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EXTRACTS FROxM LIVY
WITH ENGLISH NOTES AND MAFS
BY
H. LEE-WARNER, M.A.
FOR.MERLY FF.LI.OW OF ST. JOHN's COf.LEGE, CAMBRIDGE
EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A.
FKLLOW .\NE) TUTOR OF B.\LLIOL C0LLE(;E, O.XFORD
P A R T II
HANNIBAVS CAMPAIGN IN ITALY
New Editiou i^.v- ^^--l. i;*-
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
MDCCCCVII
\_ AU rights reserved^
J N this Edition, hesides alterations in the Notes, a fieiv is
taketi of the hattles of Trehia and Thrasynienc differe7it from
ihat sicpp07ied hy Mr. Lee- Warner /// tJie first editio^i- The
Maps also are 7ie7v : the two first have heen reduced froin the
Jtalian Ordnance Siq-vey j the tJm-d is copied, hy the Jdnd
perniissio?! of the Ai/tJior, fvi/i Mr. Strachan-Davidso7is
' .'^elections fi-o/n PoIyhiusJ
E. A.
May, 1889.
DATES IN ROMAN HISTORY.
Foundation of Rome ........ b.c. 753
Regal Government 753-509
Tribunes of the Plebs and great Latin League .... 493
Publilian law of Volero, that tribunes should be elected by tribes . 47 1
Decemvirate ,.......• 415-447
Valerian and Horatian laws, ' ut quod tributim plebs iussisset popu-
lum teneret' 44*5
Canuleian law on intermarriage ...... 445
Tribuni militares .......•• 444
Camillus (paid soldiery) ........ 395
Battle of the AUia 390
Licinian rogations . • . . • . . . . 37^
First Plebeian Consul . 366
First Samnite War 343-34°
Great Latin War 340-338
Publilian law of Philo 339
Second Samnite War 327-304
Third Samnite War 298-290
War with Pyrrhus and South Italy 280-275
First Punic War and acquisition of Sicily 264-241
Second Punic War 218-202
INTRODUCTION.
The Thiid Samnite War ended in the year 290 b. c. and resulted in
the complete occupation of Samnium by Rome. Tlie continued re-
sistance of the Samnites has been compared by Arnold to the fortitude
shown by La Vendee in resisting the Republican Convention during
the French Revolution. Heroic as it was, the resistance of Samnium
was at last cnished by the death of G. Pontius and the occupation of
Venusia as a military colony by 20,000 Romans. The final reduction
of this part of Italy closes the first period of Roman history. If the
second decade of Livy's history were still extant, the most interesting
portion •would be the story of Pyrrhus, the adventurer King of Epirus,
and of his attempt to rival in the West what Alexander the Great had
done in the East. The story of the aged Appius Claudius going into
the senate house, escorted by his sons and sons-in-law, to protest against
the Romans making peace after the battle of Herakleia, might have read
like the episode in our own annals when Lord Chatham used his dying
voice to protest against England's yielding to France and America.
Appius' harangue was successful : the Romans declined to make peace ;
the battle of Beneventum was fought in 275 B.c. ; and the Carthaginians
lived to repent that they had taken part with the Romans instead of with
the Greeks. Had they thrown their forces into the scale of Pyrrhus'
fortunes, the battle of Beneventum might have had a different result.
But the Carthaginians had taken a totally different line of policy. In
the very heat of the war with Pyrrhus a Carthaginian fleet had appeared
off the coast of Latium and had offered assistance to the Romang. The
offer was then refused, but their gratitude remained. The two peoples
had swom eternal friendship, and in the year 275 b.c. no alliance could
have seemed more likely to last. In spite of this, two events led quite
surely to the inevitable conflict between Rome and Carthage. The first
was the subjugation of Tarentum, after it had been held for four years
by one of Pyrrhus' generals ; the second was the reduction of Rhegium,
where some rebellious soldiers of the eighth legion had taken refuge.
By these acts the Romans trenchcd on tbe- sphere of Carthaginian in-
INTRODUCTION. V
fluence in Italy. The whole extent of Italy, from the Macra and the
Rubicon to Rhegium and Brundusium, was now more or less subject to
Rome. A career of aggrandizement necessarily modifies the nation
which enters upon it. The overthrow of the Athenian empire changed
the habits and character of the Spartans. So the conquest of Italy had
a lasting effect on the aims and institutions of the Romans. The ten
years preceding the first Punic War (274-264 b.c.) increased the wealth,
enlarged the ^aews, and changed the whole purpose of the Roman
republic. Amold says, 'So passes away what may be called the
springtime of the Roman people. Wealth and power and dominion
have brought on the ripened summer, with more of vigour indeed but
less of freshness. Beginning her career of conquest beyond the limits
of Italy, Rome was now entering upon her appointed work, and that
work was undoubtedly fraught with good.'
The cause of the first conflict with Carthage, though inconsiderable
enough, shews clearly the aims of the Roman people. Sicily had now
come within the scope of their ambition. The Mamertines of Messana,
a horde of adventurers, were being punished by the Carthaginians for
having attempted at Messana what the Romans had just forbidden
on their side of the strait at Rhegium. To save their independence,
they appealed, true to their Italian blood, to the Roman senate. The
Roman senate however, after long debate, refused to interfere. The
consuls Appius Claudius Caudex and M. Fuhius Flaccus then brov.ght
the matter before the people. The assembled tribes overruled the
authority of the senate. Polybius imagines that the people, oppressed
by debt, were anxious to enrich themselves with the plunder which the
fertility of Sicily and the riches of Carthage promised. If so they
reckoned very falsely. The Carthaginians were masters of the sea.
Rome had not a single ship of war. The generation which declared
war was sure to suffer severely. But in all probability the Roman equites
saw that sooner or later they must cross swords with the ' London of
antiquity,' and they did not wish Messana to pass out of their own hands
meanwhile.
The Carthaginians were a commercial people, like the Eiiglish ; but,
unlike the English, they were dead to all feelings of honour in political
life. Their highest offices went to the highest bidder. Added to this
they were unwarlike and regarded money as a means of dispensing
with personal military service. They therefore employed mercenaries ;
but, as their generals were not also magislrates, they were able, unlike
VI INTRODUCTION.
the Romans, to keep on the same commander for any number of years.
It is hardly necessary to follow the slages of the first Punic VVar
(264-241). At first the Carthaginian fleet carried everything before
it ; till the Romans buiit a fleet, and their general Regulus was even
able to carry on a campaign in Africa. At last he was taken and his
army destroyed; the Romans lost two fleets by storms: and the war
was again confined to Sicily, Roman patriotism determined to build
a ihird fleet, and with this fleet was at last established the ascendancy
of Rome on the sea. The final battle of the Aegates Islands was
fought, Sicily was given up, and became a Roman province. Caithage
was obliged to pay an enormous fine and could only bide her time, if
ever she wished to get her revenge. It was after this that the noble
family of the Barcidae shewed their indomitable patience while they
established a Carthagiuian empire in Spain. They had two enemies to
fear, the peace party in Carthage, and the Romans. Hannibal, how-
ever, with marvellous judgment gradually kindled the war which he knew
it was his best policy to bring on. When the Roman ambassadors came
to complain about Hannibars treatment of Saguntum, they vvere met
with recriminations about Sardinia. Thus war was declared. Hannibal
was ready : with the utmost rapidity he led his army from the banks
of the Ebro to the banks of the Rhone, and from thence, in defiance of
Scipio, across the Little St. Bernard. It is not within the scope of this
little volume to trace his march, to picture the distress of his troops,
or to enlarge upon the sufferings of an advance which rival those of the
retreat of the French from Russia.
It is hoped that the omission of the intei-vening portion of history vvill
not lessen the interest of those beginners in Latln for whom it is specially
intended. The following extracts from Livy do not profess to give more
than an account of Hannibars four great victories. The mature mind
seeks to know the causes and occasions of everything, To youth Ihe
simplicity of ancient history is one of its greatest charms. Our memories,
by a process of natural selection, retain or reject respectively the more
or less striking facts of bygone ages. In reading this second Punic
VVar our sight is not dazzled by the blaze of light, our memorles are not
burdened by the mass of names which modern correspondents shower
around the feats of their contemporaries. The consequence is that
we lose enormously in copiousness of detail. But we gain equally
in dramatic effect. Such lessons as we learn from Greece or Rome are
generally obvious ; the chaiacters vvhich vve read of bave oflen helped
INTRODUCTION. vii
to siipply our langiiage. The sceptic who would try to prove Car-
thaginians honest has to compete with a belief which is fossilized in the
words ' Punic faith.' The readerwho takes up a book labelled Hannibal
knows that he has to read the story of a man who was influenced by
one great hate, who waged for some years a successful war against the
one power which was to save Europe's future, and who seemed to fail
only in arousing his countrymeu to effbrts worthy of themselves in
their own interests. Even to this day he sncceeds in attracting the
sympathies of posterity, though we know that his success would have
been the worst calamity that could have happened to all that we love
most.
But it is not only the distance of ages which lends this grand
enchanting simplicity to the second Punic War ; the forces called into
play, the stage, the number of characters employed in the drama of
ancient warfare, have an unity about them which of necessity helps to
concentrate our interest. If Hannibars great effort had been spread
over Europe like Napoleon's ; if Rome and Carthage had met as rarely
single-handed on the same element as France and England ; if, besides
the one great general, we had had to foUow the fortunes of a Massena
and a Murat, a Lannes and a Desaix, or to estimate the comparative
shares which a Moltke and a Bismarck had in bringing on the situation ;
the stoiy of Hannibal would not be what it is. It might have had
a difFerent sequel, but Hannibal would not stand out as he does.
In speaking of the invasion of Italy, the parallel between Napoleon
and Hannibal is too real to be missed. The general resemblance of
Napoleon's campaign in Lombardy in 1796 or 1800 to that of Hannibal
in E. c. 216 is capable of being pressed in many ways. And so the
great Napoleon himself felt. Over and over again in his proclamations,
in his despatches, he compares himself to, or contrasts himself with,
Hannibal. The French soldiers of the first Army of Italy must have
known the names of the second Punic War. Hannibal won his spurs at
the siege of Saguntum, Napoleon at the siege of Toulon ; neither of
them seems to have had patience for much siege work afterwards. The
army of each was trained in Spain. Each pointed out Italy to his
troops as the reward of all their labours, the latter specially reminding
his of Virgirs lines : —
' Videmus
Itali.im. Italiam primus conclamat Achates :
Italiam laeto socii clamore salutant.'
siii ISTRODUCTION.
Ilie victorious march of Napolcon aftcr Montcnolle, ihc passages of the
Po at Piacenza and of the Adda at Lodi, rcmind us of ihe advance of
Ilannibal, while ihc wary and astute policy wilh which they were met
by Wurmser may sccm to bc a repclition of thc useful caulion displaycd
by Fabiu-i the Delaycr.
But here ihe parallel stops. The conditions of the attack wcre quite
difTcrcnt as far as politics were conccmed. Ilannibal was attacking
a youthful aristocracy, whose only wcakness was ihat ihey put politics
above military success, so Ihat they had to be frightened into victory,
Napoleon was attacking a sct of states so diverse that he himself
believed that both geograpliy and gcncilogy intended them to be
always apart.
But Napoleon could afTord to wait ; Hannibal could not. Napoleon
led an army of enthusiasts, Hannibal an army of mercenaries. Napoleon
in his earlier years had at his back a government wbich trosted him;
Ilannibal knew that if he could not organize an insurrection against
Rome in Italy itself, he must fail.
As Arnold has well said, the man who struggles against the natioa
must eventually fail. As soon as Napoleon represented only himself,
his work fell to pieces.
The vcry greatness of the barriers which nature had erected for the
protection of Italy seems to have in^ited invasion.. Hannibal took the
AIps by storm. Napoleon the Great turned their fiank. Napoleon the
Third, with more lasting effect, fiooded Italy with troops both through
the passes and round by sea.
HANNIBAL'S CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.
L.C. 2l8 — 2l6.
I. THE ENGAGEIvIENT OX THE TICINUS.
13.C. 218.
I. B.fore tbe Fight.
QuuM utrinque ad ceriamen accensi miliium animi essent,
Romani ponte Ticinum iungunt, tutandique pontis causa
castellum insuper imponunt ; Poenus, hostibus opere oc-
cupatis, Maharbalem cum ala Numidanun, equitibus quin-
gentis, ad depopulandos sociorum populi Romani agros 5
mittit ; Gallis parci quam maxime iubet, principumque
animos ad defectionem sollicitari. Ponte perfecto ira-
ductus Romanus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque
millia passuum ab Ictumulis consedit.
2. In Haiinibars Camp,
Ibi Hannibal castra habebat ; revocatoque propere Ma- 10
harbale atque equitibus, quum instare certamen cerneret,
nihil unquam satis dictum praemonitiunque ad cohortandos
miUtes ratus, vocatis ad contionem certa praemia pronun-
liat, in quorum spem pugnarent : agrum sese daturum esse
in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque velit, immunem 15
ipsi, qui accepisset. Uberisque ; qui pecuniam quam agrum
maluisael, ei se argento satisfacturum; qui sociorum civcs
2 lIANNin.iL^S CAMPAIGN IN irALY.
Carthaginienses ficri vellent, polcsialeni fi\cturum ; qui
domos redire mallent, daturum se operam, ne cuius suo-
20 rum popularium niulatam secum forlunam csse vellent.
Servis quoque dominos proseculis libertatem proponit,
binaque pro his mancipia dominis se reddiiurum. Eaque
ut rata scirent fore, agnum laeva manu, dextera silicem
retinens, si falleret, lovem ceterosque precatus deos, ita se
25 mactarent, quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, secun-
dum precalionem caput pecudis saxo elisit. Tum vero
omnes, velut diis auctoribus in spem suam quisque ac-
ceplis, id morae, quod nondum pugnarent, ad potienda
sperata rati, proelium uno animo et voce una poscunt.
3. /;; the Camp 0/ the Komans.
