  through  the  rule  he  has  hitherto  prescribed  to 
himself,  in  not  interposing  in  what  relates  to  the  government  of  the 
Republic,  and  to  comply  with  what  the  Pensionary  desires  of  him, 
by  using  his  good  offices  with  the  Prince,  to  induce  him  not  to 
return  to  the  Hague  at  the  time  of  .the  Kermes ;  your  Excellency 
will  therefore  find  some  way  of  acquainting,  in  the  utmost  secrecy, 
either  the  Prince  or  somebody  in  his  confidence,  that  his  Majesty 
doth  earnestly  entreat  his  Highness  to  consider  most  maturely  how 
far  it  may  be  advisable  for  him  to  return  to  the  Hague  at  the  time 
of  the  fair." 

25th  March,  1729,  N.  S.— The  Earl  of  Chestei^eld  writes  from 
the  Hague  to  Lord  Townshend,  that  he  had  received  his  letter  of 
the  10th  instant,  O.  S.,  and  that  he  had  communicated  his  {>rivate 
letter  to  the  Pensionary  and  Greffier ;  and  after  they  had  considered 
of  it,  waited  separately  on  the  Pensionary  and  Greffier,  to  know 
their  determination  upon  it.  The  Pensionary  told  him  that  he  was 
persuaded  the  Republic  could  never  be  brought  to  send  orders  to 
their  plenipotentiaries  not  to  return  to  the  Congress,  unless  to  sign 
the  provisional  treaty,  without  knowing  first  what  part  France 
would  take  in  that  aifair ;  that  the  provisional  treaty  had  never 
been  much  relished  in  Holland,  and  therefore  it  was  very  improb- 
able that  they  would  agree  to  break  up  the  Congress  for  the  sake 
of  it ;  that  he  was  convinced,  should  Ins  make  the  proposal  to  the 
States,  they  would  look  upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  Congress  as 
the  beginning  of  hostilities,  the  thing  they  dread  here.  That  they 
would  certainly  take  the  proposal  ad  referendum^  and  consult 
their  principals  upon  it ;  by  which  means  the  affair  would  become 
public,  and  if  not  agreed  to  at  last,  as  he  was  persuaded  it  would 
not,  the  attempt  proving  unsuccessful,  he  thought  would  be  attended 
with  many  verj^  ill  consequences,  both  with  regard  to  his  Majesty 


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1729.]  AIS^D   FOEEiaN   AFrAIES.  469 

and  the  alliance.  That  he  thought  the  most  probable  way  to  get 
this  proposition  agreed  to  by  the  Republic,  was  for  his  Majesty's 
plenipotentiaries  to  communicate  with  the  plenipotentiaries  of  those 
States  their  orders  not  to  return  to  the  Congress  unless  to  si^n, 
and  to  press  them,  id  est,  the  Dutch  ministers,  strongly  to  join  with 
them ;  that  of  course  they  would  write  this  to  the  States,  and  desire 
instructions  upqn  it,  and  that  he  thought  it  more  likely  to  obtain 
such  instructions  that  way  than  any  other,  especially  if  France 
seemed  to  come  into  it,  or  even  did  not  oppose  it.  That  he  was 
persuaded  France  would  do  nothing  till  they  saw  what  became  of 
the  effects  of  the  galleons,  and  that  even  afterwards  he  very  much 
questioned  if  they  could  ever  be  brought  to  aid :  which  persuasion 
he  said  was  so  universal  here,  that  it  was  one  of  the  great  causes  of 
the  unwillingness  and  apprehensions  of  their  Republic.  The  senti- 
ments of  the  Gxeffier,  on  my  conversation,  were  much  the  same,  that, 
till  he  had  his  M^'esty's  further  orders,  he  should  not  show  him  the 
letter  about  the  rrince  of  Orange.  That  the  affairs  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  in  Zealand  seemed  to  take  a  favourable  turn,  and  I  think 
it  not  impossible  that  he  may  be  declared  Stadtholder  of  that  pro- 
vince very  unexpectedly ;  the  whole  thing  depends  upon  three  peo- 
ple, two  of  whom  are  corruptible.  I  must  therefore  beg  to  know 
whether,  if  a  sum  not  exceeding  ten  thousand  should  absolutely 
secure  that  affair,  I  might,  upon  a  proper  occasion,  be  empowered 
to  promise  it  P 

18th  March,  1728, 0.  S.— Lord  Townshend  wrote  to  Lord  Chester- 
field, to  make  his  Majesty's  compliments  to  the  Pensionary,  for  so 
freely  declaring  his  opinion,  and  for  suggesting  the  expedient  which 
he  thought  the  most  probable,  in  order  to  get  his  Majesty's  proposal 
agreed  to  by  the  States ;  in  pursuance  of  which  opmion,  Mr  Stan- 
hoj>e  and  Mr  Walpole  will  have  his  Majesty's  instructions,  upon 
their  return  to  Paris,  to  press  the  Dutch  plenipotentiaries  to  join 
with  them  in  declaring  the  resolution  of  their  masters  not  to  return 
to  the  Congress  unless  to  sign  ,*  and  as  the  Pensionary  thinks  this 
the  best  method  of  bringing  that  matter  before  the  States,  his  Ma- 
jesty depends,  when  it  does  actually  come  thither,  that  he  will  apply 
nis  whole  credit  and  influence  towards  procuring  a  favourable  reso- 
lution upon  it.  That  the  King  approved  his  not  communicating  his 
letter  about  the  Prince  of  Orange,  before  he  had  transmitted  an 
account  of  his  conference  with  the  Pensionary  and  Greflier.  That 
a  new  one  was  now  sent  him  much  to  the  same  effect  with  the  first. 
That  as  to  the  proposal  that  the  King  should  advance  a  sum  of 
money  towards  procuring  the  Stadtholderato  of  the  province  of 
Zealand  for  the  Prince  of  Orange,  his  Majesty  did  not  think  it  at 
all  expedient  for  him  to  take  a  step  of  that  nature  at  present,  when 
the  consequences  may  be  throwing  things  into  disorder,  and  without 
any  immediate  real  advantage  to  the  Prmce.    Lord  Townshend  told 


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470  irOTES   OIT  DOMESTIC  [l72». 

me,  after  I  had  read  these  letters,  that  there  were  two  material 
things  in  them :  the  refusing  to  go  to  the  Congress  unless  to  sign, 
and  the  King's  interfering  so  far  as  he  doth  in  these  letters,  and  no 
further ;  I  told  him  I  had  no  objection  against  either  of  them. 

Monday,  March  24th. — Lord  Townshend  desired  me  to  come  to 
his  house  in  the  evening,  to  consider  about  the  instructions  to  be 
given  to  Horace  Walpole  and  Mr  Stanhope  on  ;their  return  to 
France.  I  went  accoroingly  about  six  o'cloiSt,  and  there  met  with 
Lord  Townshend,  Duke  of  I)evonshire,  Lord  Trevor,  Duke  of  New- 
castle, and  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  Mr  Stanhope,  and  Horace  Walpole. 
The  latter  produced  and  read  a  long  paper,  which  he  called  the  state 
of  the  case  since  the  passing  the  preliminaries.  The  scope  of  it 
was  to  make  a  narration  of  me  fact,  and  that  though  the  matters 
in  dispute  between  us  and  Spain  were  by  the  preliminary  articles 
and  the  act  of  the  Pardo  to  be  determined  in  four  months,  yet  Spain 
had  done  nothing ;  and  seeing  they  did  nothing,  an  expedient  of  a 
provisional  treaty  had  been  found  out,  which  the  Emperor's  Minis- 
ter went  into  and  encouraged,  and  the  answer  that  Spain  gave  was^ 
that  the  preliminary  articles  should  serve  for  a  basis  of  a  future 
treaty.  But  Boumonville  was  to  return  to  the  Court  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  what  had  been  done,  and  then  they  would  give  their 
answers ;  that  Boumonville  returned  to  Madrid  the  5th  November 
last,  but  no  answer  had  ever  yet  been  given ;  and  therefore  it  was 
proposed  that  the  instructions  to  our  Ambassadors  now  going, 
should  be,  not  to  return  to  the  Congress  unless  it  were  to  sisn  the 
provisional  treaty ;  and  that  this  should  be  in  confidence  tmd  the 
Cardinal  upon  tneir  coming  over  privately,  by  which  m.eans  we 
should  put  an  end  to  this  long  negotiation.  Some  debate  arising 
hereon,  and  the  Duke  of  Grafton  and  the  Earl  of  Scarborough 
cominff  in  towards  the  conclusion*  it  was  agreed  that  Horace  Wal- 
pole should  afi^ainst  Wednesday  night  draw  up  these  instructions 
in  form,  or  at  least  reduce  them  into  writing,  and  then  they  would 
be  the  better  considered.  Friday  night  the  same  company  met  at  the 
same  place,  where  the  instructions  were  brought  prepared,  and  read 
over,  much  to  the  same  purpose. 

Friday,  May  16th. — ^In  the  evening  at  the  Duke  of  Devonshire's : 
there  were  present  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
Duke  of  Grafton,  Lord  Trevor,  Lord  Privy  Seal,  myself.  Earl  of 
Scarborough,  Earl  Godolphin,  and  Sir  Robert  Walpole.  The  Duke 
of  NewcasUe  told  us  that  the  King  being  to  eo  to-morrow,  and  hav- 
ing appointed  the  Queen  Kegent,  he  desired  that  we  would  meet, 
as  there  should  be  occasion,  and  that  we  would  not  teU  any  one 
either  of  the  message  or  of  this,  or  of  any  other  meeting  that  we 
should  have,  because  there  were  some  others  that  might  expect,  to 
whom  it  was  not  fit  that  everything  should  be  known ;  and  tne  pre- 
sent occasion  of  our  meeting  was  to  deliberate  upon  letters  come  in 


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1729.]  AITD  70BEIGK  ATFAIBS.  471 

from  Mr  Keene,  importing  that  the  Spaniards  had  refused  to  return 
any  answer  to  his  memorial,  which  they  said  they  had  prepared  an 
answer  to.  But  the  Marquis  del  Paz  bleing  asked  whether  this  was 
to  break  off  all  intercourse  with  us  and  to  commence  hostilities,  he 
said  that  the  reason  of  it  was  this,  he  had  sent  a  letter  in  the  King*s 
name  to  the  Cardinal,  and  that  the  Cardinal  had  sent  back  a 
haughty  answer  without  communicating  the  letter  to  his  Kin^ ;  and 
that  their  Ambassadors  had  advised  them  that  Chauyehn  had 
said,  "  qvion  avait  dSjd  oris  partie,**  so  that  they  took  it  for  granted 
that  the  Hanover  Allies  were  already  engaged  to  begm  hos- 
tilities, and  therefore  it  was  as  good  for  them  to  break  off  now 
as  a  month  hence.  And  that  merefore  it  lay  upon  us,  before 
we  would  have  any  answer  from  them,  to  procure  an  iclaircisse" 
merit  of  the  Cardinal's  letter.  Upon  this,  it  was  considered  that 
there  was  already  gone  from  Pans  our  iiltimatum  in  effect,  that 
this  bdbre  was  a  sufficient  explanation  of  how  far  he  would  go 
with  respect  to  Don  Carlos.  And  this  seemed  to  be  only  a 
method  of  Spain  to  bring  us  to  open  ourselves  more  thoroughly 
on  that  point,  which  Mr  Keene  receiving  by  way  of  Paris, 
would  set  all  this  matter  clear  and  plain.  On  a  conference  that 
Patino  had  with  Brancas,  he  declared  that  he  was  not  in  the 
interest  of  the  Emperor :  that  the  methods  he  had  brought  them 
into  were  prejudicial  to  this  country,  but  they  were  forced  to  follow 
them ;  that  they  were  getting  out  as  fast  as  they  could,  and  there- 
fore conjured  Brancas  to  treat  their  King  with  respect,  otherwise  he 
could  be  forced  back  again  into  the  Emperor's  power. 

Thursday,  June  6th. — About  eleven  in  the  forenoon  was  at  Lord 
Godolphin  s,  where  were  present  besides  him,  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
Earl  of  Scarborough,  Lord  Trevor,  myself.  Lord  Torrington,  and 
Sir  Charles  Wager.  Where  I  was  informed  that  the  Saturday  be- 
fore, at  a  meeting  at  Sir  K.  Walpole's,  it  had  been  agreed  to  advise 
the  King  to  send  away  the  fleet  immediately  from  Portsmouth ;  but 
that  more  letters  were  since  come  from  Spain,  which  though  not  a 
direct  answer  to  the  memorials  presented  by  Mr  Keene  and  Mr 
Brancas,  yet  they  contained  hopes  and  expectations  that  Spain 
would  in  three  or  four  days  give  a  direct  answer  to  our  satisfection  | 
and  therefore  it  was  thought  advisable  that  the  fleet  should  stay  a 
few  days,  till  we  had  a  more  direct  answer  from  Spain. 

We<mesday  11th,  and  Friday  13th, — ^were  meetmgs  of  the  Select 
Lords  at  Sir  Robert  Walpole's,  but  1  could  not  be  there.  It  was 
there  agreed  that  the  fleet  should  not  yet  sail,  the  occasion  whereof 
was  this.  There  were  letters  from  the  plenipotentiaries  in  France, 
that  they  had  considered  with  the  French  Ministers  that  too  much 
time  might  be  lost  at  this  season  of  the  year,  now  perhaps  a  favour- 
able occasion,  should  they  forbear  any  longer  to  let  the  Court  of 
Spain  know  the  ultimate  resolution  of  England  and  France  relating 


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472  KOTIS  OK  DOMESTIC  [l72P. 

to  the  raocession  of  Tuscany  and  Parma.  And  being  thoroughly 
eonvinced  by  the  advice  from  all  quarters,  that  the  union  and  inti* 
macy  between  Spain  and  the  Emperor,  if  not  broken,  was  become 
very  weak  and  cold  j  and  that  the  Queen  of  Spain  was  at  present 
sincerely  disposed  to  be  reconciled  with  the  Hanover  Allies,  if  they 
did  not  lose  the  opportunity  of  gratifying  her  in  that  darling  point, 
of  securing  the  succession  of  Tuscany  and  Parma  to  her  son  Don 
Carlos  J  and  therefore  they  had  thought  proper  to  send  the  English 
and  French  Ministers  in  Spain  new  instructions,  which  were  sent 
away  the  3rd  of  June,  O.  S.,  a  copy  of  which  instructions  was  sent 
over,  and  were  instructions  to  Mr  Keene  and  Mr  Brancas,  that  in 
ease  their  Catholic  Majesties  would  not  be  satisfied  with  Swiss  gar* 
risons.  either  neutral  or  in  the  pay  of  Spain,  to  declare  the  consent 
of  their  masters  to  Spanish  garrisons,  on  condition  that  the  pre- 
liminaries be  fully  and  immediately  executed,  and  all  our  demands 
satisfied.  And  if  in  fifteen  days'  time  after  this  proposal  they  should 
find  there  was  nothing  more  to  hope  for,  whether  by  refusal  to  give 
an  answer,  or  the  answer  did  not  tend  to  a  speedy  conclusion,  fliey 
should  present  a  memorial,  and  thereby  declare  that  the  Bangs  of 
Great  Britain  and  France  should  think  themselves  obliged  imme- 
diately to  take  measures  the  most  convenient  to  procure  themselves 
reparation  for  those  grievances  suffered  by  the  inexecution  of  the 
preliminaries. 

It  was  thought  that  on  this  new  method  taken,  seeing  there  could 
not  possibly  be  an  answer  till  the  beginning  of  July,  the  fleet  should 
stay  till  that  time,  and  that  if  a  satisfactory  answer  did  not  th^i 
come,  that  part  of  the  fleet  should  sail  to  Gibraltar,  and  another  part 
to  the  West  Indies. 

Tuesday,  17th. — At  Lord  Godolphin's  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the 
morning ;  there  were  present,  Lord  Godolphin,  myself,  Lord  Trevor, 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  Earl  of  Scarborough,  Duke  of  Grafton,  and  Sir 
Bobert  Walpole.  We  were  informed  that  at  Hanover,  the  opinion 
there  was  against  the  present  sailing  of  the  fleet ;  and  there  wsa  a 
letter  read,  that  came  that  morning  fi'om  Lord  Townshend,  to  ac- 
quaint us  firom  the  King,  that  the  last  time  that  the  Engluh  and 
Dutch  fleet  were  formed,  all  our  orders  to  our  fleet  were  sent  to  the 
Dutch  for  their  concurrence,  and  they  joined  with  us  in  everjrthinff, 
and  that  the  same  must  be  done  now.  I  found,  by  Sir  Robert  Ww- 
pole,  that  he  was  very  uneasy  at  the  junction  of  the  Dutch  fleet  with 
ours  at  Portsmouth,  wondered  how  they  came  there,  and  that  it 
would  not  facilitate  but  retard  our  operations.  This  made  me  think 
that  this,  in  some  measure,  sprung  from  a  misunderstanding  between 
him  and  Lord  Townshend,  which  to  me  was  visible;  and  that 
Townshend,  whilst  he  was  in  Holland,  on  his  way  to  Hanover,  pro- 
cured the  Dutch  fleet  to  come,  who  were  originally  designed  for  the 
Baltic ;  and  it  seemed  odd  to  me  that  tliey  should  come  in  this 


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1729.]  AlfD  rOBEIGlf  AITAIEB.  473 

manneTi  without  any  concert  with  us,  or  any  determination  what 
to  do. 

On  the  whole,  seeing  the  fleet  could  not  sail  till  an  answer  came 
from  Spain,  which  could  not  be  till  about  the  middle  of  July,  we 
agreed  that  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  should  write  to  Lord  Townshend 
with  names  of  us  present ;  that  we  were  entirely  of  opinion  that  a 
good  correspondence  should  be  kept  with  the  States  General,  but 
desired  that  the  King  would  forthwith  order  Lord  Chesterfield  to 
agree  with  the  Dutcn  upon  the  orders  proper  to  be  given  to  the 
fleet,  in  case  of  a  dissatisfactory  answer  from  Spain ;  that  so  no  time 
may  then  be  spent  in  concerting  measures  about  our  actions,  but 
they  may  be  speedily  executed. 

After  this  there  was  read  a  draught  of  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  to  Hunter,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  to  take  off  an  embargo 
that  he  had  hastily  laid  upon  the  ships  there,  and  to  let  all  the  trade 
ships  come  away. 

When  this  was  done,  I  came  away  to  go  to  Westminster  Hall^ 
What  was  done  afterwards  I  know  not,  and  if  anything  afterwards 
done  was  writ  in  my  name  as  well  as  others,  it  was  because  I  was 
there  the  beginning,  but  went  away  before  anything  else  was  done 
but  that  whK5h  is  above  written. 

The  aforesaid  letter  that  came  &om  Lord  Townshend  was  dated  at 
Hanover  ^f  June,  1729,  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  wherein  he  writes 
him,  that  his  Majesty  had  ordered  him  to  acquaint  his  Grace,  that 
since  the  States  have  resolved  to  join  their  squadron  to  his  Maiesty's 
fleet  at  Portsmouth,  and  it  is  probable  that  Admiral  Somelsdyke 
may  be  already  there  with  the  snips  under  his  command,  in  order  to 
preserve  the  great  harmony  and  concert  that  subsists  between  the 
J^ing  and  the  States,  it  will  be  necessary  for  the  future,  when  any 
orders  are  to  be  sent  to  Sir  Charles  Wager,  that  they  should  he 
transmitted  to  Lord  Chesterfield,  to  be  by  his  Lordship  previously 
communicated  to  the  Pensionary  and  Greffier ;  that  having  been  the 
constant  practice  during  the  last  war,  whenever  the  fleets  of  the  two 
nations  were  united. 

