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Harbatli CoUrgr lidrarg
FROM THE
FRANCIS PARKMAN
MEMORIAL FUND
FOR
CANADIAN HISTORY
ESTABUSRKD IN I908
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fftarbatt College librars.
THE PARKMAN COLLECTION.
FRANCIS PARKMAN.
(M.C. ilM).
RfhMd ymmmmry rf% i8g4.
. V
.P
^jjOi
^^■t
e
A HISTORY
oir TUB T0W2ft or
BRISTOL AND BREMEN
ur Tus
. STATE OF MAINE,
IN'CLUDLN'G TUB PEM.AQUID SETTLEMENT.
JOHN JOHNSTON, LL.D.,
A KATITB or BWtTOL. A3ID rUOrSMOB SJiUIUTOS OF VATCUAL ICICXCB W TUB nUTAX
UKirciwiTT, moxnjnvwx* ooxjr., axo v>xi. h*%, or nu jiAun mivtobicav •oacrr.
ALBANY, y, r.-
JOEL MUNSKLL.
187a.
75-
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I:
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i\ y
A HISTORY
or TUK Towjit or
V
BRISTOL AND BREMEIJ,
ul^
STATE OF MAINE, .
INCLUDmG THE PBMAQUID SETTLEMENT.
JOHN_iOHNSTON, LL.D.,
A MATIT* or SMtTOL* AXD raOriMOB CJiaUTCt or VATmUL I
^
//
ALBANY, K 7^
JOBL MUN8KLL.
1873.
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ill ^tl K I^M
"-•->'^-°> Ti > - '
Harr-rd 0>llo2e Library
Bet^nest of
FatLfSfOia PARKMAN
17 Jao. 1894
/
I MMrthw l»lflt«ffOM«l«MfeiMtfiVim
HARVARD UNIVEKSITY
LIORARY
. JUL 1 5 1982
I.
PREFACE.
This work) though belonging to that class denominated
local histories, to a considerable extent, describes events
and transactions more or less intimately connected with
the early history of the whole north Atlantic coast This is
trueatleastofmuchof the first part. In preparing the work
the author has considered himself as particolariy addressing
the citizens of the place, most of them the neighbors and
friends of his youth, or their direct descendants ; and in
the belief that they would be particularly interested, like
himself, in the ancient histoiy of their native place, much
labor has been expended on this part and much space
allotted to it, though it becomes necessary, as a consequence^
to exclude considerable matter relating to modem times
that had been prepared, and, were it possible, would
gladly have been included. To have merely described
the transactions that took place here would have been
comparatively an easy task ; but to show the real import*
ance imd significance of these transactions, required a
wider range of view, and an examination of their relations
to events simultaneously transpiring in other places on the
coast, and even in Europe.
Free use has been made of every source of information
within the author^s reach, but all important statements, as
for as possible, have been traced to their original sources.
That immense receptacle of original documents pertaining
to the early history of New England, the HasBacJitmtU
ArchiveSf contained in some 240 or more volumes, and
preserved in the State House in Boston, was explored
quite thoroughly, and with considerable profit, as the
attentive reader will not fiul to observe.
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Frbfacb,
Mr. Thoraton'8 " Ancient Pemoquid " {Mauie HisL Soc.
Cki.^ Vol. y)y served as an excellent guide in the author's
lesearcheB; but it is proper to say that much of the ground
had been explored before that work was published.
The author has supposed it a special duty to give a
plain and unbiassed account of persons and events coming
under oonsideration, but he has not hesitated to express
an opinion in any case where it seemed to be called for.
I^ on some not unimportant points, his opinions are found
to differ essentially f]x>m those expressed by others, it has
not been because of a desire to be peculiar, or because of
any want of respect toward the views of those differing
from him, but only because, in his. own judgment, the
incontrovertible facts required it
Extracts from original documents and letters have been
freely introduced, in the belief that we thus get a more
vivid and faithful picture of the persons and events
described. These extracts are always given exactly as
they are found in the originals, without any attempt to
correct errors whether in orthography or grammar. In
some cases the authors were really illiterate, but this is
not to be inferred because of peculiarities observed in their
modes.of spelling words, or peculiar modes of expression.
In those early times great diversity in the modes of
spelUng words, including even proper names, was allowed.
The same person would at different times use different
modes of spelling his own name.
The author takes pleasure in expressing his obligations
to many friends who have, in different ways, aided him in
the preparation and publication of the work ; but to none
has he been under more obligation than to those old
friends of his boyhood, William and James H. Hackelton,
Esqs., and Hon. Arnold Blaney, without whose coopera-
tion it probably would never have been given to the public.
Many others also have extended kindly lud in different
modes, but the names are too many to be inserted here.
The author^s researches have been carried on, more or
t
1
-UK
I
Pkefacr. V
lcs», in nearly all the larger public libraries in New
England and the city of New York, and in all of them,
without exception, he has found the librarians and their
assistants kind and obliging, and ready to afford all the
facilities in their power. The same remark will apply to
•several of the clerks in the secretary's office in Boston, but
especially to Mr. H. J. Coolidge, who has long occupied a
desk there, and who seemed never wearied by the repeated
calls made upon him.
Only a small part of the material collected for the work
hi^ in reality been used in its preparation. As is known
to many of the citi/^eus, much material had been collected
with the design of preparing pedigrees of many of the
older families ; but it was found that space could not be
allowed for them, vrithout unduly extending the size of
the volume. '
The islands near the coast were considered of much
greater relative imi>ortance in the early times than at
present; and a separate chapter devoted to their history
was prepared, but necessarily excluded for the same
reason.
The Authob.
MlDDLKTOWN, Ct., Oot. 1, 1873.
K
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DIREOnONS TO BINDER. *
Foffti»li«rAiUMr, iDlMtTlUa.
M^ -.. ^ 1
^rtmil«IGon.8iaiMlTMkflr» M4
" flott.AnoldBUMj, Wt
.jMMtSnkla^ 4S7
hmW^mt^ 449
OaLiHMMlT.HMi* ^
' 40f
C0BBS0TI0N8, Aa
Flikfe68. Nmt tiie bottom, for ''CSikpt Ktwag«o (BoocUMgrr vmA Oi^K«w«
•gmi (Souihport).
PAgoSS. For ''Bi^7diiee''re»diN!^jftf 1100. This was thoaadoBt bum for tho
pretent QmiSimi It wm «1w«jb proaoinoed Bogadneo^ oad oIIm ■•
written.
Page 85. Seoond UAeofioeoiidiMurAgrapli. For "tbolreftttw" food iUfOMiai.
Ptge88. NMTtlie middle of tlie page for ''foTWtfd''raftd/drNML
PigeSO. Note. For " but there Is not/' rmd M ii (Xtfiv iiW.
Page 100. Lest Une of first pertsrieph. For ** lirers " fsed nfsei.
Page 174. For " Abensqnises ** reed Abcnaque^,
PegeSn. Note at bottom. For ** St. John's Tower "rmd at. JMn's 2Wml
Page 858. Near middle. For * 1086 and 1087 " read 1998 «iul 19S7.
Page 818. Near middle. For ''storm" read sTsni.
Page}»8. Near middle or page; Strike out the word ''sfo."
Page 888. For the name ''Qondj " hsn^ and in one or twie elhsr plaess^ read
Page 885. The name "WilUam,*" near middle of the page sletrtf U In mudl
eapUaU, Uke the names JAms/ A]cxiB,*4eH«&d in Uie same perpsA-
dicolar line with them. He masried not Maif Oon^f (printed
Gondx) ^ui Marif Clark,
Page445.Note. Fbr " (1707 and 1787)" Nad (1787 «mI 1747)u
Page 400. Near top or page. IVv" 1854 "read 1881
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OUBMAP.
Tke map kere flfen to pecnlkr, bit will Bot be uimoc^puble
to the people o( ibe plaee. It roprceenta the place with the pre-
oeat roada and eoiiie modern hnprorcmeiita, but containt the
naueo onljr of tboaa kBows to icaide here ia 17ul. It was the
latentkm, at first, to Inaert the namca of the present rcsideiits,
la the naaaer of the reeeat eoaaty mapa; bat the siae of a
aMp that to to be Inserted In a book to noc essarHj limited, and
beeaass of the sbmJI space It waa foond impossible to Introdaoe
tha namea leglbljr. Most of the namea were taken ftom North's
aMp, prepared Ibr the Kenaebee proprietora, In Dooomber of the
jear BMatkmed ; bat the namea of all others hare been added
whose plasss of reaidenee were known. North's map did not
Indada the eastern part of the town, for the reason that tlio
Kenaebee proprietor's daim did not eitond eastof the PeaMqold
REFERENCES.
In the lafeieneea to aathoritiea la the notes the asoal abbre-
TiatloBaare need, and will need no apedal explanations, eteept in
a sinfle I n s tan ce. I4n6$lt^ Report, or Zin, Rep,, 1811, Indicatea
a Toiy fanportaat doeaaMnt* now yerj rare, enUtled "Order of
both bfanebsaof the Legtolatore of Massachasetts, to appoint
Ow n rntosUnw a to Intaatlgatethe OiaMtof the Diljletiftiaf In the
Osnntjr of Lincoln, and the leport of the GomnUssloneia thereon,
I In anppafi thereof, Boston, 1811."
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HISTOET
BRISTOL AND BREMEN.
CHAPTER L
Gcaenl I>eferlptSoo oftlM PUM«»MliMiito---Otolog7.
The two towDshipf of Bristol and Bremen oocnpy nearly the
whole of the peninsula lying between the Damariscotta river on
the west and the Musoongus sound and bay on the east, and
have on the north the towns of Damariscottai Kobleboro, and
Waldoboro. The territory is in the south part of Lincoln
county, in the state of Maine ; and the southern point, extend-
ing several miles into the Atlantic ocean, fi>nns a pron^inent
head-land, long known to navigators on the coast as Pemaquid
point A light-house was erected on the point in 1824.
Three miles north of the extreme point, on the west side, is
Pemaquid harbor, which, being easily accessible and very safe
for ships at all seasons of the year, was in early times, and in £sct
still is a place of frequent resort by vessels sailing on the coast
West of the point, and extending some distance south of it, is
Euthcrford's island, so named, it is said, from Sev. Bobert Bu-
therford, who came here as chaplain to Governor Dunbar in
1729, and probably resided for a time on the island. It is con-
nected with the main-land by a stone bridge.
The name Petnaquut first occurs in Strachqr's account of the
Popham ^ expedition, in 1607, and designates the harbor already
mentioned; and an indefinite territory in the vicinity. The
name is to be understood as the English rendering of an Indian
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2 HuroKT 09 BunoL avb Bumbv.
word more or lets retembling it io toaad, but the troe pronaii-
ciatkm otwhidk canoot now be determined.^
By AeeonUe determinatioiie of the officers of the Uaited States
ooMt sarFejy the light-house is foaiid to be io 48^ 61' K. lot
and 9r ay W. loog.
On the south, frrai the pointi the view of the Atlando is en-
tirdy UDobstroeted, bat to the south-east and east lie the large
island of Monh^gan, and the claster of smaller islands^ called the
Geoiges or St Oeorges islands.
From the point where the light-house stands, the coast extends
north-north-east ten or twelre miles nearly in a straight line to
Greenland core in the town of Bremen. Nearly three miles
from the southern point of the peninsula on the east side is New
Harbor, which with BackcoTC, the two uniting at thdr mouth,
form two connderable indentations into the land which serre as
Taluable harbors for the many small vessels always engaged here
in the fishing bn^ess.
• Bound pond is another small harbor still further north,
formed by an indentation from Muscongus bay, having Mus-
eongus island stretched two miles or more in a north and south
direction in front of its mouth, and efiectually protecting it from
the winds and waves to which it would otherwise be exposed
from the east
Another small indentation, a mile or more north of Bound
pond, constitutes Muscongus harbor, so called, into which a
•mall stream empties from Muscongus pond.*
Broad cove in the north-eastern part of Bremen, separating
it in part from Waldoboro, is often mentioned in documents .
pertdning to the ancient history of this region. It is some
ilfteen miles from the light-house on the point, and formerly con*
•titutsd the north-eastern boundary of the town of Bristol.
* TIm stSM to fMsd la lw«i^ or mora ImM UDong Englitb and Frsach ^
'WmiMMOA (att.^MaiM, I, p. STy, tad 0UienaAflrhlB(ir4ilMlfiM. (ML, it* p.
ieS»MidBitM,iiii. Tr«fTf%p.l8),M|»|K)ietlMiMlIndlMMUMWMP«n4iftta-
mg^rPmuiquUm, •ad ^ftfAtMj ■tgniled lengpeUU, bul bj oUien ihto npUuM^
Sloa it Ml AMoptodL TIm kte Bar. Dr. BalUrd of Bmntirtek, Uiouglit the word
tanmm tr$$kt d fi9$r, or ot tlio orookod river, wMoh ItowoTordoeo not ■eomto
b•pof«lMkr|7appropfl«lo«otlleplMo(^.AaNMrAtrMy,18SS,^S45). Pm-
FitmfM, PmmaqwU, PinhtU, P$akiiU, PaUeuU, Pencoii, PemkuM§, Pmnaktag,
«• olhoraollMdooripeaiBf aadptoMwdsf tboMaoMtaoUj fMmdoBoagtko
eUwitltis.
• •PMkaMlfasMraptlMorthioMLidiaa
I 1
. HsnoaT ot Bustol avo Bebmu. 8
West of Pemaquid point, and lying between it and Euiher-
ford's island, is John's bay, containing several smaU islands,
and connected with it is John's riTcr,* which U only an arm of
the sea, extending a few miles northward into the land.
Damariscotta river, the Tamiscot of Heylin, 1645, constitutes
tiie wesUm boundary botb of Bristol, and tiie town of Damaris-
cotta. The tide flows up this river some eighteen miles or
more to tiie village known as Damariscotta Mills. On tiie
opposite or west side of the Damariscotta river are tiie towns of
Boothbay, Bdgecomb, and Newcastie.
Besides die islands which have already been incidentally men-
tioned, there are several otiiers usually considered as belonging
to Bristol, which were in early times considered of some import-
ance, and even contwned some femUies as settlers, as tiie Da-
marisoove islands, which constitute a group lying several mUes
soutii west oT Pemaquid point Furtiier notice will be taken of
them hereafter. ^ . , . t^ « . j
The only stream of importance in Bristol is the Pemaquid
river, which tokes its rise beyond tire northern limits of tiie
town in several ponds, lying partly in the towns of Nobleboro,
and Damariscotta, and partly between tiiese towns and tiie
town of Bremen. One of tiiese, caUed Pemaquid pond is some
six miles in length, and a mile wide at the broadest place. It
lies partly in Nobleboro, and serves in part as a natural bound-
ary between Damariscotta and Bremen. Biscay pond connects
with the former on the soutii ; it serves as a natural boundary
on the north between Bremen and Damariscotta, and, on tiie
soutii, between Bremen and .Bristol. Several smaller ponds
are connected wltii tiie two just named by small streams, as
Muddy pond and Littie pond in Damariscotta, Dockpuddle
pond, lying between Waldoboro and Nobleboro, anU McCordy
pond ill Bremen.
Pemaquid river has several frllsin its course which afford
sites for mill's and factories; but unfortunately, the supply of
water, though plentiful in tiie wet season, is liable to fril en-
tirely in seasons of drought. The lower fiUls on tiie stream, at
the Palls village, occur just above tiie pwnt where tiie fresh
water of tiie stream empties into tiie tide water of the bay, two
t Jdl«'.rtfor, Joha-i W.aiid Jol«'i ldiad,«a«« P^^^^^^Hi^
Smiih'imapor 1014, ia which tho awno, gi. Jolm Towao to pU«d a«r thto lo^
csUl7.-ifsi«. nUL (kSL, [•], vin. Map.
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4 HuntOKT 09 Brnmoh ivd Bummk.
mile^ ftboT6 the site of the old fort Here probably the first
mills were erected in all thie region ; hot no account of them
hat eome down to nt. Here on the eaet side of the stream are
•till to be fonnd the remains of an old canal, which begins jnst
where the conntiy road now is, and extends downward many
rods, keeping at abont the same level on the bank, and having
several lateral or side canals apparently for conveying water to
mill-wheels situated there.*
The falls at the Mills village furnish good sites for mills,
which have not been neglected ; and farther down the stream,
in the Fountain neighborhood, are other falls, on which mills
have been erected, but the descent of the water is not sufficienjk
to allow any considerable accumulation of power.
Muscongus stream originates in Muscongus pond in Bremen ;
aiidf running southerly only a fow hundred rods, empties into
Muscongus harbor. There are two fiills on the stream.
In both the Pemaquid and the Muscongus streams the early
settlers were accustomed to take large quantities of alewives
and shad in the spring of the year, but only a very few are now
caught In ftct, no shad have been taken for many years, but
the alewives still return each spring, in small numbers, to make
their ascent to the ponds above, where they deposit their spawn.
The geology of Bristol and neighboring towns is decidedly
granitic; the rocks are what geologists call metamorphic, being
mostiy gneiss and mica-slate; but they are traversed, in many
places, by veins of granite, which occasionally forms large
masses, and is advantageously quarried for building purposes.
These rocks lie mostly in parallel ridges in the direction of
K.S. £., and W. S. W; in fact, on nearly the whole east-
ern shore, firom the light-house at the point, to the northern
limit of the town, the further encroachment of the sea is pre-
vented by a barrier of rock. Indeed it is these rocky barriers,
which give to the coast of this part of the state of Maine its
present conformation, the earth having been removed by the con-
•tant dashing of the waves, wherever it has not been protected
by the immovable rocks. That part of the coast of Maine be-
tween the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers is not unlike the
lingers of the hand, being made so by the parallel ridges of
rode, which, more or less covered with soil, extend down into
I
.1
HisTOBT ov Bristol ivn Besmut.' 5
the ocean, the tide flowing up many miles between tiiem in the
rivers Sfaeepscott, Damariscotta, Muscongus, and 8t G^rge.
The township of Bristol is divided into two nearly equal
parts by the Pemaquid stream, each part having its separate
ridge of underlying rock. In the eastern part, the rock shows
itself at the surface almost continuously from south to north
quite to the northern line of Bremen ; but, in the western part,
the rock is more concealed by the overlying soil.
The eastern shore of Bristol, and adjacent islands afford ex-
cellent opportunities for the study pf those rocks, which are
kept bare by the constant dashing of the waves. Dr. Jack-
son ' gives a very good description of their appearance in some
places, visited by him, in the course of his survey of the state.
** At the extremity of Pemaquid point, which is a long rocky
promontory, there are some remarkable geological phenomena.
The rocks are generally gneiss and mica slate, the strata running
N. 43*» K, S. 48^ W, while the dip is N. W. or 8. K, according
to the time of disruption and fracture, produced by the upturn-
ing strata, which was effected by the huge beds and v^ns of
granite.
At the extreme point, below the light-house, may be seen a
remarkable instance of this violent intrusion of a granite vein,
the strata of mica slate having been turned completely over by
the iojectcd vein. Hero we remark the contortions of the mica
slate, and the curve where it was bent over by the upheaving
and ovorturoing veins of granite. The vein is from twelve to
thirty feet wide, and runs N. 80^ K, 8. 80<^ W. On its eastern
side, the strata of mica slate dip S. E. 60^ and on its western
side N. W. 60^. Huge masses of the protruding granite have
been broken off, and removed from thirty to fifty yards to the
westward. One of those blocks measures eighteen feet square ;
another is twenty-five feet long by eight feet wide, the former
being thirty yards and the latter fifty yards from the parent vein.^
Cases similar to these may be seen at other places on the
point, and north along the eastern shore, and on the shores of
the adjacent islands.
Dr. Jackson describes an interesting dyke of trap or basalt
(as he calls it), on the estate of Mr. J^hua House, now in the
town of Damariscotta, and just north of the line of Bristol It
is near a granite vein, and shows itself again on the shore of
■ (TM^ i/ir4iiiM» 8d AanaAl Bapofft, p. Oe.
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6 HmomT ov Bkistol avp BEBimr.
Biacaj pond.* The rook it decidedly colamnar in its «tnio-
tore, and forme a Toin or dyke in the granite from twelre to
thirty ftet in width. Probably, by careful examination, it may
be traced much farther back to the north-west and the south-
east
Another well characterised Tein or dyke of basalt occurs at
Femaquid harbor, and in ftct constitutes the wall or promon-
tory of rock on the west side which so perfectly protects the
harbor on the south. No visitor can fitil to notice the different
color and appearance of this rock from the surrounding granite
and gneiss. It is of a dark gray color, where it has been long
exposed to the weather, but is often of a beautifal blue or green
when recently broken. Its texture is compact and hard ; and
unlike the gneiss and mica slate it is fractured with equal faci-
lity in every direction, showing that it is not ciystaline. It gene-
rally withstands the action of the weather better than the granite
rocks ; and it seems to be in consequence of this that the rocky
promontory, alluded to at the barbor is preserved in its present
form. This projection from the western side is often called
the Barbican, by early writers ; and, as we shall hereafter see,
many important transactions have taken place upon it.'
On the east side there is no appearance of the dyke in the
immediate vicinity, but two miles or more to the north-east,
near the head of Longcove there are distinct traces of it, and
also half a mile further in the same direction on the eastern
sbore, north of Long-cove point Here the trap rock occurs
in large masses and has been known in the neighborhood as the
indigo rocks, from the supposed resemblance of the cubical
masses to lumps of indigo, as it is often purchased. Persons
examining it at this point may easily be deceived as to its true
character, from the &ct that the vein, though preserving its true
characteristics^ is nearly horizontal, having been intruded be-
tween the nearly horixontal strata of the inclosing metamorphic
rocks. Over a surfiu^eof many square rods, one side of the vein
is entirely exposed, the overlying stratum of gneiss having been
removed by the action of the waves. On the shore, both north and
south of the trap vdn, for a distance of several rods, detached
masses of the trap are found in abundance ; and on the west side
of thepoint^ the smooth blue pebbles, frequentiy occurring and so
' >««ilifyi/JMM,SiA»B«dB6porl,p,Si.
^
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M i m i uy I i i wu* ■ ■'^■^> , ■ M p ^ ^
HisToax Of Beistol avd BEBMJor. 7
easily distinguished from the granite pebbles, are to be reftrred
to the same origin.^
These dykes or veins of trap are often vexy extensive, and if
the proper examination should be made in a south-western direc-
tion fromPemaquid harbor even into the township of Boothbay
or &rther, it is quite probable that traces of it would be dis-
covered.
There is appearance of trap in the road near Bound pond, a
short disUnce south of Mr. David ChamberlMn's, but it is not
known whether it makes a part of a dyke.
The soil of all this region is, of course, granitic, but in some
places it is light and sandy, while in others, clay abounds. In
many places, clay suitable for making brick is abundant, and the
inhabitants have for many years manufactured bricks in suffi-
cient quantity for their own use. At the present time, many are
also made for the Boston and other markets. The cultivated
fields are of limited extent because of the broken nature of the
surface, and the frequent protrusion of the underlying rocks.
In some phices the granitic rocks rise considerably above the
general level, and are only partly covered by soil. Nearly all
these hills were originally covered with a stunted growth of
trees ; and sometimes, where the first growth has been removed,
it has been succeeded by a second, in which the prevailingspedes
will almost always be different from those of the first. As a ge-
neral rule, applicable to other parU ot North America, as well
as to this, when the primitive forest is composed mostly of deci-
duous trees, as the oak, maple, beech, etc, the growth succeed-
ing will be made op mostly of conifene, as the spruce, pine, fir,
and other oveigraens. Many interesting fiicts bearing on this
topic, so often discussed by naturalists, might be collected here.'
The true metamorphic rocks, as are most of this region, sel-
dom contain interesting mineral species, but in the granite,
and especially the quarts veins, that always traverse them, they
are sometimes, of frequent occurrence. Unfortunately, no public
or other works have been undertaken here, requiring extensive
excavation in the rocky masses so as to bring into view their
hidden contents ; but a few species are known to present them-
I An old man who Urod in the neighborhood wm •centtomed to eeU the timp peb-
blee» mapUmoHes,tor the roMon that, eompared with gimaite or gnclM pcVhlee,
thejpfeeeoted to his mind adinlBiUarttj not ttaUkothal ihiimhyaiepU Mdeek
woed.tbeeebelogthetwoeein]iioBWoodelBthie legUNi.
* Bmmtm*i Jmmud, xlt, SOS.
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8
Hnion Of Beuiol in Bbbmht.
fdvet At (he sarfiiee. Among these are quarts and feldspar
ei78tal8| black toormalinei beiyl^ oliTine, hornblende, iron
pyrites, and bog iron one. The tonrmalines occnr in granite
near Mnscongus harbor, and thirtj-fiTS or forty years ago some
persons put in several blasts with the Tiew to remove them, npon
the supposition that they were eoalt Of course, if they had
understood the merest alphabet of geology, they would have
known that the occurrence of coal among granite rocks is im-
possible. Many years ago it was reported that plumbago had
been discovered in the southwest part of Bristol, but the report
needs confirmation.
Dr. Jackson, when making his exploration of the state, dis-
covered a small deposit of bog iron ore on the &rm of Mr.
Wm. McCobb, a little distance southeast of the Falls village,
but the quantity to be obtained is small. The composition of
the iron ore he found to be protoxide of iron 68 per cent, water
SS per cent, and silica 16 per cent There are also indications
of arsenic.^
Kearly all the swamps contain peat which however is better
knoVm among the people generally as swamp mud, or muck.
In some places, as in the vicinity of Pemaquid pond, in Bre-
men, depodts of peat are found many feet in thickness, but
genially they are more shallow. They usually rest on sand.
It is probable that in connection with some, at least, of those
peat depodts, beds of shell marl would be found by a proper
examination. This is a valuable manure. Very often roots
and trunks of large trees are found inclosed in the peat
The deeper peat beds, especially those near large ponds, are
constantly saturated with water, but the more shallow deposits,
in seasons of drought, often become thoroughly dried, and, in
several instances, have been known to become ignited and
bam for many days. This was the case with several peat
swamps, in the Long-cove neighborhood, about 1828 or 1824.
The peat, in some places, was burned to the depth of two feet or
more, and occasionally, trees of considerable size were burned
down. The fires condnued many days, until at length extin-
guished by the autumnal rains. The appearance of the surface
at this time clearly indicated that similar fires had occurred in
these beds at an eariier period, and the holes burned out at the
time alluded to, remained pUnly to be seen for many years.
w> v%.m ^ vi ii niy p pi
HisTOBT OF Bristol m Baxicxv. 9
If some enterprising individual or company should undertake
the preparation of peat for the market, from some of these de-
posits, it is by no means certun that it would prove an unprofit-
able business.
CHAPTEBn.
WUdAnimAU of Um Region. The KaUtv THbet.
Among the wild animals found here, the moose, the deer, and
bears and wolves, were the largest and the most important
The moose disatipeared entirely from this immediate viiuniQrt
probably as early as the time of the Revolutionary war ; but the
old men, fifty years ago, were accustomed to tell interesting
stories of their exploits in shooting and capturin^^ them. They
were perfecdy harmless animals, and their fiesh was esteemed
good fdod. In the summer season they wandered separately in
the woods or fed about the brooks and swamps, frequently fol-
lowing the channels of the streams, and cropping the grass
from the banks. Their necks are so short, that, on the level
ground, they can scarcely reach td crop the grass. In the win-
ter they collected together in herds, from a kind of instinct-
ive sociality, or perhaps the better to protect themselves against
their enemies. When the snow was deep a herd would remain
many days, verj' nearly in the same spot, treading the snow
down over a space of many square rods, or even acres, and
feeding entirely upon the twigs of such shrubs and trses as
were within their reach.
At a distance of eighty or a hundred miles from the sea coast,
moose were occasionally seen as late as the beginning of the
present century; and the late Bev. Joshua Soule, D.D., one of
the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and afterwards
of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, in the early days of
his ministry,.used to boast of his prowess in shooting a moose,
2
U-
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HiBTon OF Bautol AMD Bbbmbit.
whan bat a hay I The fiunily Uyad in .the town of Avon where
the exploit was probably performed.*
Theee animali were yeiy timid and verj fleet of foot, and
could be approached only with the greatest caution. When
alarmed they T'ould make their way through the forett^and
through the tangled thicket with a speed surpassing that of the
swiftest race horse, their cloven hooft all Uie time makiug a
loud clicking noise. The immense horns of the male are shed
every year. When heruns, these are laid back upon hb neck
and shoulders, so as to interfere as little as possible with his
motion through the forest.
According to the description of the old men of the last gene-
ration, his ** mode of motion " was a peculiar trot, which would
be scarcely broken as he passed, at full speed, over an ordinary,
or even a high fence.