3° Apud Romanos haudquaquam tanta alacritas erat, super
cetera recentibus etiam territos prodigiis; nam et lupus
intraverat castra laniatisque obviis ipse intactus evaserat,
et examen apum in arbore praetorio imminente consederat.
Quibus procuratis, Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque
3? expeditis profectus ad castra hostium cx propinquo co-
piasque, quantae et cuius generis essent, speculandas obvius
fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad exploranda circa
loca progresso.
4. Ihe Engagement. Fligbt of tbe Romans.
Neutri alteros primo cernebant; densior deinde incessu
40 tot hominum equorumque oriens pulvis signum propin-
quantium hostium fuit. Consistit utrumque agmen, et ad
proelium sese expediebant. Scipio iaculatores et Gallos
equites in fronte locat, Romanos sociorumque quod roboris
fuit, in subsidiis. Hannibal frenatos equites in medium
45 accipit, cornua Numidis firmaL Vixdum clamore sublato,
iaculatores fuirerunt inter subsidia ad secundam aciem.
To/ace p.
^cipio 3 camp r
Liry, Pa->^ 11.
Sccne of the U.ittle?
Ojcfordu Vni*-ertUy Fress
3. Ma^o in ambtish?
/. ENGAGEMENT ON THE TICINUS. 3
Inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu anceps; dein,
quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, multis labentibus
ex equis aut desilientibus, ubi suos premi circumventos
vidissent, iam magna ex parte ad pedes pugna venerat, 50
donec Numidae, qui in cornibus erant, circumvecti paulum
ab tergo se ostenderunt. Is pavor perculit Romanos,
auxitque pavorem consulis vulnus periculumque intercursu
tum primum pubescentis filii propulsatum. Hic erit iu-
venis, penes quem perfecti huiusce belli laus est, Africa- 55
nus ob egregiam victoriam de Hannibale Poenisque appel-
latus. Fuga tamen effusa iaculatorum maxime fuit, quos
primos Numidae invaserunt ; alius confertus equitatus con-
sulem in medium acceptum, non armis modo, sed etiam
corporibus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide neque 60
effuse cedendo reduxit. Servati consulis decus Caelius ad
servum natione Ligurem delegat; malim equidem de filio
verum esse, quod et plures tradidere auctores et fama
obtinuit.
II. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA.
B.c. 218.
I. The t-wo Consuls unlte.
Consul alter, compositis Siciliae rebus, decem navibus 65
oram Italiae legens Ariminum pervenit. Inde cum exer-
citu suo profectus ad Trebiam flumen coUegae coniungitur.
lam ambo consules et quicquid Romanarum virium erat,
Hannibali oppositum, aut illis copiis defendi posse Ro-
manum imperium aut spem nuUam aliam esse, satis de- 70
clarabat. Tamen consul alter, equestri proelio uno et
vulnere suo minutus, trahi rem malebat ; recentis animi
alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur.
B2
4 hannibaVs campaign in italy.
2. Senipromus anxlous to engage.
Collega cunctante, equitatum suum, mille peditum iacu-
75 latoribus ferme admixtis, ad defendendum Gallicum agrum
trans Trebiam mittit. Sparsos et incompositos, ad hoc
graves praeda plerosque quum inopinato invasissent, in-
gentem terrorem caedemque ac fugam usque ad castra
stationesque hostium fecere ; unde multitudine effusa pulsi
8o rursus subsidio suorum proelium restituere. Varia inde
pugna sequentes cedentesque quum ad extremum aequas-
sent certamen, maior tamen hostium caedes, penes Romanos
fama victoriae fuit. Ceterum nemini omnium maior iustior-
que quam ipsi consuli videri ; gaudio efferri, qua parte
85 copiarum alter consul victus foret, ea se vicisse : restitutos
ac refectos militibus animos, nec quemquam esse praeter
collegam, qui dilatam dimicationem vellet; eum, animo
magis quam corpore aegrum, memoria vulneris aciem ac
tela horrere. Sed non esse cum aegro senescendum.
90 Quid enim ultra differri aut teri tempus ? quem tertium
consulem, quem alium exercitum exspectari ? Castra Car-
thaginiensium in Italia ac prope in conspectu urbis esse.
Non Siciliam ac Sardiniam, victis ademptas, nec cis Hibe-
rum Hispaniam peti, sed solo patrio terraque, in qua genili
95 forent, pelli Romanos. ' Quantum ingemiscant ' inquit
' patres nostri, circa moenia Carthaginis bellare soliti, si
videant nos, progeniem suam, duos consuies consularesque
exercitus, in media Italia paventes intra castra, Poenum,
quod inter Alpes Appenninumque agri sit, suae dicionis
loo fecisse ?'
3. The Amhuscade.
Erat in medio rivus praealtis utrinque clausus ripis et
circa obsitus palustribus herbis et, quibus inculta ferme
I
II. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA. 5
vestiuntur, virgultis vepribusque. Quem ubi equites quo-
que tegendo satis latebrosum locum circumvectus ipse
oculis perlustravit, *Hic erit locus' Magoni fratri ait, 105
'quem teneas. Delige centenos viros ex omni pedite
atque equite, cum quibus ad me vigilia prima venias;
nunc corpora curare tempus est.' Ita praetorium missum.
Mox cum delectis Mago aderat. 'Robora virorum cerno'
inquit Hannibal; ' sed uti numero etiam, non animis modo no
valeatis, singulis vobis novenos ex turmis manipulisque
vestri similes eligite. Mago locum monstrabit, quem in-
sideatis ; hostem caecum ad has belli artes habetis.' Ita
mille equitibus Magoni, mille peditibus dimissis, Hanni-
bal prima luce Numidas equites transgressos Trebiam 115
flumen obequitare iubet hostium portis, iaculandoque in
stationes elicere ad pugnam hostem, iniecto deinde certa-
mine, cedendo sensim citra flumen pertrahere. Haec
mandata Numidis ; ceteris ducibus peditum equitumque
praeceptum, ut prandere omnes iuberent, armatos deinde 120
instratisque equis signum exspectare.
4. Sempronius* Men.
Sempronius ad tumultum Numidarum primum omnem
equitatum, ferox ea parte virium, deinde sex millia peditum,
postremo omnes copias, a destinato iam ante consilio
avidus certaminis, eduxit. Erat forte brumae tempus et 125
nivalis dies in locis Alpibus Appenninoque interiectis,
propinquitate etiam fluminum ac paludum praegelidis. Ad
hoc raptim eductis hominibus atque equis, non capto ante
cibo, non ope ulla ad arcendum frigus adhibita, nihil
caloris inerat, et quicquid aurae fluminis appropinquabant, 130
afflabat acrior frigoris vis. Ut vero refugientes Numidas
insequentes aquam ingressi sunt (et erat pectoribus tenus
aucta nocturno imbri), tum utique egressis rigere omnibus
6 hannibal's campaign in italy.
corpora, ut vix armorum tenendorum potentia essent, et
135 simul lassitudine et, procedente iam die, fame etiam deficere.
5. HannlbaPs Men.
Hannibalis interim miles, ignibus ante tentoria factis
oleoque per manipulos, ut mollirent artus, misso et cibo
per otium capto, ubi transgressos flumen hostes nuntiatum
est, alacer animis corporibusque arma capit atque in aciem
140 procedit. Baliares locat ante signa, levem armaturam,
octo ferme millia hominum, dein graviorem armis peditem,
quod virium, quod roboris erat ; in cornibus circumfudit
decem millia equitum, et ab cornibus in utramque partem
divisos elephantos statuit.
6. Ihe Fight.
145 Consul eff"use sequentes equites, quum ab resistentibus
subito Numidis incauti exciperentur, signo receptui dato
revocatos circumdedit peditibus. Duodeviginti millia Ro-
mana erant, socium nominis Latini viginti, auxilia prae-
terea Cenomanorum ; ea sola in fide manserat Gallica
150 gens. lis copiis concursum est. Proelium a Baliaribus
ortum est ; quibus quum maiore robore legiones obsisterent,
diducta propere in cornua levis armatura est, quae res
effecit, ut equitatus Romanus extemplo urgeretur. Nam
quum vix iam per se resisterent decem miUibus equitum
155 quattuor millia, et fessi integris plerisque, obruti sunt
insuper velut nube iaculorum a Baliaribus coniecta. Ad
hoc elephanti eminentes ab extremis cornibus, equis maxi-
me non visu modo, sed odore insolito territis, fugam late
faciebant. Pedestris pugna par animis magis quam viri-
160 bus erat, quas recentes Poenus, paulo ante curatis cor-
poribus, in proelium attulerat; contra ieiuna fessaque
corpora Romanis et rigentia gelu torpebant. Restitissent
tamen animis, si cum pedite solum foret pugnatum; sed
77. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA. 7
et Baliares, pulso equite, iaculabantur in latera, et ele-
phanti iam in mediam peditum aciem sese tulerant, et 165
Mago Numidaeque, simul latebras eorum improvida prae-
terlata acies est, exorti ab tergo ingentem tumultum ac
terrorem fecere. Tamen in tot circumstantibus malis
mansit aliquamdiu immota acies, maxime praeter spem
omnium adversus elephantos. Eos velites ad id ipsum 170
locati verutis coniectis et avertere et insecuti aversos sub
caudis, qua maxime molli cute vulnera accipiunt, fodie-
bant.
7. The Flight.
Trepidantesque et prope iam in suos consternatos e
media acie in extremam ad sinistrum cornu adversus 175
Gallos auxiliares agi iussit Hannibal. Ibi extemplo haud
dubiam fecere fugam novusque additus terror Romanis,
ut fusa auxilia sua viderunt. Itaque quum iam in orbem
pugnarent, decem millia ferme hominum, quum alia eva-
dere nequissent, media Afrorum acie, qua Gallicis auxiliis 180
firmata erat, cum ingenti caede hostium perrupere, et,
quum neque in castra reditus esset flumine interclusis,
neque prae imbri satis decernere possent, qua suis opem
ferrent, Placentiam recto itinere perrexere. Plures deinde
in omnes partes eruptiones factae; et qui flumen petiere, 185
aut gurgitibus absumpti sunt aut inter cunctationem in-
grediendi ab hostibus oppressi; qui passim per agros
fuga sparsi erant, vestigia cedentis sequentes agminis
Placentiam contendere ; aliis timor hostium audaciam in-
grediendi flumen fecit, transgressique in castra pervenerunt. 190
Imber nive mixtus et intoleranda vis frigoris et homines
multos et iumenta et elephantos prope omnes absumpsit.
Finis insequendi hostis Poenis flumen Trebia fuit, et ita
torpentes gelu in castra rediere, ut vix laetitiam victoriae
sentirent. '95
- 8 HANNIBAVS CAMPAIGN IN ITALF.
III. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS.
B.C. 217.
I. The gods ivarn Flamintus in vain.
Flaminius, qui ne quieto quidem hoste ipse quieturus
erat, tum vero, postquam res sociorum ante oculos prope
suos ferri agique vidit, suum id dedecus ratus, per mediam
iam Italiam vagari Poenum atque obsistente nullo ad ipsa
200 Romana moenia ire oppugnanda, ceteris omnibus in con-
silio salutaria magis quam speciosa suadentibus, collegam
exspectandum, ut coniunctis exercitibus, communi animo
consilioque rem gererent, interim equitatu auxiliisque le-
vium armorum ab effusa praedandi licentia hostem cohi-
205 bendum, iratus se ex consilio proripuit, signumque simul
itineris pugnaeque quum proposuisset, ' Immo Arretii ante
moenia sedeamus' inquit; 'hic enim patria et penates
sunt. Hannibal emissus e manibus perpopuletur Italiam
vastandoque et urendo omnia ad Romana moenia per-
2ioveniat, nec ante nos hinc moverimus, quam, sicut olim
Camillum ab Veiis, C. Flaminium ab Arretio patres acci-
verint.' Haec simul increpans quum ocius signa convelli
iuberet et ipse in equum insiluisset, equus repente corruit
consulemque lapsum super caput effudit. Territis omni-
215 bus, qui circa erant, velut foedo omine incipiendae rei,
insuper nuntiatur, signum omni vi moliente signifero con-
velli nequire. Conversus ad nuntium 'Num litteras quoque'
inquit ' ab senatu affers, quae me rem gerere vetent ?
Abi, nuntia, effodiant signum, si ad convellendum manus
220 prae metu obtorpuerunt.'
III. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS.
2. Ihe Defile.
Hannibal, quod agri est inter Cortonam urbem Tra-
sumennumque lacum, omni clade belli pervastat, quo magis
iram hosti ad vindicandas sociorum iniurias acuat; et iam
pervenerant ad loca nata insidiis, ubi maxime montes
Cortonenses Trasumennus subit. Via tantum interest 225
perangusta, velut ad id ipsum de industria relicto spatio ;
deinde paulo latior patescit campus; inde colles insurgunt.
Ibi castra in aperto locat, ubi ipse cum Afris modo
Hispanisque consideret ; Baliares ceteramque levem ar-
maturam post montes circumducit; equites ad ipsas fauces 230
saltus, tumulis apte tegentibus, locat, ut, ubi intrassent
Romani, obiecto equitatu clausa omnia lacu ac montibus
essent.
3. The Surprise.
Flaminius quum pridie solis occasu ad lacum pervenisset,
inexplorato postero die vixdum satis certa luce angustiis 235
'superatis, postquam in patentiorem campum pandi agmen
coepit, id tantimi hostium, quod ex adverso erat, con-
spexit; ab tergo ac super caput decepere insidiae.
Poenus ubi, id quod petierat, clausum lacu ac montibus
et circumfusum suis copiis habuit hostem, signum omni- 240
bus dat simul invadendi. Qui ubi, qua cuique proximum
fuit, decucurrerunt, eo magis Romanis subita atque im-
provisa res fuit, quod orta ex lacu nebula campo quam
montibus densior sederat, agminaque hostium ex pluribus
collibus ipsa inter se satis conspecta eoque magis pariter 245
decucurrerant. Romanus clamore prius undique orto, quam
satis cerneret, se circumventum esse sensit, et ante in
frontem lateraque pugnari coeptum est, quam satis in-
strueretur acies aut expediri arma stringique gladii possent.
lo hannibaVs campaign in italy.