I  afterwards  saw  the  copy  of  what  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  sent  to 
the  Lord  Townshend,  in  a  letter  dated  June  I7th,  1729,  as  the  said 
resolutions  and  advice  of  the  said  Lords  here.  The  Duke  writes, 
that  their  Lordships  came  to  the  resolution  mentioned  in  the  enclosed 
minute,  which  was  taken  in  their  presence,  and  is,  by  the  Queen's 
command,  as  well  as  their  Lordsmp'  request,  transmitted  to  Lord 
Townshend  to  be  laid  before  the  Kmg.— rThe  minute  enclosed  was 
this. 

"At  the  Earl  of  Godolphin's,  June  17th,  1729,  Present— Lord 
Chancellor,  Duke  of  Grafton,  Earl  of  Scarborough,  Lord  Privy 
Seal,  Earl  of  Godolphin,  Sir  R.  Walpole,  Duke  of  Newcastle. 

"  My  Lord  Townshend's  letter  of  the  H  June,  having  by  the 


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474  KOTES  OW  DOMESTIC  [l729. 

Queen's  command  been  laid  before  the  Lords,  their  Lordships  are 
humbly  of  opinion  that  Lord  Townshend  should  be  wrote  to,  ac- 
ouainting  his  Lordship  that  the  Lords  here  were  always  of  opinion 
that  a  good  correspondence  should.be  kept  up  with  the  .States 
General,  and  upon  that  principle  did  humbly  offer  it  to  his  Majesty's 
consideration  in  the  last  letter  to  my  Lord'  Townshend  (I  was  not 
present  when  this  letter  was  agreed  on  or  wrote,  and  never  saw  it) 
that  the  orders  to  be  sent  to  the  united  fleets  should  be  in  concert 
with  them :  and  in  consequence  of  the  same  opinion,  their  Lordships 
do  now  humbly  offer  it  to  his  Majesty  as  their  advice,  that  imme- 
diate orders  should  be  sent  to  Lord  Chesterfield  to  prevail  with  the 
States  without  loss  of  time  to  send  orders  to  their  Admiral  to  sail 
and  act  in  conjunction  with  his  Majesty's  fleet,  upon  the  first  notice 
of  an  unsatisfactory  answer  from  the  Court  of  Spain,  that  the  time 
of  action  and  execution  may  not  be  lost  in  further  concerting  mea- 
sures for  it.  But  their  Lordships  hee  leave  still  to  give  it  as  their 
humble  advice,  that  whatsoever  is  to  be  done  in  the  West  Lidies, 
should  be  sinely  done  by  his  Majesty's  fleet,  for  the  reasons  men- 
tioned in  the  letter,  in  which  case  their  Lordships  think  a  previous 
concerting  the  less  necessary,  which  might  possibly  disappoint  the 
success  of  it.  In  a  letter  afterwards  receivea  from  Lord  Townshend, 
directed  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  from  Hanover,  ^!^  he  writes, 
that  his  Majesty  had  agreed  to  the  introduction  of  Spanish  garrisons 
into  the  places  of  Tuscany  and  Parma,  and  that  the  States  nad  also 
agreed  to  enter  into  this  engagement  with  Spain,  which,  considering 
the  conduct  throughout  the  whole  negotiation  with  respect  to  the 
quadruple  alliance  and  for  some  years  since,  the  King  had  little  rea- 
son to  expect  they  would  have  obliged  themselves.  However,  it 
was  of  great  importance  to  his  Majesty,  because  it  engages  them 
jointly  with  us  in  all  the  consequences  that  our  guarantee  of  the  above- 
mentioned  garrisons  to  Spain  may  draw  upon  us,  and  may  likewise 
be  a  great  inducement  to  Spain  to  accept  of  our  last  proposal  He 
writes,  moreover,  that  the  King  agrees  entirely  with  the  Lords  of 
the  Council  in  their  opinion,  that  if  the  Court  of  Spain  should  en- 
deavour by  their  answer  still  to  amuse  and  avoid  coming  to  a  con- 
clusion with  us,  and  nothing  of  consequence  should  be  attempted 
against  the  Spaniards  this  Summer,  it  will  not  be  hard  to  foresee 
Tmat  ill  effect  it  may  have,  not  only  throughout  the  whole  kingdom, 
but  in  the  next  session  of  Parliament.  And  therefore  his  Majesty 
is  of  the  same  sentiment  with  your  Grace  and  their  Lordships,  that 
a  certain  day  should  be  fixed  for  the  united  squadrons  to  sail  after 
the  expiration  of  the  term  prescribed  to  the  Ministers  at  Madrid, 
to  give  in  a  second  memorial,  in  case  the  Court  of  Spain  should  not 
comply  with  what  had  been  proposed.  And  accordingly  he  writes 
by  ms  Majes^s  command  to  his  Ministers  in  France  and  Holland 
to  press  the  Cardinal  and  the  Pensionary  upon  that  subject,  and  to 


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1729.]  JlSD  fobeigk  aftaibs.  475 

endeavour  to  bring  France  and  the  States  to  consent  to  the  fixing 
of  a  day,  as  their  Lordships  have  proposed. 

As  to  the  operations  or  the  Englisn  and  Dutch  squadrons,  pro- 
posed to  be  undertaken  at  the  same  time,  both  upon  the  coast  of 
Spain  and  in  the  West  Indies,  tne  two  squadrons  being  now  joined, 
nothing  can  be  determined  as  to  his  Majesty's  squadron  sailing 
alone  to  the  West  Indies,  till  the  sentiments  of  the  States  are  known 
upon  that  head,  and  my  Lord  Chesterfield  is  directed  to  sound  the 
Pensionary  as  to  the  share  the  Republic  will  like  most  to  take  in 
the  projected  operations  both  in  Europe  and  America.  At  the  same 
time  the  King  is  apprehensiye  that  the  Dutch  will  not  care  to  let 
their  whole  squadron  lie  without  detachments  before  Cadiz,  to  hinder 
the  flota  or  the  galleons  from  sailing  from  thence  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  leave  the  trade  of  their  subjects  in  America  to  be  protected  only 
by  the  King's  fleet  in  those  parts.  Especially  considering  the  ex- 
ceeding great  losses  they  have  suffered  from  the  Spaniards  there, 
and  the  interest  they  have  themselves  to  defend  their  trade,  to  take 
and  destroy  the  Spanish  men-of-war  and  guarda  costaa,  their  bitter 
enemies,  and  to  avenee  and  repair  their  ovni  immense  sufferings  in 
that  part  of  the  world.  Wherefore,  as  it  appears  probable  to  his 
Majesty  that  the  Dutch  will  be  inclined  to  jom  some  of  their  ships 
to  those  of  the  King's  that  shaU  be  ordered  to  the  West  Indies, 
which  cannot  be  refused  them  if  they  desire  it ;  his  Majesty  is  of 
opinion  that  this  part  of  their  Lordships'  scheme,  which  relates  to 
the  operation  of  his  fleet  alone  in  those  seas,  should  be  kept  secret, 
since  the  States  would  most  certainly  oppose  it,  and  the  proposing 
it  to  them  would  most  certainly  brei^  the  union  which  subsists  be- 
tween them  and  his  Majesty,  which  would  be  fatal  at  this  juncture. 
Besides,  the  sailing  of  the  joint  squadron  thither  upon  some  ^neral 
concert,  in  common  for  annoying  the  Spaniards  and  protecting  the 
trade  of  both  nations,  will  not  hinder  his  Majesty  from  sending 
some  more  ships  in  a  reasonable  time  after,  with  four  Irish  battalions 
on  board,  under  pretence  of  strengthening  our  garrisons  in  those 
parts,  in  order  to  put  in  execution  any  attempt  on  Porto  Rico,  or 
any  other  place  of  the  Spanish  dominions  there.  Such  particular 
expeditions  have  been  several  times  undertaken  in  the  last  war 
without  any  communication  with  our  allies,  and  cannot  reasonably 
be  excepted  against  in  case  a  war  should  be  actually  begun  with 
Spain — and  this  may  be  done  without  putting  the  nation  to  any 
greater  expense,  by  finding  some  pretence  to  keep  back  so  many  of 
Sir  Charles  Wafer's  squamron  as  may  be  thought  necessary  to  con- 
vey the  troops  that  shall  be  sent  to  the  West  Indies.  As  to  the 
two  thousana  men  which  his  Majesty  offered  to  put  on  board  his 
fleet  going  to  the  coast  of  Spain,  in  my  letter  of  "^^J^  it  was  in 
answer  to  their  address  of  the  1st  of  June,  N.  S.,  wherein  they  de- 
aired  his  Majesty's  thoughts  as  to  the  operations  which  they  should 


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476  NOTES   OK  BOMBtSTIO  [l729. 

suggest  to  the  Cardinal  for  acting  jointly  against  Spain,  in  case  the 
conduct  of  that  Court  should  oblige  the  alnes  to  come  to  an  imme- 
diate rupture  with  them  ;  and  as  his  Majesty  thinks  it  of  the  greatest 
consequence  to  engage  France  to^come  to  open  hostilities  with 
Spain,  if  the  Cardinal  likes  the  proposal  of  embarking  troops  on 
board  our  fleet,  to  be  sent  to  the  Spanish  coast  to  assist  the  French 
in  any  operations  on  that  side,  his  Majesty,  besides  the  four  Irish 
battalions  designed  to  execute  the  scheme  in  the  West  Indies, 
would  have  two  English  battalions  ordered  on  board  Sir  Charles 
Wager*s  fleet,  which  will  suffice  for  that  purpose,  and  may  engage 
the  French,  according  to  his  Majesty's  intentions,  to  act  generafiy 
with  us  in  the  war  against  Spain. 

1729,  August  7th,  Thursday.— On  a  letter  from  Sir  Robert  Wal- 
pole,  desiring  me  to  dine  with  him  this  day,  and  other  Lords  whom 
the  King  principally  intrusts  with  his  affairs  to  advise  the  Queen 
during  his  absence,  I  went  there,  and  dined  with  him,  Lord  TrcTor, 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  and  Lord  Torrington.  After  dinner  he  imparted 
to  us  two  letters  from  Lord  Townshend,  intimating  the  King's  plea- 
sure, that  as  to  the  affairs  of  Spain  and  the  fleet,  the  orders  should 
be  given  here  immediately,  witnout  transmitting  them  to  Hanover, 
and  that  the  King  had  given  orders  to  the  plenipotentiaries  at  Paris 
to  receive  their  orders  from  hence  without  expecting  them  from 
Hanover.  Then  he  informed  us,  that  Tuesday  nighS  the  5th  of 
August,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  had  received  from  Mr  Keene  the 
proposals  of  Spain,  delivered  by  the  Marquis  del  Paz  and  Mr 
x^atmo,  which  we  were  desired  to  consider.  These  proposals  were 
very  plain  and  express  in  what  Spain  desired,  but  very  dark  and  un- 
intelhgible  as  to  what  we  were  to  have.  Too  much  was  desired  on 
their  side,  and  it  did  not  plainly  appear  what  would  be  granted  by 
them  to  us.  But  considering  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  and  that 
it  appeared  plainly  by  Spain  delivering  the  effects  of  the  galleons^ 
and  promising  to  deliver  the  cedulas,  and  from  other  facts,  that  Spain 
was  in  a- disposition  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  us,  though  the  Minis- 
ters of  Spain  would  not  speak  out  plainly  what  they  would  do  for  us, 
but  would  rather  that  it  should  come  from  us  j  therefore  we  were  of 
opinion  that  the  Queen  should  write  to  our  Plenipotentiaries  at 
Paris,  that  the  project  delivered  by  the  Marquis  del  Paz  to  Mr 
Keene  was  crude,  obscure,  and  unsatisfactory.  But  that,  however, 
with  proper  alterations  and  amendments,  it  might  be  made  sufficient 
for  obtaining  a  general  pacification;  and  therefore  to  direct  the 
plenipotentiaries  to  draw  up  in  form  such  articles  as  to  them  should 
seem  proper,  and  to  do  it  m  concert  with  the  French  and  Dutch. 
It  was  likewise  thought  by  us,  that  until  further  news  from  Spain, 
meaning  as  to  the  delivery  of  the  effects  of  the  gaUeons  ana  the 
cedulaSf  the  fleet  should  stay  in  the  place  where  they  now  are. 

It  was  by  a  letter  from  Lord  Townshend^  dated  ^f  th  of  August, 


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1729.]  AND   rOEEIGN   AJTAIES.  477 

to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  that  it  was  first  intimated  that  the  Xing, 
being  at  a  distance,  had  determined,  in  regard  to  the  uneasiness 
which  he  heard  the  people  of  Exigland  were  under,  to  leave  the 
management  of  the  negotiation  with  Spain  to  the  Queen,  with  the 
advice  of  those  Lords  of  the  Council  who  are  usually  consulted  upon 
foreign  afiairs,  and  who,  being  upon  the  spot,  are  better  judges  of 
the  present  temper  and  disposition  of  the  nation ;  and  the  same  he 
repeated  again  in  a  letter  dated  from  Rodenkirk,  ^^^ 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  July,  Lord  Townshend  sent  over,  by 
the  order  of  the  King,  a  project  of  a  treaty  between  the  King  of 
France,  Holland,  and  the  four  Electors,  framed  by  Count  Albert, 
the  Duke  of  Bavarians  Minister  at  Paris,  and  considered  at  Hanover 
by  Lord  Townshend  and  M.  Plattenburgh,  the  Elector  of  Cologne's 
Minister  (by  whom  some  marginal  notes  were  made  on  the  project). 
This  project  with  these  marginal  notes  had  been  sent  by  Lord 
Townshend  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  with  orders  from  the  King 
to  communicate  them  to  those  Lords  with  whom  the  Queen  usually 
advised  in  foreign  affairs,  and  to  have  their  opinion.  This  was 
some  time  in  July ;  I  was  not  at  that  meeting,  but  the  Lords  there, 
viz.  Lord  Trevor,  Newcastle,  Torrington,  and  Sir  R.  Walpole,  re- 
turned for  answer,  that  they  thought  a  treaty  on  proper  terms  with 
the  four  Electors  might  be  advisable ;  but  the  project  and  the  notes  . 
being  contradictory  to  one  another,  and  not  knowing  what  was 
agreed  on,  they  could  not  tell  how  to  give  an  opinion  upon  it.  Upon 
this,  Lord  Townshend  wrote  another  letter  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle, wherein  he  says,  that  the  King  hoped  to  have  had  the  opinion 
of  the  Lords,  as  well  upon  the  marginal  notes  as  upon  the  treaty 
itself.  That  no  part  either  of  the  project  or  the  articles  were  agreed 
to ;  but  these  were  only  proposals  that  might  or  mi^ht  not  be  agreed 
to,  and  therefore  the  King  desired  to  have  the  opinion  of  the  Lords 
upon  the  project  and  the  notes  both,  that  so  having  their  opinion,  he 
might  be  at  liberty  to  act  upon  the  whole  as  he  should  think  fit 

Not  having  time  to  take  this  into  consideration  at  this  meeting, 
the  7th  August,  1729,  we  agreed  to  meet  again  on  the  Monday  fol- 
lowing, viz.  11th  August,  at  Sir  Robert  Walpole's  ;  and  accordingly 
there  then  met  there  the  Chancellor,  the  Privy  Seal,  Dukes  of 
Grafton  and  Newcastle,  Lord  Torrington,  and  Sir  II.  Walpole.  We 
all  took  this  letter  to  be  a  reprimand  for  not  directly  answering  the 
first  letter,  which  we  did  not  care  to  do,  not  liking  the  particulars  of 
tiie  treaty.  But,  however,  finding  the  King  had  an  mclination  to 
this  treaty,  and  that  something  must  be  done,  we  did  agree  to  send 
now  for  answer  to  this  effect : — That,  considering  the  present  cir- 
cumstances, we  were  in  a  likelihood  to  agree  with  Spain,  which 
might  provoke  the  Emperor,  it  would  be  advisable  to  have  a  body 
of  troops  ready  in  the  Empire  for  our  assistance ;  but  that  as  to  the 
particulars  of  this  project,  we  first  represented  as  to  the  preamble, 


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47B  irOTES  OK  DOMESTIO  [1729. 

that  it  was  fit  the  Elector  of  Mentz  should  be  a  party,  because 
otherwise  we  have  not  four  Electors,  and  he  was  party  as  Elector 
of  Triers  to  the  treaty  of  1724  between  the  four  Electors,  which  is 
referred  to  in  the  preamble,  as  to  which  part  of  the  preamble  we 
could  not  say  anything,  because  we  had  never  seen  that  treaty ;  but 
that  the  preamble  of  this  project  related  only  to  the  Empire,  which 
would  not  be  acceptable  here,  whilst  the  foundation  of  it  was  for 
something  of  advantage  to  all  the  contracting  parties,  and  that  in 
the  preamble  the  King  is  to  covenant  for  himself  as  King  and 
Elector,  whereas  we  thought  it  should  only  be  a  general  covenant 
for  his  Majesty's  Britannic  dominions  generally. 

The  First  article,  which  was  of  a  general  friendship,  we  had  no 
objection  to. 

Second  article,  we  objected  that  the  view  of  the  treaty  therein  re- 
cited was  too  narrow,  confining  it  to  the  Roman  empire,  whereas  it 
should  be  for  the  benefit  oi  all  the  contracting  parties.  The 
amendment  in  the  marginal  notes  we  thought  proper. 

Third  and  Fourth  articles  agreed  to  with  the  amendment  in  the 
margin. 

So  the  Fifth  and  Sixth. 

Fifth  and  Sixth  articles — ^According  to  my  remembrance  we  did 
agree  thereto. 

Article  Seven. — ^We  represented  the  beginning  of  the  article  to.be 
engaging  too  much,  even  in  the  general  terms,  but  the  particulars, 
not  to  make  any  convention,  alliance,  or  agreement  but  in  concert 
and  with  the  approbation  of  the  contracting  parties,  we  thought  not 
to  be  entered  into,  nor  the  addition  in  the  marginal  notes,  that  they 
will  not  give  any  guarantee  to  any  one  out  of  this  alliance,  because 
this  is,  in  other  words,  to  say  that  we  will  never  guarantee  the 
Emperor's  succession,  which,  though  it  be  not  proper  now  to  do, 
may  be  proper  under  other  circumstances,  and  however  proper  it 
may  be  at  another  time,  we  cannot  by  this  article  do  it,  ana  also  be- 
cause the  Electors,  whose  interest  is  never  to  do  it^  will  never  permit 
us  to  do  it. 

The  Eighth  article  agreed,  leaving  out  as  in  the  margin. 

The  Ninth  article  we  thought  too  narrow,  and  confined  to  the 
Empire  too  much. 

The  like  our  decision  as  to  the  Tenth. 

The  Eleventh  article. — We  agreed  to  the  amendment  made  in  the 
marein  by  the  Elector  of  Cologne's  Minister,  that  this  treaty  should 
contmue  only  for  two  years,  which  we  thought  long  enough. 

The  Twelfth,  for  keeping  the  treaty  concealed,  we  agreed  to. 

First  secret  article  as  to  the  succession  of  Juliers  of  Berg,  we 
tnought  not  reasonable  nor  proper,  but  agreed  to  it  as  amended  in 
the  margin,  that  the  King  would  not  take  any  engagement  with  the 
King  of  Prussia  contrary  to  the  Palatine. 


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1729.]  ATTD  rOEEIGN  APFAIES.  479 

Second  secret  article  as  to  Mecklenburg,  which  was  what  the 
King  desired,  we  agreed  to. 

Third  secret  article,  containing  the  demands  of  the  Elector  of 
Cologne,  we  agreed  to  the  amendment  in  the  margin  for  the  King 
to  pay  his  quota,  and  that  the  King  would  do  nothing  as  to  the  Ses- 
sion of  Liege  without  the  consent  of  the  States,  and  would  employ 
all  good  offices  with  them — and  agreed  to  what  was  in  the  margin. 