Some of Uie fitthers of New England entertained the notion
that the moose might be domesticated, and made serviceable
to man; but the few attempts of the kind, that have been re>
corded, were unsuccessful. A young one, taken in the- town of
Warren, became quite tame, so as to be allowed to go about
without restraint. During the day, he generally remained
quietly at home, but in the night he would seek his fiood in the
neighboring swamps and marshes.*
Deer were common in Bristol as well as other parts of the
state, but it is believed that they were never as plentiful as the
moose. Their flesh was esteemed as excellent food ; and laws
were passed, as early as 1764, by the legislature of Massachu-
setts, for the protection both of deer and moose.*
From and after August 11th, of each year, until Dec. 21st,
they might be hunted, but severe penalties wore inflicted upon
persons hunting them at other seasons ; and towns were required
annually to appoint officers, called deer-reeves, whose special
duty it was to see that the law was observed. In the town of
Bristol these officers seem never to have been appointed.
Bears and wolves were abundant in Bristol and other places on
the sea-cosst, as well as in the interior of the state. Both wore
considered natural enemies of the settlers, and were, of course,
hunted and destroyed without mercy. The bears remained con-
stantly in the same region, apparently never wandering fiur from
•Bsv. r. ▲. losK nlstifs sf tlM BlilMp.
i
r
m J >i I wi^m^m
HisTORT OF Beistol akd BBBmor.
11
their d^ns. Sheep and calves, and even swine, were never se-
cure ftom their attacks, and occasionally they made sad havoc
among tlie herds of the settlers. Sometimes they would seixe
upon children, but it was only when suddenly fallen upon, or
when disturbed while eating thdr prey, or attending upon their
young.
The bear, in all ordinaiy circumstances, was always inclined
to flee from the presence of man ; but the old people used to
relate instances in which a man and a bear have been driven
by circumstances to engage in single combat I In such a case,
according to tradition, the bear would throw himself upon his
haunches, and standing nearly erect, would defend himself with
his fore paws so dexterously that the man, though armed with
an axe or club, could scarcely inflict upon him a serious blow.
Bears are fond of green com, and the flelds of the early set-
tlers not unfrequently suffered ftx>m their depredations. To pro-
tect the fields, traps were set, and snares laid, which often proved
effectual. A huge and ferocious bear, with one foot in a power*
ful trap, is said to become at once Angularly pliable and docile.
Mr. Alexander Fossett, who died in 1824, used to relate an in-
stance, in which a man, having caught a large black bear in a
trap, actually seised him by the shaggy hair of his neck, aud led
him a distance to a convenient place to dispatch him, the trap
all the time dangling at his foot! Occasionally, loaded guns,
were placed in the field, with a line attached to the trigger, and
stretched to a distance directly in front, in such a manner that
the animal pressing against it, or striking it with his feet, would
cause a discbarge, lodging the contents in his body. In one case,
a man had provided this means of defence for his cornfield, but
was surprised to find in the morning that bis cow, liaving bro-
ken into the field, had received the shot intended for a bear.
This practice was at length discontinued because of its obvious
danger to innocent men, as well as to guilty bears.
The wolves were accustomed to wander over lai^e tracts of
country ; and, in any particular district, for many months, per-
haps, no traces of them would be seen, but suddenly they would
again make their appearance, often destroying several fiocks of
sheep in a single night Generally, two or more would be to-
gether; and thehavoc they would make in a neighborhood, on a
single visit, was often astonishing. It was always observed, that,
after committing their depredaUons at any point, they never re*
^^&igJ 4 i ? gM a t-.fey.
i^
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HiSTOBT OF Bristol avd BRiicnr.
tamed immediJitely to the eame place. HaTing gorged their
appetite, hj a soocesefiil fora/i at a partioolar place, it would be
nataral to expect their retorn again very soon, bat such was not
their mode of operating. The place of their attack one night,
was sore to be anmited, by the same indiTidaals, for some nights
afterward ; bat their depredations would perhaps be heard of
in another neighborhood, at the distanceof several miles.
Soon after the incorporation of the town of Bristol, in 1765,
a bounty of X2 was voted for wolves' heads ; and frequent en-
tries in the records show that the law was not a dead letter.
Some years they voted to give for the head of a foil grown wolf
£% bot foi whelps only half as much. For a year or two, dur-
ingthe war of the revolution, the bounty offered was less. The
bounty appears to have been discontinued about the dose of
the last century ; and the sight of a bear or wolf in the town,
since that time, has probably been rare. It was reported late
in the summer of 1825, that a bear was seen in some place in
the north part of the town; and as extensive fires had prevailed
in the woods of the interior a littie previously, it is probable that
the animal had been driven from his usual hiding places, and
obliged to seek a place of greater safety. It is not known that
any in a wild state, have been since seen in the town.
When the ships from Europe first visited the coast of Maine,
beavers were abundant in the country ; but, as they cannot exist
in the presence of civilized man, it is probable they became ex-
tinct, at a very early period. Many remains of their dams are
however still to be seen. Ponds of considerable extent were
often produoed by these dams ; but, generally, judging from the
localities examined by (he writer, the water in them must have
been very shallow. But it was sufficient to destroy the trees and
anderbrush previously growing on the land thus o?erflowed;
and when the beavers were driven away and the dams demol-
ished, the wild grass, springing up luxuriantly, oftered to the
early settier advantages for securing a supply of hay not to be
despised. The hay was indeed of a miserably poor quality, but
it was eagerly sought after in thoee early times.
Oapt John Smith,* whose history is so indissolubly connected
with that of I^ooahontas, whatever may be trae in regard to
particular transactions, came to this region early in the summer
of 1614, and remained several months, himself engaged in trad-
*CM.
AM. AMn M MTtai^ viu, p. as.
HisTOBT or Bristol avd Brxmbv.
18
ing with the natives for beaver and other fors, while the sail-
ors were laying in large stores of fish. Bxb ship seems to have
remained at the island of Monhegan ; but he, with eight others,
ranged the coast for a distance of 20 leagues or more, and obtained
for trifles no less than 11000 beaver skins, 100 martins, and
as many otters. The same year, the French adventurers ob-
tained on the coast, farther northward, no less than 25000 beaver
skins. Capt Levett * too, who visited Capmanwagan (now
Southport), in the winter of 1628, and saw there numbers of the
Pemaquid Indians, with Samosett their chief, frequently speaks
of beaver and otter skins as common articles of trade.
Otters probably were not as abundant as the beaver, but they
were taken in considerable numbers, and their fur was very
highly esteemed. Though fewer in number than the beaver,
the speciee was not so soon extirpated, and even in modem
times, occasionally, a stray individual has been caught
One of the earliest attractions to this region was the abund-
ance offish found everywhere on the coast, and, at certain sea-
son8,in thestreams running from the interior. Oodandhaddock
are frequently mentioned by the early travelers as being taken
on the coast, and salmon, shad, and alewives, as being found in
the spring in most of the rivers. These latter, beingmore easily
taken than the cod and haddock, were greatiy prized both by
the natives and the early settiers ; and many skirmishes between
the two parties took place at the fish streams.
Wild fowl, too, were common in those days. Besides theseveral
kinds of ducks, that remained during the year, in the spring and
autumn, wild geese tarried a few days to rest themselves after
their long flight. Occasionally, in some retired spot, a single
goose remained, during the summer, to rear her young brood,
and less fireqaentiy, a small flock ventured to pass the winter
here, in spite of the cold, and the snow and ice, which often in-
terfered greatly to prevent them from procuring their daily siq;>-
ply of food.*
It is not easy, at this day,* to determine the exact location of
the various tribes of Indians who inhabited the eonntry, nor
their relationship to each other. Very frequently the same
tribe was known by several diflTerent names, or the same name
was applied to diflferent tribes. The latter mistake, however,
was ranch less common than the former.
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u
Emovt Of Bkistol akd Bbbmbn.
Aooordlngto Williamion.* theaboriginal inliabitants of Maine
were iDcloded in two great dirtaions, the Abemkis, and the
^leehmmeif the former of whom lived mostly in the western
part of the state, and along the eoast east as far, at least, as
tiie riTer 8t Geoi^ge; while the ktter had their residenee
iSmher east, between the Penobscot and the 8t John rivers.
As the same author suggests, it is very certain they originally
were united as one people, as they had essenUally the same
language, and were characterized by the same peculiarities.
At what time they became separated it is impossible now to de-
termine, but a fierce war was carried on between them for some
years, a little before the first settlement was commenced at
Pemaquid.
Those who first became acquainted with the natives of this
wgion speak of a btuhaba^ or great ruler, whose authority ex-
tended over many tribes, and the sachems- of those several
tribes acknowledging him as their common sovereign. The
country over which he ruled was called Mavooshm, and probably
extended from the Piscataqua river to the Penobscot or even
farther east The chief residence of the bashaba is said, by
some, to have been at Pemaquid, but by others it is thought to
have been somewhere on the Penobscot If his residence was
on the Penobscot, it is certain that he belonged to the Abenakis;
and it is probable that he was slain, and his kingdom broken
up, during the wars between the western and the eastern In-
dians, about 1612-1617.
It is certain that be was living and in full possession of his
acknowledged authority, in the autumn of 1607, when the Pop-
ham expedition made their landing at the mouth of the Ken-
nebec They had been there only a few days when a large
company of the natives, in nine canoes, made them a visit : and
among them were Nahanada and Bkidwares, both of whom
had spent some time in England, having been kidnapped by
waymouth two years before. The Indians were desirous that
the white men should make a visit to the batkaba, for whom
*ilbfir|r<JMM^i,]».46t.
«rt»«4iae•tioMsrt]MMMWOfll,bookm,^M. ftagamoi^ adUef sTMeoiid
HisTOBT OF Beistol avd Basksv.
15
they appeared to entertain great respect ; and it was arranged
that Oapt Gilbert, commander of one of the ships of the expe-
dition, with some attendants, should be sent as representatives
of the colony. The matter being fully understood, as was sup-
posed, the Indians took their departure for Pemaquid, where, as
the English appear to have supposed, they were to remain un-
til the arrival of Gilbert and his par^. On account of several
unfavorable circumstances, it was six days before Capt Gilbert
and company reached Pemaquid, when they found, to their great
mortification, Nahanada, and the other Indians, whom be ex-
pected to accompany him, had already departed for the Penob-
scot, where the bashaba resided. They immediately followed,
in the hope of joining their Indian friends in the immediate pre-
cinct of the boihaba'a court i but having spent two days in a
vain search for the mouth of the river, and their supply of pro-
visions failing, they turned again to the new settlement.
This fiiilnre in itself appears of little consequence, but, had the
enterprise been successful, very probably important informa-
tion, in regard to this half-mythical character, the boihaba^
would hiive been obtained, that is now utteriy lost
Several weeks later, a brother of the bashaba^ with suitable
attendants, and some formalities, actually made the new colony
a visit, where they were respectfully and kindly entertained ;
but nothing further is sMd of the proposed visit to the august
ruler.*
The Abenakis, according to the authority before mentioned,
were divided into four tribes, vis : The Sekokit^ or Saoo Indians,
the AiUuagunUcooks, the Ouubat or Kennebec Indians, and the
Wawcnoek$. The Anasaguntiopoks had their chief residence at
P^epscot (Brunswick) but the whole valley of the Androscog-
gin was considered as their peculiar territory. They were at
one time numerous and powerful, and were noted for their
hatred of the English, though for a long time they were less
interfered with by the settlers than any of the neighboring
tribes.
The Oanibas, or Kennebec Indians occupied the banks of
the Kennebec above Menymeuting bay. The tribe consisted
of several subdivisions, or political fiunilies. They were for a
time more friendly to the English than the neighboring tribes.
•jiUiM/iif<.cwi^iii.iOMe7. P0pkm^ Mmn M , ^^e^.
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HiBTOBT Of BbISTOL AMD BrB|IBN.
Their chief residence was at Norridgewock ; and in later times
the tribe in consequence came to be known by this name.
Bat the tribe more especially interesting to ns, in connection
with this woric, was the WawenockSj whose territory extended
along the coast, from the month of tiie EennebeCy on the west,
to the river St. George, on the east, and perhaps quite to the
Penobscot
The great bashaba is belieyed to have been of this tribe.
Th«r prindpal residence, when the European adventurers first
became acquainted with them, was probably near Pemaquid,
' bat, at a later period, itwasat8heepscott,and they became known
as the SSuqpseoU Indians. According to Capt Francis,' a Penob-
scot chief, the name Wanneocks, or Wawenocks signifies /eor-
mg nothing^ very bravcj which seems to accord well with their
general character. Smith, who visited the place in 1614, says ;
*' they were active, strong, healthfnl, and very witty. The men
had a perfect constitution of body, were of comely proportion,
and quite athletic They would row their canoes faster with
five paddles than our own men would our boats with eight
oars.**
The people of this tribe were, like the Eennebec Indians,
more mild and gentle in their dispositions, and less inclined to
war than some of the neighboring tribes ; and for many years
no serious difficulty occurred between them and the English.
So fitr as is known, the Wawenocks and Eennebecs, were al-
ways on good terms with each other, and in the Indian wars,
they were always allies.
' In the great and devastating Indian war, which, as we have
seen, occurred about 1615 or 1616, the Wawenocks were greatly
reduced ; and the dreadful epidemic' of 1617, afimsted them still
more seriously. Nothing is heard of the great bashaba, after
this period, and it is supposed that he was slain in the war.
JFrom this time, they gradually dwindled away; and according
to Douglass,' in 1747, there were only two or three families
remaining. These, a year or two afterwards, emigrated to
Oanada, and joined themselves with the St Francis Indians.
The other great division of the Indian tribes, called the
Etodiemiiie, inhabited that part of the eountry between the
• i n BUmmm ' $Bid,Mmim, i, p> 4S7.
• Wt ahiOl Uvt seeMloa le isitf le tkli
•ftia AtfUMT €■•
1
|.> .
HxBXOBT or Bbisiol Am Baniiir.
17
Penobscot and the St. John rivers. There were at least three
tribes of Uteehemau ; the PenobscaUf or 7Urra(m««, the Openai^
go$ or PoMmaquoddy (after contracted to Quoddy) Indians, and
the Maleeites or Souriquois.
Of these, the Penobscots were the most numerous and warlike ;
and though living on the river of this name, they exerted a
powerful infiuence on the tribes living west of them even as
fiur as Massachusetts.
As is well known, a remnant of this tribe stUl remains, their
residence being on an Island in the Penobscot some ten or
twelve miles above the city of Bangor. It is understood that
their number is gradually diminishing, and apparent^ the day
is not distant when they will entirely disappear like most of the
other tribes. \
The other tribes of the Etechemins lived fiiriher east, quite
beyond the limit of the stote of Kaine, and do not require fiuv
ther notice here.
CHAPTER m.
Surlj KftTlg&ton m the tout— Begittaing of Um Engiiih Mid IVwch livftliiM
for eiclaslTo potteMloa— Tbe flslieiiflt— Gonold't yrojmgetmd diMOf«x of
Oapo Cnd^cipL Piing.
The progress of discovery on the American continent, for a
full century after the first voyage of Columbus, iin 1492, was
very slow; at least, such is the appearance to us of the present
•day. The report of Columbus's great discovery produced a
profound sensation in the maritime nations of Europe,* and
adventurers were not wanting to make explorations in the new
world; but the records of their discoveries that have been pre-
served, are few and meagre. John and Sebastian CfaM, under
the patronage of Henry YII, of England, in 1497, discovered
Newfoundland, and visited the acyacent coast from 88^ to 66^ of
N. latitude. ** The commission given them by the king," says
W.
IV^WI
mmtm'm^ ^ii n vu t i \ m) n n [ n r w i m mmtmnm^/rfmn
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HiBTOBT OF Bristol amp Bbbmsv.
SuIliTfto/ ** oontained pretended powers to sail to all countries
and seas, to the east and west, and to the north, under his
royal banners and ensigns, and with five ships and on the proper
charge of the adyentorers, to seek out, discover, and find, what-
soever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and
bifidelst wheresoever they might be, which had before that time
been unknown to all Christians, and to set up banners and en-
signs in every village, isle and mainland, so newly discovered/'
Though the adventurer was to do everything at his own proper
charge, the king was to receive one-fifth part of all the ore,
nines and other profits of the enterprise!
Two years only, after the first voyage of Columbus, the kings
of Spain and Portugal, with the approbation of Pope Alexandfsr
YI, and by his authority, agreed to divide the new world be-
tween themselves, but England, whatever may have been the
theories of the time in regard to the jurisdiction of the Pope,
practically refused to acquiesce in this partition between Use
states, of a quarter at least of the earth's surface, and France,'
taldng the same view, began also to assert her right of making
discoveries by sending adventurers to the American coast'
Varazzanif a native of Florence, but in the service of France, in
1624, explored the east of North America from Florida to New-
foundland, giving it the name of UouvelU Frmiee {New Ihtnee) ;
but, in a subsequent Toyage, he is said to have been killed by the
natives.*
Ten years later, in 1684, Jamee Oartkr^^ a native of St Malo,
France, was commissioned by Francis I, to make discoveries in
America, and sailed with two ships, on the 20th of April May
10th, he made Newfoundland, the coast of which ho partially
explored, and also the adjacent coast of Nova Scotia. Directing
his eourse northward, he discovered the shores of Labrador, and
returned to St Malo, in September. In subsequent years. Car-
tier made two other voyages to North America, and in one of
them sailed up the St Lawrence as fiur as Montreal, then called
Hochelega. His discoveries were limited to this region of the
eootinent
• IltoMkltluiltlMlilDcefnMMtkWlMahelMMdertheAgfMaMiortbakian
•rf^MOaAadPoftiigil.ploMaaUjrmnArked,'*! iboald bt glMl lo im the eUoM
to Adftm't wm, whieh mMkm tliat eontlMoi their laheritaaee eieleehreljr.''
• Belkaiip^ iiei. My., I, SSO^ Herper'e ed.
• Belkaep*! iiei. My.i>, SSI, Herpw'e ed.
%.
Jr
HisTOBY OF BaisioL mn Bbbmbh.
19
Boberwd^ another Frenchman, who was in some way connected
with Cartier in one of his voyages, about this time, undertook
to found a settlement near the present site of QuebNSc, but th^
enterprise was soon abandoned.
These enterprises of the French were not attended by any
immediate results of importance, but they laid the foundation
for a claim to the country, on the part of France, which was
afterwards asserted with no little pertiuadty, for two centuries
or more,^and was finally relinquished only after the fidl of
Quebec in 1769.
Even before the time of Cartier's first voyage, it is probable
that many fishermen of France were accustomed to ply their busi-
ness annually on the coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
and perhaps those of Maine; but the French government seenu
not to have taken any steps, formally to assert its jurisdiction
until the year 160& Nov. 4th of this year, Henry IV granted a
charter of Acadie, a country said to extend from the 40th to the
46th degree of N. latitude, toDeMionts, a Frenchman, who was
appointed lieutenant general of the new territoiy, and the next
year, in company with Poutrincourt and Champlain,* fitted out
an expedition for the northern Atlantic coast of the continent
A settlement was made by them at the mouth of the river St
Croix, bat the company spent only one winter there, when the
enterprise was relinquished, and another settlement begun at
Port lioyal, now Annapolis. Forts were immediately erected
in this and other places in the vicinity, one as fiur west as the
mouth of the Penobscot Jesuit missionaries were introduced,
and a foundation seemed to be kid for establishing the ascend-
aucy of the French ' in these parts. The colony prospered
only for a little time, as it was destroyed, in 1618, by Gapt
Argall, who was sent from Yiigiuia for the purpose.
Probably, in no place on the sur&oe of this globe, in any pe*
riod of its history, has the fishery business been carried on so
prosperously, or become so largely developed, as on the north
Atlantic coust of this continent
These fisheries commenced in all probability soon after the
voyage of the Cabots, in 1497, but their ear^ histoiy is lost
* The tMie whoafterwaide ga?e hie
/
teooeefthe
heaotUUgTeer
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Huron ot Beisiol An BEinir.
They fonnad almott the only eoarce of profit to the eariy !!&▼{•
gators, and we may not paae them UDDoticed.
Yeseels of Spain were engaged in the fieheries as early as
1517 ;Mn 15279 twelve French Teeeels were employed in the
•ame bndneee, bat in 1744 their number had increased to 264,
employing 27,500 men. About the year 1577, the number of
Spaniah Tceeele employed about Newfoundland was estimated
at 100, but in 1598 there were only eight* Not long after this,
the Spanish flag ceased to appear on these fishing gro&nds ; but
France and England, especially the latter, greatly increased
tiieir Tigor in prosecutbg the business.
About the year 1600, it is estimated that England sent annually
100 fishing diips to the North American coast, and that they
employed in the diffirent branches of the budness no less than
10,000 men and boys. As may well be supposed, .the moral
ebaraoterof many of these men, was not above par; and on the
coast of Newfoundland, and perhaps (hrther west, 'numerous
atrocities were committed by them upon the poor natives and
•ihers, which could not fidl to excite in their minds a violent
hatred of the white race.
But while these fishermen were so earnestly prosecuting their
business, on the extreme northeastern parts of the continent, few,
if any of them, ventured so fiir as the coast of Maine. It was
near the doee of the 16th century, when their voyages began
to be extended to the fishing grounds of this vicinity.
The early navigators in sidling for America, instead of mak*
ing tbw course directly across the Atlantic, were accustomed
to take a circuitous route by way of the Canary islands and the
Aaores; and CbpL OomoU was the first man of eminence who
ventured to censure the prevailing practice ; and, to prove the
tmtbftiliiess of his views, undertook to make the passage by the
m4Mt direct course. But how was it with the hundreds of fish-
ermen who, before Qosnold's time, were accustomed to make
fheir annual vimt to these shores T Were they too aocustomsd
to sail by way of the Oanary islee, and the West Indies T
OvgL Bartholomew OotnoU was a distinguished seaman of
the west of England, who had previous to this time (1600),
oader the auspices of Sir Walter Baleigh, made one or more
vejages to America, but in a subordinate poeition. His
Ml Ittkmim, pfk Mi, til, till
HiiTOBT Of Bamoi in Bexmxv.
21
advocacy of the direct passage, by which he claimed that
at least 100 leagues would be saved, compared with the circuit*
ous route alluded to, had attracted much attention* He was
fitted out with a small bark, manned with thirty-two men, of
whom only eight were experienced seamen, and sailed firom
Falmouth, March 16, 1002. He made land May 18, but at
what point has not been satisfactorily determined, though he
himself made the latitude to be about 42 degrees. Coursing
southward, he discovered Cape Cod, to which he gave this
name., because of the great abundance of this fish found by them
in the neighboring waters. Passing around Cape Cod to the
south, they discover Martha's vineyard and other neighboring
islands, on one of which they made some preparation to leave a
part of their company, as the begiuing of a permanent settie*
ment; but, finding upon examination that their eupply of pro-
visions was not suflicient, the plan was relinquished, and all
returned again to England.
An interesting drcumstanoe, connected with this voyage of
Oosnold, was thediscoveiy of a boat of European make, in use
among the savage natives, some of whom were also dressed in
European clothes. From this, they inferred that ** some unfor-
tunate fisherman of Biscay or Brittany had been wrecked on the
coast ^ The remark of the writer that they supposed the fisher-
man to have been from ^Biscay or Brittany,'' indicates that
they recognized the boat or clothing, or both, as not of British
make.^
Capt Gk)snold's passage to the American continent was made
in soven weeks, lacking a day, and his return passage in five
weeks ; both of which at that time were conndered highly satie*
fiMtoiy. The account of the voyage attracted much attention,
especially in the city of Bristol, and, in the course of the au*
tumn and winter, preparation was made for fitting out another
expedition the following spring, one thousand pounds steriing
being raised for the purpose.
Among those who especially interested themselves in the en*
terprise, were Mr. Bichard Hackluyt, prebendary of St. Angus*
tine Churdb, Bristol, Robert Aldsworth, a young but leading
merchant, whose fiitber, Thomas Aldsworth, had formeriy been
mayor of the same citj^ and others. Mr. Hackluyt afterwards
Btn^Mlpr■Bfef^^^^0^»Hsf^^^■;WnH■■■^s1i
Umim, L» 184,
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22
HifiTOBT OF Bristol amd BftSHsir.
. bectme celebratedy not only as a Christiao gentlemon, of more
than usual enterprisei and largo and liberal views, but as the
oompilerofa most important work, known tAHaekluyCi Voyages ^
whibh baa long been a standard aatbority in all matters pertain-
ing to the early yojrages on these shores.
April 10th, 1608, two Tossels, the Speedwell of 50 tons, and
the Disooverer, of 26 tons, the two manned with 48 men, were
ready to sail, and actual]/ departed on a Toyage of discovery
to the coasts of North Virginia. They were placed under the
command of Oapt Martin Bring ; ' and two important characters,
who had been with Gk>snold the year before, were induced to
join the expedition ; they were Jokn AngeU^ and Sobert SaUenu
Why Oapt Oosnold, who had given so much satbfaction the
year before, was not again placed in command, does not appear.
Four years later, we find him with Capt John Smith, in South
Virginia, where he died, Aug. 22, 1607.
Oapt Pring first made land among the Fox Islands, on the
coast of Maine, giving them this name because of the multitude
of these animals seen on them. This was early in the month of
June. After spending a little time here, taking fish, they pro-
oeeded westward, noticing the bays and inlets as they passed ;
but, in general, not describing places with sufficient accuracy to
enable us, at this time, to identify them. It is a remarkable
fiMt that in this voyage along the coast they saw none of the na-
tives, though the remains of their camp fires were frequent Dr.
Belknap, to account for it, suggests that the natives at this sea-
eon (June), were probably at their fishing places on the streams,
a little inland ; but this hardly seems sufficient, when we con-
sider that our voyagers, in several instances, passed up a con-
siderable distance into the bays and inlets, where these fishing
places were situated.
At every place where they stopped they made diligent search
for sassafras {taunu ieanwt), which was then much used fi>r
its supposed medicinal properties. Finding none at their first
Ijukding places, they pursued their voyage westward, and at
langth, came to anchor at a place now very well ascertained to
b« the harbor of Edgartown, Mass. Here they renunned some
time, busily engaged in gathering sassafras, which they found
ia great abundanee. Having secured so much of this as to make
lippiHpPByip^BlpHry^P<WiTygw»>fliW ii i ;jHf P) l t. i jy i J i l i iM i II * w m
HisTOBT OF Bbistol axd Bbsusv.
23
^.
their voyage a profitable one, and gotten into a quarrel with
the natives, they departed for home, canying with them as a
curiosity a [birch] canoe, of native manufacture.
OHAPTEBIV.
Impbrtaat Torage of Ckpt Omrgi Wq/mo^u^ Pcoteoo* Hubor.
Though the results of Gosnold's voyage, in 1602, and more
esiJccially that of Pring, in 1608, were considered very satis&c-
tory, there seems to have been little done the succeeding year
(1604) by the English, but the French, (ante, p. 18) were espe-
ciaJly active; and De Monts made his exploration of the coast of
Newfoundland, and sailed up the 8t Lawrence. The eftectof
this was to excite the English to new exertions ; and in the year
1606 occurred the memorable voyage of Capt George TFQ^iotirt,
an account of which was prepared and published, the same year,
by James Rosior, a French gentleman, who was employed tot
this purpose to ac^mpauy him on the voyage. The professed
object of the voyage was to discover the supposed north-west
passage, that is, a passage to the great Western Ocean, and so
to the east Indies, north of the American continent; but Ae
real object was to anticipate tlie French in making discoveries
on this coast
WcytMnUk sailed March 81st, and made land near Cape Cod,
May nth; but immediately put his ship about and went out
to sea again, being alarmed by the shoals and quicksands, with
which his ship was nearly surrounded. On the 17th, they made
land again, but it being near night "and the sea very high'*
they put out to sea again, and in the morning of the next day
returned, and by 12 o'clock came to anchor about a l^gue north
of •* an island some six miles in compass," which they called St
George's Island, but which is now known by ito Indian name
Monhegan.*
>TUUUUiewoelT»d ortbogwipliy oCtbe iiMiie«itliei>WMnt Umcbut bjcaflj
writenUkcftea ipettsd JUuhiggom, Mumhigi^ MnMifgo^ #te.;iadUiei».
■wif> M i»i^ii nv ^m y
■<pWi *|l^w . WH « "" . "^
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HmoAT Of Bribiol ahd BftiMnr.
Tb« laogoagt of the narrative b as follows, vis : '^Friday the
17th of 1^7, about 6 o'clock at night, we discovered the land
which bare from ns N. N. K; bat, because it blew a great gale
of windy the sea rerj high, and near night, not fit to come upon
an unknown coast, we stood off till two o'clock in the morning
being Saturday; then standing in again, we discovered it by
eight o'clock in the morning bearing north-east from us. It
appeared a mean high land, as we after found it, being an bland
of some six miles in compass, but I hope the most fortunate ever
yet discovered. About IS o'clock that day, we came to anchor,
on the north side of thb bland, about a league from the shore.