4. The gods help those ivho help ihemselvej,
250 Consul, perculsis omnibus, ipse satis, ut in re trepida,
impavidus turbatos ordines, vertente se quoque ad dissonos
clamores, instruit, ut tempus locusque patitur, et quacunque
adire audirique potest, adhortatur ac stare ac pugnare
iubet : nec enim inde votis aut imploratione deum, sed vi
255 ac virtute evadendum esse ; per medias acies ferro viam
fieri et, quo timoris minus sit, eo minus ferme periculi
esse. Ceterum prae strepitu ac tumultu nec consilium
nec imperium accipi poterat, tantumque aberat, ut sua
signa atque ordines et locum noscerent, ut vix ad arma
260 capienda aptandaque pugnae competeret animus, opprime-
renturque quidam onerati magis his quam tecti. Et erat
in tanta caligine maior usus aurium quam oculorum.
5. Every man a Captain.
Ad gemitus vulnerum ictusque corporum aut armorum
et mixtos strepentium paventiumque clamores circumfere-
265 bant ora oculosque. AHi fugientes pugnantium globo
illati haerebant ; alios redeuntes in pugnam avertebat fu-
gientium agmen. Deinde, ubi in omnes partes nequic-
quam impetus capti, et ab lateribus montes ac lacus, a
frontje et ab tergo hostium acies claudebat, apparuitque,
«70 nullam nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, tum
sibi quisque dux adhortatorque factus ad rem gerendam,
et nova de integro exorta pugna est, non illa ordinata
per principes hastatosque ac triarios, nec ut pro signis
antesignani, post signa alia pugnaret acies, nec ut in sua
275 legione miles aut cohorte aut manipulo esset; fors con-
globabat et animus suus cuique ante aut post pugnandi
ordinem dabat, tantusque fuit ardor animorum, adeo
intentus pugnae animus, ut eum motum terrae, qui mul-
III. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASVMENUS. II
tarum urbium Italiae magnas partes prostravit avertitque
cursu rapidos amnes, mare fluminibus invexit, montes 280
lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium senserit.
6. The Constil sacrificed to the ghosts of the Gauls.
Tres ferme horas pugnatum est et ubique atrociter ;
circa consulem tamen acrior infestiorque pugna est. Eum
et robora virorum sequebantur, et ipse, quacunque in
parte premi ac laborare senserat suos, impigre ferebat 2S5
opem, insignemque armis et hostes summa vi petebant
et tuebantur cives, donec Insuber eques (Ducario nomen
erat) facie quoque noscitans consulem, ' En' inquit ' hic
est' popularibus suis, 'qui legiones nostras cecidit agros-
que et urbem est depopulatus ; iam ego hanc victimam 290
manibus peremptorum foede civium dabo.' Subditisque
calcaribus equo per confertissimam hostium turbam im-
petum facit, obtruncatoque prius armigero, qui se infesto
venienti obviam obiecerat, consulem lancea transfixit; spo-
liare cupientem triarii obiectis scutis arcuere. 295
7. The FUght through the Mist.
Magnae partis fuga inde primum coepit; et iam nec
lacus nec montes pavori obstabant ; per omnia arta prae-
ruptaque velut caeci evadunt, armaque et viri super alium
alii praecipitantur. Pars magna, ubi locus fugae deest,
per prima vada paludis in aquam progressi, quoad capiti- 300
bus humeris^//^ exstare possunt, sese immergunt ; fuere,
quos inconsuitus pavor nando etiam capessere fugam
impulerit; quae ubi immensa ac sine spe erat, aut de-
ficientibus animis hauriebantur gurgitibus aut nequicquam
fessi vada retro aegerrime repetebant, atque ibi ab ingres- 305
sis aquam hostium equitibus passim trucidabantur. Sex
millia ferme primi agminis, per adversos hostes eruptione
12 haknibal's campaign in italy.
impigre facta, ignari omnium, quae post se agerentur, ex
saltu evasere, et quum in tumulo quodam constitissent^
310 clamorem modo ac sonum armorum audientes, quae for-
tuna pugnae esset, neque scire nec perspicere prae caligine
poterant. Inclinata denique re, quum incalescente sole
dispulsa nebula aperuisset diem, tum liquida iam luce
montes campique perditas res stratamque ostendere foede
315 Romanam aciem. Itaque ne in conspectos procul im-
mitteretur eques, sublatis raptim signis, quam citatissimo
poterant agmine, sese abripuerunt. Postero die, quum
super cetera extrema fames etiam instaret, fidem dante
Maharbale, qui cum omnibus equestribus copiis nocte
320 consecutus erat, si arma tradidissent, abire cum singulis
vestimentis passurum, sese dediderunt ; quae Punica re-
ligione servata fides ab Hannibale est, atque in vincula
omnes coniecit.
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE.
B.C. 216.
I. Whicb to imttate, Flaminius or Fabius?
Consules, satis exploratis itineribus, sequentes Poenum,
3'5 ut ventum ad Cannas est et in conspectu Poenum habe-
bant, bina castra communiunt, eodem ferme intervallo, quo
ad Gereonium, sicut ante, copiis divisis. Aufidus amnis,
utrisque castris affluens, aditum aquatoribus ex sua cuius-
que opportunitate haud sine certamine dabat; ex minoribus
330 tamen castris, quae posita trans Aufidum erant, liberius
aquabantur Romani, quia ripa ulterior nullum habebat
hostium praesidium. Hannibal spem nanctus, locis natis
ad equestrem pugnam, qua parte virium invictus erat,
facturos copiam pugnandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessit-
335 que Numidarum procursatione hostes. Inde rursus sol-
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. I3
Hcitari seditione militari ac discordia consulum Romana
castra, quum Paulus Semproniique et Flaminii temeritatem
Varroni, Varro speciosum timidis ac segnibus ducibus
exemplum Fabium obiiceret, testareturque deos homines-
que hic, nuUam penes se culpam esse, quod Hannibal iam 340
velut usu cepisset Italiam ; se constrictum a coUega teneri ;
ferrum atque arma iratis et pugnare cupientibus adimi
militibus ; ille, si quid proiectis ac proditis ad inconsultam
atque improvidam pugnam legionibus accideret, se omnis
culpae exsortem, omnis eventus participem fore diceret ; 34:
videret, ut, quibus hngua tam prompta ac temeraria, aeque
in pugna vigerent manus.
2. Farro gii-es the sign for Battle.
Dum altercationibus magis quam consiliis tempus teritur,
Hannibal ex acie, quam ad multum diei tenuerat instruc-
tam, quum in castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad 35°
invadendos ex minoribus castris Romanorum aquatores
trans flumen mittit. Quam inconditam turbam quum vix-
dum in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fugassent, m
stationem quoque pro vallo locatam atque ipsas prope
portas evecti sunt. Id vero indignum visum, ab tumul- 355
tuario auxiho iam etiam castra Romana terreri, ut ea modo
una causa, ne extemplo transirent flumen dirigerentque
aciem, tenuerit Romanos, quod summa imperii eo die
penes Paulum fuerit. Itaque postero die Varro, cui sors
eius diei imperii erat, nihil consulto collega signimi pro- 360
posuit instructasque copias flumen traduxit, sequente Paulo,
quia magis non probare quam non adiuvare consiUum
poterat.
3. The Order of Battle.
Transgressi flumen eas quoque, quas in castris minoribus
habuerant, copias suis adiungunt atque ita instruunt aciem: 365
14 hannidal's campaign in italv.
in dextro cornu (id erat flumini propius) Romanos equites
locant, deinde pedites ; laevum cornu extremi equites so-
ciorum, intra pedites, ad medium iuncti legionibus Romanis,
tenuerunt; iaculatores cum ceteris levium armorum auxiliis
370 prima acies facta. Consules cornua tenuerunt, Terentius
laevum, Aemilius dextrum ; Gemino Servilio media pugna
tuenda data. Hannibal luce prima, Baliaribus levique alia
armatura praemissa, transgressus flumen, ut quosque tra-
duxerat, ita in acie locabat, Gallos Hispanosque equites
375 prope ripam laevo in cornu adversus Romanum equita-
tum ; dextrum cornu Numidis equitibus datum, media acie
peditibus firmata, ita ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent,
interponerentur his medii Galli atque Hispani. Afros
Romanam magna ex parte crederes aciem; ita armati
380 erant armis et ad Trebiam, ceterum magna ex parte ad
Trasumennum captis. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem
formae fere erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis
praelongi ac sine mucronibus, Hispano, punctim magis
quam caesim assueto petere hostem, brevitate habiles et
385 cum mucronibus. Ante alios habitus gentium harum quum
magnitudine corporum, tum specie terribilis erat : Galli
super umbilicum erant nudi; Hispani linteis praetextis
purpura tunicis, candore miro fulgentibus, constiterant.
Numerus omnium peditum, qui tum steterunt in acie,
390 millium fuit quadraginta, decem equitum. Duces corni-
bus praeerant, sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Maharbal; me-
diam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratre Magone tenuit.
Sol seu de industria ita locatis, seu quod forte ita stetere,
peropportune utrique parti obliquus erat, Romanis in
395 meridiem, Poenis in septentrionem versis ; ventus (Vultur-
num regionis incolae vocant) adversus Romanis coortus
multo pulvere in ipsa ora volvendo prospectum ademit.
JV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 15
4, Tbe Romans victorious over the Eitropeans.
Clamore sublato, procursum ab auxiliis et pugna levibus
primum armis commissa; deinde equitum Gallorum
Hispanorumque laevum cornu cum dextro Romano con- 400
currit, minime equestris more pugnae; frontibus enim
adversis concurrendum erat, quia, nullo circa ad evagandum
relicto spatio, hinc amnis, hinc peditum acies claudebant,
in directum utrinque nitentes. Stantibus ac confertis
postremo turba equis, vir virum amplexus detrahebat 405
equo. Pedestre magna iam ex parte certamen factum
erat; acrius tamen quam diutius pugnatum est, pulsique
Romani equites terga vertunt. Sub equestris finem cer-
taminis coorta est peditum pugna, primo et viribus et
animis par, dum constabant ordines Gallis Hispanisque; 410
tandem Romani, diu ac saepe connisi, obhqua fronte
acieque densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem
eoque parum vahdum, a cetera prominentem acie. Impulsis
^deinde ac trepide referentibus pedem institere, ac tenore
uno per praeceps pavore fugientium agmen in mediam 415
primum aciem illati, postremo nuho resistente ad subsidia
Afrorum pervenerunt, qui utrinque reductis ahs constite-
rant, media, qua Gahi Hispanique steterant, ahquantum
prominente acie. Qui cuneus ut pulsus aequavit frontem
primum, dein cedendo etiam sinum in medio dedit, Afri 420
circa iam cornua fecerant, irruentibusque incaute in medium
Romanis circumdedere alas ; mox cornua extendendo
clausere et ab tergo hostes. Hinc Romani, defuncti
nequicquam proeho uno, omissis Gahis Hispanisque,
quorum terga ceciderant, adversus Afros pugnam ineunt, 425
non tantum eo iniquam, quod inclusi adversus circumfusos,
sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac vegetis pugnabant.
l6 HANNIBAL'6' CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.
5. 'J/r Africans 'victorious o^ver the Romans,
lam et sinistro cornu Romano, ubi sociorum equites
adversus Numidas steterant, consertum proelium erat, segne
430 primo et a Punica coeptum fraude. Quingenti ferme
Numidae, praeter solita arma telaque gladios occultos
sub loricis habentes, specie transfugarum quum ab suis,
parmas post terga habentes, adequitassent, repente ex
equis desiliunt, parmisque et iaculis ante pedes hostium
435 proiectis, in mediam aciem accepti ductique ad ultimos
considere ab tergo iubentur. Ac dum proelium ab omni
parte conseritur, quieti manserunt; postquam omniura
animos oculosque occupaverat certamen, tum arreptis
scutis, quae passim inter acervos caesorum corporum strata
440 erant, aversam adoriuntur Romanam aciem, tergaque feri-
entes ac poplites caedentes stragem ingentem ac maiorem
aliquanto pavorem ac tumultum fecerunt. Quum alibi terror
ac fuga, alibi pertinax in mala iam spe proelium esset, Has-
drubal, qui ea parte praeerat, subductos ex media acie
445 Numidas, quia segnis eorum cum adversis pugna erat, ad
persequendos passim fugientes mittit, Hispanos et Gallos
equites Afris prope iam fessis caede magis quam pugna
adiungit.
6. ' Prodigus aniniae Pauhs^
Parte altera pugnae Paulus, quanquam primo statim
450 proelio funda graviter ictus fuerat, tamen et occurrit saepe
cum confertis Hannibali et aliquot locis proelium restituit,
protegentibus eum equitibus Romanis, omissis postremo
equis, quia consulem et ad regendum equum vires deficie-
bant. Tum renuntianti cuidam, iussisse consulem ad pedes
456 descendere equites, dixisse Hannibalem ferunt: * Quam
mallem, vinctos mihi traderet.' Equitum pedestre proelium,
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 17
quale iam haud dubia hostium victoria, fuit, quum victi
mori in vestigio mallent quam fugere, victores morantibus
victoriam irati trucidarent, quos pellere non poterant,
Pepulerunt tamen iam paucos superantes et labore ac 460
vuhieribus fessos. Inde dissipati omnes sunt, equosque
ad fugam, qui poterant, repetebant. Cn. Lentulus tribunus
militum quum praetervehens equo sedentem in saxo cruore
oppletum consulem vidisset, 'L. Aemili' inquit, ' quem unum
insontem culpae cladis hodiernae dei respicere debent, cape 465
hunc equum, dum et tibi virium aliquid superest et comes ego
te tollere possum ac protegere. Ne funestam hanc pugnam
morte consulis feceris; etiam sine hoc lacrimarum satis
luctusque est.' Ad ea consul: ' Tu quidem, Cn. Corneli,
macte virtute esto; sed cave, frustra miserando exiguum 47°
tempus e manibus hostium evadendi absumas. Abi, nuntia
publice patribus, urbem Romanam muniant ac, priusquam
hostis victor advenit, praesidiis firment ; privatim Q. Fabio,
L. Aemilium praeceptorum eius memorem et vixisse adhuc
et mori. Me in hac strage militum meorum patere ex- "^^^
spirare, ne aut reus iterum e consulatu sim aut accusator
collegae exsistam, ut alieno crimine innocentiam meam
protegam.'