Fourth  secret  article  relating  to  Bavaria — disagreed  as  to  what 
relates  to  the  King.    The  rest  related  only  to  the  King  of  France. 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle  was  desired  to  draw  this  into  writing, 
which  he  did  against  the  next  day,  and  read  it  to  me,  Trevor,  and 
the  Duke  of  Grafton  the  next  day  at  his  house  in  Kensington,  Sir 
R.  Walpole  and  Lord  Torrington  not  being  there.  He  added  some- 
thing by  way  of  amplification  and  enforcement,  which  had  not  been 
mentioned  the  day  before,  which,  excepting  one,  being  of  no  great 
consequence  I  did  not  contradict;  but  there  was  one  which  I  could 
not  agree  to,  and  which  he  struck  out,  as  not  being  our  thought ; 
which  was,  in  that  part  relating  to  the  guarantee  of  the  Emperor's 
succession,  he  unnecessarily  mentioned,  a  fact,  that  though  Count 
Kinski  offered  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  to  give  up  the  Ostend 
trade  if  the  Kin^  would  guarantee  the  succession,  yet  the  King  had 
refused  it.  I  said  that  it  was  a  fact  I  did  not  know,  and  if  it  were 
so,  there  was  no  reason  to  insert  it  here.  On  which  it  was  struck 
out  of  the  paper,  and  therefore,  if  it  should  be  afterwards  put  in,  it 
is  without  my  consent  or  knowledge. 

Sunday,  17th. — ^I  went  in  the  evening  from  Ockham  to  visit  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  at  Claremont,  who  told  me  that  my  company 
was  desired  in  town  the  next  morning  to  consult  upon  a  letter  come 
from  Hanover,  which  letter  he  hdft  not  there,  but  told  me  the  con- 
tents of  it  were,  that  Lord  Townshend  wrote,  the  King  did  not  like 
the  articles  proposed  by  Spain,  but  looking  upon  them  as  a  project 
or  foundation  to  work  upon,  and  that  the  Spaniards  would  expect 
present  performance  as  to  Don  Carlos,  therefore  it  was  fit  to  add 
this  article,  that  in  case  the  King  should  be  molested  by  the  Em- 
peror, or  by  any  other,  for  this  assistance  to  Don  Carlos,  that  the 
King  of  Spain  would  join  with  our  King  against  such  aggressor. 
I  told  him  freely  my  opinion,  that  I  thought  our  business  was  to 
make  a  definitive  treaty  at  once,  not  to  assist  Don  Carlos  unless  the 
King  of  Sjjain  granted  us  our  points  ;  and  if  he  granted  our  points, 
then  to  assist  him,  and  care  might  then  be  taken  according  to  this 
additional  article  proposed  by  the  King ; — but  to  enter  into  an  exe- 
cution of  what  was  projected  with  relation  to  Don  Carlos  before 
the  whole  was  concluded,  I  thought  that  was  what  could  not  be 
right.  I  told  him,  moreover,  that  if  there  was  nothing  else  but  this 
to  be  considered  of  the  next  morning,  I  thought  I  might  well  enough 


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480  VOTES   01S[  D01CS8TIC  [l720. 

Stay  at  Ockham,  and  not  come  up  to  town ;  which  he  agreed  to,  and 
I  did  not  go  to  London  the  next  morning. 

Sunday,  24th. — At  the  Duke  of  Newcastle's,  present  the  Duke, 
myself,  Earl  Godolphin,  Sir  R.  Walpole,  and  Mrtelham,  Secretary 
of'^War. 

The  end  of  our  meeting  was  to  consider  of  letters  of  Lord  Towns- 
hend's  from  Hanover,  whereby  we  were  informed  that  the  Kine  of 
Prussia  had  ordered  his  forces  to  begin  their  march  on  such  a  day 
and  to  rendezvous  at  Magdeburg,  and  this  was  with  an  intention 
either  to  fall  into  Mecklenburg  or  the  King's  immediate  territories  ; 
that  the  King  had  ordered  tdl  his  forces  in  Hanover  to  be  ready^ 
which  were  about  22,000 ;  had  sent  to  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  for 
the  12,000  men  in  his  pay,  had  also  sent  to  France,  Holland,  Den- 
mark, and  Sweden,  and  that  if  this  matter  went  on,  the  King  de- 
signed to  have  the  same  number  of  men  from  England  as  was  upon 
a  like  occasion  intended  to  have  been  had  over  under  the  conduct  of 
the  Earl  of  Orkney,  and  therefore  ordered  us  to  give  an  account 
what  that  number  of  men  was,  where  the  soldiers  lay  in  the  king- 
dom, and  how  soon  a  body  of  like  number  of  men  might  be  able  to 
be  sent  over  to  Hanover.  We  agreed  to  send  over  to  the  King  the 
last  lists  returned  according  to  order  into  the  War  Office,  by  which 
his  Majesty  would  see  the  number  of  the  whole,  and  where  quartered ; 
that  the  number  of  men  intended  in  the  late  Kind's  time  to  have 
been  sent  over  under  Lord  Orkney,  was  10,000 ;  viz.  7000  foot  and 
3000  horse,  but  what  or  how  many  of  this  force,  or  how  many 
dragoons,  was  never  settled;  that  the  King  would  consider  the 
troops  were  now  dispersed,  the  horses  at  grass,  and  it  was  uncertain 
by  what  time  vessels  for  embarkation  might  be  got  ready.  But 
whenever  his  Majesty  pleased  to  ^ve  his  orders,  we  should  take  care 
to  comply  with  tnem  in  the  best  manner  we  could. 

This  was  the  substance  of  what  was  agreed  to,  and  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  was  to  write  it  in  form.  The  Lord  Townshend,  as  I 
think,  sent  a  copy  of  an  intercepted  letter  from  Chauvelin,  the  garde 
des  sceaux,  to  Chamorel,  the  French  Secretary  here,  wherein  he 
writes  him,  that  the  affairs  with  Spain  were  not  yet  determined,  but 
might  be  if  the  English  would  show  a  little  more  facility.  This  I 
understood  to  be  their  yielding  in  general  words  to  let  the  affur  of 
Gibraltar  be  still  open. 

Monday,  2nd  September,  1729,  went  to  town. — ^The  next  day  saw 
the  Queen  at  Court ;  from  thence  went  to  Sir  K.  Walpole's  m  his 
chariot,  and  dined  with  him  and  his  lady  only.  He  told  me,  that 
since  the  last  time  I  saw  him,  they  had  received  the  draught  ot 
articles  for  a  definitive  peace  concerted  between  our  plenipotenti- 
aries and  the  Cardinal  and  the  garde  des  sceaux ;  that  they  were  so 
plain  and  good,  that  they  did  not  think  it  worth  the  while  to  send 
for  me  to  come  to  town  to  see  and  agree  to  them,  or  to  give  any 


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1729.]  AND   FOEEIGIf  ATFAIRS.  481 

further  instruction ;  that  they  were  as  good  as  we  could  desire,  he 
was  afraid  too  good — but,  however,  the  Cardinal  said  that  he  was 
sure  Spain  would  come  into  it ;  that,  for  expedition,  as  soon  as  they 
were  agreed  on  in  France,  they  were  immediately  sent  to  Spain, 
and  were  there  by  this  time.  In  talking  with  him  about  the  Kmg*s 
orders,  that  orders  for  the  fleet  and  uie  negotiations  with  Spain 
should  be  all  from  hence  without  first  sending  to  HanoTer,  he  told 
me  that  Lord  Townshend  was  very  much  displeased  at  it ;  that  he 
in  concert  with  the  Queen  gained  it  by  a  stratagem ;  that  the  Queen 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  King  mtimating  that  some  people  thought  the 
orders  for  the  fleet  were  too  long  coming  from  Hanover,  but  that 
she  would  not  for  the  world  desire  the  King  to  send  a  power  to  her 
or  to  any  one — here  to  give  immediate  orders ;  that  would  be  to 
execute  a  power  which  belonged  only  to  him,  and  should  be  only 
executed  by  him.  Whereon  ne  wrote  her  a  letter,  that  he  would 
trust  his  throne  and  kingdom  entirelv  with  her,  and  thereupon 
ordered,  that  not  only  the  fleet,  but  also  the  plenipotentiaries  at 
Paris,  should  receive  their  immediate  orders  from  hence,  and  not 
stay  for  his. 

On  this  occasion  he  let  me  into  several  secrets  relating  to  the 
King  and  Queen — that  the  King  constantly  wrote  to  her  by  every 
opportunity  long  letters  of  two  or  three  sheets,  being  generally  of 
aU  his  actions — ^what  he  did  every  day,  even  to  minute  thinffs,  and 
particularly  of  his  amours,  what  women  he  admured  and  used ;  and 
that  the  Queen,  to  continue  him  in  a  disposition  to  do  what  she 
4esired,  returned  as  long  letters,  and  approved  even  of  his  amours, 
and  of  the  women  he  used ;  not  scrupling  to  say  that  she  was  but 
one  woman,  and  an  old  woman,  and  that  he  might  love  more  and 
younger  women,  and  she  was  very  willing  he  should  have  the  best 
of  them.  By  which  means,  and  a  perfect  subserviency  to  his  will, 
^e  efiected  whatsoever  she  desired,  without  which  it  was  impossible 
to  keep  him  within  any  bounds. 

Tuesday,  3rd. — ^News  came  from  the  King,  that  he  desired  to 
return  as  soon  as  possible,  whereon  the  yachts  and  ships  were 
immediately  ordered. 

Sunday,  7th. — ^At  noon,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  sent  a  letter  to 
me  from  Claremont,  desiring  me  to  meet  him  and  the  rest  of  the 
Lords  in  town  the  Monday  at  dinner  at  Sir  R.  "Walpole's,  to  consider 
of  the  project  and  articles  of  peace  drawn  up  by  our  plenipoten- 
tiaries, and  transmitted  from  them.  This  looked  to  me  very  strange, 
because  last  Monday,  the  2nd  September,  when  I  was  in  town,  Sir 
R.  Walpole  told  me  of  these  articles,  and  that  they  had  already 
been  sent  to  Spain  for  their  concurrence.  Whereupon  I  went  to 
the  Duke's  in  the  evening,  and  not  finding  him  at  Claremont,  I 

followed  him  to  his where  I  found  him,  and  told  him 

that  I  had  determined  to  go  a  journey  into  Hampshire  to-morrow 

2  I 


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482  VOTES  OK  DOMESTIC  [l730. 

morning,  vis.  to  Lord  Delaware's ;  that  Sir  B.  Walpole  knew  of  my 

rang  a  journey,  and  that  he  who  had  told  me  all  this  matter  when 
was  in  town,  knew  that  now  my  coming  back  afi;ain  upon  Hub 
matter  would  be  no  significancy.  The  Duke  would  not  own  that 
there  was  this  early  news  in  town  of  these  articles,  and  stood  to  it 
that  he  received  tnem  not  till  Thursday  last.  There  was  some 
evasion  in  this.  He  was  out  of  town,  it  may  be,  and  might  not 
have  them  tiU  Thursday.  But  certainly  Sir  Kobert  Walpole  told 
me  of  them  the  Monday  oefore.  And  when  I  desired  to  know  of  the 
Duke,  what  we  were  to  do  at  this  meeting,  seeing  they  were  already 
gone  to  Spain,  he  told  me  that  this  meeting  was  at  his  desire. 
That  though  nothing  could  now  be  altered  therein,  they  being  gone 
to  Spain,  yet  the  King  having  left  the  management  of  this  afiair  to  the 
Lords  here,  he  thought  it  requisite  that  on  the  King's  coming,  now 
expected,  the  Lords  should  be  ready  to  lay  before  the  King  what 
bad  been  done,  and  their  opinion  tnereon.  I  told  him  that  if  this 
was  all,  it  was  not  sufficient  reason  to  divert  me  from  my  loumeyy 
which  I  could  not  possibly  take  at  any  other  time,  and  therefore 
desired  him  to  get  me  excused,  which  m  some  few  words  he  pro- 
mised to  do,  and  that  he  would  excuse,  me  both  to  the  Lords  and  to 
the  Queen,  and  also  take  care  of  the  prorogation  of  the  Parliament, 
for  which  there  was  to  be  an  order  of  Council  next  Tuesday,  and 
that  on  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown  waiting  on  him  with  the  Bill  for 
the  prorogation,  he  would  procure  the  Queen  to  sign  it,  that  so  it 
may  be  ready  for  me  to  see  when  I  came  to  town,  which  I  intended 
to  do  Monday,  15  th  October. 

November  5th,  1730. — On  a  summons  of  the  Cabinet  Council^ 
there  met  at  Lord  Harrington's  office,  himself.  Lord  Wilmington, 
Lord  Torrington,  and  myself:  when  Lord  Harrington  told  us  that 
the  King  had  news  that  a  Spanish  man-of-war,  coming  from  Car- 
thagena  to  Spain  with  a  great  quantity  t>f  money  and  effects,  had 
been  cast  away  at  St  Pedro  s  Shoals,  about  ten  leases  from  Jamaica ; 
and  that  they  had  help  from  Jamaica  to  save  wnat  could  be  saved 
out  of  the  ship,  and  that  an  officer  had  been  ashore  at  Jamaica  to 
desire  help  for  that  purpose,  and  that  the  King  desired  us  to  advise 
him  whether  he  should  not  on  some  pretext  or  other  detain  the 
ttlver  and  effects,  to  be  disposed  of  as  hereafter  should  seem  rea- 
sonable. By  the  treatv  of  Seville,  the  Spaniards  were  to  restore 
the  money  and  effects  tney  had  seized  of  ours  during  the  rupture ; 
among  which  was  £200,000  in  silver  belonging  to  me  South  Sea. 
The  King  of  Spain  had  given  orders  to  his  officers  in  the  West  In- 
dies to  restore  it,  but  they  said  they  had  contrary  orders  from  Patino 
to  send  it  home  to  Europe,  which  they  had  done.  So  that  as  yet 
we  had  no  restitution,  and  if  there  were  the  same  sums  to  be  met 
with  in  this  shipwrecked  ship,  by  this  means  we  might  obtain  re- 
sptution.    On  tne  whole,  we  were  of  opinion  that  a  frigate  shoulc^ 


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1730.]  AND  FOEBIGN  AJPVAIRB.  483 

be  sent  forthwith  to  Jamaica  under  pretext  of  carrying  orders  to 
the  Governor,  to  provide  place  and  conveniencies  for  the  two  regi- 
ments of  soldiers  that  were  to  go  thither  from  Gibraltar ;  but  that 
a  letter  should  be  writ  to  him  to  take  care  and  help  the  Spaniards 
in  securing  all  the  silver  and  effects,  that  he  should  take  an  exact  ac- 
count in  their  presence,  and  by  their  concurrence,  of  all  the  silver 
and  effects  that  were  saved,  put  them  in  safe  custody,  and  then  tell 
them  that  he  would  give  an  account  thereof  to  England,  and  have 
orders  from  thence  about  the  delivery. 

November  8th,  1730. — At  Lord  Harrington's,  present  myself,  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  Lord  Wilmington,  Lord  Harrington,  Lord  Torrington, 
and  Horace  Walpole.  The  Duke  of  NewcasUe  informed  the  com- 
pany that  the  Kmg  had  promised  the  French  King  to  permit  him 
to  hst  750  men  in  Irelana,  to  fill  up  the  Lrish  remments  in  France, 
and  that  French  officers  were  gone  over,  and  at  Dublin.  But  this 
had  made  so  great  a  noise  there,  that  the  Primate  and  other  justices 
did  not  care  to  meddle  therein  but  by  positive  and  direct  orders 
from  hence ;  that  therefore  it  was  thought  reasonable  that  we  should 
endeavour  to  get  a  discharge  of  this  promise  from  France,  and  it 
was  proposed  to  consider  in  what  manner  to  write  to  France,  to  this 
purpose.  The  Duke  said  that  it  had  been  thought  a  proper  way  to 
let  France  know  the  disturbance  the  putting  it  in  execution  would 
do  at  this  present,  and  therefore  desure  them  to  waive  it ;  but  if, 
notwithstanding,  they  insisted  upon  it,  the  King  would  certainly 
do  it.  I  gave  my  opinion  that  at  the  first  view  1  did  not  think  it 
proper  to  enter  into  any  new  engagement,  but  what  to  do  I  could 
not  tell  till  I  was  first  satisfied  of  the  legality  of  it,  and  when  I  was 
satisfied  as  to  that,  I  would  give  the  best  opinion  I  could.  It  was 
then  agreed  that  the  Attorney-General,  who  had  given  his  opinion 
for  the  legality,  should  wait  upon  me  to  show  me  his  opinion,  and 
the  reason  of  it,  and  when  I  had  considered,  this  matter  should  be 
resumed.  When  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  proposed  this,  he  intro- 
duced it  with  telling  me  that  I  had  been  acquainted  with  and  well 
knew  the  several  steps  that  had  been  taken  m  this  matter.  I  said 
he  was  mistaken,  for  I  never  heard  of  it  till  last  Thursday  from 
Lord  Harrington. 

Wednesday,  Nov.  11th. — The  same  persons  as  before  were  at 
Lord  Harrington's,  and  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  desured  the  company 
to  advise  what  was  best  to  be  done  with  relation  to  the  permitting 
the  filling  up  the  Lrish  regiments  in  the  French  Einrs  service. 
As  to  the  legality,  this  depending  upon  an  Act  of  Paniament  in 
Lreland,  it  might  be  taken  for  granted  that,  following  the  direction 
of  that  law,  it  was  legal.  As  to  the  prudential  part  of  it,  all  wished 
no  such  promise  had  been  made.  But  it  was  affirmed  by  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle  and  Lord  Harrington  that  such  promise  had  been 
frequently  made,  and  therefore  it  was  the  thought  of  all  that  proper 

2  I  2 


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48 1i  KOTBS   ON  DOMSSTIO  [1730.- 

application  should  be  made  to  the  Court  of  France  to  obtain  a  dia-* 
cnarge  of  it ;  and  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  took  out  a  copy  of  an 
intended  letter  to  the  Cardinal,  the  purport  whereof  was  to  lay  be- 
fore him  the  great  alarm  this  made  in  Ireland,  and  the  great  impe- 
diment there  would  be  to  the  King's  affiairs  if  it  were  insisted  on, 
which  it  was  hoped  the  French  King  would  take  into  consideration, 
withal  assuring  him  that  if  he  should  not  like  to  comply  with  this 
reasonable  request  of  our  King,  upon  the  return  of  the  courier  the 
King's  promise  should  be  performed.  I  objected  against  this  last 
clause,  and  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that  the  King  3iould  not  put 
himself  under  any  new  engagement.  What  was  passed  could  not 
be  helped,  but  he  should  not  anew  tie  himself  down.  But  except 
Lord  Torrington,  every  one  present  was  against  this,  alleging  that 
the  best  way  to  procure  this  act  of  amity  from  France  was  to  show 
the  King's  adherence  to  his  promises.  I  thought  this  had  no  solid 
argument  in  it,  therefore  still  declared  my  opmion  that  it  should 
not  be  done.  But,  at  the  instance  of  Lord  Torrington,  they  softened 
the  assurance  of  doing  it  the  next  courier,  by  saying  that  if  the 
King  of  France  insists  on  it,  it  should  be  done  d^abord. 

Friday,  Nov.  13th. — In  the  evening  at  Lord  Harrington's ;  pn?- 
sent  the  same  company.  The  Memoire  of  the  Marquis  de  Castelar 
delivered  at  Paris  was  read,  and  several  things  said  about  it,  but  no 
resolution  taken,  the  matter  only  talked  over. 