^ * * Thb bland b woody, grown with fir, birch, oak
and beeeh, as fitr as we saw along the shore; and so, likely,
within. On the veige grow gooseberries, strawberries, wild
peas, and wild rose bushes. The water bsued forth down the
rocky cliff in many places, and much fowl of different kinds
breed upon the shore and rocks."
** While w» went ashore, our men aboard, with a few hooks,
got about thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave us a taste
of the great plenty offish, which we found afterward whereso*
ever we went upon the coast From hence, we might discern
the main land firom the west south-west to the east north-east,
a great way (as it then seemed, and we after found it) up in the
main we might discern very high mountains, though the main
seemed but low land ; which gave us a hope it would please
Qod to direct us to the discovery of some good; although we
were driven by winds ihr ftom that place, whither (both by our
direction and desire) we ever intended to shiqpe the course of
our voyage."
^ The next day, being Whitsunday, because we rode too much
open to the sea and winds, we weighed anchor about 12 o'clock,
and came along to the other blands more acypining to the main,
and in the road directly with the mountains, about three leagues
from the firet island where we had anchored."
** When we came near unto them (sounding all along in a
good depth) our captain manned hb ship boat and sent her
before with Thomas 0am, one of hb mates, whom he knew to
be of good experience, to sound and search between the islands
for a place sale for our ship to ride in; in the meanwhile, we
aaswsM^ sMcsUmitaMclB.
HisTOET Of Bristol axd Baxxmr.
26
kept aloof at sea, having given them in the boat a token to weffe
in the ship, if he found a convenient harbor; which it pleased
God to send us, far beyond our expectation, in a most safo berth,
defended from all winds, in an excellent depth of water for ships
of any burthen, in six, seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms, upon
a clay ooze, very tough."
<< We all, with great joy praised God for his unspeakable
goodness, who had from an apparent danger delivered us, and
directed us upon thb day into so secure a harbor, in remem-
bradce whereof we named it Pentecost harbor; we arrived there
that day oat of our lost harbor in England^ fix>m whence we set
sail upon Easter day."'
After describing minutely the events of several succeeding
days, during which a small boat or shallop was constructed from
materials brought with them, the narrative proceeds:
«< Wednesday, the 29th day, oar shallop being now finished,
and our ca{>taiii and men fumbhedto depart with her from the
ship, we set up a cross on the shore side upon the rocks.
Thursday, the 80th of May, about 10 o'clock before noon,
our captain with thirteen men more, in the name of God, and
with all our prayers for their prosperous discovery and safe re*
turn, departed in the shallop ; leaving the ship in a good har-
bor ; which before mentioned, well moored, and manned with
fourteen men."
In the afternoon of this day they received at the ship their
first visit from the natives, a number of whom came out in
their canoes, and spent the night on an bland near by.
A friendly intcrcoarse at once commenced between the par-
ties, which, in spite of the jealousy of the English, and the
shyness of the Indians, continued a number of days, until
violently interrupted by the Eoglbh. •
The next day, May 81st, about 10 o'clock, Capt W. and
hb party returned from their excursion in the shallop, and im-
ported the welcome discovery they had made of *< a great river,
trending alongst into the nuun about forty miles." *<The
pleasantness whereof," says the writer, << with the safoty of the
harbor for shipping, together with the fortili^ of the ground
4 Punktufi, 1S5S.
* JlMdr't ir«rr»«M lij PiiMS, p. iS.
4
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M
HisTOAT Of Bristol AiiD Bumbh.
and oUier froiU, wbioh woro geoomlly by hit wholo compaDj
related I omit, till I report of the whole dUcoForj therein after
performed*''
By deeire of the Indians, a number of the English now went
several miles to meet a company of the former for purposes of
trade, but nothing wm accomplished. The English were suspi-
cions that foul play was intended, and thoughtprudent to retire ;
but it is by no means certain that the natiyes intended any
wrong.
The dyiliaed white men needed a pretence for the wrong
they were about to commit, and took this method to find it;
at least, there is abundant reason for such a suspicion. -
^ These things considered," says the writer, ** we began to join
them in the rank of other sayages, who have been by travelers in
most countries found very treacherous, never attempting mis-
chief until, by some remissness, fit opportunity afibrded them
certain abili^ to execute the same. Wherefore, after good ad-
vice taken, we determined, so soon as we could, to take some
of them, least (being suspicious we had discovered their plot) they
should absent themselves from ns.''
Accordingly, the next day, three of the natives having unsus-
pectingly come on board, were easily detained, and imme-
diately afterwards a party of sailors went ashore, and succeeded
in arresting two others, though not without a serious struggle.
These being all securely confined on board, it was a small
matter to steal two of their [birch] canoes, to take with them
to England.
The names of those savages, as given by the writer, were
** Tahanedo, a dogamore or eammandar ; Amoret, Sicowaros and
Maneddo, geniUmm ; and Sa&comoit, " a icrvani.'* *
Waymottth and company held considerable more intercourse
with the natives ; but tiie writer does not say whether any al-
lusion was ever made by any of them to tho^e of their brethren
who bad been ni\}ustiy seized, and were still held in bondage.
During this intercourse with the Indians, they explored the
region for a considerable distance ** about the islands adjoin-
iDg," eveiywhere taking soundings, and carefully noting the
t iiM<ir'« ifsmtfiPtf, lisr PrliM^ p. 40.
•Tt^bMj a mItprlBt Ibr Stmaeom^U, %hm toaad of the letter f not belnf
ksewa im the Abeadd laaavege. P«]»A«m Mm, Voiumc, p. 104. The mme
TbkHMle^ !■ MM fteqMtttIr writlett, NahMsds : b«t there MS etm otlNT Mdia.
TheteligieslvMWtylatheiye niBg eriadlsaseaes.
HisTOBT or Bristol ako B&bmxv.
27
1
peculiarities of the rocky shores, and the trees and plants, etc^
growing inland.
This occupied them until the 11th of June, when it was de-
termined to make a further exploration of the river previously
visited, May SOtii and 81st, as has been described.
The narrative proceeds, ** Tuesday, the eleventh of June, we
passed up into the river with our ship (the Archangel) about
six and twenty miles, of which I had rather not write, ttian by
my relation detract from the worthiness thereof For the river,
besides that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffics of
merchandise, a benefit always accounted the richest treasury ;
for which our Thames hath that due denomination, and France
by her navigable rivers reoeivetb her greatest wealth ; yet this
place of itself; from Ood and nature, affordeth as much diversity
of good commodities, as any reasonable man can wish for pre*
sent habitation and planting. * * * * As we passed up
with our ship in this river, any man may conceive with what
admiration we all consented in joy. Many of our company
who had been travelers in sundry countries, and ia the most
fitmeus rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they
now beheld." Their admiration of the river and adjacent
country was unbounded.
In the same connection, the writer says, ** the river, as it run-
neth up into the main veiy nigh for^ miles toward the great
mountains, beareth in breadth a mile, sometimes three quarters,
and half a mile in the narrowest, where you shall never have
under four and five fitthoms of water hard by the shore, but six,
seven, eight, nine and ten fiuhoms all along, and on both sides
every half mile veiy gallant covee.'* The tide, he says, fiows
about 18 or 20 feet
Having passed the night at anchor in the river, they prepared
the next morning to explore the country in the direction of the
mountains they had seen. ** Wednesday, the 12th of June,
our Captain manned his light horseman ^ with 17 men, and run
up from the i^hip, riding in the river up to the oodde' thereof,
where we landed, leaving six to keep the light horseman till our
return. Ten of us with our shot, and some armed, with a boy
^Aktrgehoet without edeek; the neme Is not now
sneh the tame •• the modem ^tkaUhoat, or a Urge i^
*(MC#or eetf^ieeeSd to hee Seioa weid aeaeisg j
ee»etohea«iiMtfSif,ore0e«. {Ptine^i MmUt^U,)
Piobehljlti
Ite)
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HifTomr Of Bristol ahb Brbmbv.
to earrj powder and match, marched ap into the country
towards the moantaine, which we descried at our first falling in
with the land. Unto some of them, the river brought us so
near, as we judged onrselyes where we landed, to have been
within a league of them, but we marched up about four miles
in the main and passed over three hills ; and because the weather
was parching hot, and our men in their armor not able to
traTel fiur and return that night to our ship, we resolved not to
pass any fbrther, being all verj weary of so tedious and labor-
some a travel/'
Scarcely allowing themselves time to rest from their ** labor-
some travel,'' in their unsuccessful attempt to reach the " very
high mountains," they determined the next day to continue
their explorations further up the river. Says Rosier :
** Thursday, the 18th of June, by two o'clock in the morning,
(because our captain would take the help and advantage of the
tfde) in the light horseman with our company, well provided and
ftunished widi armor and shot, both to defend and offend ; we
went from our ship up to that part of the river which trended
westward into the main, to search that ; and we carried with us
a oross to erect at that point, which (because it was not day»
light,) we left on shore until our return back, when we set it up
in manner as the former" (May 29th).
They estimated the distance they thus *^ rowed up " the river
from tibe ship, to be 20 miles ; and from the highest point they
reached to Pentecost harbor, they supposed the distance to be
M not much less than three score miles." Though they observed
very eareflilly, they nowhere saw any indication that any civil-
iied man had ever before trod his foot upon the shores visited
by them ; neither on the banks of the river they ascended, nor
npon any of the islands previously visited 1
Friday, June 14th, .they returned with the ship to the mouth
of the river, when Oapt W., either this or the following day,
** upon the rock in the midst of the harbor," determined the
latitude of the place, which, however, is not given by Rosier;
but in the account of the voyage given by Purchase, is said to
have been 48* 80^ N. The variation of the compass was found
to be "^ one point," or !!• 16' W.
Sunday, June 16tb, <*the wind being fair," tiiey took their
departore for Old England, and arrived at Dartmouth the 18th
of the neist month.
HiSTOET Of Bristol avd Brsmbv.
29
<a
CHAPTER V.
TIm river dlM^TendbjWfljmoatlL It It the
St Gmi^T
KaoMbect TIm PMobMoit Tkt
It is universally admitted that the present Monhegan is tiie
•• island some six miles in compass," discovered May 17th, by
Capt W. ; and, of course, it was three miles north of this island
where he first came to anchor. But what were the *«very high
mountains," which they ** discerned " from the ship as she lay
there, towards which •* the next day, being Whitsunday," they
sailed ••in the road directly with the nK>untains," finding at
length ••between the islands " •« a place safe for the ship to ride
in,*' naming it •• Pentecost harbor ?" This harbor, the writer
informs us, is •• about three leagues from the first island," •< more
acyoining the main — is defended from all winds," and has ^ an
excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, seven,
eight, nine and ten fathoms, upon a clay oose, very tough!"
And what river was it which they ascended 26 miles in the
ship, and then, subsequently, in a boat, by ** estimation," 20
miles further, •• in thatpart of the river which trendetb westward
into the main T"
It is not proposed here to enter into a foil discussion of
these questions, which have in recent times excited so much
interest; but their proper solution too intimately concerns the
history of Pemnquid to allow us to pass by them without notice.
Three difiereut answers have been given to the above ques*
tion. 1st That the •< veiy high mountains," seen as they lay at
anchor near Monhegan, are the Wliite mountains of New
Eampshire, towards which they sailed when leaving their
anchorage; that Pentecost harbor is the present Boothbay
harbor, and that the river, ascended so for by them, is no other
than the present Kennebec.
This has been called the Kennebec theory, and iras ably
presented a few years ago by the late John McEeen, Esq., of
Brunswick, in a paper in the OMeciionB <^ the Maine Hiitarkal
Sodtly} Bewail eamestiy advocates the same view.*
> MaiM EUt, 606. OtUsetions, v.SOO.
•AnMmUDmUtUoiu^fX0ii^,^f%,6iMit,
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HifvoET Of BRsnoL An Bbucbv.
ScL Tho Bmobicoi ik§or^^uBAt bMbeen called. Tbii theoiy
wasflnt proMDtad hy Oapt John Foster Williamsi who f<Mr many
yean oommanded a re?enne en iter, connected with the port of
Beaton, and waa fiuniliar with the whole coaat of Maine. In
1796, Dr. Belknap * placed in his hands an abstract of Bosier's
narratfve of Weymouth's Toyage, requesting him to take it with
him, in some of hiscmiseson the coast, and from Actual obserra.
tion determine, if possible, the several points in qoestion.
Being thus prepared, Williams decided that the place where
Weymouth first anchored was near Monhegan; that the ^ Tory
high mountains seen from the ship " could be no other than the
Penobscot or Oamden hills; that Pentecost harbor must be
the present G^ige's Island harbor; and that the river, as-
cended by them. Is the Penobscot
This view was generally received for many years; Holmes, in
his Ameriocoi Anmlt^* hron it, if he does not adopt it; Wil-
liamson* and Foisom* accept it without question.
8d. The SL Gtorg^i theory ^ first suggested in 1868, by Oeorge
Prinoe, Esq., of Bath, but formerly of Thomaston. He accepts
Oapt Williams* view as to Pentecost harbor, but claims
that the river discovered and explored by Weymouth is the
present 8L Oeargt^i river, and not the Penobscot
The subject is not without its difficulties, whatever view we
may take; absolute demonstration in such cases is not to be
expected; but a careful examination of the foots, it is believed,
will enable the unprejudiced reader to arrive at very satisfac-
tory conclusions.
The narrative of Wqrmouth's voyage was published in Lon-
don immediately after his return, and excited no little attention.*
The idea of pUnting colonies on the coast of America received a
new impulse, and one important result was the chartering,
April 10th, 1606, of a company for colonising America, called
the OonmeU ^f VirgMa. The charter authorised the formation
of two companies: one, called the Lcmdcn Oompany^ for colonis-
ing Bimik FZryMs, as the southern part of North America
•/Wfi;i,ist
•Hid, MMm.X ISS.
« JBM. SNt «M MM^Vfi; Ik iS.
•/^^tOM.^ ir#ii JI^CifMl, 1, 7i) It •TidMrtl/ mkli^
Wi^SMtk'b vvjiit* tlMl,« «iMil Ibr tUt (the UdaftnriBg oftlM 1^
I !• te kaewMf* «r the lo0il fMgnphj. H WM (MUcM."
A
HZSTOXT Of BbISIOL AMD BUMBV.
81
was then called ; and another, called the Flunmik Oompomy^ for
colonising North Virginia^ meaning by this the northern part
of the continent This part of the countiy had not then re-
ceived its present name. New England.
Under the auspices and patronage of the London company,
the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, was begun in 1607;
and by the Plymouth company a similiar setdement, called the
Popham colony, was attempted the same year, at the mouth of
theSennebee. Now, as the fitting out ofthis last expedition was
chiefly stimulated by Borier's ^ glowing narrative,'' and as the
mouth of the Kennebec was findly selected for the site of the
colony, it has been assumed that the "< river of Wqrmouth''
can be no other than this same Kennebec
This view is also fovored by Strachey,* in his account of the
expedition which brought this Popham colony to our shores;
a matter of every considerable importance, considering that he
was contemporaiy with Weymouth, and wrote his account so
near the time, about 1618.
But Strachey never was on this coast; he came to Viiginia
in 1609, and was for a time secreUry of the colony there, but
returned to England before 1612. Wm information, therefor^
was all derived from others.
The writer cannot adopt this view, for many reasons; but
only two can be introduced here.
L The *«very high mountains" seen from the ship, when
near Monhegan, could not have been the White mountains. It
is, indeed, allowed diat these mountains can occasionally be
seen from that point ; but it b only in the veiy clearest weather,
such as actually occurs, on an average, only three or four days
a month during tbe year. Some seasons, for many weeks
together they cannot bo seen. If Weymouth and his men may
perhaps during their sUy have occasionally caught glimpses of
the White mountiuns, they were too dimily <* discerned,'' and
appeared too far away to require mention. Furthermore, if
seen, they do not answer the description, either as to their
appearance, or their bearing by the compass.
2. Wednesday, June 12th, (ante p. 27), Capt W. and seven-
teen men went up the river a distance and landed, with the
view of making a journey to the mountains, which, being in full
<JMMiKK.fiii. Ooa,,m,fMiMkm.md.CaL.4AmAm.i.1(m;]fmmiHm^
IMm-.Iij Piiaee^ Beth. 1800.
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I !
82
HmtoBT "or Bkibxol a>d Bbbmbv.
r
i
Ti«w, ihey Judged to be •• within a league of thcfm I " Moreover,
' they propoeed to make the jouraey to the mountaiue, and ** re-
turn that night to the ship." (Ante p. 28). But after walking
four milee, thrir eourage fidled them, and they returned. Now,
on the Eennebeo theory, the eompany must hare landed at, or
near the eite of the present ei^ of Bath (*< near the rail road
depot," McKtm)j from whioh the White mountains oan never
^ be teen ; and their diitanoe ie not one league, but more nearly
thir^ leagues. But, suppoeing them in eight, who would think
of makbg a Journey to them on foot, and returning the same
^y?
Thii negative foot teems therefore fully determined, that
the ^ veiy high mountains '' of Weymouth were not the White
mountMns of New Hampshire I
These mountains were known nearly a century before Wey-
mouth's time, being in all probability the *• high mountains
within the land '' mentioned by Verraxani * ; but, if theee were
the mountains seen by Weymouth, would he not have recog-
nised them, as being known T Atid would not Hosier, the
historian of the voyage, have described them as such T
If the White mountains are not the «< very high mountains "
seen by Weymoutii, then, of course, all other parts of the theory
foil
Of the second, or Penobscot theory, suggested by Williams,
only a few words will be required. •
This theoiy claims, that the mountains seen by Weymouth,
when lying at anchor north of Monhegan, must be the Penob-
scot or Camden hills, which admirably answer the description
of the narrative; and tiiat when they left their anchorage the
next day, and proceeded in the "road directly to the mount-
idns,'' finding at length a good harbor " between the islands,"
which they called Pentecost harbor, it was tiie present 6?eor^'«
Jdcmdi harbor which they entered.
Thus for, every thing seems to be satisfactory ; but, when we
eome to inquire as to the river they ascended from Pentecost bar-
bor, the descriptions of Eosier do not apply. The moutii of Uie
Penobscot is too for distant, and when we seek •« tiiat part of it
• VcfT nisy of Umm, for whom tliis work liM bees cqwdAllj pi«p«M, SM
jliir wiu «lio locolHIot idbffdi to^ Slid wm bo f«7 a^P**-^
HxsxoBT Of BuBZOL AVD Buinur.
83
_->'
which tended westward into the main,*' we do not find it ^The
river of Weymouth,'' therefore, cannot be the P^obscot
8 The Ooorge's river theory. The suggestion of Mr. Prince,
that the George's river is the true ** river of Weymouth," though
still rejected by some, will probably, eventiutUy, be accepted as
a satisfactory settlement of this long debated question. Borer's
description of Weymouth's river, applies well to this; very
much better, certainly, than to any other on the coast of New
England. It is indeed true, that Uie distances given by him, are
much too great to apply to this river. 1st. W/ien the par^ of
discovery entered its mouth the first time, they were gone Just
twenty-four hours from the ship ; but they are credited with the
feat of having, in this time, ^* rowed up the river forty miles, and
returned." 2d. Bays the writer : ^ Tuesday, the eleventh of
June, we passed up into the river with our ship, about mx
and twenty miles. Thursday, the thirteenth of June * *
in the light horseman, we went from our ship up to that part
of the river which tended westward into the main," rowing up
it by estimation, twenty miles." In another place he says, '* from
the place of our ships, riding in the harbor at the entrance into
the sound, to the farthest part we were in this river, by our
estimation, was not much less than three score miles."
If these distances are correctiy stated, it is admitted that the
Oeorge's river cannot be the river of Weymouth ; but, as sug-
gested by Prince, if we diminish all the estimates (and they are
only estimates, for no measurements were mode), by about one
half, they are not far out of the way,^ as applied to this river.
Allowing, if we please, that considerate men ought not to
have erred so egregiously in their estimate of the distances, it
is well to note the fiict that Rosier's Narrative was written with
groat enthusiasm ; and his statement in regard to the natural
beauties of the river and country adjacent, and its various pro-
ductions, etc, are often greatly exaggerated ; and it was natu-
ral that his estimate of distances should be made in the same
spirit. 8o, the flow of the tide in the river was estimated by
Hosier to be eighteen or twenty feet, which, reduced in the same
proportion as above, will give us very nearly the actual flow of
the tide in George's river. But Hosier was not alone of the early
adventurers here in his manifest dispontion to exaggerate;
> ilM(0r*« ifsmrf^ Iqr Prinoe, pp. H tf. M.
5
W^^,. i M Hji Fi
.^^/
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84
HUTOET Of BbISTOL IVD BBiMnr.
two years later, when tbe Popham colony came to eetablish
themaelvee at the mouth of the KennebeCy a large party, in two
beats, made a tour of observation np the river, and, says the
writer, *<sayled np into the river neere forty leagues," or one
hnndred and twenty miles.' But they were gone only about
twenty-four hours, and we know that the performance of such
a feat is impossible. Besides this, our knowledge of the river
assures us, that, at the utmost, they could not have passed up
in their boats more than about one-half the distance they estima-
ted, because of the fSalls that would prevent further progress.
We, therefore, with some confidence, adopt this theory, as to
theloodityofWeymouth'sadventuresin this region, as altogether
more probable than any other that has been presented. Indeed,
if it is r^ected, there is reason to doubt whether the question as
to the locality of Weymouth's exploits on the American coast,
in the summer of 1606, is capable of solution.'
CHAPTER YL
«rcM-
(1S06-1S14).
tloDjr under
whero thojr
Voyage
The publication of Bosier's narrative in the latter part of the
year 1606, as we have seen, very considerably stimulated the
ooloniiring spirit which had for some time manifested itself
among the English people. This interest was increased by
the ttght of the fow natives whom Weymouth had kidnapped
firom this immediate vicinity, and whose appearance before the
English public, just at this time, was very opportune. They
may not have been the very first North American Indians ever
seen in England, but the sight of one in that country was so
tare, that, some years later than this, natives of this country
I exhibited in London and other English cities, for money*
U» SeMM't lepiiBt, lor mm mOf Mr.
Wire exniDUea in Jbonoon ans
' ifffnf Iffff fVff,m,|r SOa
Mimwtyilefflt.
W H ^ pw ■■■■ m ^.i^wpi^ Mf p — i n
HiSToxT Of Bristol amd Bancxv.
86
Weymoutii, on his return from America, ran into Dartmouth,
of which port SirFerdinando Oeorges was then captain; and he
at once became deeply interested in the Indians, and took three
of them into his &mily. Many years afterwards, when writing
his Britf Narratim of his efforts to colonize New England, he
says : ** This accident must be acknowledged the means under
God of putting on foot and giving life to all our [American]
plantations.'' *
Mention has already been made of the chartering of the
great Council of Virginia, in April, 1606, authorizing the forma-
tion of two companies, called the London and Plymouth com-
pauies, for the express purpose of colonizing North America.
Of the former, or London company, we shall not have occasion
to speak further; but the doings of the latter, or Plymouth
. company, intimately concern us.
Without waiting for the full organization of this company,
several gentiemen, deeply interested in its success, sent two or
three vessels, at different times, to make discoveries on this
coast; but, unfortunately, nothing was accomplished except to
largely increase their experience, and convince them of the
many difficulties necessarily attending the enterprise they were
undertaking.
But the spring of 1607 opened with new and better prospects
for the colonization of North America; by the London com*
pany the setUement of Jamestown, in Viiginia, was begun,
which was never afterwards entirely broken up. In the samo
year, but later in the season, under the auspices of the Plymouth
company, came the Popham coUmy^ so called, and made an un«
successful attempt to found a plantation at the mouth of tho
Kennebec, then called the Sagadahoc
This expedition sailed from Plymouth in June, in two ships,
or rather a ship and a smaller craft, called a fiy-boat; the for*
mer being named the Mary and John^ and the latter, the Gift of
GocL Besides their respective crews, the two brought ^ one hun*
dred and twenty persons for planters.*' Leaving Plymouth on
the last day of May, they arrived at Monhegan eariy in August,
this bland having been agreed upon, as their place of rendes*
votts, before leaving England. Fortunately, we have quite a full
narrative of the evenu of the voyage, including their visit to
•*^m^ r I* i^ 9r%rw<: mi.t uv
%^
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86
HissoRT Of Bbibtol akd Brsmbn.
PenuuiQidy and abo the ciromnBtancea attendiog their debarka-
tion at the moath of the Eennebeo.* On one of the islaude
they taw a eroee set np there by Weymouth two years before I
The fhipe remained at Monhegan only one night, becanse of
their ezpoeare to the winds and waves ; and the next morning
sought a more secure anchorage, very probably ** among the
islands," as Weymouth had done previously. Possibly they may
have found refoge in the very Pentecost harbor of Weymouth.
Whatever place it was, they began at once to make preparations
for an excursion westwaM to Pemaquid. Bays the author of
the narrative:
** About midnight, Capt Oilbert caused his shipp's boat to be
mannde with fourteen personsaud the Indian Skidwares (brought
to England by Capt Wayman),' and rowed to the westward from
their ship to the river of Pemaquid, which they found io be
four leagues distant from the shipp where she rode. The In«
dian brought them to the salvages' houses, where they found a
hundred men, women and childrene ; and their commander, or
sagamore, amongst them, named Nahanada, who had been
brought likewise into England by Oapt. Way man, and returned
thither by Oapt Hanam, setting forth for those parts and some
part of 'Canada the year before ; at their first comying, the In*
dians betooke them to their armes, their bowes and arrowes ;
but after Nahanada had talked with Skidwares and perceaved
that they were English men, he caused them to lay aside their
bowes and arrowes, and he himself came unto Uiem and ym-
braced, and made them much welcome, and entertayned them
with much chierfulness, and did they likewise him, and after
two bowers thus interchangeably spent, they returned abourd
againe.
^Bunday 9th, thechief of both the sbippe, with the greatest part
of all the company, landed on the island where the crosse stood,
the which they called St Gorge's island, and beard a sermon
deUvered unto them by Mr. Seymour, his preacher, and soe
returned abourd againe.
* JMi«,iRif.(ML,ti,]i.tt mu,^ 8960 and Biid^^,p,n.
* TksMtlMr, Wb. Biniehtj, m we haTe alfOAdj seen (p. 81), wm not ecmiieetod
witb tlie'sspeditloB, b«t aisde up hto Mooimt from the •tatoments of othen, aono
•f wboM fluj hftTO kept Jovnalt of their prooeodinge. Sineh^ eeeoant wts
wflttos sboBi lS18,bal rMnainadis maaiiMripi vntU 1849, whm H wm pabllshed
fegriboHMklvTlSoda^. It hm itawe been p^Mlrtied, both bj the ilawiolmerte
aMlCslMHleloileiaSocietiea ( JMm AM. (ML. m. 168.)
*Oipt eecffs WiyoUk
HnrroET ot Bristol avo Besxsv.
87
r
** Monday 10th, Capt Popham manned his shallop, aud Capt
Oilbert his boat, with fifty persons in both, and departed for
the river of Pemaquid, carrieing with them Slddwares, and ar*
rived in the moutbe of the river; there came forth Nahanada,
with all his company of Indians, with their bowes and arrowes in
their handes. They, being before his dwelling house, would will*
inglyhave all our people come ashoare, using them all in Idnd
sort after their nunnor; nevertheless, after one bower they all
suddenly withdrew themselves into the woodes, nor was Skid*
wares desirous to return with them any more abourd. Our peo*
pie, loth to proffer any violence unto them by drawing him by
force, suffered him to stay behind, promising to return to them
the day following, but he did not After his departure, they im*
barked themselves and rowed to the farther side of the river, and
there remayned on the shoare for that night''
The next day, August 11th, they returned to their ships
which were still lying under St Oeorge's Island, and the day
foliowiug sailed west "for the river of Sagadahoc"
This extract from Strache^ is of deep interest to us, as giving
us a glimpse of the condition of the place at this early period.
TVe learn from it that one, at least, of the Indians, seized by
TVoymouth two years before and conveyed to England, was a
sagamore of this place.* His character as a chief of his tribe ~
probably the Wawenocks— seems to have been recogniaed
when he was first taken into captivity; and though compara-
tively little is said of him during his residence with the English,
when he is brought before us, he always appears to good advant-
age. After a residence in England of about a year, he was re-
turned to his native country by Capt Pring,*in 1606; and
his kindly reception of the company composing the Popham
colony, as just related, as indeed was always his conduct
towards the English (when brought in contact with them), was
quite in contrast with the treatment he had himself received Of
Capt Weymouth.
A month later than this (Sept 6th), Nabanada and Skidwares
with some forty others, in nine canoes, came to visit the new
English settlement at the mouth of the Kennebec, where they
spent the remainder <tf the day and night in friendly interoonite»
> He Is ctUed Nahsiisds» TkMdo, Deksaeds,
speUiag tbe eeme neme.