7. Farro reserves himselj-
Haec eos agentes prius turba fugientium civium, deinde
hostes oppressere; consulem ignorantes, quis esset, obrue- 480
runt telis, Lentulum inter tumultum abripuit equus. Tum
undique effuse fugiunt. Septem millia hominum in minora
castra, decem in maiora, duo ferme in vicum ipsum Cannas
perfugerunt, qui extemplo a Carthalone atque equitibus,
nuUo munimento tegente vicum, circumventi sunt. Consul 485
alter seu forte seu consilio, nulli fugientium insertus agmini,
c
l8 HANNIBAL^S CAMPAIGN IN ITALY,
cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Venusiam perfugit. Quad-
raginta quinque millia quingenti pedites, duo millia septin-
genti equites, et tanta prope civium sociorumque pars,
490 caesi dicuntur; in his arabo consulum quaestores, L.
Atilius et L. Furius Bibaculus, et undetriginta tribuni
militum, consulares quidam praetoriique et aedilicii (inter
eos Cn. Servilium Geminum et M. Minucium numerant,
qui magister equitum priore anno, aliquot annis ante
495 consul fuerat), octoginta praeterea aut senatores aut qui
eos magistratus gessissent, unde in senatum legi deberent,
quum sua voluntate milites in legionibus facti essent.
Capta eo proelio tria millia peditum et equites mille et
quingenti dicuntur.
HANNIBAL'S CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.
B.C. 218-216.
I. THE ENGAGEMENT ON THE TICINUS, B.C. 218.
At last the Romans and Carthaginians are in sight of one another.
P. Comelius Scipio, the son of Lxicius Scipio, and grandson of L. Scipio
Barbatus, whose services in the Samnite War are recorded on the famous
sarcophagus, after letting Hannibal slip through the Pyrenees, had also
allowed him to cross the Rhone. He had then sent on his consular
army under command of his brother Gn. Scipio to Spain, and had re-
tumed himself to Pisa to take command of the forces in the North of
Italy under the two praetors Manlius and Atilius. Meanwhile Hannibal,
after crossing the Alps, had descended into the plains of Lombardy, and
was advancing through the territory of the Insubrians, in the direction of
Placentia. Scipio, on arriving in Northern Italy, crossed the Po at
Placentia, ' and was ascending the left (or northem) bank of the river in
order to prevent a general rising of the Gauls by his presence, Hanni-
bal, for the opposite reason, was equally anxious to meet him, being
well aware that the Gauls were only restrained from revolting to the
Carthaginians by fear, and that on his first success in the field they would
hasten to join him.' — Arnold, History of Rome, vol. iii. pp. 92-93.
• On the first news of Hannibars arrival in Italy, the senate had sent
orders to the other consul, Ti. Sempronius, to retum immediately (from
Sicily) to reinforce his colleague. He accordingly left part of his fleet
with the praetor in Sicily, and part he committed to Sex. Pomponius,
his lieutenant, for the protection of the coasts of Lucania and Cam-
pania ; while, from a dread of the dangers and delays of the winter
navigation of the Adriatic, his army was to march from Lilybaeum to
C 2
ao NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
Messana, and after crossing the strait to go by land through the whole
length of Italy, the soldiers being bound by oath to appear on a certain
day at Ariminum'— a march which they accomplished in forty days. —
Amold, l.c. p. 94.
Polybius (iii. 65) gives the following account of the battle of Ticlnus.
' On the next day (after Scipio had crossed the Ticinus) both armies were
marching along the river (the Padus), on the bank which is nearest the
Alps (i.e. the northern bank), the Romans with the stream on their left
(i.e. marching west), the Carthaginians with the stream on their right (i. e.
marching east). On the next day, discovering from their foragers that they
were near each other, they went into camp on the spot and there remained.
On the morrow each side called out all the horse — and Scipio in addi-
tion the javelin men of his infantry — and advanced through the plain,
each anxious to spy out the forces of the other. As soon as they
approached each other, and saw the dust rising, they at once drew out
for battle. Scipio put his javelin men in front, and the Gaulish cavalry
who were with them ; the rest of his force he ranged in line ; and in
this order advanced slowly forward. Hannibal drew up his bridled
horse and heavy cavalry opposite the enemy and advanced against him,
while he aixanged the Numidian horse on either wing in order to sur-
round the Romans. As both the generals and the cavalry on each side
were eager for battle, the first shock was so severe that the javelin men
had hardly thrown their first weapons ere they retired and fled into
cover of their own horse, through the insterslices between the troops,
scared at the onset, and afraid lest they should be trampled down by
the charging cavalry. But the cavalry in the front who had met in the
charge fought an equal battle for a long time. And the conflict was at
once an engagement on horse and on foot, owing to the great number of
men who dismounted in the course of the struggle. But when the Numi-
dians carae round and charged the Romans in the rear, the javelin men
who had at first escaped the shock of the horse, were trampled down by
the multitude of the charging Numidians. Those who had fought from the
first in the front with the Carthaginians, after losing many of their own
men, and slaying yet more of the Carthaginians, when the Numidians
set upon them in the rear, were put to flight ; some left the field as they
could, others in a compact body round their general.'
Comparing this with our text, we see that the Roman historian has
spoiled the simple and intelligible narrative of Polybius, (i) by speaking
of the charge of Maharbal ; (2) by the speech of Hannibal on the retum
of Maharbal ; (3) by the mention of the prodigies of the Roman camp.
On the other hand, Polybius does not mention the fact that Scipio was
/. ENGAGEMENT ON THE TICINUS. 21
wounded, though he speaks of the wound in a subsequent chapter, and
tells us in a later book (x. c. 3) that Scipio Africanus saved his father.
TICINUS.
The order of the Battle was as follows :—
Somans.
Second iine.
Romani (equites) sociorumque quod roboris fuit.
First line.
Jaculatores (on foot) et Galli equites.
..X X
Numidians. Frenati equites (heavy cavalry). Numidians.
Hannibal.
The following movements took place : —
(1) The jaculatores having discharged their weapons at once retired
to gain the shelter of the cavalry.
(2) The two opposing lines of heavy horse, Roman and Carthagi-
nian (for the Romans now formed but one line), fought an equal battle
for some time ; a great many of the riders dismounting and fighting on
foot.
(3) The Numidians on Hannibars wings close round and take the
Roman cavalry in the rear.
(4) The jaculatores (who are now in the rear) are first trampled
down; the Roman horse are put to flight : but a considerable body
retreat in good order to the camp, protecting Scipio, who is wounded.
Line I. utrinque, 'on either side respectively.' ' Uterque ' means
'each,' not 'both.' 'Ambo' regards the two as two halves of one
whole, whereas ' uterque ' always regards them as two separate unities.
Hence ' uterque ' may have either a singular or plural verb, but ' ambo '
always takes the plural.
1. 2. Ticinum. The Ticino, one of the northern tributaries of thePo,
runs through Lake Maggiore. The engagement must have taken place
in the plain between the Sesia and the Ticino, not far from Vercelli.
iunffunt, ' span.' Cp. Statius, ' fossas saltu iungere,' ' to leap over
the ditches.'
1. 3. insuper imponunt, ' erect a fort thereupon besides.'
occupatis, 'engrossed in the work.' Cicero uses ' occupatus '
absoUuely in opposition to 'otiosus.'
aa NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
1. 4. Maliarbalem. Arnold calls Maharbal the best cavalry officer of
the best cavalry service in the world. It was he who after the battle of
Cannae urged Hannibal to march on Rome, and when Hannibal refused,
Maharbal made the famous remark, ' Vincere scis, victoria uti nescis.'
Livy, 21. 12. -On the present occasion he seems to have been making
a reconnaissance in force, with the double object of concealing his gene-
raFs advance and of making friends among the Gauls. Scipio, how-
ever, by his advance, compels Hannibal to withdraw Maharbal at
once.
ala (Cic. Orat. c. 45. § 153) for ' axilla.' So 'bruma' for
' brevima ' (the shortest day), ' carcer ' from ' coarceo,' ' imus ' for
* infimus,' ' mala ' for ' maxilla,' ' paullus ' for ' pauxillus,' ' velum ' for
'vexillum,' and many others, infr. II, 13. 33. These clipt forms are
emphatically the langnage of practical and busy men, who hurry through
their talking. The ' ala' was generally 500, sometimes 1000, strong.
1. 5. depopulandos. N.B, The gerundive attraction is almost in-
variable after a preposition, and quite invariable after the accusative
with a preposition. Thus, such an expression as 'in laudando victorem,'
must be avoided, and ' ad placandum deos ' is impossible. In English
the seeming participle present is really a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon
infinitive. In Latin the idea of the verb becomes so closely limited to thp
object mentioned, that a combination is effected by making the object
take the case of the gerund and the gerund the gender and number of
the object. Thus, 'equites tegendo' would become ' equitibus tegendis,'
unless the writer wished to keep the two ideas somewhat apart. ' This
is a good place for a horse-show,' would be undoubtedly 'aptus est
locus equis monstrandis,' but ' this is a good place for showing off a
gladiator ' might be, ' gladiatorem monstrando.'
1. 7, ponte perfecto. In translation break up the participial style of
Livy, 'The bridge was nov/ finished ; the army was led across into the
territoiy of the Insubres, and encamped five miles from Ictumulae,' &c.
See Potts' ' Hints,' p. 68.
1, 10. revocato, not ' revocatis.' The order was given to Maharbal,
' Sent speedily for Maharbal back again, and the horsemen.'
1. II. instare, ' since he saw that a battle was imminent.'
1.13. contionem. ' Contio ' = ' conventio,' shortened form of ' coven-
tio,' as ' nundinae ' of ' novemdinae,' ' nuntius ' possibly of ' noviventius.'
As we say ' Covent Garden,' for ' convent,' ' Coblentz ' for ' confluentes,'
so here the 'n' drops out before ' v.' Translate, ' He called them
together to an audience, where he promised openly to them definite
rewards, in the hope of which they might figlit.'
/. ENGAGEMENT ON THE TICINUS. 23
in, with accusative, represents the aim, the object of effort, ' towards
the hope.' In English we say * in hope.'
1. 14. esse. Note the omission of the yerb on which this depends.
We must supply ' saying.'
1. 15, veUt, for 'vellet.' The leading verb is ' pronuntiat.' In oratio
obliqua the historic present may be treated as an actual present or
as a past. Sometimes, as here, both constructions are intermixed.
Compare Caesar, B. G. i. 7, ' Helvetii legatos mittunt, qui dicerent sibi
in animo esse iter facere ; rogare ut liceat.' This is, however, not to
be imitated.
immunem, 'as a freehold, without serv-ice, for himself and for his
heirs for ever.'
1. 16. ipse, unlike 'idem,' which is equally derived from 'is,' is
declined in the second syllable. The ' -pse' is originally an mdeclinable
affix, like -woTe, assimilated from ' -pte ' (' ispte ').
1. 17. maluisset, 'if any one chose to have money rather than land,
him he would satisfy with coin.' Note how entirely 'pecunia' has
here lost its original meaning of ' property in stock.' For the form
' maluisset' compare note on ' ala,' line 4. The Roman rapidity of pro-
nunciation is applied to compound as well as simple words. Thus
' non volo ' becomes ' nolo,' ' scire licet ' is made into ' scilicet.'
sociorum, ' such of the allies as might wish to become citizens of
Carthage, he would give them the opportunity.' So ' facio mei potesta-
tem," means, ' I allow others to have access to me.' Hannibal here is
taking upon himself what no Roman general in those days would have
dared to promise. But the citizen of Carthage had a very slight amount
of practical influence. He had a right to vote or rather to sell his vote
in the elections to the Gerusia, or twenty-eight elders ; he could vote
' aye ' on questions which the Gerusia had decided ; bnt the idea of free
' comitia ' was unknown.
1. 21. qnoque, ' further, to the slaves who had attended their masters
he cffers freedom, and promises, in lieu of every slave so liberated, to
give the master two slaves from the captives taken in war.'
mancipium, a purchased slave, as opposed to one reared on the
estate, ' Manu capere ' was the symbol of accepting a sale. In this
case Hannibal would have sold the captives into slavery, but he offers
to present them to the masters whose slaves he had freed.
1. 22. reddo, here, as often, not of restoring, but of giving what is
due. So ' reddere votum.'
1. 23. rata. ' Ratus,' the participle of ' reor,' is used both passively
and deponently. Here it means ' realized.'
24 NOTES ON HANNIBALS CAMPAIGN.
1. 24. falleret, ' if he were swearing falsely.' The fuU form was, ' Si
sciens fallo, tum me Diespiter,' &c.
1. 25. mactasset. The Romans never sacrificed a beast withont first
sprinkling it with wine, incense, and bruised corn mixed with salt, between
the horns, and saying, ' macte hoc vino et ture esto.' So, to avoid the
use of the word ' caedere,' they used ' mactare.'
secuudum, ' after.' ' Secundus ' is merely a lengthened form of
the present participle of 'sequor,' as the gerundive is of the present
participle generally.
1. 27. velut, ' each thinking that the gods would support his hope,
and supposing that the only bar of the enjoyment of what they
prayed for was that they were not already fighting, all with one heart
and one voice demand battle.'
auctor means ' a proposer of the iaw,' ' a trustee,' ' a witness of a
marriage contract,' generally 'a backer,' 'supporter.'
1. 30. alacritas, from 'alacer,' 'eager,' ' spirited,' opp. ' languidus.'
1. 31. territos, ' dismayed.'
1. 32. otoviis, ' after tearing in pieces those that came in his way, had
himself escaped unhurt.'