Monday,  Nov.  16th. — ^At  Lord  Harrington's ;  present  m^lf, 
Lord  Wilmington,  Duke  of  Newcastle,  Lord  Harrington,  Sir  R. 
Walpole,  and  Horace  Walpole.  The  Memoire  of  Castelar  was  pro- 
posed to  be  considered,  and  what  answer  to  give  to  it ;  or  rather 
what  instnictions  should  be  given  to  Lord  Waldegrave  about  it. 
Lord  Harrington  and  Horace  Walpole  said  there  was  a  necessity  to 
instruct  Lord  Waldegrave  that  the  King  was  ready  to  enter  into  a 
war  to  execute  the  treaty  of  Seville  as  soon  as  a  plan  of  the  operations 
should  be  settled.  Myself  and  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  thought  that 
too  much,  to  say  we  would  enter  into  a  war  before  the  plan  of  the 
operations  was  settled.  Sir  R.  Walpole  proposed  some  other  words 
to  the  same  purpose  as  the  former,  against  which  there  was  no  op- 
position. As  tor  the  plan  of  operations.  Lord  Waldegrave  was 
instructed  to  hint  that  he  believed  we  would  come  into  those  which 
were  settled  in  1727,  which  I  knew  nothing  of,  and  so  declared, 
but  hoped  they  had  then  been  well  settled. 

Wednesday,  25th.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  sent  me  a  copy  of  the 
letter  wrote  bjr  him  to  Lord  Waldegrave,  November  19th,  1730, 
wherein  he  wnt  in  these  words  to  him :  "  I  am  now  to  send  you 
his  Majesty's  commands,  as  well  upon  the  answer  to  be  given  to 
the  Marquis  de  Castelar's  memorial,  as  upon  the  measures  to  be 
taken  in  consequence  of  it. 

**  His  Majesty,  being  persuaded  that  a  perfect  union  among  the 


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1730.]  ATSTD  rOEEiaN  ArFAIBS.  4S5 

Allies  is  what  must  have  the  greatest  eflfect  not  only  upon  the  Court 
of  Spain,  but  also  upon  that  of  Vienna,  looks  upon  it  to  be  abso- 
lutely necessary  that  the  answer  should  be  made  jointly  by  you  all ; 
and  would  therefore  have  your  Excellency  press  the  French  and 
Dutch  Ministers,  that  you  may  all  join  in  a  general  answer,  which, 
Jn  his  Majesty's  opinion,  ought  to  be  such  as  may  give  entire  satis- 
faction and  security  to  his  Catholic  Majesty  for  the  execution  of 
the  treaty  of  Seville.  In  order  to  which  his  Majesty  thinks  that 
you  should  by  the  said  answer  jointly  declare  that  the  Allies  are 
ready,  without  loss  of  time,  to  enter  upon  the  measures  prescribed 
by  the  sixth,  separate  and  secret  article  of  that  treaty  for  overcoming 
the  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  to  the  introduction  of 
Spanish  garrisons,  by  concerting  and  fixing  a  plan  of  operations,  by 
joining  their  forces,  and  beginnmg  the  war  as  soon  as  the  season  of 
the  year  will  permit.  And  that  there  may  no  doubt  remain  of  the 
sincerity  of  his  Majesty's  intentions  upon  this  head,  your  Excellency 
is  to  acquaint  M.  Castelar  and  the  other  Ministers,  that  you  are 
fully  informed  of  the  Kind's  sentiments  as  to  the  measures  that  his 
Majesty  thinks  proper  to  be  taken  for  that  purpose,  and  the  share 
his  Majesty  is  willing  to  bear  towards  them.  His  Majesty  is  of 
opinion,  that  as  the  omect  and  sole  end  of  the  war  has  at  last  been 
assigned  and  declared  by  all  the  Allies  to  be  the  introduction  of  the 
Spanish  garrisons,  and  that  this  being  once  effected,  the  said  treaty 
is  fully  executed,  the  Generals  and  other  military  officers  of  the 
Allies,  now  at  Paris,  should  forthwith  assemble  ana  consider  upon, 
and  form  a  plan  of  measures  and  operations  of  the  war,  to  be  under- 
taken for  the  end  above  mentioned ;  that  the  stress  of  the  war  should 
he  in  Italy  where  the  object  of  it  lies,  and  consequently  an  offensive 
one  should  be  carried  there ; — that  in  Flanders  we  snould  remain 
upon  the  defensive,  and  in  Germany  such  a  disposition  should  be 
made  of  the  troops  of  the  Allies  as  may  not  only  be  sufficient  for 
their  own  security,  but  also  to  deter  the  Emperor  from  pouring  his 
whole  force  into  Italy,  and  to  be  in  a  condition  to  act  as  the  circum- 
stances of  affairs  may  require.  That  for  carrying  on  the  war  in 
Italy  with  success,  your  Excellency  should  propose  the  renewing 
forthwith  the  negotiations  with  the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  that  in 
order  to  gain  him,  a  considerable  subsidy  should  be  offered  him  in 
all  events,  and  an  assurance  of  acquisitions  in  case  of  a  war.  That 
his  Majesty  is  willing  to  engage  to  give  the  same  subsidy  as  England 
ftimished  to  the  Duke  of  Saxony  during  the  last  war,  which  was 
about  £150,000  per  annum,  provided  the  other  Allies  will  contribute 
in  proportion,  either  in  subsidies  or  troops,  which  will  enable  his 
Sardinian  Majesty  to  provide  for  his  own  security,  and  also  to  bring 
a  considerable  number  of  troops  into  the  field  for  the  service  of  the 
Allies.  That  your  Excellency  is  to  consent  to  any  reasonable  plan 
that  may  be  proposed  for  attacking  the  Emperor  m  Italy,  either  by 


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486  irOTBS   OK  DOMESTIC  [l730. 

sea  or  land,  or  both ;  and  if  with  and  above  the  subsidies  above 
mentioned  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  which  are  to  be  reckoned  as 
part  of  the  contingents,  anything  more  should  be  required  of  his 
Majesty  towards  the  war  in  Italy,  the  King  is  willing  to  furnish  it 
in  ships,  but  not  in  land  forces,  considering  the  danger  and  expense 
that  would  attend  the  sending  of  national  troops  so  far. 

"  As  to  the  forces  to  be  employed  by  the  Allies  in  Germany  and 
Flanders,  the  same  numbers  may  fully  suffice  as  were  settled  for 
that  purpose  by  the  plan  formed  in  the  year  1727,  and  his  Majesty 
is  willing  to  furnish  what  was  thereby  allotted  to  him.  But  before 
any  plan  is  put  in  execution  on  that  side,  it  will  be  absolutely  ne- 
cessary to  demand  of  the  King  of  Prussia  to  explain  himself  as  to 
the  part  he  intends  to  take,  which  was  always  proposed  to  be  done 
before  any  operations  were  to  be  begun.  As  his  Catholic  Majesty- 
must  be  convinced  by  this  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Allies  towards  him, 
M.  Castelar  should  be  given  to  understand  that  when  the  Allies  are 
taking  these  vigorous  measures  for  the  service  of  Spain,  thev  can* 
not  but  expect  an  exact  performance  of  the  treaty  of  Seville  by  his 
Catholic  Majesty  towards  them  and  their  subjects,  which  depends 
singly  upon  the  pleasure  of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  can  neither  be 
attended  with  expense  or  hazard  to  mm.'' 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle  by  ^^n  vsme  post,  and  of  the  same  date» 
wrote  another  private  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Waldegrave,  in  which 
he  writes  him,  that  having  by  his  other  letter  been  fully  informed 
of  his  Majesty's  intention,  he  was  persuaded  he  would  make  such 
use  of  it  to  satisfy  Monsieur  de  Castelar,  of  the  sincerity  with  which 
the  King  acts  towards  Spain ;  and  as  his  (i.  e.  Waldegrave's)  chief 
view  should  be  to  hinder  Castelar,  if  possible,  from  midiing  the  ex- 
travagant declaration  he  has  so  of^n  threatened,  and  returning  ab- 
ruptly to  Spain,  which  might  be  attended  with  very  ill  consequences, 
his  Majesty  left  it  to  him  to  execute  his  orders  in  such  manner  as 
should  be  most  proper  for  that  purpose. 

Hie  Duke  likewise  directs  nim  to  explain  to  M.  Castelar  his 
Maiesty*s  conduct  ever  since  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  Seville, 
and  to  show  that  the  non-execution  of  it  could  not  be  attributed  to 
the  King. 

The  only  project  that  was  brought  to  any  kind  of  consistency 
last  sunmier,  was  the  attempt  upon  Sicily,  which  had  the  approbation 
of  all  the  Allies ;  and  the  King's  quota,  both  of  ships  and  troops, 
was  actually  in  the  Mediterranean  time  enough  to  have  executed  it 
if  the  other  Allies  had  thought  it  proper. 

That  it  will  be  easy  to  show  M.  Castelar  that  the  method  the 
King  has  now  suggested  is  the  only  practical  one  of  procuring  the 
introduction  of  the  Spanish  garrisons  by  force ;  for  the  confining 
the  war  chiefly  to  Italy,  where  that  introduction  is  to  be  made,  is 
not  only  Uie  most  natural,  but  what  aU  the  Allies  can  without  diffi- 


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1730.]  ANB  rOEBIGW  iJTATBS.  487 

culty  agree  in.  Whereas  tne  proposing  general  and  extensive  plans, 
if  not  done  purely  to  avoid  doing  anything,  must  create  questions 
which  will  necessarily  take  up  a  great  deal  of  time,  and  may  possibly 
be  attended  with  insurmountable  difficulties.  And  M.  Castelar 
must  himself  see  that  the  flinging  out,  as  M.  Chauvelin  did,  the 
proposal  of  attacking  Flanders,  so  far  from  being  a  sign  of  their 
intention  to  do  anything,  is  a  plain  indication  of  the  contrary.  For 
if  England  and  Holland  would  consent,  which  they  never  can,  to 
have  any  operations  there,  how  would  the  introduction  of  Spanish 
garrisons  be  forwarded  by  it  ?  especially  when,  in  all  probability, 
tke  Emperor  would  not  give  himsen  much  trouble  about  what  should 
be  done  in  those  parts,  thinking  the  interest  of  the  maritime  powers 
more  concerned  in  that  question  than  his  own.  The  proposing  of 
an  extravagant  contingent  to  be  furnished  by  his  Majesty,  may 
possibly  be  done  with  the  same  view,  and  therefore  M.  Castelar 
should  see  that  the  insisting  upon  anything  unreasonable  is  a  sure 
way  to  have  nothing  done.  His  Majesty  proposes  to  give  the  King 
of  Sardinia  a  subsidy  of  £150,000  per  annimi,  which,  according  to 
the  usual  computation  in  treaties,  is  equivalent  to  above  13,000 
foot ;  and  besides  this,  to  have  a  squadron  of  men-of-war  in  the 
Mediterranean  to  act  for  the  carrving  on  the  war  in  Italy;  and 
when  and  above  all  this,  by  the  plan  of  1727,  his  Mdesty  was  to 
furnish  12,000  English,  12,000  Hessians,  and  20,000  Hanoverians, 
which  ought  to  be  reckoned  as  part  of  his  M^est/s  contingent ; 
80  that  without  reckoning  the  King's  own  Hanoverian  troops, 
England  will  furnish  to  the  value  of  37,000  men,  besides  a  squadron 
of  men-of-war. 

By  the  same  post,  the  Duke  wrote  a  very  private  letter,  of  the 
same  date,  to  Lord  Waldegrave,  wherein  he  writes,  that  after  what 
the  Cardinal  had  told  him,  he  had  absolutely  refnsed  M.  Castelar 
to  write  to  England  for  obtaining  such  orders  to  Lord  Waldegrave 
as  he  desired,  his  Majesty  was  surprised  to  find  that  M.  Chauvelin 
had  done  it,  as  he  would  see  by  Mr  Broglio*s  letter  to  him,  of  which 
he  enclosed  a  copy,  as  also  of  his  short  answer  to  it.  The  Duke 
writes,  that  no  doubt  Chauvelin  did  this  at  CasteWs  instigation, 
and  communicated  to  him  the  very  letter  before  he  sent  it  away, 
thinking  by  that  managem^.nt  to  pei-suade  the  Court  of  Spain  of 
their  readiness  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  when  probably  they  are 
only  shifting  off  the  blame  from  themselves  by  proposing  to  others 
what  they  think  will  not  be  consented  to.  That  his  Majesty  has  no 
other  way  to  disappoint  them,  but  by  pursuing  the  same  steady  and 
uniform  conduct  ne  has  always  done,  showing  his  readiness  to  exe- 
cute instantly  the  treaty  of  Seville,  and  to  enter  into  the  proper 
measures  for  that  purpose. 

The  letter  of  Broglio  referred  to,  was  dated  at  London  H  Novem- 
ber, 1730,  from  Broglio  to  Uie  Duke  of  NewcasUe,  wherein  he  writes, 


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488  KOTEB  OK  DOMESTIC  [l780. 

that  Monsieur  Le  Garde  des  Sceaux  had  informed  him,  that  he  had 
had  a  conference  with  my  Lord  Waldegrave,  M.  Hungrogene,  and 
M.  Castelar,  which  last  very  warmly  pressed  for  a  positive  answer 
upon  the  means  to  execute  the  sixth,  separate  and  secret  article  of 
the  treaty  of  Seville,  and  that  he  had  ihtimated  to  that  Minister, 
that  the  King,  his  master,  was  ready  to  employ  in  this  expedition  all 
his  troops  proportionably  to  what  the  allies  of  Spain  would  do. 

Broguo  goes  on  to  write  that  France  could  not  be  suspected  of 
preferring  war  to  peace,  but  that  their  partial  endeavour  jointly  vnth 
the  Allies  having  nad  but  small  success,  the  common  honour  of  all 
the  Allies  engaged  them  not  to  defer  any  longer  to  take  all  neces- 
sary measures  to  make  the  Court  of  Vienna  know  that  the  engage- 
ments of  the  treaty  of  Seville  neither  are  nor  will  be  illusory ;  that 
it  is  too  long  time  that  people  have  nourished  themselves  in  the 
error  that  the  Allies  are  not  of  accord  among  themselves,  and  that, 
being  animated  bv  different  interests,  it  will  be  easy  to  divide  them, 
or  that,  being  united  only  in  appearance,  they  will  but  weakly  con- 
cur in  the  operations  of  the  war ;  that  this  prejudice  is  the  principal 
motive  whicn  hath  engaged  hitherto  the  Ministers  of  the  Emperor 
to  be  inflexible  on  the  head  of  the  introduction  of  Spanish  garrisons; 
that  one  cannot  oppose  the  reasons  of  M.  Castelar,  especially  when, 
without  abandoning  himself  to  uncertain  and  general  propositions, 
he  demands  onl^  the  effectuation  of  Spanish  garrisons.  That  it  is 
no  more  a  question  to  restrain  it  to  the  only  war  in  Italy,  which  will 
be  impossible  to  undertake  with  hope  of  success,  considering  the 
number  of  the  Emperor's  troops  in  Italy,  and  that  he  is  master  of 
all  the  posts  and  places  by  which  an  entrance  might  be  made. 
That  it  is  necessary  generally  to  unite  all  our  forces,  to  force  the 
Emperor  to  divide  his — ^by  attacking  him  on  other  sides,  and  to 
endeavour  to  enlist  the  King  of  Sardinia  in  our  interest,  being  the 
two  only  means  to  arrive  at  the  introductions  of  Spanish  garrisons, 
which  engages  the  King,  my  master,  to  desire  his  Britannic  Majesty 
to  labour  to  form  this  ^an,  by  furnishing,  in  proportion  with  us,  a 
number  of  sufficient  troops  to  execute  it.  That  when  our  forces  are 
thus  united  and  directed  in  concert,  they  are  so  superior,  that  there 
is  no  fear  of  a  long  continuance  of  a  war ;  that  the  King,  his  master^ 
hones  that,  upon  all  these  considerations,  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
will  not  refuse  to  determine  himself  upon  the  number  of  national 
troops  which  he  will  employ  for  an  offensive  war  generally  with 
those  of  his  master,  and  also  upon  the  kind  of  operations.  That 
every  moment  being  precious,  it  will  be  too  long  to  expect  to  de- 
liberate at  the  meeting  of  the  Parliament.  That  the  King,  hia 
master,  waits  only  for  this  determination  to  give  his  last  orders,  and 
to  make  speedy  dispositions  for  the  opening  of  the  next  Campaign. 

This  letter  was  writ  for  an  ostensible  letter,  and  to  throw  the 
blame  of  any  delay  upon  us. 


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1732.]  AND  FOBEIGK  AFFAIBS.  489 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle  returned  to  Broglio  a  short  answer,  dated 
November  19,  that  the  King  was  always  so  inclined  to  the  execution 
of  the  treaty  of  Seville  that  he  sees  with  pleasure  the  Court  of 
France  to  be  in  the  same  sentiments,  who  must  too  well  know  the 
conduct  of  his  Majesty  not  to  do  him  justice  to  the  Court  of  Spain 
on  this  head.  As  we  are  agreed  upon  the /on<^  de  V affaire,  it  now 
remains  only  likewise  to  a^ee  upon  the  means  to  come  to  the  end 
proposed  :  a  plan  upon  wmch  the  Allies  may  equally  concur  will  be 
the  only  way  to  fulnl  our  engagements  with  Spain,  and  showing  to 
the  Court  of  Vienna  that  they  neither  are  nor  will  be  illusory.  It  is 
upon  this  principle  that  his  Majesty  hath  sent  orders  to  Lord  Walde- 
grave  to  concert  with  the  ministers  of  the  Allies  a  unanimous 
answer  to  the  memorial  of  the  Marquis  de  Castelar,  and  the  mea- 
sures to  take  in  consequence. 

1732. — In  the  beginning  of  October,  1732,  in  an  evening  I  was 
at  the  Duke  of  Newcastle's  in  Kensington,  where  were  present  most 
of  the  Cabinet  Council,  Sir  Charles  Wa^er,  and  Commodore  Stewart, 
to  consider  of  a  letter  from  Mr  Petuchio  to  Mr  Keene,  complaining 
of  an  unjust  capture  of  a  rich  Spanish  register  ship  in  the  bay  of 
Campechy,  and  leaving  it  to  the  King's  discretion  to  do  therein 
what  he  should  think  just.  The  fact  was  this.  The  1st  of  Septem- 
ber, 1730,  on  account  of  the  clamours  about  the  Spaniards  taking 
our  ships  in  the  West  Indies,  orders  were  sent  to  Commodore 
Stewart,  that  if  any  English,  ships  were  for  the  future  taken  by  the 
Spaniards,  to  go  and  demand  a  restitution,  and  in  case  of  denial  to 
make  reprisals.  But  Stewart,  when  these  orders  were  sent  to  him, 
by  the  advice  of  the  South  Sea  Company's  factors  and  others,  sus- 
pended the  execution  of  them.  In  June,  1731,  the  Spaniards  took 
an  English  ship  called  the  Woolball ;  but  Stewart  did  not  then 
attempt  to  make  any  reprisals,  because  he  had  taken  upon  him  to 
suspend  the  orders  for  so  doing.  In  October,  1731,  there  being 
fresh  hostilities  committed,  the  oraers  to  n^ake  reprisals  were  renewed 
to  him.  Soon  after  this  matters  were  accommoaated  between  Spain 
and  England,  and  the  Schedule  to  the  South  Sea  was  sent,  dated 
October  18.  January,  1731-2,  the  Schedule  for  putting  an  end  to 
all  hostilities  was  signed  at  Seville,  1731-2.  Capt  Stewart  received 
the  Schedule  the  28th  of  April,  1732,  but  before  that  tune,  viz.  6th 
of  April,  1732,  he  sent  Capt.  Aubin  to  Campechy  to  demand  the 
Woolball,  and  in  case  of  refusal  to  make  reprisals.  Accordingly 
he  made  the  demand  at  Campechy  the  6th  of  April,  1731-2,  and  thev 
refusing  to  restore  the  Woolball,  he  took  a  Spanish  register  rich 
ship  then  in  the  bay  of  Campechy,  and  carried  it  away  to  Jamaica, 
where  it  now  is. 