*0liMkqrs^nibjOspl.
wUgksissa^
H i mi i l i III w. n ww j w
^TizecTF
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88
HnroBT Of Bristol iitb BEBimr.
retaining home in the morning. Before leaving, however, it was
agreed that Oapt Oilbert vjiionld make a visit to the bashaba on
the Penobscot, and that a delegation of the Pemaqoid Indians
•honld accompany him. With onr present knowledge of the
coast it may seem a little strange that experienced seamen, as
th^ were, shonld have any difficulty in finding the wide mouth
of the Penobscot, but we know not what obstacles, as stormy
weather, or dense fogs (which are very common there), may
have interfered with their designs. And then it was the par-
ticnlar locality of the great monarch they were searching for,
and not merely the Penobscot river.
We next hear of Nahanada Oct 8d, when he makes his ap«
pearance again at the Kennebec, attended by his wife, and having
in company a brother of the bashaba, Amenqain, another saga*
more, and his ever fitithftil attendant Skidwares. This time
ihey remained some three days, one of them being the sab«
bath; and being invited by the president they attended public
worship, behaving in all respects with the most perfect pro«
priety. At their departure, Popham, president of the colony,
bestowed upon them some trifiing presents, promising to visit
in person the bashaba at Penobscot, and make arrangemepts
for a regular trade. This promise evidently was made with
entire sincerity, but it never was fulfilled. A few months after-
wards, President Popham died; and the next spring the colony
was discontinued. After this, we hear no more of the Pema-
quid Indians, until the arrival of Oapt John Smith, in the sum*
mer of 1614. Nahanada then makes his appearance again
with the same character as before, treating the English with
great kindness, and maintaining the same \ottj bearing. Smith,
in his description of New Bngland, acknowledges his obliga-
tions to him, and in a fow words plainly indicates a proper
iq^preciation of his character. ^
This seems to be the last mention that is made of the name
of Nahanada, or his accompanying friend Skidwares. Very
soon after this visit of Oapt Smith, those two dreadful scourges
nf the human race, war and pestilence, foil upon the natives of
•ifsM. JEM. ML SS,VL,p.lSS. "TlMBuaaMrittaiiOMMXlGM. I hiidto
OltMMn mwmhtttwm my aaqMOslsMt MBoog Um Mtasm, etpeeUOljr wiiE
])thtMys.<M«ltMrffns«Mlloidi»wlio iMdUTsdkmgin EagUnd. DjrUis
mttas«ltblspfwiiAishrti%IdidMldottbibtttqai€kl/to hsrs gol tbia endit
wMktlMNilsl MsfcfaadtsaislHsati,»phsftlmdsaMssyolthiasaIdariisd
laMf<»-— -
HisTOET or Bristol Ajn Bnmcsv.
89
New England, of which we shall have more to say forther on,
and it is quite possible they were among the very many that per-
ished. Oertain it is, that the next time we find any reference
made to the Pemaquid Indians, the names that appear are
altogether new.
Smith sailed from England, March 8, 1614, and arrived at
Monhegan the last of April. He had under his command a ship
and a bark, and forty-five men. Their object, he says, was ** to
take whales, and make trials of a mine of gold and copper/'
The gold and copper they did not find, and were not any more
successful in taking whales ; but they secured a good quantity
of codfish, and for a small sum purchased a large amount of
furs of the Indians, as we have seen on preceding pages.
They built several boats on Monhegan ^ with which thqr
ranged the cOost many miles, both east and west During this
time, the ship and bark laid at anchor in Monhegan harbor.
Smith took with him in those excursions eight men, making
everywhere as good surveys as was possible with the means at
his command, very probably at the time intending to prepare a
map^ of the coast, he did two years afterward, (as de:icribed
on the next page). The map woe vastly superior to any that
had before appeared ; and asn result of Smith's labors during
tiie season the general knowledge of the country (and its pr<^
duction) was greatly increased.
When Smith's ships lay at Monhegan, ** right against him
in the main was a ship of Sir Francis Pophap," and ** forty
leagues to the westward were two French ships, that hod made
then a great voyage by trade." This shows that, at this period,
there was beginning to be considerable intercourse between
Europe and the coast of New England.
July 18th, Smith sailed in the bark for England, leaving the
ship in command of Thomas Hunt to complete his fiure offish;
but he soon left his fishing, sailed westward to Massachusetts,
where he seized twenty-seven^ of the natives for the purpose of
selling them as slaves. He took them with him to Spain, and
^MoiL URd. OotL,^Tt,l^, SmStli ttji "Honliogts (hstpeUs the word
Monahlgan) If a roand hAt, and doeo by it It ModmU*, b«twlxl whkklss ouU
harbor whore we rode." Spark'a Am, Biog., n^ 8S5.
'Repuhlidied la jr«M.iBft. CU2^ id. Series, ▼oLmiaadUPslfiej'sJ^
Snglmdt toI. i.
'Oae aoeoani njs 14, aaotiier 17, aad aaotiier M.
^TDrgiti^ed-DyA
%^
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HiBTOBT or Bristol avd Binnnr.
WM able to mAke a sale of a part of them, at about one hundred
dollars apiece ; but by the intrusioo of some monks, the sale of
the others was prerented. Oneof them, Squanto or Tasqaontum,
found hU wiy back, and, early after the arrival of the May
Flower in the harbor of Plymouth, introduced himself to the
Pilgrims in the most friendly manner, Subeequently he did
them much good serrice in various ways, and never betrayed
the trust reposed in him.'
This act of treachery, on the part of Hunt, greatly exaspe-
rated the natives against the Bnglish, and laid the foundation
for that hatred which led to those disastrous Indian wars of
Iftter times*
After this visit of Oapt Smith to our shores, he showed his
mpreciation of the country by hU efforto to establish a porma-
Mut colony somewhere in thU immediate vicinity, but all his
labors and sacrifices proved in vain. Two expeditions, fitted
out under hu charge, in tiieyean 1616 and 1616 were entirely
nnsuccessflil, though not because of any fi^ult of his.
In 1616,Smitii published his Description of . New England
witii a map of tiie coast, from tiie mouth of tiie Penobscot to
cape Cod, for which he had collected tiie necessary materials
dicing his visit on tiie coast just described. He dedicated tiie
work " To tiie High Hopeful Oharies, Prince of Great Britain,"
afterwards Oharies L, requesting him to change « the barimrous
names for such English, as posterity may say. Prince Charles
was their godfiitiier."* This tiie Prince condescended to do, for
thirty or more places; and several of tiie names suggested by
him are still retained, as Oharies river near Boston, Cape Ann,
(he called it Oape Anna), and Oape Elixabetii. In tiiis work,
the name, - New England ** is first applied to tiiis part of tiie
continent, but it was given by Smitti himself and not by tiie
Prince as has sometimes been said. The Prince named Pema-
quid, St. John's town, and Monhegan (he called) Barty island.
Three years before tiiis visit of Oapt Smith, anotiier outrage,
dmilar to tiiat of Oapt Wsymoutii, had been committed upon
•Geon|MBa»asTMq«snt«aiMOMor the ttirae ladlMM teoogbl to EsgUad
WW«raMtlLwliosft«rwMdteMi6ttttobkbsiidt;1mt m tho nune It not on
^^,V >;iU4(p.as>.kkpkinthstho«Mikoosik>iko. {Ml IRd. OM^n. 17).
Ti«i«sstam M/ hsTo boM la Ctooffgo's iMie^ bet ho WM tskM te SoglsBd by
H— t» sad Botby Wujt i tb ,
LAM.CUMd,vi^F.M.
HiSTomT or Bbxstol m> Bmsicnr.
41
IF
^^.\
the unsuspecting natives, tending to foster in their minds that
intense hatred for the English, which at length became a settled
passion. In the summer of 1611, Oapt. Edward Hariow cruis-
ing on this coast, called at Monhegan, and either here or some-
where, probably in this vicinity, seized three natives who had
come on board for the sake of trade, and carried two of them
oS, one having escaped by jumping overboard and swimming to
the shore. He then sailed to Oape Ood, where he kidnapped
three more, taking the five with him to England.'
OHAPTEE VIL
A fiorea war Among tbo natlTct, foUowodl^ a dettnietiTo poftilente— Soroitl
Engliihmoa, tent out bj Sir P. Oorgot, spend a wtntor in the ooantrjr — Voyngo
of Capt. Dermer In porwiliof Boeroft, and cmtoe along tbo ooaat Irom Xonhegaa
to Virginia — LoTott'a Tojago (1015-1038).
The memorable voyage of Smitii, followed as it was, by his
description of the country, and especially the publication of his
map of the coast, constitutes an important epoch in the history
of this part of the continent But events still more important,
in the form of war and pestilence, wore immediately to follow,
of which however, it is to be regretted, we have only very meagre
accounts. In the year 1615 — probably early in the year — a
fierce war broke out between the Tarratines, in the eastern part of
Maine, and the tribes living on tiie ^lerrimac and Piscataqua,
which was carried on with great fury until some of the tribes were
nearly annihilated. The cause of this war cannot now be fully
ascertained; but it appears that the Tarratines began it on ac-
count of some treachery, real or supposed, on the part of the tribes
living at the westward, but acknowledging the supremacy of the
same great monarch or bashaba. Hubbard' says ^Uhose that
were seated more eastward about Pemmaquid and Eennebecke
were called Tarratines ; betwixt whom and those that lived about
Pascataqua, Merrimack, and Agawam, now called Ipswich, had
arisen some deadly fued, upon the account of some treachery
used by those western Indians against the others ; so as eveiy
year they were afraid of being surprised by them*''
>Prinfle,p.88; Wm.md.iMu,hi^m.
^MMm.md.0$U^xr,9f^,
6
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-Dfgitfzi
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42
EmoftT Of Bvsnoh ivd Brbmht.
This w«r oonliDiied, it is beliered, about two yean; and
fbovgh in the end the Tarrattnee claimed the victory, the rcaalta
were about equally disastrous to both parties. During its
progress, the great bashaba of the Penobscot was slain; and
from the fiMt ^at we hear no more of such a ruler in this region,
it is probable that his fitmiiy was destroyed, and the dynasty
effeotually broken up. Levett,^ in 1628, does indeed speak of
the great sagamore of the east country, but it does not appear
that after the time of this war, any one is spoken of by the
title of bashaba.
Though the war is supposed to hare terminated in 1617, we
shall hereafter see that the enmity between the Tarratines, and
the Indians residing in the eastern part of Massachusetts, was
continued many years later, and sometimes broke out in acts of
hostiHty.
The other important event, alluded to above, was a dreadful
pestilence, which commenced its ravages amongst the natives
about the time the war dosed, or even before, and continued
at difEerent places on the coast for several years.
The Tarratines in the east, and the Narragansets in the west,
were not affected by it, or not seriously; but all the tribes
living between these suffered great loss, and some of them were
nearly exterminated. Oapt Dermer, who sailed along the
coast in 1619, found some places which, a few years before, were
considered populous, now almost destitute of inhabitants; and
some he saw afflicted with bad sores, who had recovered from
the disease. In some places so many died that the survives
were unable, or afraid, to bury them, and their bones were to
be seen years afterwards still bleaching upon the surface.
It would be interesting to determine, if poesible, the nature of
this destructive pestilence, but probably it was something pecu*
liar to these people, and is not recc^ised among the diseases
of civilised lift. Some have supposed that it was the imallpox^
but others have claimed that the symptoms, which however
cannot now be very accurately known, more resembled those of
jfilbw fiver; dther of which, perhaps, in the entire absence of
capable physicians, as was the case here, might be capable of
produdng similar disastrous results. It is intereeting to know
that someBoglishmen, who lived with the Indians during the
winter, were unaffected by the disease, whatever it was. A fret
HiSToiT or BusioL am^ Bibhiv.
a
mentioned by Hutchinson,' may aid us in forming an opinion
on the subject In the b^nuing of October, 1768, a destruo*
tive pestilence, sometimes called theplague, broke outamoug the
Indians of Martha's Vineyard, and so dreadfiil were iU ravages
that in the following Januaiy only 86 individuals remained
of die whole tribe, which at die b^inning numbered 820. And
of these survivors, 16 had been abeent during tiie prevalence ol
the disease.
For two years previous to Uiis time the crops had been very
deficient, and the Indians had been obliged to live upon the
meanest kinds of food ; and during the Summer of this year they
had been witiiout any thing of a farinaceous kind, escept what
they coald gather at the time from the fields. The consequence
was, the large quantities of green food consumed hy them, in
connection with their peculiar mode of life, prepared them
for the peculiarly destructive sickness Which followed. It is
remarkable tiiat in this case the English people, living on die
same island, were not effected by the disease.
This great diminution of the native population of our coast,
was considered, at the time, as a providential interference
frvoringtiie colonization of the country, by Europeans ; and in
the patent of New England, granted by the King of England,
Nov. 8, 1620, the extraordinary effecU of this pestilence are re-
ferred to as a reason for the course he saw fit to take in regard
to it " We have been farther given cerUinly to know, that
within these late years, diere hath, by Ood's visitation, reigned
a wonderful plague amongst the savages diere heretofore in-
habiting, in a manner to the utter destruction, devastation and
depopulation of Uiat whole territory, so as there is not left, for
many leagoes together, in a manner, any that do claim or chaU
lenge any kind of interest diereiii ; whereby we in our Jude-
mcnt,etc.''» -^ ^ »
Though die tribes of diis region are not q>ecifically men-
tioned, in connection widi eidier of diese disastrous events, diere
is no reason to suppose diat tiiey escaped dieir ravages; and
the negative fact that die names of the few widi whom we have
heretofore become acquainted no more appear, may be con-
sidered significant of dieir fete.
Vw MfeNooM to tiM antboritUt oa tUt lattNsUitf mUml Mt AA
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HmoET or Bristol asp BuMiir.
Th« fisheries on tbe coast of New England had become so
well estabUsbed at this period, that ships from England were
•reiy year on this coast, bat few records of their doings have
eome down to os. They, howcTer, remained only during the
season of fishing, all returning to Europe in the autumn. In
1618, Sir F. Geoi^ges, on his own responsibility, sent a party
under Mr. Richard Vines, a man who had previously made
sereral voyages to the coast, for the purpose of taking fish and
trading with the natives ; and it was especially stipulated that
tiiey should spend the winter in the country. This they did,
living, mostly with the natives about the mouth of the Saco
river, and were uniformly treated with kindness.
It was during this winter the dreadful pestilence prevailed
on this coast ; and these were the only white men, so far as we
know, who were brought in actual contact with the fearful
malady. How or when they returned is not stated ; but two
years afterwards, in 1618, one Edward Bocroft, who had been
sent on an expedition by the Plymouth company, having bad a
quarrel with some of his men, put three of them ashore at
Saco, where they were left to take care of themselves.
These men by some means found their way, late in the sea-
•on, to Monh^gan, where it is said they passed a miserable
winter. Here they were found in the spring of 1619, by Capt
Dermer, whom the Plymouth company had sent out to act in
oonijunction with Bocroft, and, at the same time, to use means for
conciliating the natives, who, under their continued ill treatment,
were becoming exceedingly hostile. Before Dermer^s arrival
Bocroft, without orders, had sailed for Virginia, where, as it
afterwards appeared, he was killed in a quarrel with one of his
own countrymen. Dermer therefore delayed a few weeks at
lionhegan, until his men could load his ship with fish and furs,
himself with a fow men in the meantime making an excursion
in an open boat to the west as for as Massachusetts. Beturning
to Monhegan, with two Frenchmen, whom he had rescued flrom
a activity of two years among the Indians, he despatched the
ship* to England ; and then in hb open boat, of five tons, and
rix or seven men, started for Virginia. On his voyage south
he passed through Long Island sound and the East river, into
KewTork harbor, and soon by way of Sandy hook; being un-
'htoplwihigtoltttrt^tUiliAlp— deatetyiMBBwftdTOjHP^sad bolk
HiSTOET OV BbISTOIi !» BeXMIV.
45
t'
questionably the first man who ever sailed from Maine to Vtr-
l^nia by this route; but not the first (as by some claimed), to
discover that Long island is not a part of the main land.
It will be seen from the foots above related, that there must
have been considerable business transacted at Monhegan dur-
ing the spring and summer of 1619 ; and probably firom this
time the island was permanently occupied, at least until the
breaking out of the first general Indian war.^
There is sufficient reason found in the unfriendly foelings of
the natives at this time, to account for the fact that this bud*
uess was transacted on an island like Monhegan rather than oa
the main; but it is possible that Oie settiement at Pemaquid
harbor also commenced about this time, periiaps this same
year.
Bocroft was a scoundrel, and died in an ignoble quarrel;
but Dormer was a true man, and ever foitbfol to the trust
imposed in him. His efibrto to conciliate the natives were
sincere, and apparentiy attended with some success, but he
at length died of wounds received at their hands. Be-
turning from Virginia to the coast of Massachusetts, he waa
attacked by the Indians, and several of his men killed ; and he
himself only escaped with some severe wounds, of which he
afterwards died in Virginia. By some however, it is said, he
died, not of his wounds, but of disease contracted in theoduntry.
Up to this time the Plymouth company bad foiled to esUblish
a colony in North Virginia, and they therefore petitioned the
king (James I,) for a new charter with enlarged powers. Such
a charter was granted on the 8d of November, 1620, which
gave to tbe Plymouth company, in fee simple, the whole country
of North America, from ocean to ocean, between the pavallels
of 40 and 48 degrees of north latitude— a magnificent present
truly!*
They were also to have complete civil jurisdiction— the right
to appoint governors, magistrates and other authorities for the
colony, aud to enact laws needful for tbe administration of
justice. To them were to belong the exclusive right of trade»
and of taking fish witiiin their territorial limits.
*ThoniUm, iArdM Bid. CWL, toI. v, p. 104.
•This eorpQff»tkMi,coiifliatiBgor''(;9rtj iioblciiieii,knIglrt8, aadginUemcB raid,
lag is BafUMl,''UoltMd«igiuted m the PljrflMmdi eo«KU.or Um Gouidi
orPl/nMHitk ; Md it MC to be eonfeandod with the Pi/mouth colour, whieh
wse eitahUehod a Pljnovth, lUsMohQselt^, hi Dee., leSO.
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HDTOftT Of BamoL m BEucni.
Under tUi oluurter Oapt Robert Gk>rgea» ioa of Sir F. Gtoi^ges,
\ immediatelj appointed governor general of the territory,
and came to reside at Pljmoatb, having associated with him*
self as ooonsellors several other gentlemen, among whom was
Christopher Lerett, Esq., who also embarked for the country
and arrived in the antomn. This gentleman was his miyesty's
woodward for Somersetshire, and jost as he was about to sail,
was made a member of the council for New England. He had
interested himself in the company to the amount of one hun«
dred and ten ponpds, and received a grant of six thousand acres
of land. He q;Mnt several months in the country, in search of
• proper place to commence his plantation.*
Landing first at the << Isle of Shonlds," [Shoals] he came
next to the new settlement at Piscataqua (Portsmouth, K H.),
where he met Gk>v. Gk>rges, and remained f^ month, and then
with two boats and several men made an excursion to the east*
ward, as for as Capmanwagan, now Southport Here he
remained several days, not deeming it advisable to go farther
east for the reason that he *<hs»d heard that Pemaquld,
Oapmanwagan, and Monhiggon were granted to others.^ From
this place he returned to the westward, and finally selected a
mte for his proposed plantation, to which he gave the name
of York, probably near the present place of this name.
At Capmanwagan Levett met the Indian sagamore, Samo-
aet (or Somerset as often written), whose interesting character
we shaU have occasion soon to notice more fully. With many
others of the natives Samoset was preparing to goto Pemaquid,
with ** some store of beaver coats and sldns to trade with one Mr.
Witheridge, a master of a ship of Bastable'' [Barnstable, ICass.],
which then lay at Pemaquid ; but Levett so ingratiated himself
with these ''children of nature,'' and especially with Samoset,
that they proposed to bestow upon him their stock of furs gra>
tnitonsly— >nodoubthoweverexpectingageneronsretum. This
he honorably declined, but at length secured by purchase '' all
•xoept one coat and two skins, which they reserved to pay an
old debt with; but they, sUying all that night, had them stolen
from them.'' In the morning great complaint was made to
Levett, but when he showed a disposition to aid them in disoover-
ing the culpriti thqr intimated that such inteiforenee wae hot
desired.*
(ML Vi» pi. 1ST.
* iifm n» p. 16^ sai v.» fb lS6b
HisTOBT or Beistol Am Besmsv.
4T
T
-/^.
Levett from this place returned with some of the naUves to
the site of his proposed plantation, which however was not
destined to become a success Gorges remained in the countiy
only until the spring of 1624, when he returned to £ng>
land, of course resigning his office as governor.
Those who came out with Gorges to form a part of his colony
• now separated, some returning with him to England and others
going to Virgbia.^
A very considerable business was now transacted on this
coast, connected entirely with the fisheries and the ftir trade,
which centered chiefiy at Monhegan and Pemaquid. At both
places a very considerable and busy population was found in
the summer season, and very possibly also some in the winter,
though we have no positive evidence of the foct Of the amount
of business done on the coast we can form some opinion from
the number of ships annually sailing here from Europe. In 1614,
when Capt Smith lay in the harbor at Monhegan, ** right
against him pn the main was a ship of Sir Francis Popham,'*
which had been accustomed to trade there for several years pre^^
viously.
In succeeding years, the same budness was continued by
many others; and it has been determined that bettreen the
years 1607 and 1622, no less than ** 109 ships entered and
cleared from the harbors of Pemaquid and its dependendes,
where they did more or less business in the dischaige and re*
ccipt of cargoes and commerce with Europe.'**
The English ships employed in transporting emigrants to Vir-
ginia, with their necessary supplies, fouu^ it for their interest, on
their return, to call on this coast and obtain such return cargoes of
fish and furs, as the constantly increasing business of the country
was able to affi>rd.
In the spring of the year 1622, the people of the new settle^
ment at Plymouth, Mass., were saved from starvation by a
timely supply of bread obuined from the fishing-fleet in this
r^on; and the next year the people of Weston's settlement
at Weymouth sent an expedition here for the same purpose^
and probably with the same success.*
>HmbbMd. Mai$. md. CUT., Sd terlM, foL v., p. SO.
"¥•«■§'• OlMioCM^iViMiilA. p. SOS; Priasi^ I, p. m.
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48 HinoET Of BftiBTOL Am BEncnr.
OHAPTEB Vm.
TlMPljnMfh PitMl or J«Be lit, iaSl>th6iMiiM of John Peine. Rkhard
Tmnb, *ii of Joka Peiroe* end hie fiUher4ii-Uw, John Brown, become pennn-
MBI eeMen ei PemeqnSd — SteteneBt eC Semnd Welke of Boelon — Bfown'k
fnfdhMO eC two Indlen legMnorae •* Abnhem Bhwte pofoheeee Meohegna Iw
▲Mewerlh end Bbridge (lOM^^S).
We come now to a period in the history of this place concern-
ing some points of which there is much obscurity, not to say
mystery.
It is well known that when the Plymouth colony arrived on
the coast of Massachusetts, in November, 1620, they were with-
out a charter, or rather the charter they had obtained from the
London or South Virginia company was useless, for the reason
that they had come so far to the north as to be beyond the
jurisdiction of that company. They, therefore, by the return of
the Mayflower, made application for a charter from the Plymouth
or North Virginia company ; or, rather to the successors of this
company now styled the Council for New England, or Plymouth
Council on whose territory they found themselves located.
This charter was readily granted, and was issued Junel, 1621,
in the name of John Peiroe, ** citisen and doihworker of Loudon,''
and his associates. It was brought to Plymouth in the ship
Fortune, which arrived in Nov., 1621.* That it thus came
into the possession of the colony is certain, but it does not
appear that they ever made any use of it The same patent or
charter, however, long subsequently, was made use of by de-
scendants of Peirce as the basis of a claim to lands at Pemaquid,
which was prosecuted with vigor.
This patent was of a singular character, mentioning no metes
and bounds, but simply reciting the fact that a settlement hod
been commenced in New England; it gave to John Peirce and
his associates, and his and their heirs and assigns, one hundred
acres of ^'grownd" for every person who should be transported
by them and continue in the country three years, with a long
detail of limitations, restrictions and conditions. And inasmuch
as churches, schools, hospitals, bridges, etc, were to be built,
flfkeea hundred acres, additional to that above provided for, were
ff
EisTOKT or Bbbxol.asb Buioar.
49
'-■I
'ij
1
J
f:
'\
I.I
%
given to the undertakers for these purposes. So, also, on
certain other conditions, every emigrant was to have fifty more
acres allotted to him, after a settlement should be &irly begun,
and due return maae of their transactions. Power was at the
same time given to enact necessary laws and appoint necessary
officers for the government of the colony, and to ddude all
intruders.
Less than a year after the iuuing of this patent (April 20tfa,
1622), Mr. Peirce, in some way, unfairly, as was charged by his
associates, obtained another patent which produced con^derable
dissatisfaction, but in May, 1628, the difficulty was settled, and
Peirce resigned the patent to the company for the consideration
of 600 pounds.
Some months before thus closing his connection with the
colony, he had at great expense fitted out the ship Paragon,
and dispatched her with many passengers for the new settle-
ment; but being forced back by the Weather, he, at great addi-
tional expense, again fitted her for sea, and embarked in her
himself with one hundred and nine passengers. TTnfortunatelj,
after making half the distance across tibe Atlantic, she was
again obliged to return, and Peirce's name no more appears in
connection with the Plymouth colony.
But only a few years later than this, a Mr. Kcbard Pearce,
who is claimed to have been a son of John Peirce, is found as
a permanent resident of Pemaquid, or rather Muscongus ; and
after the lapse of a century or more, some of his descendants
laid claim to a large tract of land here, basing their claim in
part upon this very patent of June 1st, 162L
The sutjject is very fully presented in the foUovring document
of Samuel Welles of Boston :
^'Tbb msy certify all ooBcerosd, thai I have in my head, a esrtaia
patent, atgned by the Earl of Warwick, and aefsral other Biemberi of the *
Ooaocil of Plymonth, in England, dated Jane lit, 1621, about three ysaxs
aAsr the patent oonstitnting the Coonoil of Plyaonth for ordering the
afiaira and aeUlement of New EngUnd, that if, of land between the 40th
and 48th degrees of north latxtnde. The aum and aubttanoe of this patent
of June 1st, I62I, b a grant to one John Pierce, a citiien of Londoo, of
liberty to ooae and settle in New BngUnd, with divers privileges la soeh
place as he or his asaooiates should ohooee under eertaialimitatieas of ad
4 JTsM. JERit. (ML, n^ p. W ; Bradfoid. 4 JTsM. JBi^. (M^ m. p. ia«i
Phaesb JftftfA^lsa^, X, ^ 180 ; PaUhgr's iOM. ir. j; I, p. na
7
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HmoftT Of Bbistoi. Am B&bmbh.
Sat«rferiBg Willi other gnnts, or faUliDg withio Un miltft of mj oiber
ntUeaoDt, «d1«m oo the oppotito lido of 0omo great oaTigAble riTer,
•ad 00 retvni made, to baTe further graota and priTilegea. Now, aa I
am informed, and bear it ia agreed oo all baoda, Mr. Pieree oame OTor
and bero aettled, tbat ia, at a pUtee ealled Broad Baj, aod tbere bis poe-
ioritj.eontiiiiicd abore one bnodred jeara ; tome time after the aettlemeiit
waa begun, one Mr. Brown made a pnrobaae of a Urge tract of Utnd of
the natiTea ; and aa Mr. Plerce'a waa the moat ancient grant tbereabont,
they united the grant firom booM with the pnrobaae of the natiTca, and it
ia laid that the Indiana bare oyer acknowledged the jnatice of onr elaima
md Aorer would bnm Pieree'a hoMO, erea thongb be left it. * * <•'
Boiloftt 11th September, 17M. Bamvbl Weum."^ '
The author of tbia statemeot was a natire of GotitieotioQt» but
lirod in Boeton, whero he waa held in hij^h eatimation, and
often appointed to offices of great trast and responsibility. We
may believe that he would not make such a declaration without
due consideration, nor without evidence satisfactory to himself
of its truth ; but that John Peiroe, after holding the relation he
did to the Pilgrim Fathers, could come to this country, and
even undertake to found a permanent settlement on the coast,
no iiiurther than this from the Plymouth settlement, and the
fui entirely escape mention in contemporary history, until
the middle of the last century, is extremely improbable. The
language of Mr. Welles plainly implies that his information
was derived chiefly, if not entirely, from Peirce's descendants;
and even with them it was preserved by tradition, only except so
fiaras evidenoewas furnished by the patent itsel£
But Bichard Pearce (this appears to have been his way of
spelling the name), who is conceded to have been a son of John
Peirce, did estabtish himself here as one of the veiy earliest
permanent settlers of the place, and left quite a numerous
posterity^ of whom we shall have something to say in the pro*
gross of this work. John Brown, whose daughter he married,
purchased land hereof the Indians, in July, 1625, but how long
he had been in the place we do not know ; nor can we now tell
whether Pearce's btimate relationship with the Brown &mily
began before their immigration to this country. The proba-
bility seems to be that they all came together, and it may be
they came in an expedition sent out by Pearce*s father, imme«
*Wtak,miLP0rtUmi,U9L,p.n. Mannaoriptain AfohiTia of tho Maine
H
HisTOftT or Bristol m BaBirnr.