1. 33. exameu. ' Exagimen,' * a swarm of bees.' Primarily of a mass
issuing forth. Compare Virg. Aen. 7. 67 : —
' Examen subitum ramo frondente pependit.'
We hear in the year 223 B.c. of similar alarms created in the minds of
the Romans by a vulture seen in the Forum, and three moons in the
sky. On that occasion Flaminius, a plebeian free-thinker, had made
the gods testify against their interpreters by gaining a complete victory
over the Gauls.
1. 34. procuratis, ' when expiation had been made for these portents.'
In some cases it was possible for the augurs not to take up an omen,
as referring to the State ; in which case they were said ' non suscipere,'
but on this occasion the omen could only refer to the army.
1. 36. speculandas, ' to reconnoitre their forces from near at hand,
and to see how many and of what sort they were.'
1. 37. et ipsi, ' who had also in person gone forward.'
1. 39. ueutri (N.B. plural), ' neither party.'
primo, ' at the first.'
densior, comparative, * exceptionally thick.' 'The unusual thick-
ness of the rising dust, as so many men and horses marched up, was
a sure sign of an approaching foe.'
1. 41. consistit, sing. expedietoant, plur, ' The army on each side
made a stand, and the men proceeded to prepare for action.'
/. ENGAGEMENT ON THE TICINUS. I^
1. 42. Gallos. These were evidently placed in the front to prevent their
desertion.
1. 43. roTjoris, * the strength of the allies.' So \ve have ' senatus
robur/ ' the flower of the senate.'
1. 44. snbsidiis. Livy uses this word generally of the ' triarii ' or
third line of battle, the first two being the ' hastati ' and ' principes,'
and making up the 'frons prima.' Thus in 6. 13, he says, 'Impulsa
frons prima et trepidatio subsidiis inlata.' Here, however, the word
means no more than the main body of cavalry.
frenatos, ' set his bridled horsemen in the centre of his line, and
strengthened his wings with Numidian horsemen.' The Numidian
cavalry ' rode without saddle or bridle, as if the rider and his horse were
one creature, and scoured over the cotmtry with a speed and impetuosity
defying escape or resistance.'
1. 45. vixdtim, 'scarce was the battle cry raised, when,' &c.
1. 46. secunda acies is no more than ' the rear,' for there was no
' secunda acies ' distinct from the subsidia.
1. 47. inde, ' then followed an engagement of the cavalry which for
some time was undecided.'
1. 48. niultis, ' then the horses were thrown into confusion by the in-
termixture of men on foot because many fell from their horses, others
alighted to go where they saw their friends surrounded, and the fight had
in great measure become a fight on foot.'
1. 51. circiunvecti, ' wheeling round slightly.'
, 1. 53. periculum, 'a danger averted by the interference of his son,
then a mere stripling.'
1. 54. erit. Past when Livy wrote, but future in his story.
1. 55. penes, ' who has the honour of having finished this very war.'
\. 56. de, i. e. 'reportatam.'
1. 57. effusa, ' scattered,' ' disordered.'
1. 58. alius, ' the rest, however, being cavalry, closed their ranks and
received the consul into their midst, and so,' &c.
equitatus here is in apposition to 'alius,' both referring to the
same idea ; those who were not ' iaculatores.' So too the Greek aWos.
\. 62. natione, 'by birth.' Cicero generally uses the word specially
of barbarous nations.
malim. This story of young Africanus is supported by Polyb. x.
3, who had it on the authority of Laelius.
1. 63. fama, ablative case, ' has held its ground in general report.'
Compare ' pro vero antea obtinebat regna Fortunam dono dare,' for this
use of ' obtineo.' ' Fama ' might also be nominative.
a6 NOTEs ON hannibalIs campaign.
II. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA, B.C. 218.
After the engagement near Ictumulae Scipio broke up his camp,
retiied over the Ticinus through the plain to the bridge over the Po, and
crossed the river with all speed. He recognized the superiority of Han-
nibars cavalry, for vvhich the country was admirably adapted, being
a wide plain ; he had also received a severe wound in the engagement.
It was necessary to place his forces in a secure position ; and with this
object he proceeded along the south bank of the Po to Placentia, a
Roman colony (Polyb. iii. 66).
Meanwhile Hannibal remained for a short time in his posltion expect-
ing that Scipio would attack him with his infantry, but when he found
that the Romans had abandoned their camp he advanced to the Ticinus.
Here he seized the bridge, by which Scipio had crossed, in time to save
it from destruction, and also cut off 600 men who had been left to
defend it. But on hearing that the rest of the Roman force were far in
advance, he changed the direction of his march, and having reached the
Po, marched up the north bank of the stream in the hope of finding
a place where the river could be crossed. On the second day (after
leaving his camp) he halted, and having thrown a bridge of boats
across the stream, left Hasdrubal to superintend the passage of the main
body of the army, at once crossed the river, and entered into negotiations
with envoys from the neighbouring places who, after this success, were
ready to join him. When the army had accomplished the passage he
joined it, and led it dowi. the river on the south bank, seeking an en-
gagement with the enemy. On the next day he found himself in the
neighbourhood of Scipio at Placentia ; and on the third day he drevv out
his forces in sight of the Romans, but as no one came out to meet him,
he went into camp about fifty stades (six miles) from the Romans.
(Polyb. iii. 66. Unfortunately Polybius has not stated whether Hannibal
did or did not cross the Trebia. Placentia was on the east bank of the
river, so we should suppose that Scipio would not put the river betwecn
himself and the town when seeking the shelter of it. But if Scipio is on
the east bank ofthe Trcbia, Hannibal is so also.)
In the following night the Gauls who were in the Roman camp
attacked the Romans who were nearest to them, and having killed a con-
siderable number, cut off their heads, and went over to Hannibal (2000
infantry and nearly 200 horse). This alarmed Scipio, who reflected
that the Gauls in the neighbourhood would now inevitably take the
//. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA. %1
part of Hannibal. Under cover of the night he advanced to the Trebia
and the adjacent hills, where he would be in a strong position and sur-
rounded by allies of Rome (Polyb. iii. 67). Hannibal hearing of the
movement at once sent his Numidian horse, and thea his heavy cavalry,
in pursuit ; afterwards he followed with his army. The Numidians,
finding the camp deserted, burnt it. This delay saved the Romans ;
had the Numidians pressed on at once they would have caught the
Romans in the plain, and cut them down. As it was the bulk crossed
the Trebia in safety; only the rear was overtaken. Once across the
river, Scipio fortified a camp on the adjacent hills, waiting for his col-
league Sempronius. Hannibal now brought his camp within five miles
of the Romans, the Gauls snpplying him liberally with provisions
(Polyb. /.f. 68).
Sempronius now arrives from Ariminum (p. 20), and joins Scipio. Han-
nibal meanwhile gains Clastidium, a town considerably to the west of
Placentia, by treachery, and is enabled to draw supplies from it. Then
helayswaste, with hisNumidians, the territory of some Gauls, inhabitants
of the regions between the Trebia and the Po, who after joining him had
thought to save themselves by sending an embassy to Scipio. The
Gauls fly to the Romans for refuge. Sempronius, who is eager to bring
on an engagement, sent a large body of cavalry and some javelin men on
foot across the river, and drove the Numidians back to their camp,
But Hannibal was not yet fully prepared, and would not risk a general
engagement. The Romans returned to their camp.
' In the next night Hannibal sent Mago to form an ambuscade in the
bed of a stream, between his camp and the Trebia, and on the next day
he sent his Numidians to draw the Romans across the Trebia into a
battle.
That Livy regarded the battle as taking place on the Placentia
(eastem) bank of the Trebia is clear (see 11. 182-184), and there is
nothing in Polybius which compels us to contradict this. But the view
is not without difficulties. For (i) Sempronius marches to join Scipio
from the east, i. e. across the front of HannibaPs position ; (2) Hannibal
draws his supplies from the west (Clastidium) ; (3) the Gauls whom he
harries, who are on the opposite side of the river from the Roman camp,
dwell between the Trebia and tlie Po, an expression which is thought to
suit the westem side of the river better than the eastern, for the river
runs N.E. (but see map, p. 3). This would indicate that the (second)
camp of the Romans was on the eastern bank, and the battle certainly
took place on the side opposite to the camp. Nevertheless, it is impos-
sible to suppose that Livy did not know on which side of the river
28 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
Placentia was,and he makes the Romans march straight from the battle-
field to the town. The battle was probably fought near Gossolengo.
TREBIA.
Order of Battle.
Haunibal.
Infantry 20,000.
Cavalry 5,000. Spaniards. Gauls. Africans. Cavalry 5,000.
Elephants (?). Light-armed. Elephants (?).
X X
Cavalry 2,000. Infantry 38,000 Cavalry 2,000.
(drawn up in the usual way).
Semprouius.
Movements of the battle {according to Polybius) : —
(i) It opened with skirmishes of the light-armed.
(2) These retire through the heavy armed Carthaginians, and the two
main lines meet.
(3) The Roman cavalry driven in on the wings, leaving the flanks
open.
(4) The Carthaginian light-armed advance from the rear, and with
the Numidians attack the flanks ; but the Roman heavy armed hold
their ground on the centre, till
(5) Mago comes upon the rear from his ambuscade.
(6) The two wings of Sempronius' heavy-afmed infantry are de-
feated (a) by the elephants ; {b) by the light-armed attacking in flank,
and driven into the river, but
(7) The Roman centre keeps together, and fights its way through the
Carthaginian line to Placentia, where it is joined by a number of
stragglers.
(8) The Carthaginians pursue the defeated army to the river.
Livy diffcrs fyom Polybius in regard to the position of the elephants
and the part which they took in the battle, representing them as coming
in from the extreme wings upon the centre, and then recalled by Hanni-
bal to the left wing, and also crowds the details of the battle together.
1. 65. cousul alter. Ti. Sempronius Longus. He had sent his troops
round by the Adriatic to Ariminum, as Livy says, or, as others say, had
disbanded them in the south of Italy after taking their oaths to muster
at Ariminum in forty da_\s. All writers agree, however, that they did
//. DATTLE OF THE TREBIA. 29
muster at Ariminum, and that, however they managed to evade Hanni-
bal on the plains round Placentia, they did join Scipio's troops.
Siciliae rebus. Sicily had been Sempronius' oiiginal provlnce.
The senate had intended him even to attack Carthage from there.
1. 66. leg^ens, ' coasting.' The dangers of winter navigation in the
Adriatic are often alhided to by Horace. Cf. Od. 3. 3. 5.
' Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae.'
I. 70. declarabat, singular. Translate, 'Now were both consuls
and the whole present force of the Romans opposed to Hannibal, so
as to make it quite clear that either with that power the empire of
Rome could be defended, or that all hope was gone.' For the use of
the neuter, compare ' Romani regem regnumque Macedoniae sua futura
sciunt.' The singular is here used as for one idea. Here the subject to
' declarabat ' is the idea of matching. For a similar use of the participle,
compare ' Angebant virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae,' ' the loss of
Sicily and Sardinia grieved the hero.' 'Pudor non lati anxilii patres
cepit,' ' the fathers were ashamed of their refusal to help.' The Latin
language therefore avoids verbal substantives so far as possible.
' Abstract words are of a scientific nature and presuppose education
in the reader. Oratory (and all Latin language is oratorical in its
character) appeals to the public, and consequently employs simple
phrases.' — Potts.
1. 72. minutns, 'brought low,' ' disheartened.' So in Greek \iiivv-
Odf. The opposite word is 'augeo,' e.g. ' tanta laetitia auctus sum, ut
pil constet.' Madvig suggests ' admonitus,' on the ground that it is
not Latin ' minuere hominem,' but 'animum.'
recentis animi, ' with his spirits quite fresh, and so feeling more
confident.'
1. 73. patiebatur, 'would brook no delay.*
L 74. suum, ' his own ' cavalry. Sempronius was proud of the fact
that his cavahy had not suffered the defeat of the Ticinus.
1. 76. sparsos, ' coming suddenly on some of their detachments and
charging them at unawares, as they were straggling and out of order,
and most of them too laden with spoil.'
ad lioc, ' besides.'
1. 77. Madvig reads inopinato for ' inopinatos,' which he maintains
can never be used for ' inopinantes.'
1. 79. stationes, ' sentries.'
unde, ' beaten back from thence by the mere numbers of those
that swarmed forth, they waited for new succours and soon renewed the
fight.'
30 NOTES ON HANNIBAL'S CAMPAIGN.
1. 80. varia, ablative vvith ' sequentes cedentesque.* Tr. ' the fight
after this was variable, and although, at one time pursuing, at another
yielding, they had at the last made the contest pretty even, yet the
slaughler of the enemy was the greater, and so the tide of victory re-
mained with the Romans.'
1, 83. maior iustiorque, ' no man, however, reckoned it as greater or
more natural than the consul himself.'
1. 84. gaudio, ' he was elated with joy that he had come off better
in that very arm of the service in which his colleague had come off
worse ; ' i. e. on the Ticinus, when the cavalry was worsted.
1. 85. N. B. foret, in the sense of ' esset.' Generally ' forem' is only
used for ' essem ' in conditional or final language. Sallust, Livy, and
the poets, however, use it in the componnd tenses exactly like ' essem.'
As a rule, ' forem ' should never be used in Latin Prose except to mean
' would be,' or after 'ut,' 'ne,' or 'qui,' expressive of a purpose.
restitutos ac refectos, ' comforted and refreshed.'
1. 87. dilatam; we should rather expect ' differri,' but the perfect
passive often expresses a will that something should be done ; e. g.
'sociis maxime lex consultum esse vult.'
evim, ' he, more sick in spirit than in body, with the memory of
his wound still fresh, quaked to hear of a battle and arms.'
1. 89. sed, ' but they must not lose their vigour like a wounded man.'
1. 90. differri, impersonal, ' for why was there further delay or more
time wasted ? ' A question in a long indirect speech is put in the infini-
tive, if the first or third person is employed in the direct, in the sub-
junctive, if the second. So the Romans say after the battle, ' Duobus
consulibus, duobus consularibus exercitibus victis, quos alios duces, quas
legiones esse, quae arcessantur ? '
1. 95. forent. See note on 1. 85.