This  Petucchio  insists  upon  to  be  an  unjust  capture,  and  was  like 
to  be  of  ill  consequences  in  the  West  Indies.  Tms  being  the  fact, 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  said  that  the  ELing  had  ordered  this  meet- 


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400        VOTSl  OV  DOMISTIO  AlTD  rOBEIOK  AFFAIB8.     [l732. 

ing  to  adTife  him  what  to  do :  and  after  debating  the  matter  pro  el 
eot^  it  was  agreed  that  the  Spanish  Ambassador  being  hourlv  ex- 
Moted,  we  would  suspend  the  coming  to  any  conclusion  till  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  should  first  send  him  word  about  it,  which  he 
accordingly  did ;  and  about  a  week  after  this  first  meeting,  there 
was  a  second  meeting  of  the  Cabinet,  when  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
reported  that  he  had  spoke  with  the  Conde  de  Montejo,  who  declared 
that  he  had  no  orders  about  it,  but  that  he  had  pnvate  letters  in- 
forming him  of  such  a  fact,  that  he  believed  in  his  own  prirate 
judgment  nothing  could  make  Spain  easy  but  a  restitution  of  the 
ship,  which  had  been  taken  contrary  to  all  engagements.  We 
thoiight  that  it  was  not  fit  to  make  a  rupture  a^ut  this  mattery 
and«  rather  than  that  should  be,  to  restore  the  ship. 


THE  END. 


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INDEX. 


AbbeTille,  town  of,  46. 

Academy  for  Painting  alid  Sculp- 
ture at  Paris,  75. 

Addison,  Mr,  181. 

Adversaria  Theologica,  342. 

Affairs,  domestic  and  foreign,  notes 
on,  435. 

Aigues  Mortes,  described,  64. 

Alceste,  the  opera  of,  75. 

Alexander  and  Caesar,  their  char- 
acter as  heroes,  96. 

Alkmar,  town  of,  161. 

Allebone,  Sir  Richard,  the  success- 
or of  Judge  Wilkins,  168. 

Amor  Patriae,  remarks  on,  291. 

Amsterdam,  residence  of  Locke  at, 
159;  interior  of  a  boor's  house 
near,  166. 

Angels,  exceed  us  in  knowledge, 
362. 

Anhault,  Princess,  married  to  the 
Prince  of  Nassau,  163. 

Anne,  Queen,  451 ;  her  death,  452. 

Appendix,  400. 

Arguments,  positive  and  negative, 
329 ;  mode  of  managing,  363. 

Aristotle,  authority  of,  310,  311. 

Arlington,  Lord,  41. 

Armstrong,  Sir  Thomas,  executed, 
139. 

Ashley,  Lord  (afterwards  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury),  Locke  becomes  ac- 
quainted wiUi  him,  31 ;  his  pene- 
tration and  genius,  ib. ;  created 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  34.  See 
Shaftesbury. 


Assembly  of  the  States,  dissolved,  57. 
Atheists,  theory  of  the,  314. 
AthoJ,  the  Duke  of,  437. 
Aureng   Zebe,    Emperor  of  Hin- 

doostan,  252. 
Authors,  Uie  best  ones  to  be  read, 

108;  classical,  monopoly  of  the 

works  of;  204,  205. 
Avignon,  town  of,  52;  the  Pope's 

palace  at,  ib. ;  churches  at,  ib. ; 

the  Carthusian  Convent  at,  69. 

B 

Bacon,  Lord,  alluded  to,  179, 180. 

Badgen,  Dr,  44. 

Barants,  William,  a  Hollander,  his 
attempt  to  discover  a  north-west 
passage,  132. 

Basingstoke,  fracas  at,  133. 

Bayle,  his  remarks  on  Locke's  phi- 
losophy, 267,  268. 

Beaumont,  reckoning  at,  48. 

Beauvais,  the  church  at,  48. 

Bedloe,  narrative  of,  32. 

Belief,  religious,  remarks  on,  103. 

Bellay,  Bishop  of,  his  reply  to  Car- 
dinal Richelieu,  84 ;  anecdote  of, 
ib. 

Bentley,  Dr,  particulars  concern- 
ing his  book,  401. 

Bemier,  Mr,  information  given  by, 
73. 

Bible,  French,  tne  best  edition  o^ 
83. 

Birto,  Mr,  visit  to,  58. 


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492 


INDEX. 


Bodiei,  coherence  of  the  parts  of, 
375. 

Body,  confounaed  with  space,  339. 

Bonds,  given  to  pastors,  349. 

Bonzi,  Cardinal,  Archbishop  of  Nar- 
bonne,  55. 

Book  of  Ideas,  by  Locke,  227. 

Books,  on  the  converse  with,  108, 
118 ;  regulations  for  printing  and 
publishing,  203. 

Boor,  Dutch,  his  house  described, 
166 ;  value  of  land  belonging  to 
one,  167. 

Bordage,  Marquis  de,  anecdote  of, 
81. 

Bordeaux,  tra^e  at,  78;  the  Cha- 
teau Trompett  at,  ib. ;  the  Car- 
thusian Convent  near,  79. 

Bouillon,  the  Duke  of,  curious  mon- 
opoly enjoyed  by,  86. 

Boulogne,  country  around,  de- 
scribed, 46. 

Boumonville,  the  Duke  of,  463, 
470. 

Boyle,  Mr,  his  History  of  the  Air, 
30 ;  his  Book  of  Colours,  219 ; 
his  process  respecting  red  earth, 
221,  222 ;  receipt  of;  222. 

Brandenburgh,  affairs  at  the  Court 
of,  10. 

Bristol,  advice  on  going  to,  134. 

Broglio,  Mr,  his  letter  to  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  487. 

Burnet,  Dr,  letters  of,  169 ;  extract 
of  a  letter  from  Leibnitz  to,  196 ; 
his  letter  to  Locke,  400. 

Butterfield,  Mr,levelling  instrument 
at  his  house  at  Paris,  73. 


Cambridge,  the  Vice  Chancellor  of, 

suspended,  168. 
Canterbury,  Archbishop  of,  449. 
Capuchins,  the   strictest  order  in 

France,  85. 
Carlos,  Don,  projected  marriage  of, 

444,445. 
Cannes,  disappointment  of  the,  84. 
Carter,  Mr,  quarrel  of,  133. 
Cartesians,  their  ideas  of  space,  339. 


Castelar,  M.  de,  explanation  to  be 

given  to,  486. 
Castries,  residence  of  the  MarquiB 

de  Castries  at,  65. 
Ceremonies,     dispute     respecting, 

349. 
Charit^,  at  Lyons,  described,  50. 
Charles  II.,  declaration  of,  6;  his 

letter  to  Sir  George  Downing,  41 ; 

petition  presented  to,  120;  i>oli- 

tical  transactions  in  the  reign  of, 

136;    triumph  gained  by,   138; 

Form  of  Prayer  ordered  by,  139 

— 143;   orders  the  expulsion  of 

Locke  from  Christ  Church  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  147;   illegality  of 

that  proceeding,  153. 
Charteraux  at  Toulouse,  80. 
Chateau  at  Versailles,  74. 
Chateau  de  Richelieu,  a  magnificent 

seat,  78. 
Chatham,  disaster  at,  27. 
Chauvelin,  M.,  487. 
Cherubin,  Pbre,  a  Capuchin,  famous 

for  optics,  85. 
Chesterfield,    Lord,    secret    letters 

from,  to  Lord  Townshend,  464, 

465,  468. 
Christ,  on  the  resurrection  of,  319 ; 

supremacy  of,  334. 
Christ   Church,    Oxford,  state    of 

aff'airs  at,  169. 
Christening,  described,  at  Cleve,  18. 
Christianity,    not     Mysterious,    a 

work   so  called,    194;     on.  the 

reasonableness  of,  268,  270 ;  how 

first  planted  and  propagated,  357. 
Christians,  pacific,  276. 
Church,    Communion,    301,    302; 

power,  on  the  exercise  of,  305 ; 

the  true  one,  347. 
Civility,  a  duty  of  Christianity,  272. 
Clergy,  power  of  the,  289;  their 

liberality  to  Princes,  291. 
Cleve,  letters  of  Locke  from,10— 13. 

service  in  the  Churches  at,  14. 

15,  24 ;  antiquity  of  the  Elector's 

house  at,  17. 
Clifford,  Lord,  35,  36. 
Coinage,  advice  of  Locke  relative  to 

the,  244. 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


INDXX. 


49a 


Colbert,  M.,  his  son's  examination 
in  philosophy,  72 ;  a  Protector  of 
the  Academy  for  Painting  and 
Sculpture,  75.  *  , 

Collins,  Anthony,  account  given 
by,  39. 

Common-place  Book,  by  Locke, 
extracts  from  it,  282. 

Conscience,  on  the  liberty  of,  168. 

Conti,  Pruice  of,  his  accomplish- 
ments, 83. 

Conyright.  acts  of,  1662,  1685,  &c., 
202.    S6e  Stationers'  Company. 

Corinthians*  paraphrase  on  the 
Epistles  of  the,  228. 

Coste,  M.,  his  translation  of  Locke's 
Essay  on  Human  Understanding, 
192  ;  letters  of  Bayle  to,  268. 

Covell,  M.,  81. 

Coverly,  Lady,  242. 

Cowper,  Lord,  extract  from  his 
Diary,  454. 

Craven,  Lord,  35. 

Cudworth,  Mr,  letter  of  Locke  to, 
251. 


Dead,  resurrection  of  the,  317. 

Death,  victory  over,  317. 

De  Duile,  plain,  review  on  the,  76. 

De  Goes,  Baron,  12,  13. 

Deiren,  residence  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  at,  154. 

Delamere,  Lord,  army  under,  237. 

Des  Cartes,  philosophy  of  3,  179, 
186;  his' philosophy  prohibited, 
64  ;  his  Proof  of  a  God,  from 
the  Idea  of  necessary  Existence, 
examined,  313. 

D'Espemon,  the  Due,  Chateau  built 
by,  80. 

De  Thou,  M.,  his  library  at  Paris, 
83. 

Devonshire,  declaration  of  the  Jus- 
tices of,  144. 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  470;  con- 
ference at  his  house,  ib. 

Dewenter,  Protestant  nunneries  at, 
164. 

Diemar,  Mtgor-General,  445. 


Disputation,  remarks  on,  285. 
Distance,    supposition    respecting, 

337. 
Diversions  of  life,  307. 
Doccum,  curious  taxation  at,  163. 
Doctor  of  Physic,  mode  of  making 

a,  64. 
Don  Carlos,  intentions  with,  regard 

to,  479. 
Downing,    Sir    George,   letter    of 

Charles  II.  to,  41. 
Duncome,  Sir  John,  35. 
Dunstan,  Dr,   vindicates   Locke's 

Philosophy,  193. 
Duration,  ideas  of,  371. 
Dutch  fleet,   enter   the    Medway, 

27 ;  its  junction  with  the  Briiidh, 

at  Portsmouth,  472, 475, 

E 

East,  mode  of  computing  time  in 
the,  253. 

Ecclesia,  observations  on,  295. 

Education,  treatise  on,  267. 

Edwards,  Dr,  proposal  of,  1 93. 

Election,  on  the  doctrine  of,  295; 
definition  of,  299. 

Embden,  town  of,  its  possession  by 
the  Dutch,  459,  460. 

Enchuysen,  town  of,  161. 

England,  the  sports  of,  133 ;  home* 
made  drinks  in,  135;  causes  of 
national  distress  in  (in  1695), 
243 ;  proposed  treaty  of  Prance, 
Holland,  and  the  four  Electors 
with,  477. 

Enthusiasm— Method,  323. 

Error,  remarks  on,  282 ;  its  founda- 
tion, 336. 

Essay  on  Human  Understanding, 
by  Locke,  6,  a3,  177,  181,  267, 
270 ;  remarks  of  Dugald  Stewart 
and  Sir  James  Mackintosh  on  its 
merits,  ib. ;  forms  a  new  epoch 
in  philosophy,  ib. ;  excites  atten- 
tion at  Oxford,  189;  successive 
editions  of  it,  192 ;  forbidden  to  be 
read  at  the  University  of  Oxford* 
193;  attacked  by  Dr  Stiiling- 
flee^  Bishop  of  Worcester,  194 ; 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


404 


IKDIX. 


AddUkmt  which  Locke  intended 

to  haTe  made  to  it,  359 ;  Abetntct 

of  it,  365. 
Ethics  in  general,  remark!  on,  308. 
E^ree  and  touch,  fnmish  us  with 

ideal  of  space,  370. 


Facnlties,  human,  question  as  to 
their  extent,  106. 

Faith,  remarks  on,  283. 

Father,  conduct  of  a,  towards  his 
son,  1. 

Fell,  Dr,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  his  cor- 
respondence with  the  Earl  of 
Sunderland,  relatire  to  the  expul- 
sion of  Locke  from  Christ  Church 
CoUege,  147,  150, 151. 

Fermentation,  new  air  generated  in, 
117. 

Filmer,  Sir  Robert,  7. 

Fontainbleau,  visit  of  Locke  to, 
75. 

Foreigner,  directions  to  one,  on 
Tisiting  England,  133. 

Fox,  Mr,  remarks  of^  31 ;  his  ac- 
count of  Locke's  expulsion  from 
Christ  Church  College,  Oxford, 
147. 

France,  rent  of  lands  in,  69 ;  sorry 
towns  in,  77. 

Praneker,  the  UniTcrsity  at,  161. 

Frederick,  Prince,  project  concern- 
ing, 440. 

Freke,  Mr,  a  friend  of  Locke,  236. 

Friendship,  the  great  benefit  of,  1 15. 

Frontignan,  town  of,  63. 

Fume,  Sir  H.,  258. 


Gardes  du  corps,  reviewed,  76. 

George,  Alice,  her  remarkable  lon- 
gevity, 131 ;  some  account  of  her, 
ib. 

George  L,  affairs  during  the  last 
years  of  his  reign,  436  ;  his  dea^, 
448. 

George  II ,  proclaimed,  449 ;  con- 
ferences with,  453;    his  trea^ 


with  the  Duke  of  Wolfenbuttel, 
455,456. 

Gibraltar,  pretensions  relative  to, 
457,458. 

Glasgow,  tumult  at,  on  account  of 
the  malt  tax,  438. 

God,  his  power  and  wisdom,  91 ; 
on  the  love  of,  HI ;  his  intui- 
tions in  regard  to  man,  1 12 ;  a 
being  of  infinite  goodness,  123; 
his  justice,  124 ;  inspiration  con- 
cerning, ib. ;  on  the  worship  of, 
288,  295;  the  revealed  wiU  of, 
294 ;  proof  of  his  existence,  313; 
idea  of,  315;  the  children  ol^ 
320;  on  the  belief  of  a,  325. 

Godolphin,  Lord,  conferences  at  his 
house,  471—473. 

Gold,  ideas  of,  382. 

Good  and  evil,  moral  and  natural, 
difference  between,  311. 

Graudier,  burnt  for  witchcraft,  81. 

Grave,  the  poor  peasant  of^  79. 

GreflSer,  conferences  with,  468, 469. 

Gronovius,  oration  made  by,  165. 

Guenelon,  M.,  Physician  at  Amster- 
dam, 159. 

H 

Hadelen,    dispute   respecting   the 

country  of,  461,  462. 
Halstead,  Captain,  35. 
Hamilton,  Duke,  reply  of,  120. 
Hampden,  tried  for  high  treason, 

139. 
Hanmer,  Sir  Thomas,  455. 
Hanover,  treaty  of,  458. 
Happiness,  how  to  attain,  90,  116 ; 

on  the  pursuit  of,  306. 
Harrington,  Lord,  Cabinet  Councils 

held  at  his  office,  482—484. 
Hantbrion,  fine  vineyard  at,  71. 
Heaven,  our  great  business  and  in- 
terest, 97. 
Hell,  on  the  translation  of  the  word, 

322. 
Hesse,   Landgrave  of,  offer  fi^m, 

445 ;  accepted  by  the  king,  446. 
Hindoos,  inquiries  concerning  the, 

252. 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


nn>Ez. 


490 


Hindoostan,  the  Mahometans  of,  73. 

History,  on  the  study  of,  5,  96, 109, 
118. 

Hobbes,  Mr,  Latin  poem  by,  135 ; 
alluded  to,  186. 

Holland,  residence  of  Locke  in,  159. 

Home,  a  large  town  on  the  Zuider 
Sea,  161. 

ilorsley,  Dr,  his  edition  of  New- 
ton's works,  230. 

Hough,  Mr,  elected  President  of 
Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  169 ; 
ejected  by  command  of  the  King, 
170. 

House  of  Commons,  adrice  to  a 
Member  of  the,  256. 

House  of  Lords,  bill  for  imposing 
the  Bishops'  test  in,  39 ;  debates 
occasioned  by  it,  40. 

Hudson,  the  Rev.  Dr,  keeper  of  the 
Bodleian  Library,  Oxford,  269. 

Husband,  an  unbelieving  one  sancti- 
fied by  his  wife,  228,  229. 

Hyeres,  town  of,  its  beautiful  situa- 
tion, 68 ;  nunnery  at,  ib. 


Ideas,  true  ones  requisite  to  know- 
ledge, 121,  122;  derived  from 
substantial  things,  184 ;  how  ge- 
nerated, 366;  origin  of  simple 
ones,  374,  392;  three  kinds  of 
complex  ones,  374 ;  another  sort 
of,  377  ;  definition  of,  381 ;  dis- 
agreement between,  389. 

Illuminations,  supernatural,  127. 

Imagination,  on  employing  the,  334. 

Immorality,  on  excommunications 
for,  305 ;  a  matter  of  grave  im- 
portance, 308. 

Immortality  of  the  soul,  remarks 
on,  128. 

Inheritance,  right  of,  by  the  law  of 
Moses,  116. 

Inspiration,  on  the  power  of,  124, 
125. 

Invalids,  Hospital  of,  at  Paris,  77. 

Irish  regiments  in  France,  proposed 
mode  of  filling  them  up,  483. 

Islay,  the  Earl  of,  439. 


Jeana,  Mr,  a  Doctor  of  Law,  12. 

Jesuits'  College  at  Lyons,  49. 

John  and  Timothy,  Sir  Isaac  New- 
ton's dissertations  on  the  contro- 
verted texts  of,  229. 

Joy,  fi  delight  of  the  mind,  373. 

Judgmg,  Uie  action  of  the  under- 
standing, 299. 

Judgment,  on  distrusting  one's  own, 
105. 

Jugglers,  tricks  performed  by,  252. 

Justices  of  the  Peace  for  Scotland, 
437. 


Keene,  Mr,  Jetters  from,  471  ;  in- 
structions to,  472,  476. 

Kennet,  Dr,  his  answer  to  Atter- 
bury,  259. 

Kepler,  his  observation  that  the 
planets  move  in  ellipses,  210. 

King,  P.,  Esq.,  M.  P.  (afterwards 
Lord  Chancellor),  letters  of  his 
cousin,  Mr  Locke,  to,  196,  254 — 
262,  264,  265 ;  his  notes  on  do- 
mestic and  foreign  afiairs  during 
the  last  years  of  the  reign  of 
George  I.  and  the  early  part  of 
the  reign  of  George  II.,  435. 

Knowledge,  how  derived,  6 ;  its  ex- 
tent and  measure,  86,  392 ;  the 
result  of  study,  92 ;  inquiry  after, 
94 ;  the  various  parts  of,  97  ;  the 
principal  end  of,  98;  pursuit  of, 
105  ;  two  kinds  of,  120,  390 ; 
depends  upon  true  and  right  ideas, 
122 ;  definition  of,  388 ;  intuitive, 
394 ;  on  the  improvement  of,  395; 
our  limited  amount  of,  396. 


Labadists,    Church    of   the,   162 ; 

their  religious  discipline,  ib. 
Language,  abuses  of,  386. 
Languages,  on  the  study  of,  95. 
Languedoc,  the  Protestants  of,  58  ; 

government  of  the  country,  61 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


4^ 


nJTDXX. 


Learning,  true,  definition  of,  188. 

Le  Clerc,  M.,  a  friend  of  Locke,  4, 
5,  31,  33 ;  observation  of;  195 ; 
extracts  of  letters  from,  to  Locke, 
232—234,  326  ;  Tract  in  his  pos- 
session, 234 ;  character  given  by, 
of  Locke,  271 ;  his  oration  for 
Limborch,  321 ;  reply  of  Locke 
to,  327 ;  translation  by,  398. 