61
diately after the second disastrous return of his ship, the Par-
ragon, in 1628. The fact that Brown afterwards purchased the
same land from the Indians makes nothing against this view.
When the patent of June Ist, 1621, was issued in the name
of John Peirce and his associates, it was intended to be for the
benefit of the colony then recently established at Plymouth,
Mass.; tbere can be no question of this. When therefore it
is recited in the patent, ^*that whereas the said John Peirce and
his Associates haue transported and vndertaken to transporte
at their cost and chardges themselves and dyvers psons into
New England and tbere to erect and build a Towne, Ic^** it
was the beginning of the Plymouth colony that was rderred to.
There can be no escape from this, though some have supposed
that the language may have referred to another settlement pre«'
viously begun here by Peirce. But if there may have been, in
former times, some reason for such a suspicion, the matter has
been sot at rest by the publication of fragments of the records
of the Council for New Eugiaud, by the American Antiquarian
Society.*
We may, indeed, suppose tbat two patents were issued the
same day, in the name of John Peirce, in trust ; one for Ply*
mouth, and the other for a settlement elsewhere. But this is
too impfobable to be thought of for a moment.
Mr. Welles says further that ** some time after Peirce's settie-
meiit here was begun, one Mr. Brown made a purchase of a
large tract of land of the natives ; and as Mr. Peirce's was the
most ancient grant thereabouts, they united the grant from
home with the purchase from the natives, kc**
But Mr. Welles was not the author of this ingenious mode
of representing these transactions; it had been adopted by
the Peirces, as early as 1784. But probably we shall best
regard it as au afUrihought^ adopted by them to strengthen their
supposed claim to a proprietary interest in the lands bere, by
virtue of the irregular transactions of their ancestors.
Thus John Brown — third of the name — in a quit-claim deed
to several of the Pearce fiimily. Sept 10, 1784, says: «'To all
people to whom these presents shall come; — John Brown of
New Harbor, in the county of York, yeoman, sendeth greeting,
Ac. Whereas my Hon'* Qrandf&ther, John Brown of said New
Harbor, Deceas'', in his Life Time stood seiaed of a Large Tract
> iNvd. ^ffk iiAl. Am^ 1657, nk S5» eS and M.
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52
HisToiftT or BinroL m Bebmbv.
of Laod at and adjoining to t' New Harbor by PorohaBO of
Capt John Summersatt, &c*» Indian Sachems, as per their Deed
Dated the 16th Day of Jnly, 1625, a Part of which Lands my
aaid Grand&ther gave to his Son-in-Law, lUchard Pearce of Mar-
bleheady Deo' ; and Instead of giving a Deed of said land to said
Peiroe he allowed the said Sachem to give a Deed of the Land to
his Son-in-Law, as per the Deed of said Sachem, Sommersett
[9th] Day of January, 1841. Bounded, beginning at Bound Pond
Falls, Extending North West four miles and so back to Pema>
quid Barer, which sdd Bounds Trench Partly on the Bounds
of sMd New Harbor Purchase, which said Purchase since the '
Death of my said Graad-fiither, and the Death of my Hon'*
Father John Brown late of Damariscotta has been divided, ko.**^
The fact is well established, that Brown did fully assent to
the sale of the land referred to — a part of his own tract — to his
•on-in-law Pearoe, and by the same Indian sachem, Samoset,
who sold it to him mxteen years before, for his name appears as
a witness on the deed;* but not a word in it indicates that he,
at the time, had any such thoughts as the interpretation after-
ward pat on the transaction supposed. Is it not more probable
that he considered the deed his son-in-law was recriving from
the ^untutored savages '' as of even less consequence than his
own pre?ious deed 7
But the &et that a son of Johii Peirce, in whose name the
first Plymouth patent was issued, became a permanent resident
here, at so early a period, coupled with the fact that the Ply*
mouth people were greatly dbpleased with his fiskther's doings,
and charged him with managing thttr ai&irs in view of selfish
ends of his own, must be considered as very significant The
Plymouth people did not confide in his integrity.
It is said that in 1628, without consulting his associates, be
obtained another charter or patent ostensibly for the Plymouth
colony, but oontMning certain provisions designedly fiivoring
bis own .selfish ends, and those of his family. It is not now
extant, and what its special provisions were is not known, but
it was charaeteriaed in severe terms by Bradford and others.
Sobsequentiy, May 18tb, 1628, the matter was settied by the
payment to Peiroe of £600, by the company ; but it is evident
that it was not done without some bad feeling between the
parties.
^T§rkMmr4$,y9LTTUV.Vk ftotaposMsrioaoriUlas]
• At oMl 0MI. Jivv xn^ ^ 8N^
1
9
HisTOET Of BaiSToi m Bancsir.
5S
Did Peiroe immediately after this send his son Bichard to this
place, accompanied perhaps by Brown and others, with the
view of establishing another settlement under the patent?
This seems probable; but no public announcement was ever
made of such a transaction. Still, it may have been that
those were the very men who had taken possesrion of
Pemaquid, and of whom Samoset and other Indians of the
place informed Levett, at Capmanwagen (Southport), late
in the autumn of the same year, 1628.^ But no evidence has
been found that Peirce ever intimated ^a intention to make
such a use of the patent of June 1st, 1621 ; and more important
still, so fitf as we know, his son lUchard, during his lifetime
here, never put forward any claim based upon the proviaons of
that charter]
Some points in the character and histoiy of the patent aro
decidedly curious :
First No metes or bounds are mentioned in it, but Peiivo
and his associates were authorized to take possession anywhere
between the 40tii and 48lh degrees of nortii latitude, witii only
some restrictions in regard to other settiements, Ac It might,
therefore, have been located here witiiout any violatbn of its
own express provisions.
Second, the said patent, so for as we can now learn, after
being sent to Gov. Carver (who, however, died before its arrival),
the same year it was given, was never in the possession of John
Pierce, or his son Richard, nor was it ever brought to Pema*
quid, or Muscongus, where Richard Pearce lived.
Third. The eariiest date at which this patent of June 1, 1621,
is mentioned by the descendants of Richard Pearce, as the
foundation, in whole or in part, for their claim to lands in this
place, so for as has been discovered, is that above given in
John Brown's quitclaim deed to several of tiie Peaix^es, Sept
10th, 1784. Several deeds of lands at Pemaquid, of an earlier
date, are to be found on the York County Records, given by
persons styling tiiemselves " grand^shildren of Ri^haid Pearco
and greatgrand-children of John Brown" of Pemaquid, but
they mention only, as the foundation of their dwns, the pur-
chase from the Indians in 1625, and the '<deed of gift'' of John
Brown to his daughter, Mrs. Richard Pearoe, omitting entirely
any allusion to the patent of 1621.
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•Hdtoet of Bristol ako Brbmbh.
Foartii. The patent referred to eeems to haye been in the
eostody of the Pljmouth people, a whole centniy and more,
without teoeiTing any special attention, or exciting particular
inqnirj; bat, in 1727 great search was made for it, and it
oonld not be found. Again in 1788, 1789, and 1741, the search
was renewed in Plymouth, Ipswich and Cambridge, but without
succefM. At length, it is said Perez Bradford, by request,
oonsented to aid in the search, and after considerable exertion
brought it to light; and the fact was ascertained that it had
been ** designedly concealed.'**
May not the document haye fallen into the hands of some
one of the heirs of Bichard Pearce, who was carefully presenr-
ing it in order to strengthen the family claim to a proprietary
interest in the lands here, when the time should come for the
settlement of the question T Neyertheless, when the settlement
was actually made, early in the present century, as we shall
hereafer see, only yery slight reference was made to the patent by
one or two of the dsdmants in the Peirce interest, and the
commismoners seem to haye giyen it little, if any, attention.
The purchase of land at Pemaquid of tfie Indians by John
Brown, constitutes an important epoch in the history of the
plaoe. He probably came here directly from Bristol, Bng. ; and
the following document, copied from the records of that d^,
makes us acquainted witb some items of his history.
^ Feb. 21, 1668,Bobert Allen of Sheepscott Biyer in New Eng-
land, planter, came personally before me, etc, etc., that for 17
years last past he well knew John Brown of New Harbor in
New England, maso^, who often told him that he was the son
of Bichsjrd Brown of Barton Regis, in Gloucester, in England,
and that he married Margaret, daughter of Francis Hayward
of Bristol. Said Brown was sJiye and in good health in New
Bnglaod last June.'**
. The Indian deed to Brown is as follows :*
. **Ts all people whoa it May eoaoore. Kaow ye, that I G«pt Joha
Sonsnot tod Uooogeii, ladiaa uguaoret, ibey beiog tht proper hein (e '
all ths laads oa both sidss of MuMoagut riysr, htrs Ufgaiaed aad aoald
Om nmti m it , p. 171, aoU. PUInl/.HiAmMidklBotviiderataadtiMMfflUoftiMeMt.
•FkoaH. e. B oMi gty ,of Boitoa, tho w«U kaowm •atftqwiui, who UmsIT
» tko oopf Ikwi tho Britlol VMoidi.
I flitand% wi Mppoted io I
•LbmimMtf$H.mt,p.l9$. Flki«rtkoiMi«^£EM. Aa
I
HmoKT or Bboiol axd Bxnm.
56
to John Brown of New Htrbor this oortaia tract or parooll of laad u ibU
lowoth, that it to tay, begiooiog at Pemaquid FaUi and to roaoiog a
direct ooario to the bead of Now Harbour, freai tbeooo to tbo south end
of Moseongnii Iilaod, taking io the ialand, and sonumiagfiTeand twenty
miles Into the eoantry north and by eaat, and tbenoe eight miles north
west and by west, and then turning and mnning south and by west to
Pemaquid where &rst began — To all which lands abore boanded, the
aaid Captain John Somerset and Unnongoit, Indian Sagamores hare granted
and made orer to the abore said John Brown, of New Harbour, in and for
consideration of My skins, to us in band paid, to our fall satisfiiction, for
the abore mentioned lands, and we the abore said sagamores do bind our*
selves and our heirs fore?er to defend the abote said John Brown and
bis heirs in the quiet and peaceable possession of the shore said lands.
In witness wbereunto, I the said Capl^ John Somerset and Unnongoit haye
set our bands and seals this fifteenth day of Jaly, ia the year of our Laid
God one tbeasaad six haadred aad twenty-five.
Capt. John Soimsxr, [sxaL.]
UniroiiaoiT. [siaii.]
Signed and sealed in presence of us,
Mattukw NxwMAir,
Wu. Cox.
July 24, 1626, Capt John Somerset and Uonoogoit, Indiaa Sagamores,
persooally appeared and aeknowledged this instrument to be their %st aad
deed, at Pemaquid, before me, AuaAHAM SuuxTl.
Charlestown, December 26, 1720, Read, and at the request of James
Stilson, and his sister Margaret Hilton, fonaerly Stilsoa, they beiag
eUimers aad hein of said lands, accordingly entered.
Pxa SuiuxL Pbipps,
One of the CUrk$ of ike OowmUUeJor EatUrm LandiJ*
The two witnesses to this deed were probably men who had
come with Brown from England, but nothing is now known of
the first, Matthew Newman.^ Wm. Cox became a resident of
the place ; and his posterity of the same name are still here.
The late Capt Israel Cox, who many years occupied a phice oa
the board of selectmen of the town of Bristol, and died only a
few years ago, claimed that this Wm. Cox was his great-grand-
father's father. He continued to reside here, but the time of
his death is not known. All of the name of Cox now in thia
» It is lemaikftWetbat thirty-Sye yearn after this tr smsfftVm, that fa. In the jear
1600, the saoM names, Uatthew Newman and Wm. Oos. appear as witnesses toa
deed from John Blown of New Haxhor to Sander Oenld and hfa wiK wfae wan
Bigwa'sdan^iter. Xinsrfa Jysri, ISll, ^ ISl, ISS.
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HnrroBT oi Bssmmu An Bbuciv.
HXSTO&T Of BftXBXOL AVD BaUCUT.
67
region^ and on the Eennebacy are UUered to hayo dMoeaded
from him; Mid it may be farther added, that of all the settleN
who eame here from this period until the close of the oentnrj,
when &e place was destroyed by the Indians, the names of
Cos and BHUrn q^pear to be the onlj ones now perpetnated in
the place
Brown lired near New Harbor, and is therefore in the old
lecords flreqaently called John Brown ot New Harbor; but
hwag a man of great enterprise, in 1689 he purchased more
land of the Indians at a place called Naqnassett (now Woolwich)
on the Xennebec rirer, and remored there. In the year 1641^
his name appears as a witness to an Indian deed of lands at
Mnscongns to his son-in-law, lUchard Pierce, the land being a
part of the same he had purchased of the Indians in 1625. We
have already seen the interpretation given to this transaction
by Peirce's descendants.
In 1646, he sold his lands at Nequasset, and returned to
Pemaqnid ; but in 1664 he was living at Damariscotta, ^ Phillips,
Taylor, and Scott being bis neighbors.^ By some it is added
that he died in 1670, probably at Damariscotta; but according
to adepontion of Benjamin Prescott, of Danvers, made in Salem,
in 1765, he lived with his son, John Brown, Jr., at Boston, the
last yean of hU life.''
These four, John Brown, John Taylor, Walter Phillips, and
Bobert Scot^ were the only men having fitmilies who then
lived at Damariscotto '< Salt Water Falls,'' where the bridge
DOW is. Scott lived on the east side directly opposite the
^ great bank of oyster shells," and Brown's House was south
of him ; Phillips and Taylor lived on the west side* During
the war, called Elng Philipe' war, about the year 1676, they
were all obliged to miJce their escape, in the best way they could.
Brown leftthree children, John Brown, Jr., and twodaughters,
Margaret, who married Sander or Alexander Oould, and long
fesided in the place, and Elisabeth, who married Bicbard Peiroe
orPearoe.
The acknowledgement of this deed, it will be observed, was
made belbre Abn^m Shurte at Pemaqnid, only a year after
it was given. Shurte does not append any title to his name, and
^WOmMkbumiLSm. Th» IidlMi Md idbmi to to
AMI 4 0M. Jb(f ^ f<oL zn, pw SOB.
,lall^^lll^u& warn
pnUtohdllBllMjr.J:
'/ ■
probably claimed no authority fbr such an act, but made the
record as a matter of accommodation in a new settlement, &r
removed from auy regularly appointed ma^^ttrates, leaving it
for those whom it might afterwards concern to attach such im*
portance to it as might seem just and proper.
'< The precision and conciseness of this first deed of convey-
ance of American soil, written at Pemaqnid, and the neat and
compact formula of acknowledgement, drawn up by Abraham
Shurte, and still adhered to in New England, word for word,
are interestiug to the jurist There was no precedent for the
ackuowledgement, or the formula, and Mr. Shurte is well en*
titled (o be remembered as the father of American conveyancing.
The first legislation of Massachusetts, providing for this mode of
autbanticating deeds, did not occur until 1640, when commis*
sioncrs were especially appointed for the purpose, and Plymouth
colony did not adopt this security against fraudulent convey*
ances until rix years later, in 1G46.*
This deed was not recorded for nearly a hundred years, and
was theu entered on the records at Chariestown, Mfi w
Shurte gives quite a history of himself and some of his doings
in the rbllowing deposition, given by him, Dec 25th 1662.
'< The Deposition of Abraham Shurte, aged fourscore yeaii,
or thereabouts, saitb—
That in the year 1626, Alderman Alsworth [often written
Aldsworth], and Mr. Gyles Elbridge of Bristol, merchanU sent
over this Deponent, for their Agent, and gave power to him to
buy Monhegan, which then belonged to Mr. Abraham Jennings
of Plimouth, who they understood was willing tosell ; and having
conference with his agent, about the price thereof; agreed to
fifty pounds, and the patent to be delivered up ; and gave him
abUl upon Alderman Alsworth; which bUl being presented,
was paid, as the aforesaid wrote me. The Deponent further
saith, that about the year 1629, was sent over unto him by the
aforenamed Alderman Alsworth, and Mr. Eldbridge a patent
granted by the Patentees, for twelve thousand acres of land at
Pemaqnid, with all Ulands, UleU adjacent, within three leagues ;
and for the delivery was appointed Captain Walter Keale, who
gave me possession thereof; and bounded the twelve thousand
• Thornton. Jfa(Mite.CW.v. p. IW. Mr. ThotntonhM
tho •ftmo fm wMin vm In tho iMiUiir mvMj.Umg
(UltartoAnlhor.) w,-^.«^
8
•laeotonmodthal
aiinito's di^.
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Hdtoet of Bristol uro Brbmbh.
HxEnroBT of Bristol axb BRiianr.
69
teres fi>r the nee abore oRmed, from the hesd of the rirer of
DRmRiisoottR, to the he«d of the rirer of Mosooogas, and be*
tween it, to the sea. Moreorer it was granted by the same
pateat; tiiat ereiy serrant, that they, Alderman Aldsworth and
Mr. Eldbridge did send oren one hundred acres of land and to
0f%rj one there bom fifly acres of land, for the term of the first
soTon years ; and to be added to the former twelve thousand
aores.— Likewise this Deponent saith, that DomanrisooTS was
inolnded, and belonpng to Pemaqnid ; it being an island, situ-
ate, and lying within three leaguesof Pemaquid Point ; and some
years after Mr. Thomas Eldbridge ooming to Pemaquid, to
whom the patent by possession did belong, and appertain,
called a Ck>urt, unto which divers of the then inhabitants of
Monhegan and Damarisoove repaired, and continued their
fishings Paying * eertain acknowledgement— and further saith
iSwem the 25th December, 1662, by Abraham Shurti,
Before me Riobard Bussbll, Magistrate.'**
According to Mr. Thornton,* Mr. Jennens, with others, had
made considerable purchases of land in New England from the
, Plymouth council, as early as 1622 ; and probably it was under
the title thus acquired that he claimed to hold the island of Men-
began. Jennens himseli^ so for as we know, had never visited
tills countiy, but a very considerable business had been transacted
on the island in his name, for, when it was known at tiie new
settiement at Plymouth, Mass., that his establishment was to
be discontinued, Gov. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, with several
others proceeded there to make purchases. Stopping at Pisca-
taqua on their way, Mr. David Thompson took passage vrith
them, bring anxious also to make purchases. In order to avoid
the evils of two great competition between the two parties, they
agreed to purchase all the goods offered, and to divide fhem
equally between them. They also purchased '*a parcell of
goats.'' The purchases of Qov. Bradford amounted to about
X400 Sterling. The same Spring a French ship had been cast
awiay at Sagadahoc, but many goods were saved, and for sale
•XlMiiiAv0r^lSll,^4a
•JfafaiflfH. CW, v,^ ISS, ITS,
among the fishermen at Damariscove and Monhegan, of which
the Gov. purchased to tiie amount of another hundred pounds.^
Shurte became a resident at Pemaquid soon after his arrival
•1 ^ in the country, and spent here the rest of his life. Nearly all his
life he was actively engaged in business, often extending his trad*
ing expedition as for west as Massachusetts, and as for east as
Kova Scotia. In one of his excursions he came near losbg his
^Ufe by the recklessness of a seaman, who was so addicted to
smoking that he could not forego the use of his pipe for small
reasons. He was on his way to Boston, in a small vessel com-
manded by Oapt Wright As they were entering the harbor
at Piscataqua a seaman in attempting to light his pipe near a
keg of gunpowder, exploded the powder, blowing the vessel
as well as himself to atoms. Shurte witii the others escaped
with litde or no injury. He is always spoken of as having
been a magistrbte of influence in the colony, but it does
not now appear from what source his authority was derived.
It is probable that tl^e excellent influence he exeixnsed was due
more to his elevated character as a just and upright man,
^j than to his civil authority. The Indians he always treated
justiy and kindly, and thus maintained their friendship and re-
spect, even when ih^j were enraged against others.
In the summer of the year 1681, near a hundred of the
Eastern Indians, in thirty canoes, made their way to the west,
as far as Agawam [Ipswich, Mass.], and fell suddenly upon tiie
Indians there, killing several, and carrying into captivi^, with
others, the wife of one of their Sagamores. Through the medi-
Ution of Shurte of Pemaquid, she was afterwards rastored to
the chief; and thus probably was laid the foundation for the
friendship ever afterwards shown him.'
It is not known that Shurte left any fomlly. Being eighty
years of age in 1662, it is probable tiiat he soon afterwards passed
away.* Nothing is really known of him after this date, but it
4p }\ is altogetiier probable tiiat he ended his days at Pemaquid,
where he had been so long known as an honest man and an
upright magistrate.
•HnWiMd. Mam.md.CdL,i%lr.^l4S. Uwta. JBrf. 4jf Ifwi, p, 75, Sd •*.
•iiiiooiiiR«p..i8ii.p.40. wal.fla*.JrailM,I.^sos. wmitiii«»,oothtpM.
Ust quoted, MgntlMl Bharto died at P«nuM)iiSd mboul 1S80, bat mimm SoTliI
■Z BMBtim 1000, MtlMTwofbit death. B0lkd»mu%vi^^b$J^mtSmm^a^
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9(^ HmoBT Of BuifOL ivB Bftucnr.
OHAPTEB DC
fk» two ladlMi mff^motm, SMnotet «ad Unongoll— PMnaqotd Uie centn of
b«lMM Ml tlM eoMt— Begiuiiogt of other tettlciiieiiU in the TidBitjr— The
flntfcrtatP^MMiild— Thiden end pintetoa theeoeet— DiijBvU— MUlt
tlthoMki
Of tb« two Sagftmoiee whose namef appear on the deed of
Brown, one, Bamoset, is yeiy well known in the history of the
time, bat the memorj ai the other, TTngonoi^ except his mere
name, has utterly perishecl. Indeed, this seems to be the only
instance in which eren hif name occurs, or it may be that he
was known by other names which, we are not able now to
identify;
Samoset*. has left behind him a name which is every way
honorable and interesting.' The first we hear of him is at Ply-
month, March 16th,1621, where he was the first to welcome
^ The Pilgrim Fathers "to the inhospiuble shores of Massachu-
setts. Tbbagh they landed, as we know, in December, the na-
tiTCs ftared and aroided ihem ; and, until this time, held no
intercourse with them. Indeed, few had been seen, and they
were altogether hostile. The account of Samoset's meeting with
them is as follows:
<<This morning [Friday, March 16, 1621 J we determined to
oondude of the military orders, which we had begun tec consider
l)efore,butwereinterrupted by the savages. And whilst we were
busied hereabout, we were interrupted a^cain ; for there presented
himselfasavage,which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all
alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez-vous ; where
we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, asuudoubtedly he
would out of hisboldness. He saluted usiu English, and bade us
* WdcomeJ! for he had learned some broken English among the
Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon (Monhegan), and
knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters
that usually come. He wasaman free in speech, so faras hecould
eacpress hismind,andofaseemlycarriage. We questioned him of
many things; he was the first savage we could meet withalK
•The Bsae k often wilttea Semefeei SoBunereet, Semeeet, Bem a ace et , eta
0» the deed hie mm le written Oept Jeha Sonereet Mr. Drtko (Habberd'e
ML Wan, n. p. Si, aete), eeppeeee thetthie nej net heve been hie reel Isdiem
Mbf thebs^ieh. Wm mg g mi ^k m pertekee toe »ich eT
HisTORr Of Bbzstol Avn Beimbv.
61
He said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon,* and one of
the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months in
these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and fire
days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of eveiy
proyince, and of their sagamores, and their number of men and
strength. The wind. beginning to rise a llttie, we cast a horse-
man's coat about him ; for he was stark naked, only a leather
about his waist, with a fringe about a span long or littie
more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed and the
other unheadcd. He was a tall, straight man ; the hair of his
head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his foce at
all. He asked some beer, but we gaye him strong water, an4
biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of
mallard; all of which he liked well, and had been acquiunted
with such amongst the English. * * * All the afternoon we
spent in conversation with him. We would gladly hare been
rid of him at nigh;, but he was not willing to go this night.
Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith he
was content, and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high
and the water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged
him that night at Steyen Hopkins' house, and watched him.''*
Bradford says that ** he came boldly amongst them and spoke
to them in broken English, which they could well understand."
«« He become profitable to them in acquainting them with many
things concerning the state of the country in the east parts
where ho liycd, which was afterwards profitable unto them." *
Both of the writers just quoted proceed to show the yarious
modes in which this interesting *' sayage" made himself ^ profit-
able" to them. He informed them of the hostility of the
natives to the English, in consequence of Hunt's^ treacheiy,
some years before, and used his influence to produce a better
state of feeling. He introduced to them his friend Sjuanio or
Tisquantum, a native of the place who had been in England,
and who afterwards became <^a spetiall instrument sent of Qod
for their good beyond their expectation/'
It wo«ld leem vei7 evideot thet thie le OBljr eaether neae for MeohegM^er
iBthor e mefb modiScetloa of the
eppeeie to here eome dimbte.
! 4 ifoM. iZiH. CWL, m, ^ 9S.
^Seepefsll.
; bttt Or. Tewg (CAfM. <r Pi(r»^ pi 18SJ
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62
HXiTOBT Of BBIfTOL AHD BkIMHT.
BamoMt oontiuuodin the Tioinitj Bome time, always seeking
to promote good feeling between the English and the natiyes.
This led to the fonnation of a treaty of peace between the new
oolooyandMassasoity sagamore of the neighboring Wampanoag
Indians, which remained inviolate more than fifty years, or
util the time of King Phillip's war in 1676.
Samoset probably returned soon after this to his native place,
as we bear nothing fbrther of him at Plymouth.
The next we hear of him he is at Capmanwagan,' (Capenewa-
gen) or the coast of M^ne, at the time of Levett's visit there,
in the winter of 1628-4. Levett introduces him to us as a
^sagamore that hath been found very fiuthful to the English,
and hath javed <Eie4i¥es of many of our nation, some from
starn^,^and others ftom killing.'*
He received Levett with much cordiality, calling him cousin.
He bad become so much acquainted with the English as to be
entirely free from the timidity usually shown by the natives at
this early period, and proposed that perpetual firiendship should
be maintuned between them, ** until Tanto carried them to his
wigwam, that is, until they died.'* He had his wife and son
with him here, and several noble attendants ; and the simple
narrative of Levett presents them before us in a very interesting
light His wife in particular conducted herself in truly royal
style. ^ When we came to York the masters of the ships came
to bid me welcome, and asked what savages those were. I told
them, and I thanked them; they used them kindly, and gave
them meat, drink and tobacco. The woman, or reported queen,
asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were ;
then she drank to them, and told them they were welcome to '
her country, and so should all my friends be at any time, she
drank also to her husband, and bid him welcome to her country
too ; for you must understand that her (ather was the Sagamore
of this place, and left it to her at his death, having no more
children.''*
This interview of Levett with this kind-hearted <* savage " of
Pemaquid, it will be noticed, occurred only a year, or a little
more, before the time of Brown's purchase, and it is possible
that Brown and Pierce were even then both of them on the
ground. And this kindly intercourse with the English prepared
HisTOET ov Bristol ahd Bbshbt.
6S
the mind of the simple-hearted native for the &vor the new set*
tiers received at his hands.
Samoset lived many years after this in quiet and peaceable
intercourse with his new neighbors: certain it is history re-
cords no quarrel between the parties I January 9th, 1641, he
with two other ** sagamores sold to Richard Pierce, carpenter of
Bemobseus " (alias Muscongus), a large but ill defined tract of
land at that place, said tract being a part of the same previously
sold by 'him and Unongoit to John Brown, as before stated
(p. 55). Still another deed of his, or rather a fragment of one,
has been brought to light by Mr. Thornton.* This document
is dated July, 1658, and appears to be a deed of land also at
Muscongus.'
Samoset must at this time have been an old man, and pro-
bably soon pas^d away. Though an '* untutored savage,*' he
has left behind him a character highly creditable to him, as a
man of elevated rank among his countrymen. He appears not
only to have been destitute of the jealousies and petty vices
of his race; but, at the same time, to have manifested on all oc-
casions a love of justice and truth, a generous confidence in
others, and an elevation of soul &r superior toYciy many of the
Europeans with whom he was brought in contact And the
fact that twenty years later than the date last above given, his
name was still remembered among the natives as that of a
** famous sachem," shows that his manly character was not nn*
appreciated by them.