1. 98. paventes, ' cowering ' (participle after ' videant '). Nos object
to 'videant.' Poenum subject to ' fecisse' (infinitive after 'videant').
1. 99. dicionis, possessive genitive, (cf. ' Ego totus Pompeii siim'),
' had brought under his own power.'
1. loi. erat. Hannibal, aware of his opponenfs eagerness, and
aware too that the days of his consulship were numbered, determines to
fcring on an engagement. The Gauls, who served in both camps, were
equally ready to oblige either side with information.
rivus does not refer to the watercourse of the Trebia itself, but to
some tributary ; of course the Trebia and its feeders would be much
more swollen in the spring, and, being a short stream, it would be sub-
ject to very sudden rises, which would make waste places on either
//. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA. 3I
bank. These would soon be ' overgro^vn with weeds, and briars, and
brushwood, with which, for the most part, such uncultivated spots are
clad.' Polybius talks of piiOpov re, «X'"' cxppiiv, km 51 ravTr]^ aKav9as
Koi 0a.Tovs avvex^^^ eniiTe^pvKoTas. He adds that the Romans were
the more taken off their guard because there was no wood near, and
so they did not expect an ambnsh, whilst, on the other hand, it was
easier for Mago to see over reeds than it would have been through a wood.
1. 103. quem, 'and when Hannibal had ridden round this place, and
perceived that it afforded cover enough even for hiding men on horse-
back,' &c.
1. 104. teg^eudo, not * tegendis,* for Livy, unlike Cicero and Caesar,
seems to prefer the gerund to the gerundive attraction. See note on 1. 5.
1. 106. ceuteuos, 'a hundred picked men of each.'
1. 108. corpora cnrare, ' to refresh ourselves.' The realistic cha-
racter of Latin expression, says Potts, in his ' Hints,' is shown by the
introduction of words like ' corpora ' and ' animos.' Cf. ' Ille morte
proposita facile dolorem corporis patitur.' So, too, where we say ' ear,'
they say ' ears,' ' eyes.'
ita, ' on this understanding.'
praetorium, ' council of war.'
1. 109. roliora. ' strength,' ' flower.' .So Cicero, ' Illa robora populi
Romani.'
1. iio. uumero, 'in order to be as overpowering in numbers as in
courage, choose you each his nine from the squadrons and companies,
.such as yourselves.'
1. 1 1 1 . turma was the lenth part of an ' ala,' about thirty men, infr. 273.
mauipulus, a company. ' The Hastati Principes and Triarii were
each divided into ten manipuli, and each manipulus into two centuriae,
so that every legion contained thirty manipuli, and sixty centuriae.'
Ramsay, Rom. Ant. p. 384.
1. 114. SCagoni, general dative of reference, ' for Mago's use or con-
venience.'
1. 116. obequitare, ' ride up to.'
1. 117. iuiecto, ' when once the engagement was brought on.' So
Cicero, ' Inicere tumultum civitati.'
1. 121. iustratis, 'saddled.' The Numidae were a corps apart, arid
rode without saddles. See note on 1. • t.
1. 122. tumultum, 'a rising,' then ' an alarm,' ' impetuous fight : '
specially used of the border warfare of the Gauls, or civil war.
1. 123. ferox, • baving special reliance on that branch of the service.'
See 1. 84.
32 NOTES ON HANNIBALS CAMPAIGN.
1. 124. destinato, 'being eager for fight, in accoidance with his long
settled purpose.'
1. 126. nivalis, 'the day was threatening sleet or snow.' The time
being about mid-winter, and the day snowy and exceedingly cold.
Polyb. iii. 72, 3.
1. 127. ad lioc, ' moreover.' See note on 1. 76.
1. 129. nihil, 'there was no warmth left in them.'
1. 130. q.tiicci.uid, ' the more they approached the moist air of the
river.' Here ' quicquid ' = ' quanto magis.' So, too, Livy says, at the
beginning of Book 31, after finishing the Second Punic War in his his-
tory, * lam provideo animo, velut qui proximis litori vadis inducti mare
pedibus ingrediuntur, quicquid progredior, in vastiorem me altitudinem
ac velut profundum invehi.' In both 'progredior' and ' appropinqua-
bant ' there is a distinctly comparative sense. But in Catullus we have,
' Ride, quicquid amas, Cato, Catullum,'
where ' quicquid ' = ' as much as,' \vithout any idea of an increasing
scale ; aurae, dative after ' appropinquabant.'
1. 133. aucta, ' and by reason of the rain which fell in the night it
had been swoUen breast high.'
utique, ' be it as it may,' ' in any case,' restrictive and confirming.
' They were cold enough to start with, but when they were clean out of
the river, then most certainly, if not before, they were so numbed.' It
is to be taken closely with the word preceding. Compare ' Velim Var-
ronis et Lollii mittas laudationes, LoUii utique ' (' in any case Lollius's ').
1. 134. For corpora, compare 1. 108, n. potentia, adj., from 'potens.'
airmorum. Here Livyuses the gerundive attraction. The expres-
sion 'armorum potentes' would be quile sufficient by itself. See note
on 1. 5.
1. 138. per otium, 'at leisure.'
1. 142. quod virium, ' the very strength and manhood of his forces.'
1. 143. ab cornibus may mean simply ' on the wings ; ' here, however,
it seems ' away from the wings,' i. e. on the outer edge of the wings, so
that the elephants were to the left of the cavalry on the left, and to the
right of the cavalry on the right (in utramque partem). See 1. 157.
[Polybius describes their position thus, iii. 72. 9, ra dripia /xe/xVaj wpo
Tcyi' KfpaTuv Si' a^^poripojv TrpoePaKtTo, where St' dfi^ftoTfpoou seems to
mean ' between the infantry and cavalry.']
1. 145. consul. In translation be careful to break up this sentence.
' The cavalry were pursuing in disorder, when the Numidian horse
suddenly turned upon them. The Consul then gave the signal for
retreat, and, as they returned, posted them on the flanks of his infantry.'
//. BATTLE OF THE TREBIA. 33
1. 146. incauti, 'charged at unawares,' 'taken at a disadvantage.'
1. 147. peditibns is here the dative case.
1. 14S. socium nominis Latini. Either, like ' Patres conscripli,'
' Fathers and conscripts,' 'allies atid Latin name,' in which case the
allies would mean Italians not in the Lalin name, or simply, ' allies of
the Latin name.' In the former case we should have here a case of
asyndeton, in the latter the genitive would be simply a genitive of
quality. The Latin name, as opposed to the Etrascan or Sabellian
and Campanian allies, denoted not only the members of the old
Latin union, like Tibur and Praeneste, but also those colonies which
were distributed through Italy with Latin rights, e. g. Circeii and
Ardea, Cora and Xorba, Fregellae and Interamna, Sutrium and Xepete,
Cales, Suessa, and Saticula, Alba, Aesernia and Beneventum, Namia
and Spoletum, Luceria and Venusia, Hadria and Firmum, and finally
Bnmdusium in the South and Ariminum in the North. AU these
States had two privileges, — (i) that every Latin who left a son behiud
him to keep up his family might go to Rome and possess the fran-
chise ; (2) that every Latin magistrate might at once be a Roman
citizen.
1. 150. At the Battle of Cannae there were eighty thousand eugaged
on the side of the Romans, half burghers and half allies.
1. 151. obsisterent, 'the legions resisted, owing to their greater
strength.'
1. 152. diducta, ' drawn off so as to reinforce the two wings.' In
other words, the sliiigers and light-armed troops left off fighting with
the legions and joined their cavalry on the wings, confining their atten-
tions to the Roman cavalry. These, already outnumbered, were soon
utterly ovenvhelmed.
1. 157. eminentes, ' standing out clear,' i. e. to left and right of the
horse.
1. 160. curatis. See note on I. 108.
1. 161. contra, ' on the contrary, the Romans were fasting and weary,
and stiff and numbed with cold.'
1. 163. animis, ' still their courage would have helped them to with-
stand to the end if they had only had to fight with the foot.'
1. 168. in, ' in the midst, however, of such a stress of misfortune on
all sides, the line remained for some time unbroken.'
1. 170. velites, ' skirmishers,' who fought in scattered parties wherc
required. They were armed with a buckler and a javelin, the iron ol
which was formed with a fine point, in order that it might be bent ou
the first discharge, and thus rendered useless to the enemy.
D
34 A'OTES ON HANNIBALS CAMPAIGN.
1. 171. veru, 'ajavelin.' So ' Volscosque verutos,' ' armed with jave-
lins,' Verg. Georg. 2. 168.
avertere, ' forced them to turn, and as soon as they turned, fol-
lowed close up and stabbed them under the tail, where the tenderness
of their skin specially admits of wounds.'
1. 174. consteruatos in, lit. ' excited against.' Translate, * When
Hannibal saw them thus affrighted, and rushing wildly against their own
side, he ordered them to be driven from the cenlre to the flanks to the left
wingupon our Gallic auxiliary forces." Note the position of the subject
' Hannibal,' which is rendered necessary by the prominence given to the
object, which has to come as near as possible to the previous sentence.
1. 1 76. extemplo, adverb formed from preposition and case. So too
' coram,' ' illico,' ' cominus,' &c.
1. 178. in orbeni, ' on every side,' in front, in the rear, on both flanks,'
' an all-round fight.'
1. 179. alia, ablative case.
1. 180. nequissent, not 'nequirent,' 'being unable, after trial made.'
qua. So Madvig for ' quae.' We have already seen that the ' media
Afrorum acies' was made up of Spaniards and Gauls as well as Africans ;
so here he says, ' They broke through in the centre of the African line,
just where it was strengthened by Gauls.' If we had ' quae,' we should
expect 'mediam aciem,' not the local ablative. The Gauls appear to
have suffered the most in both armies. In fact, they hardly knew on
which side to fight.
h 1S3. prae, ' nor could they see for the storm, in which direction to
help their friends.'
1. 1 84. recto itinere, ' went straight off to Placentia.'
1. 187. oppressi, 'overtaken and slain.'
1. 189. aliis. 'Some few, for fear of the enemy, were the more bold
to take to the river, and being once over, recovered their camp.'
1. 192. prope omnes. Polybius tells us ' all but one.' He omits,
however, to tell us what happened to the two consuls, and passes on to
the next year's appointment without mention of Scipio's removal of his
camp, or of Sempronius' holding the election. This is just the kind of
accuracy which Livy is able to supply. In military details it is better to
trust the friend of the Scipio family. Hence we must decline to believe
that Hannibal made any attempt this winter to cross the Apennines. If
he did, it is probably true that the winds and the rains protected Italy
from further invasion, where the consuls did not. He had quite enough
to do to organize the insurrection of the Gauls in Lombardy. The
passage of the AIps and one succes?ful batlle thus put Ilannilal in
///. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS. '^^
possession of North Italy, just as the turning of the flank of the Alps and
the battles of Montenotte and Dego put Napoleon in the year 1796.
In the words which foUow the text in Livy, we are told that the Romans
who had been left in charge of the camp, and the wounded, crossed the
Trebia on rafts, the Carthaginians being too weary to attack them,
' quietisque Poenis tacito agmine ab Scipione consule exercitus Placentiam
est perductus.'
III. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS, B.C. 217.
I. 196. After the defeat on the Trebia Scipio retreated to Ariminum,
Sempronius to Etruria. Hannibal remained in Gaul, against his will,
for the Gauls were impatient of supporting his army. In the next year,
217 B.C., C. Flaminius and Cn. Servilius Geminus were chosen con-
suls. Flaminius, the people's friend, had already been victorious
in Lombardy. He at once joined Sempronius' army in Etruria. Ser-
vilius took Scipio's place at Ariminum. ' The harvests of Arretium '
were again in danger. Hannibal had crossed the Apennines suddenly,
and was on his way, not to Lucca by the sea-road, but towards the
upper valleys of the Arno, between Florence and the mountains. Whilst
Flaminius was still waiting at the terminus of the Via Cassia at Arezzo,
Hannibal encamped at Fiesole, after a march of four days, over ground
so wet that the troops had to rest by night on the field baggage and
dead mules. Meanwhile Servilius remained on the terminus of the Via
Flaminia, recently made, at Ariminum. (Cf. ' The Second Punic War,'
Arnold, 1886, pp. 39-45 and Note E.)
II. 196 f. The translator must be careful to break up this sentence
in English. Flaminius was not the man to keep still, even had his
enemy remained inactive. 'AU the more now, when, &c., did he take
the disgrace on himself, that, &c. In vain did all his counsellors, &c.
They reminded him, &c. He flung himself out of,' &c.
1. 197. tum vero, ' all the more now when,' &c.
1. 198. ferri agique, 'plundered and harried ; ' where 'ferre,' like
0«'pe(i', applies to portable things ; 'agere,' like dydv, to cattle and men.
mediam. Hannibal had passed Fiesole (Faesulae) and Cortona,
and was on his way to Perugia.
1. 201. salutaria, ' when all the rest were in favour of safe rather
than brilliant tactics.'
1. 206. Arretii. He means, ' We might just as well make up our
minds to settle at Arezzo and give up Rome;' an allusion to the idea
D 2
^6 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
of settling at Veii after the Gallic invasion. Tliis had been checked by
a speech from Camillus, and an omen from the gods, — when the officer
of a regiment was passing through the forum at the moment of the debate,
— was heard to say, ' Signifer, statue signum ; hic manebimus optime.'
1. 2IO. moverimxis, perfect used prohibitively, as generally in the
second person, 'nor let us once stir from hence, till,' &c.
1. 211. Veiis; really from Ardea. His army was at Veii.
1. 312. convelli, 'to be plucked up from the ground,' as decamping.
1. 213. ecLuus, ' the horse stumbled and fell, threw his rider over his
head, and there lay the consul of Rome on the ground.'