Leewaerden,  the  capital  of  Fries- 
land,  163;  entry  of  the  Prince 
of  Nassau  into,  ib. 

Leibnitz,  extract  of  a  letter  from,  to 
Dr  Burnet,  196 ;  his  esteem  for 
Locke's  writings,- 400. 

Leicester  House,  George  II.  pro- 
claimed at,  449. 

Lent,  observation  of,  at  Paris,  83. 

Letter  from  a  Person  of  Quality 
to  his  Friend  in  the  Ck>untry,  39. 

Lewenhook,  his  microscopical  ob- 
servations, 166. 

Leyden,  schools  at,  165. 

Liberum  Arbitrium,  297. 

Life,  Eternal,  297,  320;  on  the  be- 
lief in,  360. 

Limborch,  Philip,  a  friend  of  Locke, 
159;  his  letters  to  Locke,  403, 
406,  409, 412, 413,  415, 417,  418, 
420,  422 ;  his  discourses  with  a 
young  lady,  422. 

Lincoln,  Bishop  of,  his  letter  to  the 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  194. 

Liturgy,  Preface  prefixed  to  it,  351. 

Loadstone,  its  attraction,  130. 

Locke,  John,  his  filial  affection,  1 ; 
dutiful  letter  of,  to  his  father,  2 ; 
sent  to  Westminster  School,  and 
thence  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford, 
3 ;  his  University  education,  4 ; 
his  answer  to  the  Earl  of  Peter- 
borough, ib. ;  his  habits  and  life 
at  Oxford,  5 ;  his  Essay  on  Hu- 
man Understanding,  6,  33;  his 
earliest  work,  ib. ;  his  inclination 
for  the  study  of  medicine,  9 ;  be- 
comes Secretary  to  Sir  Walter 
Vane,  10 ;  his  letters  from  Cleve, 
to  Mr  John  Strachy,  13,  18,  21, 
26,  27  ;  returns  to  England,  26 ; 
declines  a  mission  to  Spain,  27 ; 


offered  employment  abroad,  28  ; 
refuses  Church  preferment,  29; 
has  the  choice  of  three  roa!ds  to 
fortune,  30 ;    his    philosophical 
pursuits,  ib. ;  makes  the  acquaint- 
ance of  LoYd  Ashley  ^afterwards 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury),  31 ;  resides 
at  Exeter  Hous^,  in  the  Strand, 
32;  anecdote  of,  33;  appointed 
Secretary  to  the  Lord  Chancellor, 
34;  playful  letters  of  Lord  Shaftes- 
buiy  to,  ib.,  37 ;  extracts  from  Mr 
Stringer's  letters  to,  38 ;  relation 
drawn  up  by,  40  j  afflicted  with 
asthma,  42;    his  letters  to   Dr 
Mappletoft,  ib.,  43,  44 ;    resides 
in  France  for  the  benefit  of  his 
health,  45  ;  Journal  kept  by,  ib. ; 
extracts  from  It,  46;    proceeds 
from  Boulogne  to  Abbeville,  ib. ; 
arrives  at  Poy,  47 ;  at  Beauvais 
and  Beaumont,  48 ;  his  account 
of  Lyons,  49  ;  reaches  Avignon, 
52;    visits  the  amphitheatre  at 
Nismes,  53 ;  describes  Montpellier 
and  its  environs,  54  ;  his  particu- 
lars of  the  Synod  of  Languedoc, 
58 ;  on  the  obligation  of  the  Penal 
Laws  in  France,  61 ;  proceeds  to 
Castries,  65 ;  on  imaginary  space, 
66 ;  visits  Marseilles,  67 ;  Tou- 
lon, 68  ;     Hyeres,  ib. ;     reads 
Books  of  Travels  while  at  Mont- 
pellier, 70 ;  journeys  by  way  of 
Toulouse  and  Bourdeaux  towards 
the  French  capital,  71 1  arrives  at 
Paris,  72 ;  visits  the  King's  Li- 
brary, ib. ;  also  the  Louvre  and 
the  Gobelins,  74 ;  Versailles,  ib. ; 
witnesses  the  Opera  of  "  Alceste" 
at  Fontainbleau,  75 ;  present  at  a 
review  of  the  French  troops  in  the 
Plain  de  Duile,  76 ;  quits  Paris, 
on  his  return  to  Montpellier,  77; 
arrives  at  Bourdeaux,  78 ;  con- 
verses with  a  peasant,  79 ;  returns 
to  Montpellier,  and,  after  a  short 
residence  there,  again  proceeds  to 
Paris,  80 ;  witnesses  a  review  of 
the  Infantry  of  the  Maison  du  Roi, 
81  i  converses  with  the  Prince  of 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


HffDEX. 


497 


Gonti,  S3 ;  acquaintances  fonned 
by,  86,  135 ;  quits  Paris  and  re- 
turns to  London,  86 ;  his  dissert- 
ation on  the  extent  and  measure 
of  Knowledge,  ib. ;  on  the  State 
of  the  Human  Mind,  87  ;  on  an- 
other life,  90;  on  the  improve- 
ment of  the  mind  by  study,  92 ; 
on  the  great  duties  of  man,  101 ; 
recommends  the  reading  of  the 
best  authors,  108, 118 ;  his  letters 
to  a  friend,  on  religious  topics, 
110,  114;  his  questions  relative 
to  fermentation,  117 ;  on  the  great 
steps  to  knowledge,  121 ;  his  re- 
marks on  religion,  124;  on  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  128  ;  ex- 
tracts from  his  Journal,  131 ;  his 
account  of  Alice  George,  ib. ;  his 
directions  (apparently)  for  some 
foreigner  about  to  visit  England, 
133;  expelled  from  Oxford,  by 
command  of  Charles  II.,  147  ; 
correspondence  between  the  Earl 
of  Sunderland  and  Dr  Fell,  Bishop 
of  Oxford,  respecting  that  proceed- 
ing, 149,  151,  152;  letters  of  the 
latter  to  him,  152,  153  ;  demand 
made  by  the  King's  minister  at 
the  Hague  that  he  should  be  de- 
livered up,  154;  his  Letter  on 
Toleration,  156;  refuses  to  ac- 
cept the  royal  pardon,  157 ;  letters 
of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  to  him, 
ib.,  158;  occupied  in  scientific 
pursuits  at  Amsterdam,  159 ;  de- 
scribes the  service  performed  by 
an  Armenian  priest,  160 ;  his  ac- 
count of  the  Labadists  of  Wein- 
wert,  162 ;  visits  the  house  of  a 
Boor,  166 ;  corresponds  with  his 
friends  in  England,  168;  letters 
from  Mr  Tyrrell  to  him,  ib.,  169, 
171,  193;  offer  made  to  him  by 
Lord  Mordaunt  on  his  arrival  in 
England  to  accept  the  office  of 
Envoy  at  one  of  the  German 
courts,  172 ;  his  letter  to  that  no- 
bleman, declining  the  appoint- 
ment, ib. ;  presents  a  petition  to 
the  King  for  his  restoration  at 
2  K 


Christ  Church,  175 ;  presses  his 
claims  no  further,  ]  76 ;  publica- 
tion of  his  Essay  on  Human 
Understanding,  177 ;  Dugald 
Stewart's  and  Sir  James  Mackin- 
tosh's opinion  of  its  high  merits, 
177,  179;  Lord  Ashley  attacks 
his  philosophy,  181 ;  letters  of  his 
Lordship  to  him  on  the  sub- 
ject, 182,  185 ;  his  Essay  recom- 
mended by  Mr  Wynne,  at  the 
University  of  Oxford,  189 ;  com- 
plimentaiy  letter  of  that  gentle- 
man to  him,  ib. ;  his  reply  to  it, 
191 ;  successive  editions  of  his 
Essay,  192 ;  the  readmg  of  it  for- 
bidden, 193;  his  principles  at- 
tacked by  Dr  Stillingfleet,  Bishop 
of  Worcester,  194 ;  writes  to  Mr 
King  in  vindication  of  his  Es- 
say, 196;  his  letter  to  Mr  Tyr- 
rell, on  the  same  subject,  198 ; 
his  varied  occupations,  201 ;  pub- 
lishes a  second  Letter  for  Toler- 
ation, 202 ;  his  observations  on 
the  Censorship  of  the  press,  ib. ; 
becomes  acquainted  with  Sir  Isaac 
Newton,  and  other  distinguished 
persons,  209 ;  letters  of  Newton 
to  him,  217—219,  221,  224,  225, 
227, 228 ;  his  reply  to  one  of  these, 
226;  his  magnanimous  nature, 
ib. ;  second  edition  of  his  Book 
of  Ideas,  227  ;  his  Paraphrase  on 
the  Epistles  of  the  Corinthians, 
228  ;  his  correspondence  with  the 
Lord  Keeper  Somers,  235,  236, 
248,  249 ;  letters  of  the  Earl  of 
Monmouth  to  him,  237—243, 247; 
his  advice  relative  to  the  coinage, 
244 ;  appointed  Member  of  the 
Council  of  Trade,  245  ;  letter  of 
Sir  William  Trumbull  to,  ib. ;  re- 
signs his  post,  in  consequence  of 
his  increasing  infirmities,  246  ; 
flattering  intention  of  the  King 
towards  him,  249 ;  his  residence 
at  Gates,  251 ;  his  letter  to  Mr 
Cudworth,  ib. ;  his  correspond- 
ence with  his  cousin,  P.  King, 
Esq.,   M.  P.   (afterwards    Lord 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


498 


HTDEX. 


Chancellor),  254—262, 264,  265 ; 
Newton  risits  him,  262 ;  his  weak 
state  of  health,  266,  274 ;  epitaph 
on  his  tomb,  266 ;  his  last  mo* 
ments  and  death,  267 ;  his  numer- 
ous works,  ib. ;  his  Treatise  on 
Education,  ib. ;  remarks  of  Ba^le 
on  his  philosophy,  ib.,  268 ;  Codicil 
of  his  Will  relating  to  his  works, 
269 ;  summary  of  his  character,  by 
Le  Clerc,  271 ;  his  agreeable  man- 
ners and  conversation,  272 ;  his 
charity  and  benevolence,  273; 
his  religious  opinions,  275 ;  paper 
drawn  up  by  him  on  the  subject 
of  a  pure  Christian  Community, 
276  ;  his  high  attainments,  278 ; 
influence  of  his  opinion  and 
writings,  ib. ;  his  Treatise  on  Go- 
vernment, 280;  extracts  from  his 
Common-place  Books,  282;  on 
the  love  of  coimtry,  291 ;  his  re- 
marks on  vice  and  virtue,  292; 
on  the  inspired  writings,  294 ;  on 
the  doctrine  of  election,  295  ;  on 
the  worship  of  God,  ib. ;  on  super- 
stition, 296;  on  tradition,  ib. ; 
on  the  texts  of  the  Trinitarians, 
297 ;  on  life  eternal,  ib. ;  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  298 ;  his 
miscellaneous  papers,  299;  Judg- 
ing, Election,  Resolution,  ib. ;  on 
the  difference  between  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  power,  300 ;  on  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  306;  on 
Ethics  in  general,  30^;  on  the 
existence  of  God,  314;  on  the 
Resurrection,  316 ;  on  the  mode 
of  acquiring  truth,  323  ;  letter  of 
M.  Le  Clerc  to,  326 ;  his  reply  to 
it,  327  ;  on  the  species  of  things, 
328 ;  on  arguments  positive  and 
negative,  329 ;  his  Essay  concern- 
ing Recreation,  330 ;  on  Memory, 
333;  on  Imagination,  334;  on 
Madness,  335 ;  on  Error,  336 ; 
on  matter  and  space,  337;  his 
Adversaria  Theologica,  342;  his 
Miswer  to  Dr  Stillingfleet,  in 
defence  of  Nonconformity,  346; 
•additions  intended  to  have  been 


made  by  him  to  his  Essay  on 
Human  Understanding,  359  ;  on 
the  Organs  of  Speech,  361 ;  on 
the  way  of  managing  arguments, 
363;  his  Fourth  Letter  for  Toler- 
ation, 364 ;  Abstract  of  his  Essay, 
365;  letters  of  Limborch  to,  403^ 
406,  409,  412, 413, 415, 417, 418, 
420,  422. 

Locke,  John  (the  father  of  John), 
particulars  respecting,] ;  affection 
of  his  son  to  him,  2;  his  disputa- 
tion on  divinity,  19. 

London,  things  worth  seeing  in,  133 ; 
noted  men  of,  in  their  respective 
arts,  134;  George  II.  proclaimed 
in,  449. 

Louis  XIV.,  taxes  paid  to,  72 ;  visits 
the  Opera,  75 ;  reviews  the  gardes 
du  corps,  76 ;  his  great  devotion, 
81 ;  reviews  his  Infantry,  82. 

Louvre,  Garde  Meubles  at  the,  74, 
77. 

Lyons,  the  Jesuits*  College  at,  49; 
St  John's  Church  at,  ib. ;  the 
Castle  of  Pierre  en  Cise,  ib. ;  the 
Hotel  Dieu,  150;  the  Charit6,  ib. ; 
aspect  of  the  country  near,  ib. 

M 

Macclesfield,  Lord,  discussioii  re- 
specting, 441. 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  his  opinion 
of  Locke,  1 77 ;  his  remarks  on 
his  character,  280. 

Madness,  observations  on,  335. 

Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  commis- 
sioners sent  by  the  King  to,  169. 

Mahometans  of  Hindoostan,  73. 

Man,  knowledge  requisite  for,  89; 
his  duties,  101 ;  opinions  planted 
in  him,  ib. ;  ought  to.study  him- 
self, 108 ;  principal  spring  of  his 
actions,  109 ;  his  state  in  this 
world  one  or  mediocrity,  113; 
his  actions  in  general  things,  ib., 
359 ;  in  what  his  happiness  con- 
sists, 116;  matters  that  govern 
him,  120;  ought  to  obtain  true 
ideas,  121 ;  rules  for  his  actions. 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


INDEX. 


499 


312 ;  remarks  on  his  recreations, 

330. 
Mappletoft,  Dr,  letters  of  Locke  to, 

43,44. 
Marius,    triumphal    arch    of,     at 

Orange,  51. 
Marriage,  on-  the  thoughts  of,  299, 

300. 
Miu^illes,  some   account  of   the 

town  of,  67. 
Marrel,  Mr,  41. 
Masham,  Lady,  217,  219,  221,  224, 

258 ;    her  agreeable    manners, 

251. 
Masham,  Sir  Francis,  218,  229. 
Matter,  ideas  respecting,  315. 
Meary,  Dr,  2.. 
Memory,  help  to  the,  107  ;  remarks 

on,  333. 
Mercury,   changes  its  colours  and 

properties,  222. 
Metals,  multiplication  of,  224. 
Mind,  human,  its  constitution,  87 ; 

its  labours,  99;    its  sympathies 

and  antipathies,   100 ;    ideas  of 

the,  378. 
Minutol,  letter  of  Bayle  to,  267. 
Miracles,    remarks    on,    125;    in 

ancient  times,  225. 
Modesty,  the  great  virtue  of  woman, 

293. 
Monmouth,  the  Earl  of,  217,  218, 

221 ;  his  letters  to  Locke,   237 

—240.    See  Peterborough. 
Montaigne,  Essays  of,  159. 
Montejo,  Ck)nd6  de,  490. 
Montespan,  Madame,  75. 
Montpellier,  town  of,  and  its  en- 

yirons,  54;    its  population,  59; 

the  Consistory  of,  60;   Carnival 

at,  ib. ;   police  at,  61 ;  murders 

at,  64,  66. 
Morality,  the  plain  duties  of,  103 ; 

capable  of  demonstration,  121. 
Mordaunt,  Lord  (afterwards  Earl  of 

Peterborough],  letter  of  Locke  to, 

declining  to  become  Envoy  at  one 

of  the  German  courts,  17^. 
Munster,  Bishop  of,  164. 
Murray,  Lord  George,  his  petition  to 

the  King,  437 

2  K  2 


Muscat  wine,its  goodness  dependent 
on  two  causes,  63. 

N 

Nassau,  Prince  of,  married  to  the 
Princess  of  Anhault,  163 ;  enter- 
tainment given  to,  164. 

Nature,  phenomena  of,  106 ;  on  the 
law  of,  198,  201. 

Newcastle,Duke  of,  438, 439, 441— 
444,  447,  456,  470—472,  483, 
484  j  letters  of  Lord  Townshend 
to,  473,  474, 476 ;  meeting  at  his 
house,  480;  his  letters  to  Lord 
Waldegrave,  484,  486,  487 ;  let- 
ter of  Mr  Broglio  to,  487. 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  209 ;  his  demon- 
stration of  Kepler's  observation 
that  the  planets  move  in  ellipses, 
210;  his  Account  of  the  Cor- 
ruptions of  Scripture,  216;  his 
letters  to  Locke,  217—219,  221, 
224,  225,  227,  228 ;  remarks  on 
three  of  them,  229 ;  visits  Locke, 
262 ;  his  great  knowledge,  263. 

Nimegen,  town  of,  165. 

Niort,  troops  quartered  at,  78. 

Nismes,  the  Amphitheatre  at,  de- 
scribed, 53;  the  Protestants  o^ 
54. 

Nonconformity,  defence  of,  346. 

Normoutier,  the  great  Abbey  of,  78 

Nottingham,  Lord,  petition  against 
him,  239. 

Nunnery  at  Hyeres,  68. 


Gates,  near  Ongar,  retirement  of 
Locke  to,  in  consequence  of  ill 
health,  251. 

Opinions,  planted  in  man  by  educa- 
tion, 101 ;  difference  and  con- 
trariety of,  102. 

Orange,  Prince  of,  camels  presented 
to,  164 ;  his  stay  at  the  Hague, 
465;  affairs  of,  466. 

Orange,  Princess  of,  her  marriage, 
12. 

Orange,    the  little  town   o(  51; 


Digitized 


byGOOglj 


coo 


IKDEX. 


Mariu8*8  triumphal  arch  at,  ib. ; 

some  account  of  the  place,  52. 
Orkney,  the  Earl  of,  480. 
Ormond,  Duke  of.  Lord  Lieutenant 

of  Ireland,  28,  37. 
Orthodoxy,  two  kinds  of,  284. 
Ostend,  project  for  a  great  trading 

Company  at,  435, 444. 
Outred,  his  system  of  Algebra,  122. 
Owen,  Dr,  the  Independent,  7. 
Oxford,  system  of  education  in  the 

University  of,  4 ;   the  Colleges  at, 

134;    the  Philosophy  of  Locke 

excites  attention  at,  189. 
Oyster-shells,  remarkable  bed  of, 

56. 


Paley,  substance  of  his  argument, 
292. 

Pari8,arrivalofLockeat,72;  King's 
Library  at,  ib. ;  fray  among  the 
Jacobins  at,  73 ;  the  Palais  Ma- 
zarin  at,  ib. ;  Garde  Meubles  in 
the  Louvre  at,  74;  hangings  in 
the  Gobelins  at,  ib. ;  Academy 
for  Painting  and  Sculpture  at,  75 ; 
Hospital  of  the  Invalides  at,  77  ; 
Library  of  the  Abb6  of  St  Ger- 
mains  at,  80 ;  review  of  the  In- 
fantry of  the  Maison  du  Roi  at, 
81 ;  population  and  mortality  in, 
83 ;  observation  of  Lent  at,  ib. ; 
houses  opened  to  public  inspec- 
tion at,  84. 

Parliament  dissolved  in  1678,  136; 
a  new  one  formed,  ib. ;  advice  to 
a  member  o^  256;  prorogued, 
449,  452. 

Patriae  Amor,  its  influence,  291. 

Paz,  Marquis  del,  explanation  given 
by,  471,476. 

Pembroke,  the  Earl  of,  his  letters 
to  Locke,  157,  158. 