The settlement at Pemaquid was now beginning to assume
considerable importance as a centre of business, much of that
formerly done at Monhegan, having been gradually transferred
to this place. Fishing vessels in the proper season were con*
tinually coming and going ; and there was more activity mani*
fested than at any other point on the whole coast
Other settlements also began to. spring up in the neighbor-
hood, as at Damariscotta Lower Falls pamariscotta Bridge),
Shcepscott Farms (Wiscasset), Cape Newagen (Boothbiy)
Kequasset (Woolwich), and perhaps other places. A trading
house was also established at Bagoduce (Castine) at the mou£
I Jfe'M Bid. Oa„r, p. 188.
* Sndk iniUncM thoir Terj dMrljr thai tha ladlAM, in t^ingtUr U&di^icil|f
liftdAO proper ideaofthe nature of thAtimnaMtloM* Their Idea prdbablj was tlMt
tkeir won iUiip^ ooolDfiliig Um riflil to kul and Sail, as tli«7 4ld I
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Hdtort ov Bristol ahd BBBim.
of the PeQob8oot» bj the Plymoiith oolony. This wm in 1626.
At Pemaqiiid, St Georges, and Sheepscott there were in the year
1680 no less than eigh^ four &milies^ besides the fishermen.^
' Williamson thinks that the first settlement at Pemaqnid was
on the west ride^ bat he giVes no reasons for this opinion. The
chief badness here at this time was in oonnection with the
fisheries; and the land on either side was well adapted to their
operations. The sterile soil did not particniarly invite oultiva^
tion, hot agricnltore was not entirely neglected, and even at
this early period a considerable commerce was springing ap ;
and this in spite of the rarioos restrictions and monopolies which
it was the fashion of those times to establish. Furs obtained of
the Indians, and fish taken on the coast, and properly cored,
were the chief articles of export; and UK>agh their principal
market was in the mother conntiy, a regular trade was carried
on with the Plymouth colony.
The first fort at Pemaqnid was erected in 1680, or 1681 ; and
seems to have been intended rather as a protection against
renegades and pirates, that were beginning to infest the coast,
then against the Indians, who were in the main very friendly.
This fort was only a stoclcade ; and its site very probably, was
the same or nearly so, as that on which all the other forts were
snccessiTdy built
^ Among the traders on the coast at this time, whose charact^ti
were not above suspicion, was Mr. Isaac AUerton, one of the
passengers by the May Flower, who had subsequently made
several voyages to England chiefly on business for the Ply-
mouth colony, but had so managed the affiurs committed to
him as to forftit their confidence. Having chartered a ship in
England,he loaded her heavily and << set forth againe with a most
wicked and drunken cme " for the coast of New England, where
** be set up a company of base fellows, and made them traders
to rone into every hole, and into the river of Eenuebeo^'' in a
manner altogether contrary to the established rules of trade.
By this course be brought upon himeelf no little scandal, and
occasioned much disquiet
He was a man of much energy and industry, and appears to
have foithfolly transacted the business committed to him as
> Mfifta, JEBH. IMm^ ^ 1S7. FIki la StcNlaiT'f aflte^ ]
HunroET ot Bristol amj> Brucbv. ^6
agent of the colony, but the popular voice was against hioL and
he left the colony in disgust.*
Very many of unlicensed traders of that day thought it quite
allowable, If not meritorious, to overreach the simple natives in
trade; and theenmity of those latter was constantly excited, and
liable at any moment to break out in acU of open hostility.
About the year 1628, one Walter Bagnall took up hU residence
upon Richmond island, near Pordand, for the puipose of trad.
ing with the Indians, and in three years acquired a lai^ pro-
party, as was thought in those times. In the autumn of the
year 1681, the Indians, stung to madness by his constent cheat-
ing them in trade, went to the isUnd and killed aU the inmates
of his house, which they then sacked and burnt A party was
immediately sent from PiscaUqua in pumit of the mutderew.
but not finding the real authors of the outiage, they hunr a
poor wretch, known as Black Will, though without the iLt
evidence of his guilt*
tniir^i*!'"''*'^''*'*"^"' ''^'^ •* thisperiod sought illicit
tiade with the natives, was one Dixy Bull, of whose historr
little IS known previous to this time. A shaUop conUininff his
goods having been soiaed by the French, he collected a ^m.
pany of characters like himself, and made prepamtion for apimt.
ical cruise on the coast It U said that he took several vessels
at sea, but with a single exception, we do not know who or what
they were. One of the vessels Uken was commanded by Capt
AnUiony Dix. who came to Plymoudi in 1623; and probably
.aaoTl '^•''"«^ ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^°^'»« ^ Pemaqnid in
1682, Bull seems to have Uken the fort without anylsrious
resistance, and at once rifled it of iu contents, at the same time
plundering the neighboring phmter^ as fimnen were then
called.
Bat If fteplMte. met with little NMtuceb thrtrattMk
»p*n the fort^they we« n«rt allows! to leare the p1«« ^Z«
lo..; for, M they wen .boat weighing wchop. . weU dCl^
•hot from the d.ore killed one of BaU'e X^^m^T^.
coun^ae indiyidaiJ, who fi.«d the Aot, i. -id to her. ^
•ne of Shnrte'e men; «.d, i» the pime. ^. hut* T!^
9
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HmoBT ov Behtol avd BincBr.
it it probable that the people at the fort were begioDiog to
maaifiMt a little more spirit than they first showed*
Informatioo of Ball's piratioiU doiDgs at Pemaqnid haring
been reoeived at Piseataquaf notiee wasgiTen to Got. Winthrop
at Boston ; and means were taken to snl>dQe and pnntsh them.
Four small Tossels (*< two pinnaoes and two shallops'^)* were
fitted ont at Piscataqna, with forty men, and sent to Pemaqnid,
where they were joined by others from Boston ; bnt the object
of their pursuit had escaped some time before to the eastward.
A paper was afterwards receired, purporting to be from this
piimtical gang, in which they promised to commit no more de-
predations upon their own countrymen; and requested that
further pursuit of tiiem should be abandoned, saying that ibey
would die rather then be taken. They also made some restitu-
tion for prsTious wrongs committed by them.
Littie more is now known of this bold and reckless man ; but
it has been sud that he was afterwards taken to England, where
he sufiered the just reward of his deeds.
Some time before these events connected with the pirate, Bui),
a tradbg house, which had been established at the mouth of the
Penobscot by the Plymouth colony, was robbed by the French,
who took away ereiy thing of value that suited them ; and there
were rumors that the French were also taking measures greatly
to extend their influence in that region. These things
caused considerable alarm in Boston ; and measures were taken
to erect a fort at the entrance of that harbor, but the object was
not accomplished until the summer of 1684, several years after
the erection of the first fort at Pemaquid.'
An important article in the treaty of 8t Germains, March 29,.
168S| between England and France, threatened serious evil to
Pemaquid. By the third article of this treaty, England relin-
quished to France ** all the places occupied by the British sub-
Jeotsin New France, Acadia, and Canada;" and though the
limits of neither of tiiese places were veiy well defined, it was
well known that Pemaquid was within the French claim of New
France.
It is perhaps to this period, or possibly to a period a little
later, that we are to assign the erection of certain public wprks
>Wlilkfop,iral,i.^llS.
■i
EinoKT or Bustol asd Buiav. 07
in tke Tioinity of Pemaquid, the remaio* of which ar« nt to
8bll pl«„ly to bo 6«n at the fell,, just above the h«id of tido
water. It « OD the east side, and oommeDces where the bridse
BOW IS. and estoDda dowu, a distance of fifteen or twenty wS
to a point near where the dam for the old mills stood, forty jem
^ "^ il\.'*^ "^T •~**^ *•" •* " ~'"7 *>** A low dam
was probably made exactly where the bridge now is, and apart
or all of the wator, except in time of freshets, was turned into
the canal and used to.cany the mills below. Whenfiwt made.
U must have been at least ten feet wide and pfobaWy six or eight
feet deep. No definUe tradition of the existence of such miUs
hM oome down to us; nor, indeed, do we knmt that any mills
wen) erected in this vicinity until a hundred yean later than
tided themselves with U,«m; and no other site as good as ?hU
could be found anywhere in the vicinity. When the «ice.tors
of the present mhabitenu came hew, about the year ITSO.maDle
and other tree, a foot in diameter were found growing in L
canal, which shows that it had long been disused.*
We are told by Belknap,* that, at this period, "bread was
either brought from England in meal, or from Virginia in grain
•nd then «mt to the wind-mill at Boston, thero beinir^one
erocted here" [at Piscataqua]; and from place, asferli,!
Bcarboro. we know the inbabitente were accustomed to take
their eoni there to be ground.' If, as Mr. Thornton suggest^
t^people of Pemaquid for a time actually took their coSand
IW ~ T ^^«~»'«'' ^' 't »^<»t «t«m«l7 probable that
li!^,. ^.**''^ endeavorod to erect milU of their own? Two
jmsJI m.ll stoae. made of granite wero found at the head of
f^Jaf^^'JJ^peS:**"'"''*'"'^'^'^'^ •-- ^"
A^i'^*"' have been made to the restrictions under which
the fisheries wero managed at this time, and trade carried on
' Th# tot mUI for yriniMny <^n>w 1^ ^l.^ Ifa^flh^^ntt, -, 1 _, .
II ■■■■ IS HoKiraij la ISSa. (Bobmrn^B AmMU,l$i$, ^^
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EmoiT Of BBxeroL An BuMur*
with tb« satiT«8, but tome fbrther ezplAMtion may be neees*
•arjr. These reetrietionB were founded in the rights sapposed to
be conftrred on certain of the eoloniee to enjoy exclnsively
the benefit of theee pnrsnite in all localities included in the
charters respectirely. Tbns the colony of Plymouth rery early
established trading honses on the Kennebec, at the month of
the Penobscot, and still ftrther east, at Machias. They there*
fcre, claimed, according to their charters, the exduswe tight of
trade with the natires of these places, in opposition not only
to the French, or English, but also in opposition to the people
of other American colonies. At Cnshnoc (Augusta), on the
Kennebec, a Ycssel coming from Piscataqna, belonging to lords
Say and Brooke, was forbidden to trade with the natives, and
ordered to depart; and the contest was carried so ikr that one
man on each side was killed, which gave rise to the saying that
^ on the Kennebec they out throats for beaver/'^
The French, as we have before seen, early gained a foothold
on the North American coast, and at this period, stimnlated
by the recent treaty of St Germain, wore disposed to extend
their influence. Their claims were, of course, exclusive of all
others, and acting under it, in 1688, they attacked the Plymoutii
trading house at Machias, killed two of the five men in charge
of it, and carried the others with all their goods to Port RoyaU
The next year Mr. Allerton of Plymou^ was sent there to
' obtain the men, who were held as prisoners, and to demand
satis&ction for the goods which had been taken. He was met
with great firmness by the French commander of the post, M.
La Tour, who affirmed that he had taken them as a lawful prise
by the authority of the Sng of France, ** who challenged all
firom Cape Sable to Gape Cknl," and assured them that if the
XnglWi ventured to trade to the eastward of Pemaquid he would
seise them. Being asked to show his commission he answered
that ** his sword was his commission, when he had strength to
overcome, and when he wanted he would show his commission.''
Only two years later however, that is, in 1686, the French
commander at Penobscot, M. D'Aulney de Ohamise, in answer
to a letter from Governor Winthrop, acknowledged that the
eUm of France extended no fii^rtheir west than Pemaquid*
If we may find a reason for this restrictive policy in the mat>
ter of trade between the people of difibrent nationalities, it is
EmoBT ov BauxoL An Bonaor.
69
not easy to see what could be gained, in the long run, by these
incipient colonies to hamper each other in the business inter*
course of their people with the Indians, or with each other.
But such was the spirit of the times; nor has it yet entirely
passed away*
CHAPTER X
JohA *ad TlioMM KUiridffo— Nil* '
PMMiqaid pst«al -^ 8b«i Dfowst.
lildpstsnt— OrUf^
> Ml* SWftOTi/r
Iks
The ^ council established at Plymouth [Eng.] in the county
of Dover, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of
Kew England in America,'' as the successor of the North Yir*
ginia, or Plymouth company (on/e, p. 45), was called, consisted
of forty noblemen and gentlemen of England, and was to have
Jurisdiction over all the territory of Kprth America between the
40th and 48th parallels of latitude, but a few months after their
organixation, they relinquished to Sir Wm. Alexander all that
part lying south of the St Lawrence, and east of the St Oroix.
They were then prepared to apportion the immense territory
that remained to them among individuals and companies, as
seemed to them proper, by patents or charters, which gave to
the patentees the rigbtof property in the soil; but it has always
been a question whether they also conferred power to enact
laws and establish civil governments. Yet some of them actu*
ally did undertake to establish civil governments and enact laws,
and were never called to account for it The corporation contin*
ued in operation nearly fifteen years, but finally surrendered
their charter to the king, June 7th, 1685. But befi>re thus dis-
solving they by lot divided all the renudning territoiy among
themselves, fully expecting that the king would, subsequent^,
confirm the transaction.
During the short life of the corporation, it made certainly
twelve grants of land within the present state of Maine, with*
out indttding the grant to John Peiroe and bisassodates (June
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HiSTOBT ov Bristol ahb BBBuar.
Itty 1621), of which so maoh has already been said. Probablj
two othara were made of which do record has been preserved.^
Three of these grants which more particularly concern ns in
this work, are the following, vis : 1. The grant to Wnu Bradford
and his associates (Jannarj 18, 1680), of fifteen miles on each
side of the Kennebec river, extending up as far as the Cobise-
contee river, which was afterwards transferred to the Plymouth
adventurers, and became known as the Kennebec purohase.
2d. The grant to John Be^ucamp and Thomas Leverett (Feb.
12, 1680X of thirty miles square on the west side of the Penob-
scot river, which became known subsequently as the Lincoln
t>r Waldo patent; and, eventually, near the close of the last ccn-
tary, came into the possession of 6en. Henry Knox. 8d. The
grant to Bobert Aldsworth and Gyles Elbridge (Feb. 29, 168}),
of 12,000 acres at Pemaquid.
The limits of these grants being poorly defined, the claimants
under them, in subsequent years, found no little difiiculty in set-
tling iheir respective boundaries, as wiU appear in the progras of
fhiiworlu
These three grants covered substantially, the whole territory
on the sea coast flrom the Penobscot to an indefinite point,
somewhere fifteen miles west of the Kennebec
The Pemaquid patent to Aldsworth and Elbridge is as fol-
lows. It is copied from Thornton's Anekni Pemajuidf verbatim
silUeratim.*
^t |}atntt
QO^iM JtlbsntatS sMde Uie Nine and twenteih day of Febnury Anoo
Vm 1681, Aad ia the SeavsDth yeere of tbo Raigiie of oor Somigoe
Lord Obarlsi by Iho grtoe of Ood Ktag of Bogland SooUaod FfauDoe aod
Irtland, Dofoadsr of the i&Uih, Ac Sttn^ens Uio ProaidentMid CounoiU
of New Boglaad on the oao ptrto, and Robert Aldworth aod Oyloi El-
bridge of the City of Briatoll norehaDU, on ibo otbor parte, tOjSlint^attfi
Tbal wbersaa oor Soveraigne Lord Kiog Jamoa of famoaa memori late
Kiag of Baglaad Sooilaad Fraoaoe aod Ireland, by bia bignoa Lsttera
P^itteate aad Bojall graaate voder the great Scale of Bogknd beariog
date the Third day of Noeenber U Uie eighteenth Teare of hia'Baigae
[li20] of Baglaad FraMoe aad IreUad fto Ibr the eaaass theraia ei*
I WmM IM. ^ iVtfeiuIr ^ 6S, Sd ed.
, *llr.T. talbnMiaibatitwaa TwISedbjUM notarial oopgr pveaenred In «ba
IHwaixortho AaMTleanAatlqnarlan Sooletjrln Womatar^llaaa. 9xtbakind«
mm or a F. HaTta, Baq^ Ubmriaa oT ibo aoelet/, the antbor bad ibo prifik^ of
J ibo intafeaCittg rellot aarwal jmn ago. It la on fnfehnwnt. Mr. T.
itbopianllafHyolthodate^yikSS^ISti.
HiSTORT OV BbXSTOL AITB BbSXBK.
71
preaaed did abaolntely gino granot and ooafirmo Tnte the said Praaideal
and Coaooell and their Sueooaaora fpreror, All the kod of Now Eoglaad
ia Amerioa lying and being from fortio te fortU eigbt degress of north*
erly Latit^do and in length by all that breadth aforoaaid Arom Sea to Sea
tbrongbont the Main Und, Together with all the wooda, waters, soils,
rirera, baVona, Harbora, laebmda, and other oommoditios wbataoerer
tberernte belonging with divera otber pritlledgoa probeminenosa profite
and timbera, by Sea and land Aa by tbo aaid Lottera patenta amoogat
other tbinga contajned wberernto dne relaoon being bad it doth and may
appeare Now tbia Indcoturc mj^tntesctl^ Tbat the aaid Preaident aad
Gouncell of N^w England by tertne and antboritie of the aaid L'rea Pat-
tent and for and in oonaideraoon tbat the aaid Robert AldworUi and Giles
Elbridge bare and will tranaporte and doth mdertake te Tranaporte att
thair owne Costa and Chardgea ditera poraona into New England and there
te oreot and build a Town and settle diuera Inhabitante for their own aafe-
tie better assneranoe and advaneeme* of the genarall plantaeon of that
Country and for the furtberanco of the aaid Plantaoon and Enooaragemeat
of the aaid Vndertekera i^QtljiC agreed and doe hereby agree graante
aaaigne allott and appointe to tbe aaid Robert Aldworth and Gilea El-
bridge tlieire heirs and assignee and eterj of them one bnndred aerea of
ground for erery Person aoo by them, or aaie of them Tranaported or tbat
shall now or bereafter be Transported besides diarae otber pririledges
liberties and Comoditiea hereafter meaooaed* Aad te that iateat they
bare granated allotted assigned And eonfirmed And bytheis P'aente
doe grante allot assign And oonfirme tatethe said Robert Aldworth
and Oilea Elbridge their beiros and aasigaes aad eaerie of them.
One hundred aeueral aorea of ground in New EngUad for erery p^aoa
transported or te be trAnsportod within tbe Spaoe of Seatea yeeres
next ensuing that shall abide and continew there Throe yeares ettber att
one or sererall Umea or dje in tbe meane aeaaoa after hoe or they
are Shipped w^^ an Intent there to inbabite Tbe aanie landa te be
token and ebosen by them or either or anie of them their deputiea or
assignee in anio place adjceni to tbe aaid Twelre thouaand aorea of lead
hereafter menooned te be granted and not lately granted, aetled and is*
habited by anie English and wherein aoe Engli^ petaon or persona are
allroadie pbeod or aettlod, Togoatbor with free libertie te ffiab ia aad
uppon the Coste of New EngUnd in all HaToas, Porta, Rirers, and Creeks^
thereunto belonging and not granted to any etbera Aad tbat nee perMm,
or peraons wbataooTor shall take aaie benefit, or Ub'tie of or to. anie of the
aaid grounde, (ezoepting the iVee use of bighnfaiea by kad, aad Nsriga*
ble Riters) bat tbat tbe said Robert Aldworth aad Oyles Elbridge their
hoireo and aaaignea« aball bare the Sole right, aad aae of the said groaads
with all their proffite aad appurteaanoea AND tbe said Preaident and
Ceaaoell doe fitfther graante sasigne allott aad eoafinae ?ate the said
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HmoBT ov Beutol Am Bum nr.
Boberi AMworth and GjIm Elbridge thcire heiret «od Msignet TwtXit
TbooMBd MTM of land Bort Of er and aWre Om afoNMdd ptoponm
kttudMd tha panoa for aTaij patwo Tranaportad ar to ba Trensportad as
•fofaeaid as bia ar ibair piopar iabariianaa forarar, Tbo tamo land to ba
bonadad, CboMa» takan and laid out naara tha Ri?ar Commonly oallad or
known bj tba nama of pejttQKaiUlD or by wbai otbar nama or namaa
iba aama b or banaban or baraaftar tbal ba oallad or knowna by and nasi
•dioyning by both along tba 8aa Oowi as Iba Ooaai lyatb, and Soa upp tba
Bivar as &rr as may Oontaina tba said Twalra Tbowaand aores witbin tba
aaid bradtb and langtb Togaatbar witb iba said bnndrad aeraa for arary
person by tbam tba said Bobart Aldwortb and Oylas Blbridga toU trans-
porlad aa aforassid Togaatbar alsoa witb all tba IsaUnds and Isalattas
witbin tba lymiUs aibrasaid Tbraa laagnes into tba Main Ocean Yaalding
and paying Toto our So? araigna Lord tba King bia bairas k Sucoessors
Oaa ffifib parta of all tbaQomld and aiWar Oaia to baa found and bad m
aad on tba pramiasa or any parU tbaraof and ona otbar ffiftb part of tba
said Proaidant and Counoell aforaoaid and tbair Suaoassors for etar otA
nlaoa fi^alMllg Wlb Poainj to tba said Prasidant and Counoall in tba
nma 6S all otbar ranta sarricas dutias and demands wbatsooTar for at ery
bandrad aaras of Arrabla lands soa obtaynad by tba same Robert Aid-
wortb and Oylas Blbridga tbair bairas and assignee and erery or any of
Ibam And by tkoaa said otbar P'raon or p'rsona, tbair beirea and assignee
Tba yaaraly rant of twoa sbiUiags of kwful money of England At tbe
ibeit of 8> Miebaall tbe ArabangeU [September 29tb] to tbe banda of tbe
Bentgatberarof tba said President and Oouneell and tbair Suooessor
Ibram (wben itsball U by bim tba said Bent gatberer lawfully da-
^maadad) Tba first payment to begin after tbe expiraoon of tbe first
SeaTan year* "^^ "^^ ^^ ^''^ ^•^^ ^"^ *' *^^ •'^ ""^ ^ ^*^^'*^
Ibr tba said Vndartakera and Pknters, tbeire beires and Successors ffreely
to Trunk Trade, and Traffiqua in aU lawful eomodities, witb tbe salragca
la any parte of Km englttllb or neigbbouring tbereabout att tbair wilts
and pleasures wltbout letter disturbance. Aa also to bar a Ubertie to bunte
bawka ffiab or ilbwle in any pUoa or places wbatsoater now or bereafter,
bTunyBngliab Inbabited imb tba said President and Councell dotb
(^fUMut Md promiae to, and witb tbe said Robert Aldwortb and Oylea
Blbridga tbair baiiaa and assignee and erery of tbem and otbers tbe
prsonlnd ptaons aa aforesaid bis aad tbair beires aad assignee; Tbat
^ Tananta or aartaaUsball not ba taken from tbeir owne imploymenu.
by any Ooraraar or otber tbere to ba establUbed but only for tbe
vabliQae detooa of tbese Countries, or suppression of Bebellion, BiotU,
WlUata, ar otbar anUwful assambUas anb furtbar it ia Co? enantod uppon
lawftd auifay to ba bad aad made aU tbe obardge of tbe said VnderUkera
aad Plaatefa, aad lawfal Informaeon gtran of tbe bounds meeU and quan-
aOaartbakada aaa aa aferesaid to baa by tbam Obeaea aad Possessed,
; ' M ' iii i t III
^ ■ t*y^i ^PiP i >>i ■ ■t 'i " i L^ r«i M
History ov Bristol avd Brbiooi.
73
Tbey tbe said President and Couooell uppon surrender of tbis present
grante sod IndcDture and upon ressooabla request made by tbe said
Robert Aldwortb and Oiles Elbridge tbeir beires or assigoas or any of
tbem, within Searen yeares now next comeing sball by their deede In-
dented and Vnder theire Common Scale graunto, eofeoffe and confirme All
and CTcry of the said lands sett out, and bounded as aforesaid to tbe said
Robert Aldwortb and Giles. Elbridge and tbeir assocfats and such as Con-
traete witb tbem, tbeir beires and assignee in as large and beneficiall
manner as tbe same are in theis prsents granted or intended to be granted
or hereafter to be granted to all intents and purposes witb all and every
ptieular prifiledges and freedomes rescrrations and conditions witb all
dependancies And shall also att any time witbin tbe aaid Terme of Searen
yeares uppon requcet vnto tbe said President and Councell made, grannte
Tuto tbem the said Robert Aldwortb and Gyles Elbridge tbeir beires and
assignee letters and grants of Incorporacon by soma usuall and fitt name
and tiUe with libertie to them and their successor from time to time to
make orders, Laws, Ordinances, and Constitueons for the rule, govern-
ment, ordering, and directing of all persons to be Transported and setled
upon Unds hereby graunted intended to be granted, or hereafter to ba
granted And of tbe said lands and profits thereby arising, And in the
meane tyme and until such grsnt be msde, it shtll be lawful for the said
Robert Aldwortb and Giles Elbridge their beires and assignee from time
to time, to establish such laws and ordinances as are for the better gor-
ernmei of the said prsons soe Transported and the same by such officer or
officers as they shall by most roices Elect, and choose to putt in execution.^
QIND that it shell be Itwful for the said Robert Aldwortb and Giles
Elbridge their beires and assignes or either or any of them from tyme to
tyme and at all tymes hereafter for their aeveral defence and safety to
encounter expulse expel fortifie defend and resist by force of Armes as
well by sea as by land, and by all wayes and meanes wbatsoerer and to
take apprehend seise and make prise of to tlieir owne use, and beboofe
All such prson and prsons, their Shipe and goods, as without the Speciall
license of the said President and Councell and their Sucoessors or the
greater parte of them, shall attempt to inhabite or Trade witb any of tbe
Salradgc people of that country within the sereral precincts or lymitts
of their said Plsntacon, or shall euterpriie or attempt att any tyme
hereafter destrucon, intaeon or annoyance to the said Plantacon And
further that it shall be lawful to and for the said Robert Aldwortb and
Gyles Elbridge their beires and assignes, or either of them from tyme to
tyme to Transport and carry such powder, Shott, profision and Ordonaneoe
as shall be nooessarie for their defence aitb further That tba said Robert
' This, and erery elaase of tbo patent, are dmwn evidently with the nicest n-
fersnoe to the proiMNis in tbe patent creating tbe Plymouth Cjundl. --> l^Wral^,
10
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HinoRT ov BmiBTOL ani^ Bbbmht.
AMwortli Md Gilat Elbridge tbeira heiree w anignef sliall not wjb
tjw bervifUr aliene theit pnsiMt or anj parte thereof to an j foraigne
KitioB [espeoUllj the Freneh] or to way other prson or prsoot whatsoever
withoai the Spetiall Lieeoee eoBseni and agreem* of the said Presideot
and Comieell aod their Soeeeseort and assignee, Except it he to their
owae Teoaots or Yodertakers, helonging to the said Towoe by ihem to
be Breeted as aforesaid oppoo peine of forfeiture of the said land soe
Aliened, to the Yee of the said President and GouneeU againe ani further
know jee that the said President and Gonneell haTe made eonstituted and
deputed Authoriied and appointed and in their steade and place, doe put
Captaine Walter Neale and Richard Vines gent, or in his or their ah-
■enee to anie person that ahall be theire Ooremour or other officer to the
•aid Preeadent and Oouncell to be their true and lawful Attorney or At-
Isnep, and in their name and steade to enter the said Porcon Of land,
and other the premisee, apprtenances or into some Part thereof in the
name of the whole soe had and taken then for them, and in their namee
to deliver the toll and peseeable poesession and seisen of all and singular
the said granted premisee tnto the said Robert Aldworth and Oiles £!•
bridge or to their certain. Attorney or Attorneys in that behalf according
«• the true intente and meaning of these p seots Ratifying, allowing and
•oofirmbg all, and whatsoerer their said attorney or Attorneys shall doe
ia or about the p^mises by theis p'sents. Kit VliXnttt whereof, the Pre-
aident and Oouncell to ihe one p^t of these p'sent Indentures haTO set
their 8eale and to the other part thereof the said Robert Aldworth and
Oilei Blbridge have eel tMr hands and seals. Oiren the day and year
• flnt above written.
B. WARWICK. [L. a] PERD. OOROB.
Tbii is n true copy of the Letters pattents under the Scale of the Pro-
aidtnl and Oouaeell of New Bngknd signed by the Baric of Warwicke
tad 8* Oerdiaando Gorge, examined with the same Letters patenU this
twenty and sixth day of Maroh 1648, By ui whoae names are Mibeoribed
_^
. FRA. TEAM ANS, No'v Pubb.
ROBT. DENNIS,
BBW TONT, Serranti to the said No. P« '^ I
Tbii docomoiit is here inserted entire becaaae of its intimate
eonneetion with the subsequent history of the place, for a period
of nearly two hundred years. It is remarkable that no writer,
HxsTORT ov Bristol avd Baiiov.