1. 218. senatn. See note on 1. 289. So often had augury been
used by the senate to oppose Flaminius, that he had come to despise it
altogether. He therefore, the late censor, at once assigns a rationalistic
cause for the standard's being immovable, and starts off to fight. One
can hardly help comparing his conduct with that of Fabius, who, with
equal disbelief, used current beliefs to help on his victory. Flaminius
' put his sickle to the corn before it was ripe, and reaped only mischief
lo himself and no fruit for the world.' But the picture which Livy
gi ves of him is such as the aristocrats naturally drew of the plebeian consul .
1. 222. quo, 'in order the more to whet the edge of the consurs
anger and stir him to avenge the wrongs done to the allies.'
1. 224. nata, ' made by nature for ambuscade.'
ubi maxime, ' at the exact point where the lake nestles close under
the hills.'
1. 226. de industria, 'purposely ;' ' as if there had been left room
only for that purpose and nothing else.'
1. 228. in aperto, 'on the clear space,' 'on the open ground.'
1. 231. locat, the historic present, here takes the past subjunctive.
1. 232. obiecto ; *he might put forth his horsemen to occupy the
neck of the glade, and all might thus be enclosed within the lake and the
mountains.' In other words, he barred the outlet with his infantry;
the entrance of the pass was to be closed by the cavalry, who advanced
behind the heights as soon as the Romans were well in.
1. 233. essent, imperfect subjunctive.
1. 235. inezplorato, adverb, ' the morrow after, before it was fuU
daylight, without any reconnoitering, he made his way through the
pass, and as soon as his columns began to open out into the wider
ground, he saw only those enemies who were in front of him , whilst the
ambushes behind and above him were concealed from his notice.'
1. 238. So most editors for deceptae, which is in the MSS. Madvig,
however, argues that we never find ' decipio ' in prose in the sense of
///. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS. 37
\avBaviiv (a very broad assertion of a negative), and that 'deceptae,'
could never have crept in for 'decepere.' He proposes ' acceptae,'
' taken to himself,' implying that Flaminius had actually courted his
environment.
1. 239. id. Break up the sentence in translation : * The Carthaginian
had now exactly what he had wished. The enemy was in his power,
shut in by the lake and the mountains, and surrounded by his own
troops. He at once gave,' &c.
clansnm. The lake was on their right ; the mountains on their
left ; the consul himself, at the head of his forces, was facing the flower
of Hannibars infantry ; and the Numidian cavalry had closed the inlet.
The precise site of the battle has been much discussed. The evidence is
given very completely in W, Arnold's edition of Dr. AmoWs Second
Punic War, Note E. It seems pretty clear that the open plain between
Tuoro and the Lake is the ' paullo latior campus ' of Livy. The yan
of the Roman army may have been allowed to march towards Passig-
nana, but the fighting took place in the open space. The army was cut
off at Borghetto in the rear, and at Passignana in the van. When Poly-
bius speaks of riaminius leading his troops ' along the lake into the
adjacent glen ' (irapd t^c Xi/xvriv ds rov v-rroKiiixivov avXwva) we must
suppose that he aUudes to the march past Borghetto into the ' pauUo
latior campus.'
1. 242. decncurrerunt, ' they charging each man the nearest enemy
he could ; ' i.e. not forming in any order, but in a kind of guerilla fight,
for which the Spaniards would be specially fit.
1. 244. agmina, ' the companies of the enemy, running from several
hills, were seen well enough of one another, and so were the more able
to combine in their attack.'
L 246. prinsqnam, with the subjunctive, implies an action which
could not possibly have commenced, and was intended not to have
commenced. ' Before they could possibly use their eyes sufiiciently.'
1. 247. satis cerneret, used absolutely. Comp. ' Si satis cemo, is
herclest,' Ter. Ad.
1. 248. instmeretnr is also subjunctive, to imply the design of the
enemy.
1. 250. percnlsis, 'when all were thus at their wits' end, the consul
alone kept his composure tolerably, considering how imminent was ihe
«langer.'
1. 251. tnrbatos, ' marshalled his ranks when disordered, as each kept
tuming at the varied noises.' ' Quoque ' abl. of ' quisque.'
1. 254. nec enim, ' for, he assured them, they could not hope to
38 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
escape thence by vows and entreaties to the gods, but by proving
their might and manhood.'
1. 256. fieri. N.B. not 'faciendam esse.' *It is with the sword that
men force iheir way through the centre of a host.'
quo, 'the less men fear, the less danger commonly betides them.'
1. 257. ceterum, 'for the rest,' like aWa. ' Howbeit, by reason of
the noise, neither word of advice nor word of command could reach
them,'
1. 258. tantum, ' so far were the soldiers from recognizing their own
standards, that scarce had they spirit enough to taice up arms, and
some were surprised and slain, finding them more of a burden than a
defence.'
1. 259. ut noscerent is a substantive sentence subject to 'aberat.'
Hence, we do not find this construction with any other person of
'absum,' the subject in each case being the substantival ' ut ' clause.
' I am so far from assisting those wretches that I can hardly help
hating them,' ' Ego vero istos tantum abest ut ornem ut effici non possit
quin eos oderim.'
1. 260. ut competeret is an adverbial sentence defining 'tantum.'
'Competo,' literally = ' to correspond,' ' to be adequate.'
1. 264. strepentium; more often used of things than persons. Here
it might refer to the noise of the blow resounding on the rattling armour.
But it is better to refer to the ' bawling ' of the victors.
1. 266. avertebat, ' were swept away by the stream of those in
flight.'
1. 269. claudebat. Note the change of tense in translation. *In
vain had they tried sallies in all directions. Still the mountains and the
lake on either flank, the enemy before and behind, hemmed them in. It
was quite clear,' &c.
1. 272. de integro, 'afresh, not in due order by the Principes,
Hastati, and Triarii, nor according to the accustomed manner, that the
vanguard should fight before the main battle and the standards, and
behind them the rearguard, and that the soldier should keep each his
own legion, his own cohort, and his own company.'
illa = ' that well-knoAvn.'
1. 273. hastatos. The whole infantry of the legion was drawn up in
three lines. In the first were the ' hastati,' or pikemen. These were the
youngest of the soldiers. The second line was formed of the 'principes,'
men of mature age, who in older times were in the front. In the third
were the ' triarii,' so called from their position, who carried two long
'pila' or javelins. The usual depth of each line was ten men. The
///. DISASTER OF LAKE THRASYMENUS. 39
diWslons of the second line, equal in extent to a ' manipTilus,' were in
general placed opposite the intervals of the first. The cavalry were
divided into ten ' turmae ' of thirty men. A ' cohors ' comprised three
'manipuli,' and was the tenth part of a legion, See note on 1. iii.
1. 280. mare, ' forced the sea up the streams,' i. e. against the current.
1. 281. senserit. 'None felt, not for a moment.' Stronger than
'sentiret.'
1. 283. infestior, 'more openly hurtful.' 'Infensus' seems used to
express hostile disposition, ' infestus ' hostile attack. Cp. ' In ipsum
infestus consulem dirigit equum, adeoque infensis animis concurrerunt
ut duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint.'
1. 284. rotoora. See note on line 43.
1. 286. insignem, ' and being as he was specially noticeable in his
rich armour, he was assailed most furiously by the enemy, and defended
as furiously by his fellow-citizens.'
1. 287. Insuber. This tribe occupied what is now called Lombardy.
1. 288. q-aoque, as well as by his arms already mentioned.
1.289. cecidit. Flaminius hadbeen consulin 223 B.C., andwasalready
in the field when the senate's scruples were aroused by prodigies. They
at once sent orders to recall him. He took the despatches, put them in
his pocket imread, and went to the battle. Having gained a complete
victorj- over the Insubres, he declared, when he did read the despatches,
that the gods themselves had solved the senate'3 scruples, and that it
was needless to retum.
1. 291. manibus. Dative of 'manes.'
1. 293. infesto, (see note on line 283^, 'in form of attack.'
1. 294. spoliare, 'when he tried, however, to take his spoils, the
triarii stept over the corpse with their targets and kept him off.'
1. 296. et iam, 'and soon neither the lake nor the monntains could
check their rout,'
1. 297. per omnia, 'were the defile never so narrow, were the crags
never so steep, they marched blindly on, only to be dashed down, arms
and men together, one upon the other.'
1. 300. prima, ' entering at the edge of the pool where it was
shallow.'
1. 301. fuere, ' some there were whom the heedlessness of fear urged
to take to flight by swimming.' For this poetic inhnitive after ' impello,'
compare Virg. Aen. i. 9, 10 : —
' Quidve dolens regina deum tot volvere casus
Insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores
Impulerit ? '
40 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
1. 302. capessere, ' take to,' inchoative. So 'facesso/ 'I set aboiit,'
'laceiso,' 'I provoke,' ' arcesso,' 'I send for.'
1. 303. immensa, ' endless.'
1. 304. necquicquam, ' after tiring themselves to no purpose.'
1. 307. primi, ' vanguard.'
1. 311. nec, 'nor yet.' ' They could not know (by hearing) nor yet,
so dark was it, make out by sight.'
1. 312. re. Mr. Potts, in his excellent 'Hints towards Latin Prose
Composition,' (page 30), illustrates the simplicity of the Roman style
by the use of the word ' res,' which he likens to a blank cheque to be
filled up from the context to the requisite amount of meaning. Here
translate, 'At last as the scale began to sink.' For a long time ' res
aequatae fuere,' 'at last one side kicked the beam.'
1. 313. nebula, ' the mist, dispelled by the gradually-increasingheal of
the sun, discovered the day.' Properly speaking, the mist hides the day,
but the Romans recognized the claims of the negative agent as much as
of the positive. Compare Virg. Ecl. 2. 26 : —
' Quum placidum ventis staret mare.'
liquida, ' as the light cleared.'
1. 314. perditas res, ' utter havoc and foul discomfiture of the Roman
host.'
1. 316. citatissimo, 'get themselves away with all the manner of
haste they could.' So 'citato equo,' 'at full gallop.'
1. 318. For super cetera, compare 1. 30. extrema goes with ' fames.'
1. 321. Funica. The writer of the history of the Caudine Forks
ought to be more careful before bringing a charge of bad faith in the
matter of capitulation. It is obvious that the Romans could not help
themselves. Probably Maharbal had overstepped his powers in offering
the terms he did. It would have been easy for them to send to Han-
nibal who was close by. And Hannibal was acting on a settled line
of policy in his treatment of Roman prisoners as opposed to Italian.
1. 323. coniecit. Note the abrupt change ot subject, and how awk-
ward it niakes the sentence. Livy is generally more careful.
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE, B.C. 216.
L 324. consules. The death of Flaminius at Thrasymenus had
lieen followed by the defeat of part of Servilius' army, and the people
had, in their first alarm, elected a dictator for the defence of the city
itself, on which every one expected Hannibal woukl march at once.
'JMieir choice had fallen on Q. Fabius Maximus, a moderate aristocrat,
and on M. Miiuicius Rufus (Livy, 22. 8, 6), for on this occasion
IV. THE DATTLE OF CANNAE. 4I
the iisual nile was departed from, by which the consiil named the
dictator, and the dictator the master of horse, and both were elected
by the people ('quod nunquam antea factum,' Livy, l.c). Mean-
while on swept the torrent of Hannibars invading army, over the
rich plains of Spoletum, over the rich pastures where fed the oxen of the
Clitumnus, ' dear to the herdsman,' along the left bank of the Tiber, on
the road towards the Allia, replete with such glorious memories to
the Gauls, swelling into a mighty flood, and threatening to submerge
the little rock on which were gathered the traditions of Rome. But
Hannibal knew better; his was not a mind which could become
intoxicated with success : he knew that no mere army could conquer
Rome, and waited till he could effect some political combination.
Meantime he would march to the South, where Rome had hardly yet
had time to weld her difierent subjects into Roman unity. Striking,
therefore, across the Apennines, he marched towards the Adriatic,
and, when foUowed by Fabius, endeavoured to provoke that cautious
old soldier to battle by devastating the Samnite and Apulian territory.
And so the year wore to a close, Fabius withstanding, with equal .firm-
ness, the attacks of his political enemies at home, who called him
Hannibars lackey, and the provoking sallies of Hannibars cavalry, and
justifying the title (Virg. Aen. 6. 846) : —
' Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem,'
which he has kept in all history. The next year found the reins of
govemment in the hands of two very different men, Lucius Aemilius
Paulus, the hero of Illyria, and M. Terentius Varro. These consuls,
as usual, being elected for the year, felt they must do something.
The city was in very much the same position as Athens during the
first years of the Peloponnesian War, with this aggravation, that all
the Romans whom Hannibal seized were instantly put to death. The
yeomen of the Roman territory no doubt blamed the mercantile party
for having provoked such an implacable enemy by their greed. But
of this we have no record ; the struggle between the aristocrats and
popular party for the distribution of the Ager Publicus throws all olher
divisions into the shade, till even this disappears for some time under the
slern determination of all parties to combine to preserve the unity of Italy.
1. 325. Caniias. Hannibal had seized the magazines at this place,
and conscquently the Romans were obliged either to rctreat nearer their
supplies or to offer battle. Their army amounted to 80,000. Cannae was
on the Aufidus, the only river which, rising on the wesl of the Apennines,
runs into the sea on tlie east.
1. .^26. \Vhen a substantive is used only in the plural, nr has a
42 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
different sense in the plural from what it has in the singular, the dis-
tributive 'bini' is used with it instead of *duo,' to mean two. Thus
* bina castra ' = ' two sets of castrums ' = ' two camps.' So ' binae literae,'
' binae hostium copiae.' But ' binos scyphos' means 'a pair of similar
goblets.' Polybius says, rois fiev Sva\ /xepiffi KaTf(TrpaToir45ev<re irapa
Thv A.(j(pi5ov, Tijj §6 TpiTCf) TTepav TTphs Tos avaTo\as, k.t.\.
1.328. aditum, ' allowed the watermen access to water, as each
could seize a lucky moment.' ' Sua' is reflexive to ' cuiusque.'
1- 330. trans Aufidtim, i.e. east of the Aufidus. The course of the
river is from S.W. to N.E., but the ancient writers speak of the eastem
and western banks of the river for the right and left banks, as if the
course lay from south to norlh.