Penal  Laws,  obligation  of,  in  France, 
61. 

Penn,  William,  offer  of,  157. 

Percy,  Mr,  encourages  Locke's  Phi- 
losophy, 193. 

Peterborough,  the  Earl  of,  4 ;  his 
letters  to  Locke,  241,  242,  262. 


Picais,  salt  made  at,  65. 

Planets,  demonstration  that,  by 
their  gravity  towards  the  sun, 
they  may  move  in  ellipses,  210. 

Pleasure  and  pain,  definition  of, 
372. 

Pomey  and  Chanson,  burnt  at 
Paris,  83. 

Pontac,  President,  his  vineyard  at 
Hautbrion,  71. 

Pont  St  Esprit,  a  bridge  over  the 
Rhone,  described,  51. 

Popish  plot,  discovered,  32. 

Porson,  Mr,  his  letters  to  Archdeacon 
Travis,  216,  230. 

Port  Cette,  the  mole  at,  63. 

Portsmouth,  Lord,  his  catalogue  of 
the  Newton  Manuscripts,  2^. 

Power,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  dif- 
ference between,  300. 

Poy,  stay  of  Locke  at,  47. 

Prayer,  form  of,  ordered  by  Charles 
II.,  139,  140,  143. 

Press,  restramt  upon  the,  206. 

Priest,  Armenian,  service  performed, 
by  one,  160. 

Priesthoods,  of  several  factions, 
289. 

Princes,  power  of  the  clergy  OYer, 
290. 

Printing,  discovery  of  the  art  of, 
131 ;  Act  for  preventing  abuses 
in,  202 ;  objectionable  clauses  in 
it,  ib. ;  its  expiry  in  1694,  209. 

Propositions,  self-evident,  ^4. 

Prudence,  study  of,  97. 

Prussia,  King  of,  his  military  pre- 
parations, 480. 

Q 

Quakers,  origin  of  the,  167. 


Reason,  the  judgments  of,  125 ;  the 

four  parts  of,  397. 
Reasonableness  of  Christianity,  by 

Locke,  268,  270. 
Recreation,  an  Essay  concerning, 

330. 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


INDEX. 


501 


Beformation,  progress  of  the,  352. 

Regency,  meetings  of  the,  439,  441. 

Relation  of  things  in  space,  338. 

Religion,  definition  of,  by  Locke, 
124;  propositions  relating  to, 
126 ;  on  the  change  of,  285 ;  the 
true  one,  287;  obedience  to  the 
laws  of,  302 ;  three  things  to  be 
considered  in,  305 ;  knowledge 
of  the  true  one,  364. 

Renaie,  Monsieur,  sacrifices  a  child 
to  the  DeVil,  64. 

Ren^,  King  of  Naples,  chalice  of 
gold  given  by,  69. 

Reputation,  the  aim  of  mankind, 
109. 

Resolution,  remarks  on,  299. 

Resurrectio  et  quae  Sequuntur,  316. 

Revelation,  original  remarks  oni 
397. 

Rewards  and  punishments  in  an- 
other life,  199. 

Ripperda,  Duke  of,  his  disgrace, 
447. 

Rogation  procession^  in  France,  70. 

Rome,  the  Church  of,  353. 

Rottemburg,  Ck)unt,  instructions  to, 
457. 

Rotterdam,  land  of  a  Boor  bear, 
167. 

Royal  Louis,  French  man-of-war, 
68. 

Royal,  the  Admiral's  galley,  67. 

Russell,  Lord,  resignation  of,  137 ; 
executed,  139,  149. 


St  Germains,  library  of  the  Abbe 

of,  80. 
St  John  de  Croix,  canonization  of, 

58. 
St  John's  Church,  at  Lyons,  49. 
St  Paul,  the  Apostle,  his  Chapter  on 

the  Resurrection,  317 ;  preaches 

the  gospel,  357. 
Saltmarsh,  John,  Chaplain  to  Fair- 
fax, 167. 
Sardinia,    King    of,    negotiations 

with,  485 ;   proposed  subsidy  to, 

487. 


Saville,  Lord  (afterwards  Eiirl  of 
Sussex),  forged  letter  of,  1 19. 

Scalenon,  true  idea  of  a,  121. 

Schelton,  M.,  his  Memorial  to  tlie 
States'  General,  154. 

Schools,  Ethics  of  the,  310. 

Scotland,  Justices  of  the  Peace  for, 
437. 

Screwin,  the  Princess  of,  163. 

Scrip^tura  Sacra,  remarks  on,  293. 

Scroop,  A|r,  438. 

Sensation,  ideas  of,  366,  367,  372. 

Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  declared  Lord 
Chancellor,  34;  appoints  Locke 
his  Secretary,  ib. ;  his  letters  to 
him,  showing  the  playful  style  of 
his  correspondence,  ib.,  37;  ac- 
count published  by,  40;  made 
President  of  the  Coimcil,  136; 
resigns  office,  137  ;  his  letter  to 
Locke  concerning  the  Elections, 
ib. ;  indicted  of  high  treason, 
138 ;  retires  to  Holland,  139 ;  his 
death,  ib. ;  his  attack  on  Locke's 
Philosophy,  181 ;  his  letters  to 
Locke  on  the  subject  of  it,  182, 
185;  letter  of  the  Bishop  oi 
Lincoln  to,  194. 

Shovel,  Sir  Cloudesly,  fleet  under, 
265. 

Sleep,  the  great  balsam  of  life,  99  ; 
experience  of,  129. 

Society,  Civil,  the  end  of,  300  ;  re- 
ligious, ib. 

Soldiers,  artifices  for  enlisting,  in 
France,  56. 

Soldiery,  French,  their  dress  de- 
scribed, 82. 

Somers,  Lord  Keeper,  his  letters  to 
Locke,  235,  236,  243,  247. 

Sophistry  and  Philosophy,  187,  188. 

Soul,  faculties  of  the,  91 ;  its  im- 
mortality, 128. 

Space,  imaginary,  remarks  on,  66 ; 
definition  of,  336;  ideas  of,  337, 
370 ;  relation  of  things  in,  338 ; 
difference  between  it  and  body  ,339. 

Spain,  state  of  affairs  in,  440  ;  de- 
signs of,  443;  dispute  with,  470, 
471 ;  fleet  to  proceed  to  the  coast 
of,  475;  proposals  of,  476. 


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by  Goo 


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502 


ODEX. 


Spanish  man-of-war,  wrecked,  482. 

Species  of  things,  32^. 

Speech,  on  the  organs  of,  361. 

Sports  of  England,  133. 

Stanhope,  Mr,  letter  from,  444, 445. 

Staremberg,  Count,  445. 

Stationers'  Company,  monopoly  of 
the,  203—205,  208. 

Stewart,  Dugald,  on  the  progress  of 
philosophy,  9;  his  character  of 
Locke,  177 ;  his  remarks  on 
Locke's  principles,  281. 

Stewart,  Mr,  a  Scotch  Member  of 
Parliament,  438. 

Stillingfleet,  Dr,  Bishop  of  Worces- 
ter, opposes  Locke's  Philosophy, 
194;  reply  of.  195;  his  death, 
lb.;  his  attack  on  the  Noncon- 
formists, 346;  Locke's  answer 
to  it,  ib. 

Strachy,  John,  letters  of  Locke  to, 
13, 18.  21,  26, 27. 

Strafford,  the  Earl  of,  120. 

Stringer,  Mr,  his  illness,  34;  ex- 
tracts from  his  letters  to  Locke, 
ib. 

Study,  results  in  knowledge,  92; 
how  to  pursue  it  with  profit  and 
advantage,  95 ;  time  requisite  for, 
99. 

Substances,  natural  ideas  of,  376, 
389  ;  on  the  names  of,  382,  385. 

Succession,  idea  of,  371. 

Sully,  M^moires  de,  85. 

Sunderland,  the  Earl  of,  his  corre- 
spondence with  Dr  Fell,  Bishop 
of  Oxford,  relative  to  the  expul- 
sion of  Locke  from  Christ  Church, 
147,  149,  152,  155. 

Superstition,  cause  and  rise  of,  296. 

Swammerdam,  his  collection  of  ani- 
mal remains,  165. 

Swerin,  the  Prince  of,  12. 

Sydenham,  Dr,  his  praise  of  Locke's 
medical  skill,  9 ;  alluded  to,  44. 

Sydney,  Algernon,  execution  of,  139. 


Taxes,  levied  in  France,  72. 

Tea,  Japanese  mode  of  making,  160. 


Teachers,  two  sorts  of,  among  the 
ancients,  286. 

Testament,  the  New,  old  manu- 
scripts of  the,  81. 

Theists  and  Atheists,  question  be- 
tween the,  314. 

Thomas,  David,  his  letter  to  Locke, 
403. 

Thought,  amendment  of  the  general 
habits  of,  ;i80. 

Thus  I  think,  306. 

Tilliard,  arrival  of  Locke  at,  48. 

Tillotson,  Archbishop,  321. 

Time,  improvement  of,  93. 

Time  and  Duration,  370 ;  ideas  of, 
371. 

Toinard,  M.,  new  system  of,  83. 

Toland,  his  work  entitled  Christi- 
anity not  Mysterious,  194. 

Toleration,  Locke's  letter  on,  156  ; 
a  Second  Letter  for,  202 ;  Locke's 
Fourth  Letter  for,  364. 

Tories,  ill  humour  of  the,  239. 

Toulon,  aspect  of  the  coimtry  near, 
67 ;  tiie  port  of,  and  vessels  there, 

"   68. 

Toulouse,  sacred  relics  at,  80. 

Tours,  situation  of  the  town  of^  72 ; 
taxes  levied  at,  ib. 

Townshend,  Lord,  445,  446,  449, 
450,  455,  463 ;  his  letters  to  the 
Earl  of  Chesterfield,  467,  469 ; 
conference  at  his  house,  470 ;  his 
letters  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
473,  474,  476. 

Tradition,  recourse  to,  296. 

Treatise  on  Government,  by  Locke, 
280. 

Trinity,  doctrine  of  the,  194,  196, 
298 ;  remarks  on  the,  342. 

Trumbull,  Sir  William,  his  letter  to 
Locke,  245. 

Truth,  the  proper  object  of  the  hu- 
man mind,  101 ;  on  the  clear  con- 
ception of,  103 ;  the  duty  of  man 
to  search  after  it,  282. 361 ;  how 
to  arrive  at  it,  323,  393. 

Tully's  Works,  imported  copy  of, 
seized,  204. 

Turf,  its  value  in  Holland,  167. 

Tuscany  and  Parma,  succession  of; 
472. 


Digitized  byCjOOQlC 


IKDEX. 


503 


Tyrrell,  Mr,  a  friend  of  Locke, 
3 ;  his  letters  to  Locke,  168, 169, 
171,  193,  198. 

U 

Understanding— arguments  positive 

and  negative,  329. 
Understanding  and  Power,  ideas  of, 

376. 
Unitarians,  texts  of  the,  297. 
Uzes,  town  of,  near  Nismes,  55. 


Valence,  town  of,  50. 

Vane,   Sir  Walter,  Envoy   to  the 

Elector  of   Brandenburgh,    10  ; 

Locke  appointed  Secretary  to,  ib. 
Vard,  Marquis  de,  64. 
Vaucluse,  the  famous  fountain  at, 

69. 
Vemet,  the  seat  of  the  Abb6  Defiat, 

78. 
Vernules,  Due  de.  Governor  of  Lan- 

guedoc,  58,  61. 
Versailles,  Chateau  at,  74. 
Vice,  remarks  on,  293. 
Vienna,  secret  treaty  of,  447. 
Virtue,   things   essential   to,   116  ; 

obligations  of,  292. 
Virtues  and  vices  of  mankind,  309. 
Vita  Etema,  297. 

W 

Wager,  Sir  Charles,  fleet  under, 
475,  476. 

Waldegrave,  Lord,  instructions  to, 
484 ;  letters  of  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle to,  ib.,  486,  487. 


Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  affairs  during 
his  administration,  435  ;  letter 
from,  448  ;  meeting  of  the  Lords 
at  his  house,  471,  477. 

Wharton,  Mr,  238. 

Wichkot,  Dr,  sermons  of,  272. 

Wicked,  doom  of  the,  323. 

Wienwert,  Church  of  the  Labadists 
at,  162. 

William  IIL,  238 ;  determines  upon 
a  Council  of  Trade,  240;  sends 
for  Mr  Locke,  249 ;  his  Majesty's 
conversation  with  him, 251;  speech 
of,  260  ;  his  death,  451. 

Wines,  French,  value  of,  71, 

Wo Ifenbuttel, treaty  between  George 
n.  and  the  Duke  of,  455,  456. 

Wood,  Captain,  his  attempt  to  dis- 
cover a  north-west  passage,  in 
1676,  132. 

Worcum,  approach  to,  161. 

Words,  on  the  true  value  of,  93, 
387 ;  on  the  abuse  of,  361 ;  are 
of  two  sorts,  379  ;  nature  and  sig- 
nification of,  380  ;  have  a  double 
use,  383. 

Writings,  inspired,  remarks  on  the, 
294. 

Wynne,  Mr,  recommends  Locke's 
Essay  to  the  University  of  Ox- 
ford, 189  ;  his  letter  to  Locke 
concerning  it,  ib- ;  reply  to  it,  191. 


Yelverton,  Sir  Henry,  his  work  on 
Miracles,  225. 


Zinzendorf,  Count,  433,  464. 


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byGooMe 


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Steek 

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Lives  and  Works.  By  Ddppa  and  Qua- 
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Poems. 
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W.  C.  L.  Mabtih.   Ftfty-two  Figwet  and 
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signs. Fine  Portrait  qf  Loyola,  Laiinktt 
lavim't  Borgia,  AaquaoivOt  Fire  la  Chaise, 
and  Pope  OanganeUi, 

Norway  and  its  Scenery.  Compris- 
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Petrarch's  Sonnets,  and  other  Poems. 

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hands.  With  a  Life  of  the  Poet,  by 
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Pickering's  History  of  the  Baces  of 

Man,  with  an  Analytical  Synopsis  of  the 
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jroMf  Qin  thefuU  8«d,  nee). 

— ^—  Homer's   Odyssey.    Hymns» 

&c,  by  other  translators,  including  Chap- 
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tiont. 

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Becreationa  in  Shooting.  By 
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Bedding's  Hiitory  and  Descr^tions 

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Bonnie's  Inseet  Arehiteotnre.   Kew 

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Sonthey's  life  of  Kelson.       With 

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the  New  Readings  given  in  Hermann's 
posthumous  Edition  of  iEschylos.  By 
<4robob  Buhoks,  M  JL    3«.  6d. 

Ammianus  Mareellinus.  History  of 
dome  from  Constautius  to  Valens.  Trans- 
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Antoninus.     The  Thoughts  of  the 

Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius.  Translated  by 
Geo.  Long,  M.A.    3s.  ed. 

Apuleins,  the  Golden  Ass;  Death  of 

Socrates;  Florida;  and  Disooune on  Magic. 
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Aristophanes'  Comedies.      Literally 
Translated,  with  Notes  and  Extracts  from 
Frere's  and  other  Metrical  yer8i<xia»  by 
V  W.  J.  HiCKiB.    2  vols. 

ToL  1.   Achamians,    Knights,   Glonds, 

Wasps,  Peace,  and  Birds. 
Vol.  a.  l>BiBtrata,  ThesmopboriaznssB, 
Frogs,  EodesiazosflB,  and  Plntos. 

Aristotle's  Ethics.  Literally  Trans- 
lated l^  Archdeacon  Bbownb,  line  Classical 
Professor  of  King's  Ck>Uege. 

Politics    and    Economics. 

Translated  by  G.  Walfobd,  M.A. 

■  Metaphysics.  Literally  Trans- 
lated, with  Notes,  Analysis,  Examination 
Qaeetions,  and  Index,  by  the  Rev.  John 
H.  M'Mahon.  M.A.,  and  Oold  Medallist  in 
Metaphysios,  T.G  J). 

History  of  Animals.    In  Ten 

Books.  Translated,  with  Notes  and  Index, 

by  RiOHASD  CBBaSWBLL,  M.A. 

■  Organon ;  or,  Logical  Treat- 
ises. With  Notes.  J^  ByO.F.OwsN.M.A. 
2  Tols.,  3«.  6d.  each. 

■  Bhetoric  and  Poetics.  Lite- 
rally Translated,  with  Examination  Qnes- 
tlona  and  Notes,  by  an  Oxonian. 

Athensens.  The  Deipnosophists ;  or, 
the  Banquet  of  the  Learned.  Translated 
by  C.  D.  YONOB,  B.A.    3  vols. 

CsBSar.  Complete,  with  the  Alexan- 
drian, AfHcan,  and  Spanish  Wars.  Lite- 
rally Translated,  with  Notes. 

Catnllos,  Tihnllns,  and  the  Vigil  of 

Venos.  A  Uteral  Prose  Translation.  To 
which  are  added  Metrical  Versions  by 
Lamb,  OBAHfOBB,  and  others.  Froniit' 
jriece. 

Cicero's  Orations.  Literally  Trans- 
lated by  C.  D.  YoNas,  B.A.    In  4  yols. 

VoL  I.  OontahiB  the  Orations  against 
Verrea,  kc    Portrait. 

VoL  a.  Catiline,  Archias.  Agrarian 
Law.  Rabirins,  Mnrena,  ^Ua,  &c. 

Vol.  3.  Orations  for  his  House,  Plandus, 
Sextlos,  CkBlins,  Milo,  Ugariua.  &G. 

Vol.  4.  MisoellaneoiiB  Orations,  and 
Rhetorical  Works;  with  General  In- 
dex to  the  foor  volumes. 

on  the  Hatnre  of  the  €k)d8, 

DiTtauttion,  Fate,  Laws,  a  Republic,  6k. 
Translated  by  C.  D.  Yovob,  B.A.,  and 
F.  Babham. 

■  Academics,  Be  Einihns,  and 
Tuscnlan  Questions.  By  C.  D.  Yonob, 
B.A.  With  Sketch  of  the  Greek  Philo- 
sophy. 

*■  Offices,  Old  Age,  Friendship, 

Scipio's  Dream,  Paradoxes,  &c  Literally 
Translated,  by  R.  EoiioMoe.  3«.  id. 


Cicero  on  Oratory  and  Orators.    By 

J.  8.  Watson,  M.A. 
Demosthenes'  Orations.    Translated, 
with  Notes,  by  C  Ramh  Kbhitbdt.    In  S 
volumes. 
YoL  1.  The  Olvnthiac,  PhiUppic,  and 

other  Public  Orations.    3».  M. 
Vol.  3.  On  the  Crown  and  on  the  Em- 
bassy. 
Vol.  3.  Against  Leptlnes,  Mldias,  An- 

drotrion,  and  Aristocrates. 
VoL  4.  Private  and  other  Orations. 
VoL  6.  Miscellaneous  Orations. 

Dictionary  of  Latin  Quotations.    In- 

dnding  Proverbs,  Maxims,  Mottoes,  Law 
Terms,  and  Phrases ;  and  a  Collection  of 
above  600  Greek  Quotations.  With  all  the 
quantities  marked,  k  Eniclish  Translations. 
— — ,  with  Index  Verhonun.  6s. 
Index  Verborum  only.    U. 

Diogenes  Laertins.  Lives  and  Opin- 
ions of  the  Andent  Philoso]^TS.  Trans- 
lated, with  Notes,  by  a  D.  Tonos. 

Euripides.  Literally  Translated.  2  vols. 
YoL  1.  Hecuba,  Orestes,  Medea,  Hippo- 

lytus.  Alcestis,  Baoch»,  HeraclidA, 

Iphigenla  in  Aollde,  and  Iphigenia  In 

Tauris. 
Vol.  2.  Hercules  Fnrens,  Troade^  Ion, 

Andnnotache,     Suppliants,     Helen, 

Electra,  Qydops,  Rhesus. 

Greek  Anthology.  Literally  Trans- 
lated. With  Metrical  Versions  by  various 
Authors. 