76
*!
'
I
tTerlflsdVythe notarial coff
inthelttiaiyof the
except Mr. Thornton/ has noticed the peculiarity of its date,
Feb. 29, 1681. Feb. 29th occurs only in U^ year; and it is
evident, that, according to our present mode of reckoning time,
it should be 1682. One year and three months after the date
that is May 27th, 1688, possession was formally given to the
grantees, in the usual mode of those days, Capt Walter Neale,
acting as agent of the grantors, and Mr. Abraham Shurte, of
Pemaquid, as agent for the grantees. This latter gentieman,
as we have seen (p, 59), was an honored resident here for many
years.
By referring to his deposition, as previously given, it will be
seen that he was not altogether correct in some of his state-
ments. He there says that the patent was sent over to him
«« about the year 1629," whereas, in fact, it was not granted
until Feb. 168}. He also says that fifty acres of land were to
be allowed to each child bom in the colony during the first seven
years; but this particular provision is not found in the patent
Evidently he spoke from memory only.
Oapt Thomas Oammock, whose name appears as the first
witness to the delivery of the patent, resided at Black point,
of which settiement he was the founder. He was a nephew of
the Earl of Warwick, and came to this country in 1631, fixing
his residence first on the northern bank of the Piscataqua.
Two years later he removed to his patent between Spurwick
and Black point, now Scarboro. In 1686, he was appointed by
Gov. Wm. Gorges, one of the councilors for his new govern-
ment of Somersetshire, and died in 1648, on a voyage to the
West Indies. He was an early and intimate friend of Heniy
Jocelyn, who, after his death married his widow.*
Wm. Hooke (or Hook) another of *the witn^ses, lived at
Accomenticus, and was a man of excellent reputation. He was
also appointed one of Gk>rges's board of councilors, bat never
acted with them. Probably he came to this countiy in 1631,
and removed from Accomenticus to Salisbury, Mass., in 1640.
From that place he was elected deputy to the general court in
1648 and 1647. He died in Salisbury in 1654.
Walter Neale, who was appointed to make delivery of the
Pemaquid patent, to the agent of Aldsworth and Elbridge,
Jfa<iM.i,pp.t78.6SSeadS7S. md.^&io$a9idBld.p.4iL
I t '
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HmoET ov Bkirol hid Bumbk.
aant to this oonotrj in 1680» and was at one time atyled
*' Oorenior of Piaeataqoa.'' Only fonr days before making
deliyerj of po a eae ri on of the Pemaqoid patent, as agent for the
Plymouth Oonnoil — that ia. May 28, 1688 — he bad performed
the same ofBce for the Cammock patent at Black point He
aailed fyr England the following Aognst and never retunied.
The history of the three other witnesses to the delivery of
poss e s si on, Barksted, Newman, and Knight, cannot now be
traced. They were probably residents at Pemaqnid or the im-
. mediate vicinity.
As the proprietors of the patent nnder which possession had.
now been taken, were to receive a hundred acres of land for
every settler they should introduce within seven years, and as it
is known that the population from this time rapidly increased,
it is altogether probable that active measures were taken to
forward immigrants from England, but only few and very
scanty records of the transactions are now to be found. Ac-
cording to Shurte's deposition, when possession was given under
the patent, it was agreed to bound the twelve thousand acree
from the head of INtmariscotta river to the head of the Mus-
oongus,and ^between them to the sea;'' but this tract con*
tained much more than the quantity mentioned. And more
than a century later, the proprietors of the patent laid claim to
ninety thousand acres.* The only pretence for making so large
A a claim must have been because of the large number of settlers
introduced by the proprietors, in accordance with the provisions
of the patent
Robert Alsworth, first named in the patent, died in 1684,
and Elbridge thereafter became sole proprietor,' but by what
right we are not told. July Slst, 1689, he obtained permisMon
^ to export eighty passengers and provisions to New England,
they taking the oath of allegiance and supremacy."* These, it
is fidr to presume, were designed to reinforce the settlement of
Pemaquid, although the seven years limitation had already
expired; but we, unibrtnnately, have ' no further evidence in
regard to them.
On the death of Oyles Elbridge the patent fell by inheritance
to his eldest son, John Elbridge, who by his last will and testa-
lbs^
i
HisTORT 0? Bkibtol avb Brbmxv.
77
■Hill. ^ Jfsifi^ I. ^t41, Bslsi
•LUmtm Btpmi, 1811, ^ le.
Mtki$md.(UL,r,p.fM.
ment, dated Sept 11th, 1646, bequeathed it to his brother
Thomas Elbridge. John Elbridge dying soon after the date of
his will, bis brother Thomas became sole proprietor, and at
once manifested his interest in his new possessions, by repairing
here, and giving his personal attention to the affiiirs of the set-
tlement The exact time of his arrival is not known, bnt it is
certain that he was here as early as 1650.^ According to
Shurte's deposition he ** called a court here, unto which divers
of the then inhabitants of Monhegan and Damariscove re-
paired, continuing their fishing, and paying a certain acknow-
ledgement''
Thomas Elbridc^e being now sole proprietor of the patent, by
deed Feb. 1st lo51, conveyed ono-half to Paul White, mer-
chant of Pemaquid, but who afterwards removed to Newbury-
port, where he died at the age of 89, in the year 1679.'
White retained bis ownership in the patent only two years,
for in April 1658 he conveyed his right to Richard Russell and
Nicholas Davison, both of whom resided in Charlestown. Thus
the ownership remained for four years, but in July, 1757,
Russell conveyed his quarter to Davison, and in September fol-
lowing, Elbridge conveyed to Davison the half which he had
until this time retained. Thus Nicholas Davison, of Charles-
town, became the sole proprietor of the Pemaquid patent; and
his beirs-at-law, nearly a century later, became the ** Proprie-
tors '' so hated by the settlers; they were represented by Mr.
Sbem Drowne, who long acted as their agent It thus became
known as the Drowne c2atm, and was not fully settled until the
beginning of the present century.
Davison by his will, dated March 26th, 1655, gave all his
property in equal parts to his widow, Joan Davison, and his
two children Daniel and Sarah Davison,* or in case of their
death to other relatives of his. . We omit the further bistoiy
of this matter for the present
•X<MMlllJb9l#H•181t^68,08. DftTi«»'twmwMattcttedoasatht7JoliA
Pudloj, OO0 of the wItooMOs of iu rigning In 1064, wbero DtTltos is ^M^en •£
SI having dMMted. Bnt m hU wiU it dniadin 1C55, two jmn befoco ho bocMM
•olo proprietor of the potent, whet beoomee of that eappoeed principle efkw that
anutnoansol eoanjrby wUlieal ettateaolpoMHid kgrhlM mthstkueorsMkiag
thewmt
^ ^W' t m ^ im, nmf I m ^p. m
p.,.. ^ ,., .-D i g l t . g i ftd by ^
. l^J.C ' — ^wPir^'^^'-^y ^ ' J'^ "" * ' '
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Emon ov Bristol ahd BRncur.
When Elbridge oame to the place be did not fitil, ae we bare
■een, to assert bis rights under the patent, as he at once took
measaree to establish a civil goTeroment; but it is remarkable
that so erideuoe of any sales of land made by him have been
preserred except the sale of the patent itself as heretofore
detailed.
The deeds to White and Davidson, conveying the patent, are
decided curiosities. They go wonderfully into details, convey*
ing to the grantee evei^ything above and below, around and
beneath, real or imaginaiy, pertaining to the place. The deed
to White is a fliU warranty, as we should call it at the present
time; and the grantor engages ** to save and keep harmless,
and indemnifie, as well the said Paul White, his botrs, under*
takers and assigns, and every of them, and all and singular the
said premises, and from and concerning all other bargains, sales,
j^yntures, dowers, titles of dowers, arrearages of rents, and of
the staple, exec[utive] judgments, extents, forfeitures, charges,
titles, troubles, incumbrances, and demands whatsoever, Ac"
The deed to Davison is only a quit claim. By recitals in it we
learn that Nov. 5, 1650, Elbridge had mortgaged Daroarisoove
island and Monhegan' to Bichard Russell of Charlestown, Mass.
The consideration mentioned in the several deeds, including
the mortgage, amounts only jto £885, lawful money.
Elbridge continued to ?eside at Pemaquid, long after he had
conveyed away all his right in the patent In his conveyances
he styled himself '* merchant of Pemaquid.'* He was a man
of small stature and insignificant appearance, but ever exerted
a mild and beneficial infiuence in the settlement But he was
not permitted to live without molestation, for in 1659 he
brought two actions against George Cleaves, one for de&ma-
ti<m, and the other for assault and battery, on the first of which
he recovered fifty pounds damages. The result of the other
action is not stated.' He was still living in 1672, for we find his
name as the signer of a petition from residents of^be place, to be
taken under the government and protection of Massachusetts.
It is not known whether he had any fiunily, nor has the time
of his death been ascertained. Thomas Elbridge, who was a
member of the first fire company formed in Boeton, 1676> may
kave beea tiie (
■QJUAte Ike SmS DnurlMfl^ Otfv« mS MoaUfiM.
Umon ov BtisvoL Aim Banonr.
79
OHAPTEB XL
The gtmi itona of Ao^rnst* 1S85. oa tbe ootit of New Eefflmd— Tho ahlp
Angel Oabriel, wrecked al Pem«f|iild —John Oogtwell and funUj peaeeageis
bj her — AffldaTii of Semael Haines, a aenrant In the Oogtwelt't ftmOx— En-
eriiae hm ent of the French al the eaat— ImmigratloD ftwn K ng l a n d ehedted hy
the political tionblea, there— FefodoaaalrUb between thetwoFkeodi ifrali^
IXAlnej and La To«r, In the French edlonlea at the eaat, threatening al Urnen
lo InfolTe Maaiadittaetta and other EngUih fettlenienti on tho ooaat.
The great storm of Angnst 15, 1686, was probably one of
the most severe and destructive ever known on the ooast of
New England. It ravaged the whole ooast from Nova Scotia to
Manhattan (New York) and probably farther sooth." It began
early in the momin^r with the wind at the northeast, and oon*
tinned with great fury five or six hours, the tide rising in some
pUc^ more than twenty feet ** right up and down." Accord-
ing to some of the old writers, the tide not only rose to a very
unusual height, but was attended by other peculiar circum-
stances. High tide seems to have occurred about the proper
time, according to calculation, and was followed by a partial
ebb, but then immediately succeeded another and unaccount-
able tidal wave, in which the water rose even higher than at
first The growing crops every where were greatiy injured ; and
the largest trees of the forest, which then covered a large part
of the surfikce, were blown down in immense numbers.
This storm was very severe at Pemaquid, but we are in-
debted chiefly to a disastrous shipwreck that occurred here for
what information we have of its ravages. June 22d, prevlons^,
two ships, the Angel Oabriel of two hundred and forty tons,
and carrying sixteen guns, and the James of two bunded and
twenty tons, sailed together from Milford Haven for New Eng-
land, both bringing passengers and supplies for the colonies.
They kept together for nearly two weeks, but the James, bmng
the best sailer, at length lost sight of the other, and proceeded
on her voyage. During those two weeks the latter had not
spread all their sails, so that they ** might not overgo her."
Among the passenffers of the James was the Bev. Richard
Mather and &mily, the ancestors of Drs. Inorease and Oottoo
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HnroBT ov Beiitol hid Beihut.
Uathery and moit or all of the name in New England. Bofh
of the Bhipe, besides their passengers, brought also cattle and
horses and other domestic animals, with the necessary supplies
for the Tojage. Mr. Mather kept a diary during the Tojrage,
which was published by Dr. Young in his Ch^nidu of Massa*
ehuuUs in 1846, after having been kept in manuscript two hun-
dred and elcTen years. Afterwards it was republished by the
Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society.
But though the James thus early in the voyage was obliged
to part with her consort, because of her own fast sailing, she did
not arrive much in advance of her. The great storm of Aug.
16th, found her at anchor at the Isle of Shoals; but having, in
the first part of it, lost all her anchors she was obliged to put
to sea again, and after a very perilous contest with the storm,
and having sU her sails ^ rent in sunder and split in pieces, as
if ihey bad been rotten ragges," arrived in Boston harbor the
next day. Mr. Mather •* was exercised *' as he expresses it, at
least €«ioe eveiy Sabbath, during the voyage, and sometimes at
«• both ends of the day.'*
The night before the storm, while the James lay at the Isle
of Shoals, the Angel Gabriel lay also at anchor at Pemaquid;
but probably not in the inner harbor, for if she had been there,
even if her anchors could not hold her, she could not have
Jbeen dashed in pieces, as actually happened. One seaman and
three or four of the passengers were lost, and most of the
animals and goods. Of the latter a part was recovered in a
damaged state.*
Among the passengers by the Angel Gabriel was Mr. John
Ck>gswell, a London merchant, who afterwards established
himself in buslnea at Ipswich. He was accompanied by three
sons and several servants; and brought also many valuable
household goods. ^ ,^ ^
The following deposition is of interest, as connected with the
shipwreck. It is contained in the UiumehuieUi Arehiva, voL
TCT, p. (9& A quarrel had arisen among the sons, or other
descendants of Cogswell, which found Its way into Uie courU;
and this deposition was taken in reference to the trial, and pro-
bably was actually used. Another deposition of Wm. Furber,
tlso servant of Cogswell, was taken the same day, and is of
the same character. — ifost. Arektoa vol. xxxix, p. 604.
• JfenriMl^ i«*sr< IfsOir, sfcm sited, j«i*».
J.
HiBTORT OF BlUSXOL AMD BUMIV.
81
'< The BsposIOea ef WiUisa Farbsr Ssar. and 60 ymn er Omts
abottts.
Thii I>6poBsnt tettifjeth and saith, tiist in the jstr of our lord IfiSM
the said Depooeni did oome oror in the ship (oallad the AngeU Gabriel)
along with Mr. John Cogswell Sen', from Old {Ingland, and we were east
sshoare at Peomayquid ; and I doe remember that there was saved several
Casks both of Dry Goods and profisions which were marked with Mr.
CogsweU Sen'. Marks and that there saved a igfi^of »Ir. Cogswell Sen',
which he had set np at Penmajqnid j and LiTod In it (with the goods that
he saTcd in the wracke) and afterwards Mr. Cogswell Removed to Ipswich :
And in noTtrmber after that ship was cast away I the said Degosfint^Came
to Ipswich and found Mr. Cogswell, Sen'. Living there, and hired myself
with him for one year ; I the said Deponent doe well remember that there
were severall feather beds and I together with Deacon Haines as ser*
vanu lay upon one of them, and there were severall dosen of pewter plat*
ters, and that there wero severall brass pans besides other pieoes of pewter
and other hossehold goods as Iron worke and others neeesnry as for
house Repairing and have in the house then. I Uie said Deponent doe
farther testify that there were two malres and two Oowes broaght over
in an other ship which wore landed safe ashoare and were Kept at aistioke
till Mr. CogsweU had y«. I doe farther testify that my maister, Joha '
Cogswell Sea', had three sons which came ever along with as in the ship
(called the Angell Gabriell) the Eldest soanes name were WiUiam, sad
he were about fourteen yearea of age, and the second sonne were called
John and be was about twelve yeares of age then, and the third sonne
osme were Edward which was about six years of age at that time, and
further saith not. William Fnrber Sen" came and mads oath to all the
above written this flrsi of X^. 1676.1
Before me Riohaso Maattx, Comisr."
A fellow passeoger with Mather on the Angel Gabriel, was
Bailey, who came over to this country with the view of settling
here, but left his wife in the old country, until he could first
make himself a little acquainted with the new countiy, and
provide a suitable place for his fkmily. Though he escaped from
the wreck unhurt, his mind was deeply effected by his narrow
escape, and hewroteto hiswifesuchadolefhl aooountof the storm
and shipwreck, that she never could be persuaded to undertake
i/7M.00fi./2(!y^xxnf,p.l88. For account of the slofm,(aifMiMf,«fif:MiL
^O^y.iwi.^^ <«t.^.MW; WUtkr^ i, MS7; Thornton. Jfirfl;
11
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82
Eumvt ov BKI670L Am Brbmbn.
the VDTage, eren to jain her hnebaiid. And aa he was too tiraid
to risk himself again on the stormy Atlantic, thejr remained
separate the rest of their liyes.^
It is interesting to remark here that Thaeher's island, at Cape
Ann, recrived its name from a cironmstance that occurred there
in this storm* A small Tessel with 28 persons, men, women
and children on board sailed from Ipswich for Marblehead, and
being orertaken by the storm, was dashed to pieces on the
island ; and all on board were lost excepts man named Anthony
Thacher and wife. These latter had with them their four
children, all of whom perished. They afterwards had three
other children, from whom, and a nephew of Anthony, i^ho
came over with him, have descended probably all of the name
in New England.'
Two circumstances occurred this year (1685) which produced
some uneasiness in all the New England colonies : the surrender
of the diarter of the Plymouth Council in England {ante p. 69),
and the continued encroachments of the French at the eastward.
The latter especially concerned the Pemaquid settlement, as
being in their immediate neighborhood.
On the division (on paper) of the territory by the council of
Plymouth before giving up their charter, the Pemaquid river
was made the boundary between two different proprietors ; but
as those proprietors never took actual possession, or exercised
any other act of ownership, it is not necessary to pursue the
snbject further.
The encroachment of the French at the east especially con*
eemed the Pemaquid settlement, but all the English colonies
on the coast, even as fkr west as Connecticut, wore not uuin*
terested spectators. Immediately after the ratification of the
treaty of St Oermaiu, the French agents proceeded to suppress
the trading house at Machias, belonging to the Plymouth
colony: and a few days before the great storm, a French ship
with a commisrion (as was pretended) from.the king of France,
seised the other Plymouth trading house at Bignydnce, at the
month of the Penobscott, sending the men away, but appropri*
ating the goods to themselves, only giving bills for them. They
bade the men to till the plantations, that they would come
'* ^U' fi
ii M li J'f
tm^
KIMIH I mill I I
HisTORT Of Bristol Aim BRimBir.
83
within a year with eight ships and displace them all, as fiir
south fis forty degrees of N. latitude. Subsequently, the French
Captain (D'Aulney de Chamissi) in a letter to the governor of
Plymouth, stated that his commisnon was ftom Oen. Baally^
commander of the fort at La Heve,' and that his orders were
to displace the English, only as far west as Pemaquid.'
But Plymouth was not disposed to submit to a dedsion so
summary, in regard to her rights in the east, and made applica-
tion to Massachusetts for aid against the French. They sent
an armed ship to settle the matter at the Penobscot, but the
French having had time to fortify their position, nothing was
accomplished. Further negotiation with Massachusetts was
had, and men and ammunition were to be supplied by Massachn-
setto, but the crops having been so much injured by the great
storm, it was found tliat sufficient provision for such an ezpedi-
tion could not well be spared. The whole thing therefore
failed ; and it is added " nor did they (the Plymouth colonisto)
find any means afterwards to recover their interest theie any
more."
In this affair the Pemaquid settlers found themselves between
two fires, for while the French on one hand^ were threatening
to displace them as intruders, on the other hand. Gov. Brad-
ford of Plymouth complained that they ** filled ye Indians with
gunes and muuishtion to the great danger of ye English,'' and
kept both the French and Indians informed of what was pass-
ing among the colonists. Their position was exceedingly criti-
cal, but their affairs seem to have been managed with great
sidll and moderation ; so that if they did not altogether please
the three parties, via., the English colonies west of them, the
French at the east, or the native Indians, in their midst, they
at least gave mortal offense to none. As a natural result they
for many years eiyoycd a good degree of prosperity, and the
population of the place rapidly increased. Gov. Winthrop,^ in
> Thianamo isvariousljtpoUed bj diflbreat wiiten. as Boad^(Wiiit.X Bos-
iHlon (Ilab.), and lUxiUa (Williamson), CharieToix writes It as in tks text.
■ TUs plsM is in tUe |irosent Dablia Ooontj, Nora SooUft.
«/]ni<.ir.i^i, p.40a IsiiamUprinilhatMr.aaTag^iiibisaotooapaM
401>madotoca]lUMetUda7olth« week Satmds/t llr. TUomton ( Jr#. SuL
CotL, V. p. 8d5);ooples tbe misuke. Wbat avtboritj bas eltber Mri Sarsgeor llr.
ThofBtoB Ibr sajing tbat Got. WiaUifsp mads tbe mlLtr la bis io«nal sft Sem*
dsjr. BatbsrsBaUeritleisn
Df^'itiJgd'r-""
vwfmm
T
1^
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84
HmoBT or BeistoIi aitd BBBimr.
\\
a Terjr inddentAl maiinery affbrds vlb some OTidence of ibe pros-
pentj of the place, in the month of May 1640. *" Joseph
Grafton set sail from Salem, the 2d day in the morning, in a
keteh of about fortjr tons, (three men and a boj in her) and ar-
rired at Pemaqnid (the wind easterly) upon the third (Tuesday)
io the morning, and then took in some twenty cows, oxen,
Ac., with hay and oats for them, and came to an anchor in the
bay the 6th day about three afternoon/'
This was making good despatch, but the voyage could very
easily be accomplished in the time mentioned, if the vessel was
only a moderately good sailor, and the wind was &yorable both
going and returning.
The first cows were brought to Plymouth in 1628, but after
this they were brought oyer in considerable numbers ; but as
the natural increase would at first be small, prices were high.
In 1686, cows sold in Massachusetts as high as 25 and even 80
pounds a head, and oxen at 40 pounds per pair; but after this
the price was lower, [n 1640, cows were worth in Massachusetts
only 20 pounds ; — and the next year, 1641, the same cows
oonld be purchased for 4 or 6 pounds.*
This great fkll in prices was occasioned by the great diminu-
tion in the number of emigrants arriving horn the mother
country. Not only was there as Hubbard expresses it, ** a total
oessation of any passengers coming over," but there was a return
tide, many persons returning home on account of the changes
taking place diere or in prospect For twenty years begin-
ning inih the year 1641 the New England colonies lost as many
returning home as they received of new immigrants. '
This is not at all strange. A great change had taken place
in the afiairs of the mother country, by the concessions which
the Idng, Oharles I, had been compelled to make to his peo-
pie. After a long veeess, during which the king had undertaken
to rule the country without the aid of parliament, this body was
again called together. The mass of the people of England, who
had been driven almost to despair by the tyranical rule of the
king, began to take hope. As a natural consequence, very
many who were preparing to escape from the evils they com-
plained o^ by emigrating to America, now resolved to change
their course and remain at home, some who had become resident
BmovT or Beistol axd Baxicnr*
85
^'^
I
and in the colonies, in the change of circumstances at home, re-
turned again to join their friends and relatives under the oli
flag.
The settlements at Pemaquid and vicinity were probably less
afteoted by their cause than the more decided puritan colonies
of Massachusetts and Connecticut There were now many
scores of English settlers at Damariscotta, Sheepsoott, Arowsio
Island, in other pUces on the Kennebec, and also at the St
Qeorge and the Penobscot rivers. Further east were several
small but vigorous French establishments. At Pemaquid, and
probably at the other settlements, some attention began to be
given to agriculture, but the catching and curing of fish was
the chief business. Every spring many fishing vessels arrived
from Europe, to spend the summer on the coast; and though
they brought most of their supplies with them, a ready mar-
ket was made for any surplus produce the colonists might have.
The natives of the couutry, though not numerous, mingled
freely with the colonists ; no serious difficulty, so far as we know,
having ever occurred between them. Furs abounded in the
vicinity, and the trade in these, with the natives, added some-
thing to the general business.
The winter of 1641-2 was very severe, and navigation on the
coast was especially dangerous ; but in the month of January a
shallop with eight men started horn Piscataqua for Pemaquid.
Being overtaken on the voyage by a furious N. W. gale, they
were unable to hold the shore and were driven out to sea.
After fourteen days of great suffering, they at length arrived at
Monhegan, from which four of them, who alone survived, were
rescued by some fishermen. ^
It is implied in this statement that there were at this time
no residents on the island ; and this harmonises with the re-
mark of Richard Mather, in his journal of his voyage to this
country, in 1685, that *< the island called Menhiggin'' was then
without inhabitants.* We have before seen (p. 70) that the
proprietors of the island, Messrs. Aldsworth and Elbridge, of
Bristol, England some twelve years before this, had procured
their patent of Pemaquid, and taken possession under it ; and it
is probable that they very soon directed their agent, Abraham
Shurte, to transfer the seat of his operations from the island
to the main land, at Pemaquid.
' WbU,, n»p. 7» ; Jh^p. 4S1.
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HiBTOBT or Bristol akd Bsnmr.
The real oondition of affiun here at this period, in some re-
spects, oaonot be ftilly understood without a knowledge of some
of the traosaotfons taking place east of them, in the French
settlement New France was the name applied by the French
to the territory beginning at the gulf of St Lawrence, and ex-
tending indefinitely westward, but certainly including a part of
what is now the state of Maine. The ri^t of France to the
territory had been disputed by the Bnglish, and in 1621, James
I made a grant of all this territory, east of the St Croix river,
to Sir WuL Alexander, under the name of Noya Scotia. This
grant was confirmed three years afterwards by Obaries I, who
had succeeded to the throne of England. Sir William, then,
with the approbation of the go?emment, and aided by Sir David
Kirk a French protestant, and refugee from his native country,
projected a plan for the entire expulsion of the French from
New France; and so energetically did the two enter upon the
nndertaking that they well nigh succeeded the very first cam-
paign. This was in 1627.
It was natural that transactions like tiiese should arouse the
French to renewed activity to preserve their ascendancy in New
France ; and, for this purpose an association was formed, called
the Company of New France, to whom the whole territory
was ceded, upon condition that the colonies should immediately
be strengthened by new emigrants from France. Many otiier
conditions were also stipulated, but they do not concern our
immediate purpose. Great preparations were made by the
company tofhlfill their contract, and an armament under BaziU^
was about to sail for Nova Scotia, when, by the treaty of St
Germain, in 1682, the whole territory was given up by Charles
I, to the king of France.
Ba«lly was also appointed commander in chief of Acadia by
the French government, and in addition received a grant of the
river and bay of St Croix. Leaving behind the forces ho had col-
lected, as not being needed under the new circumstances, he set
sail for Nova Scotia with high hopes.
Next east of the St Croix a Urge tract was granted to
Obaries Etienna La Tour, and still fiirther east, and extending
to the St Lawrence, a grant was made to M. Denys.
Besides his grant on tiie St Croix River, La Tour had claims
to otiier iaige tracts, some of which he inherited from his
ftther, who long resided in tiiis r^on— indeed he had pur-
HisTOBT or BamoL ivn Bxsiaar.
87
chased of Sir Wm. Alexander in 1680 all his right in Nova
Scotia except Port Royal. * It is hardly necessary to say that
be was a man of fortune and influence; a protestant in reli-
gion professedly, but ntterly destitute of Christian principle, or
any noble traits of character whatever.
Raxilly had the chief command ; and it is understood that he
was instructed by the French government to maintain posses-
sion of the country as far west as the Kennebec if posMble.
One of his first acts was to send his lieutenant, M. D'Aulney *
de Chamiss^ to the Penobscot' to seiae the tradbg house
established there, as we have just seen. Wlien D'Aulney and
his men arrived there the head man of the establishment, as it
happened, was absent, but the Frenchman, pretending to have
put in there in distress, and eamestiy requesting permission to
repair damages, succeeded in deceiving those in charge, and so
jpiiued easy possession. This was in 1085.
So also the suppression of Mr. AUerton's trading house at
Machios, the year before (in 1635) was by La Tour, acting under
tiie authority of Razilly, who claimed all the country east of
PemaquidT, and threatened to seize any traders who might be
found there without being properly authorized.
Gen. Razilly died soon after the suppression of the Plymouth
trading house at Penobscot, and his lieutenant D'AuIney suc-
ceeded him in office. Razilly had his residence at La Heve, but
his successor removed to the Penobscot, at the place afterwards
made famous as the residence of the Baron de Castine, and now
known by his name. From some cause, having no other foun-
dation apparently than personal rivalry, a misunderstanding oc-
curred between D'Aulney and La Tour which speedily ripened
into a disastrous quarrel, and seemed likely at one time to in-
volve not only the small English settiements at the east, but
even the Massachusetts colony itself
D'Aulney was a Catholic, and naturally felt that he could con-
fide in the French government for lud against his Huguenot
rival, but La Tour, at the same time, hoped for sympathy and
assistance, if needed, from Massachusetts and the other Protest-
> JBMsM^f Anntdi, hp, S58.