1. 331. Paulus had wished to draw Hannibal on to the higher ground
before fighling ; but Varro was determined to fight ; so he plants him-
self between the enemy and the sea. Whereupon Paulus, when his
day of command came, unable any longer to withdraw his forces,
formed two camps, a larger one on the western and a smaller one on
the eastern bank of the river. At this time Hannibal was encamped on
the eastern or right bank, close to Cannae, but on the same day that
Paulus pitched his camps, he moved his camp to the left bank, so as
to bring it opposite to the Romans.
1. 334. facturos, ' that the consuls would give him a chance of a
pitched battle on ground naturally fitted for a cavalry engagement.'
dirigit, ' sets in battle array.'
lacessit. See line 302, n.
!• 335- sollicitari, ' disquieted.' The historic infinitive expresses
rapid succession.
1. 339. obiiceret, ' twit him with the example of Fabius, who gave
so goodly a pretence and show to lazy and cowardiy leaders.'
1. 340. Mc, Varro.
1. 341. velut, 'as if by prescription.' He had used it so much that
it had almost become his. A man who had used a field for two years,
without being objected to, might claim it as his own.
coustrictum, ' he was kept tied by his colleague.'
1. 342. adimi, 'his soldiers, though their blood was up and they were
all eager to fight, had their weapons taken from them.'
proiectis, ' offered wilfully, nay, even betrayed.'
1. 343. ille, Paulus.
1. 344. omnis, ' though entirely free from blame, he would share in
the event whatever it was.'
1. 346. videret, ut, ' let his colleague look to it, and see that those
TV.. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 43
who were so ready to speak and hasty of their tongiie, might be as
nimble with their hands when the time came.' Compare Cicero,
* Navem idoneam ut habeas, diligenter videbis.'
1. 348. altercationibus, ' wranglings.'
1. 349. instractam, ' which he had kept in battle array for a great
part of the day, whilst he was strengthening his camp with other
forces.'
1. 353. egressi, ' they had scarce crossed the river to the other bank
before they put to flight this disorderly rabble by their mere shout and
rush, and so they rode further, even to the guard-house in front of the
rampart, and to the very gate of the camp. The ' castra minora ' of the
Romans were on the other or right bank of the Aufidus. The Numi-
dians had therefore to cross the river to get at them.
1. 355. tumultuario, ' brought hastily together, detached on any
service as occasion arose.' Translate, ' That Romans should actually
be bearded even in their camp by a mere irregular force of reserves.'
1. 359. Paulum. Paulus' hope evidently was that Hannibal, being
unable to forage near the sea, would fall back on the hills, where his
cavalry would not have ground so favourable. Meanwhile his smaller
camp was distressed for water, imless reinforced from the other bank
of the river.
1. 362. quia, 'disallowing indeed and misliking his plan, yet unable
to choose but second him.'
1. 366. The Bomans are facing south up the stream of the Aufidus.
They are drawn up thus : —
Right. ' Left.
Roman Cavalry. Infantry. Allied Cavalry.
Jaculatores and light-armed.
To these Hannibal opposes : —
Baleares and light-anned.
Cavalry. Infantry. Cavalry.
Gauls and Spaniards. Gauls, Spaniards, Numidian.
Afri. Afri.
The Gauls and Spaniards were advanced before the rest in a crescent
or wedge (infr. 379, 417). See map, p. 12.
1. 373. praemissa. He sends them forward to cover his advance.
ut q.uosque, ' even as he brought each across he drew them up
in line.'
1. 376. media, ' the centre of his line being held strong by his in-
fantry, so arranged that the Africans might flank the Gauls and
44 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
Spaniards, who were placed in the midst.' He could not trust the
Gauls, who had given way in all his battles hitherto.
1. 379. crederes, ' anyone who had seen the Africans might have
taken them for a Roman line, so armed were they with Roman armour,
taken some at the Trebia, but the greater part at lake Thrasymene.'
Polybius' account is almost word for word the same here. He adds,
however, that Hannibal led forward the Spaniards and the Gauls in
front of the rest, so as to make his centre in the form of a crescent,
fj.rjfoftSes iroiwv ro KvpTojfia. Thus the native Africans would give con-
fidence to the weaker Europeans, and also prevent their desertion.
Besides, Hannibal could least spare Africans, and the first shower of
darts might as well fall on the least valuable of his forces.
1. 382. dlspares ac dissimiles, ' differing both in size and fashion.'
Compare Livy 45. 43, ' Similia omnia magis visa hominibus quam
paria,' 'The likeness of show was there, but the substance did not
countervail much.'
1. 384. assueto, ' accustomed more to stab than to slash.'
liabiles, ' shorter so as to be more easily liandled, and pointed.'
1. 387. umTjilicum, ' waist.'
linteis, 'in linen tunics, glittering wondrous bright, embroidered
with scarlet.'
1. 391. Hasdrubal, not Hannibars brother, but the manager of his
commissariat.
1. 392. Mago. The Rupert of the invaders, who had led the ambush
at the Trebia.
1. 394. peropportune, ' obliged both sides by shining only on their
f5anks, either because they had so placed themselves on purpose, or had
first taken their stand at adventure.' The Carthaginians faced the
North : so the early sun would shine on their right flank.
1. 396. adversus, ' blowing full upon their faces.' Blowing from the
mountain, now called Voltore, celebrated by Horace, it would be a
South-East-by-one-third-South wind.
1. 401. minime . . . pugnare, ' by no means in the stj'le of a cavalry
engagement.'
frontibus, 'they had to charge front to front, because, as there was
no room left about them to make evolutions, they were flanked and
liemmed in, on the one side by the river, on the other by the array of
foot, each stretching in straight lines directly parallel on either side of
them.'
1. 404. Madvig takes nitentes with ' viros' understood from 'virum '
in tlie next sentence, but utrinque seems to make better sense, if
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 45
•nitentes' is made to agree with 'amnis' and 'acies.' In this lalter
case ' nitentes ' would be used by a kind of zeugma with ' amnis ' as
well as ' acies.' In Madvig's reading, however, there is a full stop after
' claudebant,' and the sense proceeds, ' As the equites were stniggling
on straightforwards from both Roman and Carthaginian lines, when
the horses at last came to a halt,' &c. Compare the sham-fight in
Virg. Aen. 5. Polybius says ov yap ?)v Kara vofiovs «f duaaTpofrjs Kal
fiiTa0n\T]s 6 KivSvvos.
stantibus, ' at last, when their horses were bronght to a stand-
still and wedged together by the niass, every man began to clasp his
enemy and drag him from his horse.'
1. 405. The cavalry of the Romans on the right are thus defeated by
the Gauls and Spaniards under Hasdrabal.
1. 407. acrius, ' the conflict was rather sharp than long.' A com-
parison of two qualities found in the same action in vmequal degrees is
denoted either by the positive with ' magis,' or by two comparatives,
as ' Triumphus Camilli clarior erat quam gratior.'
1. 408. suto, ' immediately following.'
1.410. par, dniu. So Madvig reads for 'parum,' which is simply
nonsense. Translate, ' At first even enough both in strength and spirit,
so long as the ranks of the Gauls and Spaniards kept together.'
1. 4I1. counisi, obliqua. Here again Madvig has come to the
rescne, and harving ' consilioque ' in the text, suggests, instead of ' aequa,'
which Gronovius read, and which would be a queer way of breaking up
a crescent, ' connisi obliqua.' Translate, ' After long and repeated efforts
they formed themselves into a sloping wedge and packed closer their
lines of attack, and so drove the crescent of the enemy, which was
ranged very thin and so the weaker, and somewhat advanced from the
rest of the battle.' Dr. Amold compares the Roman advance to that
of the English at Fontenoy. They had acted as if the Gauls and
Spaniards were the whole centre, and by packing their columns of
advance too close had allowed themselves to be overlapped on either
side by the Africans. They were therefore doomed to victory and
failure, much in the same way as the Greeks at Cunaxa. The Persians
at Marathon were defeated in a similar manner. They broke the Greek
centre, but their wings were repulsed by the Greeks, who then closed
upon the centre. Livy in saying nimis tenuem hardly gives Hannibal
as much credit for foresight as he deserves.
1.414. institere. So Madvig, for ' insistere.' The historic infinitive
camiot be used between two finite verbs in close connection.
tenore uno, ' without a break.'
46 NOTES ON hannibal!s campaign.
1. 417. alis, * had been placed on the wings on either side, whicb
were thrown back from the centre.'
1. 418. media. Polybius calls this line the crescent (nr]viaKos), aud
says that the crescent had its Hvprwixa towards the Romans.
1. 419. aequavit, 'rnade itself even with the whole line.'
1. 420. siuum, 'gave way so as to leave an opening for them to
pass in the midst.'
1. 422. circumdedere, ' wheeled round and closed in upon them.'
1. 424. omissis, * had to leave the Gauls, whom they had put to
flight.'
1. 427. receutibus, 'newly come into action.'
vegetis, ' fresh in body.' The gallantry of the Roman legions in
sustaining the conflict at all needs no praise. They were in a worse
position than they were at Lake Thrasymene, simply from being out-
generalled. The Roman centre, infantry, at first apparently victorious,
is novv utterly defeated.
1. 430. coeptum, ' at first cold and faint, and originating in truly
Carthaginian treachery.' This story is only told by Livy, who is the
main purveyor of stories about Punic faith. There is no reason to
doubt that Polybius would have told it if he thought it true. What he
says is, that the Numidians simply detained the Romans till Hannibal
was ready to attack them.
1. 436. considere, ' to take post.'
dum, expressing time simply with no idea of aim, ' until.' Com-
pai^e ' Tu hic nos, dum eximus, interea opperibere.'
1. 440. aversam, ' from behind.'
terg^a, 'what with wounding their backs and cutting their ham-
strings.'
1. 442. The left wing (cavalry) of the Romans is defeated.
l. 443. pertiuaz, * fighting was continued with the obstinacy now
given by despair.'
1. 444. The Numidians are sent in pursuit of the foe ; the Spaniards
and Gauls assist the infantry in slaughtering the enemy.
1. 445. segnis, ' without decisive result.' The Numidians in fact
had been only employed to divert the attention of the cavalry on the
left Roman wing, whilst Hasdnibal destroyed the Roman right, who
were crushed in between their own centre and the river. As soon as he
has destroyed the Roman right, he passes behind the centre of the
battle and crushes the left wing under Varro. Then a third time he
forms his victorious squadrons, and sending the Numidians ('subductos
ex niedia acie") in pursuit of the fugitives, takes their place ic attacking
IV. THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. 47
the Roman centre. This last charge is decisive. The cavalry in fact
beat the legions.
1. 449. parte altera. Paulus had been in command of the Roman right.
1. 451. confertis, ' keeping his men in close array.'
1. 453. et, ' even for sitting his horse.'
1. 455. qnam mallem, ' he might as well have handed them over
to me ready bound ; ' it is very good of him to have done what he
has, but I had rather he had gone a little way further and bound
them ready.
1. 457. quale, like Greek 0X0%, used with its own verb omitted, ' in
fact the fight on foot of the horsemen was such as you would expect
where victory was no longer to be hoped, for the conquered chose
rather to die where they stood than to fly, and the conquerors, angered
with those who thus delayed their victory, butchered where they could
not put to flight.'
1. 460. superantes, ' howbeit they did force a few survivors to re-
treat.' Dr. Amold says, ' Then followed a butchery such as has no re-
corded equal, except the slaughter of the Persians m their camp, when
the Greeks forced it after the battle of Plataea.'
1. 463. tribunus militum. There were six in each legion, whose
duties were to keep order in the camp and generally superintend the
soldiers. They commanded in tum as colonels of the legion.
praetervehens. ' Pratervehor,' from constant use in the passive
of a rider, had come to be regarded as a deponent. Hence the present
, participle is here used in the sense of riding, though ' veho ' means ' to
carry.'
1. 464. oppletum, ' covered ; ' lit. filled up.
1. 465. respicere, ' remember in your favour that you aione are
guiltless,' &c. This verb is rarely used in a bad sense.
1. 467. protegere, here, as before, used in its special sense of ' to
shield.'
funestam, 'do not make this battle a day of mouming by the
death of a consul.' ' Funestus ' implies a day when the State had a
personal loss.
1, 468. feceris. In good Latin the second person o{\h& present con-
junctive is only found in prohibitions, which are directed to an assiuned
subject, e. g. 'quum absit, ne requiras ; ' Gallice, on tie doit pas.
1. 470. macte . . . esto, 'go on and prosper in your courage.'
* Mactus ' only occurs in the vocative, or in the nominative used as the
vocative : macte or mactus esto. The vocative is perhaps to be
explained by attraclion, as in Peisiiis, 3. 27 : —
48 NOTES ON HANNIBAI^S CAMPAIGN.
'Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesime ducis,
Censorem fatuum vel quod Irabeate salutas;'
and in a less degree, Virg. Aen. 9. 485 : —
'Heu, terra ignota, canibus date praeda Latinis
Alitibusque iaccs ! '
1. 474. praeceptorum, i. e. not to fight. Aemilius Paulus' martyr-
dom certainly had its reward, The Fabian policy was adopted after his
death.
1. 476. reiis, 'lest I have a second time to stand on my defence on
vacating my consulship.' In 219 B. c. Paulus and M. Livius had tinished
the Illyrian War, and had been charged afterwards with misappro-
priation of the spoils. Livius was fined, and retired into private life,
till he consented to come forvvard again and share vvith Claudius Nero
the glory of the battle of the Metaurns. Aemilius had been acquitted.
1. 477. crimine, ' by bringing a charge against another.'
1. 479. eos. The MSS. have ' exigentes,' which would mean 'accu-
rately examining.' But, as this is not what they were doing, Madvig
reads ' eos.'
Thus ended the battle of Cannae ; 80,000 men were lost for Rome that
day ; the city expected its conqueror at once. ' But he came not ; and
if panic had for one moment unnerved the iron courage of the Roman
aristocracy, on the next their inborn spirit revived ; and their resolute
will, striving beyond its present power, crealed, as is the law of oui
nalure, the power which it required.'
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