Greek  Romances  of  Heliodoms, 
Longus,  and  Achilles  Tatius. 

Herodotns.  A  New  and  Literal 
Translation,  by  Hbnst  Gabx,  M.A.,  of 
Wor^ter  College,  Oxford. 

Hesiod,  Callimachns,  and  Theognis. 
Uterally  Translated,  with  Notes,  by  J. 
Banks.  M.A. 

Homer's  Iliad.  Literally  Translated, 
by  an  Oxonian. 

^—  Odyssey,  Hymns,  fto.  Lite- 
rally Translated,  by  an  Oxoniav. 

Horace.  Literally  Translated,  by 
Smart.  Garefhlly  revised  by  an  OzoanAS. 
3«.  ed. 

Jnstin,  Cornelius  Hepos,  and  Entro- 
pins.  Literally  Translated,  with  Notes 
and  Index,  by  J.  S.  Watson.  M.A. 

Jnvenal,  Fersias,  Snlpida,  and  In- 
dlius.     ^  L.  BvANS,  MA.    With  the 
Metrical  Version  by  Gilford.  Frontiipieoe. 
LlTy.     A  new  and  Literal  Translation 
By  Dr.  Spillan  and  others.    In  4  vols. 
VoL  1.  Contains  Books  1-& 
VoL  2.  Books  9--2«. 
VoL  3.  Books  27—36. 
VoL  4.  Books  37  to  the  end ;  andlndex. 
11 


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A  OATALOOVS  OF 


IiUOaa't  PhaxMia.     Translated,  with 

Notes,  by  H.  T.  Rilbt. 
LaeretiiUt    Literally  Translated,  with 

Motes*  hj  the  Rer.  J.  S.  Watson,  M.A. 

And  the  Metrical  Version  by  J.  M.  Good. 

Hartial't  Epigrams,  complete.  Lite- 
rally Translated.    Each  accompanied  by 
one  or  more  Verse  Translations  selected 
from  the  Works  of  English  Poets,  and 
other  sources.     With  a  ooplons  Index. 
Doable  volume  (660  pages).    U.  Gd, 
Ovid's  Works,  complete.     Literallj 
Translated.    8  vols. 
Vol.  1.  Fasti,  Tristla,  Eplsttes,  ftc 
VoL  2.  Metamorphoses. 
Vol.  3.  Heroidea,  Art  of  Love,  Ac 

Pindar.  LiteraUj  Translated,  by  Daw- 
SQK  W.  Tdsvsb,  and  the  Metrical  Venioo 
by  AnnARAK  Mooaa. 

Plato's  Wmrks.  Translated  by  the 
Bev.  H.  Gabt  and  others.    In  6  vols. 

Vol.  1.  The  Apolosy  of  Socrates,  Crito, 
Phaedo,  Qor^as,  Protagoras,  Phsedros, 
Theatetns,  Enthyphron,  Lysis. 

VoL  2.  TheRepabUcTinuens,  ftOritlas. 

VoL  3.  Meno,  Eathydemos,  The  So- 
phist, Statesman,  Gratylns,  Farme- 
nides,  and  the  Bangnet. 

VoL  4.  Philebns,  Charmides,  Laches, 
The  Two  Aldbiades,  and  Ten  other 
Dialogaes. 

Vol.  6.  The  Laws. 

VoL  6.  The  Doubtftd  Works.    With 

*    General  Index. 

■  Dialogues,  an  Analysis   and 

Index  to.  With  Refer^ces  to  the  Trans- 
lation in  Bohn's  Classical  Library.  By  Dr. 
Day.  [/n  preparation. 

PlautQs's  Comedies.  Literally  Trans- 
lated, with  No  es,  by  H.  T.  Rnunr,  B:A. 
Ins  vols. 

Pliny's  Vatnral  History.  Translated, 
with  Copious  Notes,  by  the  late  John 
BoBvooK,  M.D.,  FltJS.,  and  H.  T.  Rilbt, 
B.A.    In  6  vols. 

Propertins,  Petronius,  and  Johannes 

Secondus.  Literally  Translated,  and  ac- 
companied by  Poetical  Versions,  fhnn 
varions  aonreea. 


Qnintilian's  Institntes  of  Oratory. 

Literally  Translated,  with  Notes,  &c  by 
J.  8.  Watsok.  MJL    In  2  vols. 

Sallnst,  Ploms,  and  VeUeins  Pater- 

colns.  With  Cqpions  NotM,  Biographical 
Notices,  and  Index,  by  J.  S.  Watsok. 

Sophocles.     The   OAford   Translation 

revised. 

Standard  library  Atlas  of  Classical 

Geography.  Twenty-two  large  coUmred 
Mapi  aooording  to  Ou  lateit  authorities. 
With  a  complete  Index  (accaitnated), 
giving  the  latitude  and  longitade  of  evory 
place  named  in  the  Maps.  imp.Svo.  tt.6d 

Strabo's  Geography.  Translated, 
with  Coploos  Notes,  by  W.  Fajooqner, 
M.A.,  and  H.  C.  HAMiLTOir,  Esq.  With 
Index,  giving  the  Anclmt  and  Modem 
Names.    In  3  vols. 

Saetonios'  Lives  of  the  Twelve 
Caesars,  and  other  Works.  Thomson's 
Translation,  revised,  with  Notes,  by  T. 

FOBBSTBB. 

Tacitns.     Literally  Translated,   with 
Notes.    In  2  vola 
VoL  1.  The  Annals. 

Vol  2.  The  History,  Gennanla,  Agri- 
cola,  ftc.    With  Index. 

Terence  and  Phssdms.    By  H.  T. 

Rilbt.  B.A. 
Theocritus,    Bion,    Moschns,    and 

IVrtseua.    By  J.  Bamks.  M.A.    With  the 

Metrical  Verrions  of  Chapman. 

Thucydides.  Literally  Translated  by 
Kev.  U.  DalB.    In  2  vols.    St.  6d.  each. 

VirgiL  Literally  Translated  by  Da- 
vidson. New  Edition,  carefully  revised. 
St.  6(2. 

Xenophon's  Works.    In  3  Vols. 

VoL  1.  The  Anabasis  and  Memorabilia. 
Translated,  with  Notes,  by  J.  S.  Wat- 
SOM.  M.A.  And  a  Geognq^tblcal  Com- 
mentary, by  W.  F.  AmswoBTB,  FJS.A^ 
F.KG.S.,  &C. 

VoL  2.  Cyropaedla  and  Hellenics.  Bf 
J.  S.  Watson,  MJL,  and  the  Rev.  H. 
Dalk. 

VoL  3.  The  Minor  Works,  ^y  J.  S. 
Waxbon,  M.A. 


zn. 


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Agassii  and  GonlA's  Comparative 
Physiology.  Enlarged  by  Dr.  WaronT. 
Upwairdt  qf400  Engraving*. 

Ba^'s  Hovnm  Organnm  and  Ad^ 
vancement  of  Learning.  Complete,  with 
Notes,  by  J.  Dbtxt,  MJL. 

Blair's  Chronological  Tahles,  Bevised 
and  Enlarged.  Comprehending  the  Chro- 
nology and  History  of  the  World,  from 
M 


the  earliest  times.  9y  J.  Willocohbt 
Rosss.  Doable  Volnine.  lOt.;  or,  half* 
bound,  lOaSd. 

Index  of  Bates.  Compr^ending  the 
principal  Facts  in  the  Chronology  and 
History  of  the  World,  from  the  earliest  to 
the  present  time,  alphabetically  arranged. 
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sis. A  Guide  for  the  Testing  of  Natural 
and  Artificial  Subetances.  By  B.fl.  Paul. 
100  Wood  Engravingt. 

SBID6EWATEB     TREATISES.  — 

■  Bell  on  the  Hand.  Its  M  echa- 
nism  and  71tal  Endowments  as  evincing 
Design.    Seventh  Edition  Revised. 

'  Eirbyon  the  History ,*Habit8, 

and  Instincts  of  Animals.  Edited,  with 
Notes,  by  T.  Rtkeb  Jones.  Nwneroug 
Engravingtf  manyofvAich  cart  additionoL. 
In  2  vols. 

■  Eidd  on  the  Adaptation  of 
External  Nature  to  the  Physical  Condition 
of  Man.    3t.  6d. 

Whewell's  Astronomy   and 

General  Physics,  considered  with  refer- 
ence to  Natural  Theology.    St.  6(2. 

■  Chalmers  on  the  Adaptation 
of  External  Nature  to  the  Moral  and  In- 
tellectual C!onstitution  of  Man.    5s. 

■  Front's  Treatise  on  Chemis- 
try, Meteorology,  and  Digestion.  Edited 
by  Dr.  J.  W.  Griffith. 

Buekland's     Oeology    and 

Mineral<^7.     2  vols.    15s. 

■  Boget's  Animal  and  Vege- 
table Physiology.  Jlhatrated.  In  2  vols. 
.es.  each. 

Carpenter's  (Dr.  W.  B.)  Zoology.  A 
Bystematic  View  of  the  Structure,  Habits, 
Instincts,  and  Uses,  of  tjiie  principal  Fami- 
lies of  the  Animal  Kingdom,  and  of  the 
chief  forms  of  Fossil  Remains.  New  edition, 
revised  to  the  present  time,  under  arrange- 
ment with  the  Author,  by  W.  &  Dallas, 
F.L.S.  Ittuttrated  urith  many  hundred 
fine  Wood  Engravings.   In  2  vols.  6s.  each. 

-  Mechanical  Philosophy,  As- 

tronomy, and  Horology.  A  Popular  Ex- 
position.   18S  JUustratioM. 

■  Vegetable  Fhysiol<^  and 
Systematic  Botany.  A  complete  Intro- 
duction to  the  Knowledge  of  Plants.  New 
Edition,  revised,  under  arrangement  with 
the  AuUior,  by  E.  LANEEanrEB,  M.D.,  &c. 
Seoeral  himdred  JUvttrcUions  on  Wood.  6s. 

Animal  VhjsLolQgy,      New 

Editioo,  thoroughly  revised,  and  in  part 
re-written  by  the  Author.  Upioards  qf 
300  capital  tlhustratims.    %i. 

Chess  Congress  of  1862.  A  Colleo- 
ticm  of  the  Games  played,  and  a  Selection 
of  the  Problems  sent  in  for  the  Competi- 
tion. Edited  Iff  J.  LSWTENTHAL.  Manager. 
Wi  D  an  Account  of  the  Proceedings,  and 
a  Memoir  of  the  British  Chess  Association, 
by  J.  W.  Mkdlet.  Hon.  Sea    U. 

Cbevrenl  on  Colour.  Containing  the 
Principles  of  Uannony  anl  Contrast  of 


Colours,  and  their  application  to  the  Arts. 
Translated  from  the  French  by  Charlkb 
Mabtsl.  Only  complete  Edition.  Several 
Plates.  Or,  with  an  additional  series  of 
16  Plates  in  Colours.    7s.  6d. 

Clark's  (Hugh)  Introdnction  to 
Heraldry.  Wi^  nearly  luoo  ttl/ustrations. 
ISth  Edition.  Revised  and  enlarged  by  J.  R. 
PlanchI,  Rouge  Croix.  Or,  with  laU  the 
Illustrations,  coloured,  15s. 

Comte's  Philosophy  of  the  Sciences. 

fiy  G.  H.  Lbwbs. 

Ennemoser's  History  of  Magic. 
Translated  by  William  Howttt.  With 
an  Appendix  of  the  most  remarkable  and 
best  authenticated  Stories  of  Apparitions, 
Dreams,  Table-Tuming,  and  Spirlt-Rap- 
ping,  &C.    In  2  vols. 

Handbook  of  Domestic  Medicine.  Po- 
pularly arranged.  By  Dr.  Henbt  Davibgu 
700  pages.    With  complete  Index. 

Handbook  of  Games.  By  yarioas 
Amateurs  and  Professors.  Comprising 
treatises  on  all  the  principal  Games  of 
chance,  skill,  and  manual  dexterity.  In 
all,  above  40  games  (the  Whist,  Draughts, 
and  Billiards  being  especially  comprehen- 
sive). Edited  by  H.  G.  Bohn.  iZlws- 
traiei  by  numerotts  Diagrams. 

Hogg's  (Jabez)  Elements  of  Experi- 
mental and  Natural  Philosophy.  Con- 
taining Mechanics,  Pneumatics,  Hydro- 
statics, Hydraulics,  Acoustics,  Optics, 
Caloric,  Electricity,  Yoitaism,  and  Mag- 
netism. New  Edition,  enlarged.  Up- 
wards qf  400  Woodcuts. 

Hind's  Introdnction  to  Astronomy. 
With  a  Vocabulary,  containing  an  Expla- 
nation of  all  the  Terms  in  present  use. 
New  Edition,  enlarged.  Numerous  En- 
gravings.   3s.  6d.       * 

Hnmboldt's  Cosmos ;  or  Sketch  of  a 
Physical  Description  of  the  Universe. 
Translated  by  E.  C.  OrrS  and  W.  & 
Dallas,  F.IJS.  Fine  Portrait.  In  five 
vols.  3s.  6d.  each ;  excepting  VoL  Y.,  5s. 
*,*  In  this  edition  the  notes  are  placed 
beneath  the  text.  Humboldt's  analytical 
Summaries  and  the  passages  hitherto  sup- 
pressed are  included,  and  new  and  com- 
prehensive Indices  are  added. 

-»—  Travels  in  America.  In  3  vols. 

■'  Views  of  Nature ;  or,  Con- 

templations of  the  Sublime  Phenomena  of 
Creation.  Translated  by  E.  C.  Orrfi  and 
H.  G.  BoBK.  A  fao-simile  letter  from  the 
Author  to  the  Publisher ;  translations  of 
tibie  quotations,  and  a  complete  Index. 

Humphrey's  Coin   Collector's    Ma- 

nuaL  A  popular  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  Coins.  SigW/y  fnisked  Engrao' 
ings.    In  2  vols. 

13 


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A  CATALOGUE  OF 


1 


Hunt's  (Bobert)  Poetry  of  Seieaoe; 

or.  Stndioi  of  tbe  Physical  Phenomena  of 
Nature.  By  Profeaaor  Hmrr.  New  Edi- 
tion, enlarged. 

Index  of  Datei.    See  Blair^a  Tables. 

Joyoo's  Scientifle  Dialognet.     Com- 

Sleted  to  tbe  present  state  of  Knowledge, 
y  Or.  Griffith.    Numerout  WoodaUt, 

Xnight*8  (Chas.)  Knowledge  is  Power. 

A  Popaiar  Mannal  of  Political  Economy. 

Leetores  on  Painting.  By  the  Royal. 
Academicians.  With  fntrodactory  Essay, 
and  Notes  by  R.  Wobkuic,  Esq.  PortraiU. 

Kantell's  (Br.)  Geological  Excnr- 

slons  through  the  Isle  of  Wight  and  Dor- 
setfihire.     New  Edition,  by  T.  Rufbrt 
JoMRS.  Esq.    numerous  beaut^vlly  ese- 
'  cuted  Woodcutt^  cund  a  Geological  Map. 

■  Medals    of    Creation ;     or, 

First  Lessons  in  Geology  and  the  Stody 
of  Organic  Remains;  including  Geological 
Excursions.  New  Edition,  revised,  ffo- 
loured  FUUes,  and  several  hundred  beai*- 
tifvl  Woodcuts.    In  2  vols.,  U.  ed.  each. 

-  Petri&ctions      and      their 

Teachings.  An  illustrated  Handbook  to 
the  Organic  nemains  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum.   Numerous  Engravings.    6s. 

■'  Wonders  of  Geology;  or,  a 

Familiar  Exposition  of  Geological  Phe- 
nomena. New  Edition,  augmented  by  T. 
RuFBKTJoism,F.QA.  Coloured  Geological 
Map  of  England,  Plates,  and  nearly  200 
beautiful  Woodcuts.  ln2vols.,7<.6(i.each. 

Morphy's  Games  of  Chess.      Being 

the  Matchei;  and  best  Games  played /by 
the  American  phampton,  with  Explana- 
tory aud  Analytical  Notes,  by  J.  LdWEN- 
XHAL.    Portrait  and  Memoir. 

It  contains  by  far  the  largest  collection 
of  games  played  by  Mr.  Morphy  extant  in 
any  form,  and  has  received  his  endorse- 
ment and  co-operation. 

Oersted's  Soul  in  Nature,  fte.  Fortrait, 


Biehardson's    Geology, 

Mineralogy  and  Palaeontology* 
and  enlarged,  by  Dr.  T.WuaBX:  rjiiiiii 
o/4(N)  niu»tratum*. 
Schonw's  Earth,  Plants,  and  MamimA 
Kobell's  Sketches  from  tbe  MinerBl  KlB^ 
dom.  Translated  by  A.  Bbnvkst,  F.ftfiL 
Coloured  Map  of  the  Geograph,^  ef  / 

Smith's  (Pye)   Geology  and 
ture ;  or.  The  Relatl(»i  between  tfa 
Scriptures  and  Geological  Science. 

Stanley's  Classified  Synopoia  of  Uto 
EVindpal  Painters  of  the  Dutch  ,«wl  JPli- 
misb  Schools. 

Staunton's  Chess-player's  Handbodi* 

Numerous  Diagrams. 

Chess  Praxis.     A  Snp^JemflKC 

to  the  Qiess-playefs  Handbook.  Ooft> 
taintng.  all  the  most  important  modiem 
improvemmts  in  the  Openings.  lUoattalid 
by  actual  Games ;  a  revised  Code  of  C3mm 
I^ws;  and  a  Selection  of  Mr.  M<»pl^f% 
Games  in  England  and  France.    6«. 

Chess-player's    CompanlM. 

Comprising  a  new  Treatise  on  Odds,  OcA- 
lection  of  Match  Games,  and  a  Seleotiwi 
of  Original  Problems. 

Chess  Tournament  of  1891. 

Numerous  Illustrations. 

Stoekhardfs  Principles  of  Cheay** 

try,  exemplified  in  a  iserles  of  simple  oqM- 
rlments.     TTpwards  of  270  /nustroMoits. 

Agricultural  Chemistry ;  otv 

Chemical  Field  Lectures.  Addressed  iA 
Farmers.  Translated,  wlili  Note^  I* 
Professor  Hshfbst,  F.RA  To  whKh  b 
added,  a  Pf^er  on  liquid  Manure,  bp 
J.  J.  Mrchi.  Esq. 

lire's  t^Dr.  A.^  Cotton  MannliaetiiM 
of  Great  Britain,  systematically  Inveatl- 
gated ;  with  an  introductory  view  of  fig 
comparative  state  fai  Foreign  Oountriw. 
New  Edition,  revised  and  completed  to 
the  present  time,  by  P.  L.  SoncoNDe.  ims 
Iwmdiredwnd  fifty  TUustratitmL  In  2  vols* 

Philosophy  of  Uanufaotnret ; 

or.  An  Exposition  of  the  Factory  System 
of  Great  Britain.  New  likL,  continued  to  th» 
present  time,  t^  P.  L.  Snnfonn.    7«.  «A 


zm. 
Bohn's  Cheap  Series. 


Boswell's  Lifo  of  Johnson,  and  John- 

soniana.  Including  bis  Tour  to  the  Hebrides, 
Tour  In  Wales.  «c  Kdlted,  with  large 
additions  and  Notes,  hy  tbe  Kght  Hon. 
John  Wh.som  Cbokkb.  The  second  and 
most  completr  Copyrlgbt  Edition,  re- 
arranged and  rf:vlstd  ACcurUing  to  the  sug- 
14 


gestlATif:  of  Lord  Macanlay.  by  tin*  W» 
John  Wbiobt,  Esq.,  with  further  additlou 
by  Mr.  Obojckk.  Upwurdt  iff  SU  fvnc  M^ 
gratings  on  Stsd.    In  5  vols,  cloth,  30i: 

Cape  and  the  Kaffirs.    By  H,  Wabo. 


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