■Tblfl MuoM D'Aunsi, D'Aoaaj, D'Anlnaj, sad D'Aslaajr^ sad wmm\mm Vgr
EngUtU writtrt, Don^. This latter Indicstes the tme proswadstloa. Bslilisiw
ion in hia UUitor^ ^ilTtM 8c9tia writM the name Daubtl
•/Isiftsfiea(v«i l»^Oa),timia ■peaking oTthklndlttg pott ssbilBgslPi^
quid.
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HmoBT Of Bbistol aitd B&uibh
ant tettlements on the ooaet Aoooantt of their dissenrioDe
reache d Fra nce, and the two riyale were enjoined by the king,
Looia JULY, to confine their operations each within hb own
territory. Thie advice was good but ineffectual in stopping the
dissensions; and mntual complaints and criminations were per*
formed before the king, nntil at length he foaod it necessary to
• take some more deoisiye steps. He therefore caused an order to
be issued to D'Aulney, authorising him to arrest La Tour, aad
send him a prisoner to France. This was in February, 1641.
The result was to intensify the strife. The contest between
the parties was at once commenced with vigor, each bringing
into action all the force he could command whether of men or
ammunitions of war. The French government was too much
engaged in its own affairs at home to interfere with forces, and
they were left to prosecute the war upon each other like two
independent chieftains.
In Nov. 1641, La Tour made application to Massachusetts
for aid against his rival ; but nothing was done, though the peo-
pie of Massachusetts sympathixed with him. The agent of
La Tour brought with him a letter of introduction from Mr.
Shurte of Pemaquid.
Another, and more forward and urgent request for aid, the
next autumn, was attended with no better result, except that
a system of perfect free trade was agreed upon between Massa*
chnsetts and the adherents of -La Tour. Some of the mer-
chants of Boston, availing themselves of this agreement, at once
•ent a small trading schooner to the eastward, which was re-
oeived veiy cordially by the people on the St Johns, and La
Tour their chief On their return home they called at Pema-
quid, and were surprised to find there D'AuIney himself, who
veiy consequentially showed them the authority he had received
from the French Oovemment for the arrest of La Tour, and
threatened to nese any Massachusetto vessels that might presume
to visit the St Johns river for purposes of trade.*
In the spring of the next year D'Aulney was able to raise
anfildent force to blockade completely the river St Johns ; and
in the meantime a ship arrived from Bochelle with 140 emU
grants for La Tour's colony, but being unable to enter the river
ifae aet sail for Boston, with La Tour and hie wife, who were
t'
HxaioaT ot Bbibtol An Bancnr,
89
able to get on board by passing the blockade in the night This
ship, it would seem, had been sent out byfriendsof La Tour in
France, and brought several documents from the Vice Admiral of
France and others, to La Tour, styling him His Majesty's Lieut
General of Acadia. This seemed to place La Tour at least on an
equality with his great rival, as it regards the favor of France.^
Many influential citizens of Massachusetts were now much dis-
posed to fovor La Tour, but the governor and others in authority
hesitated; and the subject was discussed pre and eon^ some*
times angrily, through all the English settlements on the coast,
from Boston to Pemaquid. Most persons had full confidence
in the Protestantism of La Tour, which they would gladly fiiror,
but they did not desire a quarrel with D'Aulney. It was at
length, afterdue consideration, decided that though government^
as such, could not extend apy aid to him, yet he was at Uberty
to employ ships, and enlist men into his service, as he pleased.
By mortgaging his possessions at St Johus, he succeeded in
procuring four ships and 142 men as sailors and soldiers, with
which he set sail for the Penobscot about midsummer. The
attack upon D'Aulney was made with great vigor, and he was
obliged to run some of his vessels ashore, but he then made a
stand with such determination, and such means of defense, that
the commander of the Massachusetts forces declined to prose-
cute the enterprise further. The Boston ships returned in due
time without loss.
Massachusetts, not wishing to provoke the auger of D'Aulney
felt it necessary to send him an oflicial note, informing him of
what they had done in reference to his rival La Tour, but the
messenger did not find him in a very pleasant mood ;' still he
was not in a condition, as was more than suspected in Massa-
chusetts, to manifest openly his displeasure. But he. resolved
no less vigorously to prosecute his measures for the subjugation
of hii rival ; and therafore made another application for aid to
the French government To ensure the success of his applica-
tion he shortly set sail for the French capital
■ Writers on tblt, witboat exeepUoa, coneads ths genstiw— m of tbcss doeo*
menu ind those of D^Attlo^ to srrwt La Toitf , porportlAf to bsTO boon laoood
If sntherity ; bot thoro !■ apt tnflkiant tmmm to q s t at io n tlw. Kiithor D'Aal.
Mjr nor Lo Tour wto too boneot to forgo oock dooaaient^ if tboo was a pioiposl
thsl tlMj sottld bo siod ■d^sstogoonoly.
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HUZOET Of BbISIOIi IITB BBBMlir.
By this time the tnda of MaMaohusettt with the French at
the eaet was now nearly destroyed; and penons having debts
due them in the French •ettlementt thonght it necessary to
take measures fbrtheir collection. La Tonr^at the time, stood as
debtor on the books of several wealthy men of Boston, and
B'Anlney himself held the same relation, at least to Mr. Bhurte
of Pemaqnid. So about midsummer, 1644, Mr. Vines of Baco,
Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua, and Mr. Shurte started with
a suitable boat's crew, on a collecting tour to the east They
called first at Penobscot where D'Aulney detained them, as
semi-prisoners, several days; and it was only in consequence
of the great personal influence of his creditor, Mr. Shurte, that
fhey were at length released. They then proceeded to St.
John's, not without some decided fooling of resentment because
of this inexcusable treatment
Thomas Wannerton had been a man of considerable in*
flueooe in the colony at Piscataqua, and his name appears with
those of Ooiges, Mason, and others, as one of the commis*
doners in the Laconia patent But he was a man of low
and grovelling feelings and base passions, and, at least, in the
latter part of his life, a miserable drunkard. John Jocelyn^
says of him : ^ Sep. 24, 1689, several of my friends came to bid me
fitfewell, among the rest Capt Thomas Wannerton, who drank
to me a pint of £ill-devil, alicu rhum.'' At a period still ear*
lier, in 1635, he had a quarrel with several others, for which he
was put under bonds for his good behavior. Hubbard says that
h'a had been a soldier many years, and that by the irregularities
of his conduct, he at one time occasioned much trouble in
Mason's colony at Piscataqua.
Arriving at St John's, Wannerton wak easily pursuaded
by La Tour to Join with him in an expedition against D'Aul-
ney, especially as it was supposed that the forces of the latt^rr
at that time, were not veiy considerable, and that he was short
of supplies. The number of men in the expedition was about
twen^ ; and when they arrived at Penobscot, instead of making
an attack- upon the fort, they went to a farm house six miles
distant, where Wiuinerton, in attempting to enter the house,
was shot dead, and one other of his men wounded. There were
only three men in the house, one of whom was killed, and the
others taken prisoneia. They then burned the house and killed
i
Ku m s^ ' ' ' . '^ '"
HmxoBT Of BanroL urn Bxncnr.
91
all the cattle they could find, and retired. Leaving fhe Penob-
scot they set sail, not for St John's, but for Boston, where La
Tour had now gone, and where his wife soon after arrived fix>m
Loudon, though not until a few days after her husband had left
for his home.'
D*Aulney now greatly incensed by this ill-judged a&ir,
threatened vengeance against the English colonists at the west,
and acutually issued commissions for the capture of all vessels
of theirs found east of the Penobscot; but Massadiusetts now
manifesting a little firmness, and intimatingB disposition to call
him to account for such acU of aggression he apologized
for his haste, and said that he had received commands from his
sovereign to hold friendly intercourse with all the English.
But the end of this strife was not yet Later in the autumn
of this year, an agent of D*Aulney came to Massachusetts for
the double purpose to make known the plenary authority he
had received from the French government, for the arrest and
confinement of La Tour, and to form such a trtoty with fhe
government of Massachusetts as he might be able. Though
Massachusetts would by no means allow all the claims and pre-
tensions made in behalf of D'Aulney, only four days elapsed
before terms were agreed upon by the parties, and a settlement
of their difliculties efibcted, which caused great rejoicing among
the scattered settlements on the eastern coast of New England.
Thus affairs remained during the winter of 1644-6 ; but in
the spring D'Aulney, learning that La Tour was absent from his
garrison, he prepared an attack upon it, expecting to make
an easy conquest On his way he met with a Kew Eng*
land vessel, somewhere on the coast, and in utter disregard of
his treaty with Massachusetts, on which the ink was but just
dry, made a prize of her, turning the crew ashore on a distant
island, without food or comfortable clothing. Arriving at St
John's, be moored his ship before the fort and b^gan abombard-
ment, but Madam La Tour, who had command in her husband's
absence, made such spirited resistance tliat he was obnged to
retire, his ship being badly damaged, and twenty of his men
killed and thirteen wounded. On his return, a wiser if not
a better man, he took aboard the meu he had put ashore on
the island, who had remained there ton days in great suffering
I Fte duuMtar or WaBB«toa ferlhsr. SM AM. Ofti. JKif^ n, p. Ml.
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HXBIOBT Of BUiTOli AMD BEBMlir.
and gave them ao old shallop to retarn home in, but withoat
mttoriDg any of their propertjr.
The iDdignatioD of the government and people of Massacbn-
•etti was jnstl/ excited at thie perfidious outrage; and a
messenger with an energetic remonstrance was at once sent to
• D'AnlDe/; bat he was not in a temper to negotiate, and the
messenger returned, not however without an assurance that no
farther aoU of aggression should be committed, until time should
be had for consultation between the parties.
The question what next to do now occupied the minds of
the government and people of Massachusetts, and the matter
was anxiously, and even angrily, discussed among the magistrates
and people. A considerable party were in favor of making a
proposition to the haugh^ chieftain that representatives of the
two parties should meet at Pemaquid, and confer together con.
coming their mutual difficulties and complaints; but, before
any conclusion was arrived at, a notice was received from
IVAuluey informing them that he would, in due time, send mes-
sengers to Boston for the purpose.
But it was not until late in September of the next year (1646),
that the promised messengers made their appearance;— hav-
sacceeded in preventing his rival at St John's from receiving
any supplies from the English colonies, at the west, there was on
his part no occasion for haste. But to the colonies it was a
grevious delay, all their trade at the east being suspended.
At the banning of the negotiation, D'Aulney's represent*,
tives demanded idamages of Massachusetts for injuries he had
aafiered, to the amount of eight thousand pounds, which, how-
ever, Massachusetto refused ; butat lengtii it was agreed tiiat tiie
former treaty should be revived, and that MassachusetU should
send to D'Aulney, as a present, an elegant sdim, which had been
sent by the viceroy of Mexico, as a present to his sister in the
West Indies, but had been brought to Boston and presented to
the governor, by the captain of a ship sailing from that port
The article was a costiy thing of the kind, but, not being suited
to the taste of the Bostonians, was littie prised by them ; and
the result of die negotiation was considered a triumph of di-
plomacy on the part of New England. >
But the time was now drawing near for the termination of
this miserable quarrel, which, originating in matters purely per-
;^#•l WfiiA^tt,^m$; WaU mmm ' t Otk ^Maku, i, p.tta.
HisTOBT or Beistol ivn Baxicxv.
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sonal between two as despicable characters as the history of those
times has made known to us, at length came to involve in some
of its consequences, the whole eastern coast of thecontinentnortli
of Cape Cod.
La Tour, efiectually prevented from receiving anything from
the English colonies west of him, before the spring of the next
year, 1647, found himself short of provisions, and was theee-
fore obliged to be much from home, cruising from place to
place in search of the necessary supplies. Seeing a &vorable
opportunity thus afibrded him, in the mouth of April, D'Aulney,
with such a force as he was able to raise, suddenly made his
appearance at the St John's, and laid stige to the fort with so
much energy that he soon gained possesdon of it, making
Madame La Tour and the whole garrison prisoners, and appro-
priating to himself all of La Tourfs effects of every kind, the
value of which was not less than ten thousand pounds.
Madame La Tour, in the absence of her husband, had com-
mand of the fort, and, as on a former similar occasion, de-
feuded it with great vigor, killing and wounding many of
D'Aulney's men, but the latter, having gained some advantage,
offered &vorable terms, and she was induced to capitulate,
surrendering eveiy thing into the hands of her adversary.
But as soon as possesion of the fort had been gained, D'AuIney,
utterly d'isregarding the promises he liad made, in aocordaaoe
with his base nature, put the whole garrison to death, except a
nngle man, and compelled Madame La Tour herself with a n>po
around her neck, to be present at the execution.
This lady, exhausted by the heroic exertions she had made in
defending the fort, and stung to madness by the wrongs and
indignities she was made to suffer, died only three weeks after
the surrender of the fort ; and her husband, now reduced to
poverty, was left a wanderer and an exile.
At this time La Tour owed considerable sums to individuals
in Massachusetts, to whom much of his property in Nova Scotia
was mortgaged, one man alone, by name of Gibbons, having a
clium of more than X2,500. The prospect of ever collecting
their dues was now smsJL
La Tour in despair now made application for aid .to his former
friend Sir David Eirk of Newfoundland, but without effect.
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and then torned again to Massaohasetts, where he found some
men of wealth who still having confidence in his integrity, fur-
nished him with a ressel and goods to the value of £400, for a
trading excnrsion among the Indians at the east Arriving at
Cape Sable, he developed his true character as a low scoundrel
and hypocrite, by entering into a conspiracy with a part of his
crew, who were Frenchmen, to put ashore the others who were
English, and take possession of the vessel and cargo as their
own. The men, thus put ashore in the depth of winter, in a
destitute condition, were, after much suffering, releived by a
party of Mickmaok Indians, who kindly aided them to return to
their homes.
La Tour and his confederates, now regular pirates, it is be«
fiered, sailed fhrther east to the Hudson's bay; but nothing b
known of their doings. D'Aulney died in 1651, and a way
was thus opened for La Tour's return to the scene of his former
exploits.
The ferocious contest, between those two unscrupulous rivals,
raged with more or less violence for twelve years, and produced
effects not a littie detrimental to the settiement at Pemaqaid,
and all others on the coast Sometimes enormous wrongs were
oommitted on innocent people, living in the neighborhood of
their exploits; and angty menaces occasionally thrown out,
could not but ezdte the apprehensions of persons living so near
as Pemaquid.
But the strangest thing connected with this affiiir remains
yet to be mentioned. La Tour, after his return, made love to
the widow of bis late hated rival, D'AuIney ; and they were
actually married, and lived together many years, several children
being bom to them. All his former possesions in Nova Scotia
were now resumed by him, and a singular prosperity marked
the latter yean of his life; but, it is added, in the history of
the time, that in all his prosperity he did not remember his
fiiends in Massachusetts, who aided him in the days of his
adverd^ and trial, so much as to pay them the money he owed
Soringular a termination to such a bitter and protracted con*
test ezc^ds the limits of ordinary romance; and one scarcely
W«BMiMi#f.tai
HmioBT or Bmstol avo Brsmxv.
95
m
^f
.1
knows whether it should be contemplated as belonging to the
sublime or the ridiculous, to the romantic or the disgusting.
Capt Wannerton who was killed in an attack upon IVAnl-
ney's plantations at Penobscot, was deeply in debt at the time
of his death, as has often been the case with iast livers like him*
sel£ His creditors, ampng whom wasAbrahamShurte of Pema>
quid, in the settlement of his estate, became involved in a law suit
among themselves, which terminated only in 1648. The deci-
sion was adverse to Mr. Shurte, some of the other dainumta
being able to establish their claims as being soperior to his.
CHAPTEEXIL
Qril Oorenment at P«iiuu|iild — > SUtsiim Darlt't atiieniMit m to tliA popoUtioa
of Pttnaquid and TidsUy — Pio^cnM of tbo aettlomeiita weat of the Eemiebee^
Tha Piacataqoa aettlcaeat taken under the Jnriadiction of Maaiadiaaetu—
Inq id 17 aa to the northern boondary of the latter *- By act nal aornj It ia fMmd
tobeia]at,4r4S' IS'— The line extended eaattoClapboaid laland— UaMa>
chnaetuextcnda her joriadlctkm eaat to 6aeo*-Charlea II aendaConimlarionem
to InTettifate the dlfflcultiea of the eoloniea— The territory of Sagadahoe^
The Royal Commlarioncre of Penobeoot -^ Oath of aUegianee taken by dtiaen»—
County of Cornwall — New Dartmouth-* The soremmenta eatabliahed by the
Gonuniaaionera aoon die out, and the people look to Maatachnaettai
The settlement at Pemaquid, for the first half centniy of its
history, may be said to have been almost literally without civil
government Abraham Shurte, as agent of the proprietors of
the Pemaquid patent, for a time performed important magis-
terial functions here, but his influence seems to have been of a
moral rather than governmental character. The same also may
be said of Thomas Blbridge, during his sojourn in the country^
though he was then sole proprietor of the patent By geneial
consent, a limited authority was conridered as belonging to then^
simply because of their relation to the patent
Williamson remarks of this patent, ^that it is a charter as
well as a patent; " and its language seems plidnly to authoriae
the establishing of a regular civil government over the territory
conveyed by it; but the proprietors never ondertook to eiexw
.-^
^w M " i ii i juw i m ,m i I U P w > »*ti ^ w «. " ^ piTi.w
'P 'i g i tgedtey
<■ ■ ! ■ , I "^^W^w^iy^^P
^ I m * i jw ii I ■■I — .
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HnroET Of Beistol Am Besmxv.
oisa taeh a power, whatevor may have been tbeir opbiont of the
proper ioterpretotioii of the laDgoage used in it*
It is indeed said of ThomatEIbridge, when he came to reside
in die place, being then sole owner of the patent, that he ** called
a oonrty'* here, to which divers fishermen repaired, pajinga cer-
tain acknowledgement for the right to. continue their fishing.
This indicates that his chief object was the collection of money.
What his success was, we do not know ; bat as he was willinic in
a Tei7 few years, to dispose of the patent, and all his right under
it, for a Tory moderate compensation, the probability is that his
collections were not large. Probably he came to this country
about 1647, and in 1651, he disposed of one half of the patent^
and the remaining half only six years later.
After the sale of the patent by Slbridge, until the time Massa-
chusetts assumed jurisdiction in 1674, the people seem to have
been without form or pretence of civil government of any kind,
except such as they may have organized for themselves.
As may readily be supposed, in an isolated community as this
then was, and on the very ** outskirts of civilisation," made up
largely of desperate adventurers from Europe, poor fishermen,
many of whom spent only their summers in the place, or on the
coast; and not a few miscellaneous characters, and transient
▼intors, both from the mother country and from the other New
England colonies, the moral and religious condition of the place
was not elevated. Not until several years later than this do we
hear of any attempts for the cultivation of religion. '
Elbridge was an Episcopalian, or, at least, sympathised with
the national church of his country, but he did nothing for the
introduction of the church into the settlement Many of the
permanent residents in the place, in all probability, were in
sympathy with the Puritan* colonies of Plymouth and Massa-
chusetts, but we do not learn that religious service was by them
regulariy established here, until at leastiscentuiy after the first
setUement of the place. We shall see hereafter that chaplains, in
several instances, accompanied the troops that were stationed at
the fort, and religions services were occasionally held by ministers
I asUlYaa (£RM. ^JMm, f. lSO),Mjs tks ''pstMil
*Tho«glitkspiepltorilMPl7»o«tlisalsQjrwtM ao(
wiis tbott sf Mimnlisgtttit aUll, m Wjsidi the laglteli
y f i thl s rf togst l wr.
aspeirwordfU
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tlMorsU
.
HisTOBT or Beistol Avn BxsioK.
97
accidentally in the place, to which the people resorted firom con-
siderable distances, often coming on the sabbath from.the neigh-
boring islands, which, at a very early period, even contained a
greater population than they now do.
At tiiis period (1640-1650) the settlement, at first linuted to
the two banks of the Pemaquid river, fix>m the harbor to the
fiills above, had become much more extended, but we cannot
now determine with any accuracy the number of permanent resi-
dents. Sullivan,* on the authority of Capt Sylvanus Davis, says
that in 1680 there were " eighty-four families, besides iSshermen,
about Pemaquid, and St. Gorges and Sheepscott river," but the
statement of Davis, still on file in the secretary's office in Boston,
scarcely justifies the assertion. The statement is as follows :
"March, 1701.
" Capt Sylvanus Davis, gives this account of tiie several Eng-
llJii scttiemento, that he hath known to be formerly, at the east-
ward of Kennebec or Sagadahock, along the sespcoast to Men-
tinicus. Sundry English fishing places, some 70 and some 40
years since.
At Sagadahock many families and 10 boats and sometimes
more.
At Cape Kewafl^n many fitmilies and 15 boats.
At Hippocras Island, 2 ^
At Damariscove, 15
At Two Bacon Gutt, Iaj,^^,^
At Holmes Island, /fi»«™«a
• At Pemaquid, 5 > Ilshiiig
At New Harbor, 6
At Monhegan, near 20
At St Gorj^ fishers.
At Mentinicus Island 20
Bartnen JSctstward.
At and near Sagadahock, 20
At E. side of Sagadahock to Meny meeting, 81
From Cape Newagen to Pemaquid,
At Pemaquid,
At New Harbbr,
AtStGorfires,W.side,M.Poxwell, \
At Soquid Point, 60 years agone^ /
On the E. side of Quisquamego^ «
Philip Swaden 60 yean ago, besides fishermen
60 or 70 years, M
15
15
10
1
1
Farmers.
StGeoi
84F
George
^amiQes.
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08
H18IOET Of BuBTOL Am BEnanr.
WiUmLtmd.
Between Eennebec and Georges Bivertp
At Sheepeeott town, beeidee farms,
Between Sbeepeoot and Damarisootta
Biver,
At Damarisootta,
Between Damarisootta, Mi^conons \
and Pemaqnid and Boand Pond. /
12
60
10
7or8
12
01 Families.*
Though the statement of Davis fiiils to prove that as many as
eighty.fonr &milies had settled at Pemaqnid and vtcinity as
early as 1680, it is of importance as indicating something of the
popnlonsness of these places, at a later period, when the Indian
wars began.
Daris had been a resident of Damarisootta or Ticinity wh^re
in 1669 he pnrobased lands of the Indians, but subsequently
remored to Arrowsic island in the Eennebeo, and acted as agent
of Olark and Lake, who claimed laige tracts of land in that re-
gion. In the attack on that place by the Indians, Aug. 14th,
1676, he was badly wounded, but finally made his escape.
Afterwards he resided at Falmouth, where he was highly es-
teemed. In 1690, he was in command of Fort Loyal at Fal-
mouth, when it was besieged and captured by the French and
Indians. Taken a prisoner to Canada, he was detained there
sereral months ; but subsequently returned and settled in Bos-
ton. In the charter of Massachusetts, granted by William and*
Kaiy, in 1692, he was named as one of the counci].* He died
in 1708.
For a fhll half centniy after the settlement b^an, the natire
Indians seem to hare given them no trouble whaterer ; and the
houses of the settlers were condderably scattered, at Pemaqnid
Harbor, New Harbor, Bound Pond, Muscongusand Broad Oove,
and on the DamariscotU river north as &r as the bridge. On the
west ride of the Damarisootta also, there were scattered houses
berides the settlement on the Sheepeeott, which was particularly
flourishing. But the Indians, though friendly, were in full
qrmpAthy with the French, at the east, whose nearest settlement
was at the mouth of the Penobscot, now Oastine.
isa^ pi as^as M*
*
I
: i
,-?
HmoBT Of BiiaxoL axp Bauaor.
00
West of the, Kennebec, the settlements increased with more
rapidity than in this vicinity, but they were kept, almost with-
out cessation, in a sUte of uncertainty and discontent by the
quarrels of those claiming to be proprietors of the soiL
These quarrels, though taking place at a distance, were not
without their ii\jurious effect upon the Pemaqnid, as wellas other
neighboring settlements; but the matter can only be alluded
to here. They originated chiefly from the indefinite, and
often conflicting charters, granted to different parties, by the
crown, or by the council of Plymouth, neither apparently having
much regard to the doings of the other. Thus their difficulties
were for sometime increased not a littie by the political troubles
in Eugtand, Charles I can hardly be said to have had any par-
ticular colonial policy ; but whatever was his mode of treating
his American colonies, it could not but be changed on the
accession to power of the protector, Oliver Cromwell; and
another momentous change was equally inevitable on the ve»
storation of Charles, 11 in 1660.
The founders of these settiements, as well as the settiers
themselves were, most of them, warmly attached to the esta-
blished church, and, as a matter of course, adopted the forms
of the Episcopal church, in their religious worship. This
excited no little antipathy against them among the Puritans of
Massachusetts, in which feeling the colonies of Plymouth and
the two colonies in Connecticut largely partidpated. There-
fore, when, in 1648, the confederacy was formed by the four
colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Conneetlout and New
Haven, Maine was not invited to join them.
The small colony established on the banks of die Piscataqua,
in 1628, maintained a separate existence for a time, but at length
became so much ^tracted, chiefly by their own internal die*
sensions, that they felt obliged to look abroad for aid. Their
religious sympathies were &vorable to the English church, but
the distractions in England, at this time, precluded any hope,
they might otherwise have indulged, of receiving the royal
attention. In this extremity, therefore, the more considerate of
the people tiiought it their best course to seek a more intimate
alliance witii Massachusetts;— and thus began the series of
measures, which eventually resulted in the annexation, not only
of the Pemaqnid settiement, but <rf the whole state (or district)
of Maine, to Massachusetts.
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100
HintoBT or Bbhiol in Buhh.
T
Fortunately, jntt at fhb time, MeaiaehiieetU was more than
willing to lend a listening ear to the propoeition. For several
years prior to this the question of her proper northern bonndaiy,
aoeor^ng to her eharter, had been much disonssed. Accord-
ing to this instmment, their north line was to be ** three miles
to the northward of the Merrimack river and any and every
branch thereof; ^ bnt no actnal survey of the line had ever been
made. As soon as attention was drawn to the subject, it was
seen, that, wherever the line should fall, by the plain language
of th«r charter not only the Piscataqua settlements, bnt also
those fiurther east, within the present state of Maine, would be
brought within the territorial limits of Massachusetts. Gladly
therefore did the Massachusetts people listen to the proposals
of the Piscataqua settlements ibr a political union, which was
Ibrmally ratified June 14th, 1641.^
But it was ten years after this before the proposed survey was
actually made. The surveyi in itself, was a very innocent trausao*
tion ; but for the colonial government to extend its jurisdiction
over aU the territory which they proposed to grasp, could not
£ril to provoke violent opposition at home, and might call down
upon them the indignant frowns yf the English government
The watohfiil leaders of the Massachusetts Bay colony knew
how to ehooee their time. Charles I had perished upon the
■cafibld ; and under theParliament, or under Cromwell, the peo-
ple of Massachusetts could take hope. In 1651 the matter was
brought before the general court, and it was determined, that,
to fix the northern boundaiy of tfie colony, a point three miles
north of the Merrimack must first be found, through which a
due east and west line being drawn would consdtute the bound-
aiy in questioa.
Oommisdoneis were at once appointed to make the survey,
who after employing the best scientific talent in the country to
asrist them, proceeded with the work. August 1st, 1652, they
made th«r report, in which they decided that ** the head of the
Merrimack, where it issues out of the lake, is in latitude 4A'' 4V
IV^; and of course the boundary line would be three miles
fertber north, or in latitude ^S"" 48" IS''. **ThiM line traced
eastward, it was found, would strike the coast at Ckpboard island
•TWstaisflHflB sosUsMd latfl lSeO,wk«i tht sote^sTHsir EmmfAin
MSilviaa
BiacKt «r Busioi amo Bkhhv.
101
J.
T
ft''
[in Casco Bay] about three miles eastward of Casco peninsula.**
Kothing was said of territory fiurther east
By this movement of Massachusetts, great^exdtement and
much disquietness was produced among the people living on
the territory in question, many of whom probably, both in poli-
tics and religion, sympatbiaed with the Puritans of Massachusetts;
but a mfuority were of the opposite party, and abhorred any
connection with their neighbors west of them. Even before the
actual movement for the determination of the line, an earnest
remonstrance against any such plan as Massachusetu had in
view, and a petition for protection agdnst such a catastrophe, was
sent to the English government, which however had now fiillen
into the hands of Cromwell ; and the effort was without aviuL
Massachusetts having now settled her northern boundary to
her own satisfaction, immediately took measures to conciliate
her new subjects^ by sending commissioners among them to ex-
plain more fully their real intention, and give to them positive
assurances of the most perfect protection in the ei\joyment of
all their rights. Massachusetts only proposed to lake them
under her jurisdiction and protection, to become a part of her
own people, with the same rights, privileges and responsibilities.
These commissioners, while tiiqr pressed earnestly the claims of
Massachusetts, were carefol to do it with the utmost loudness,
and not without efiect
The time for this movement had been judiciously chosen ;
all the circumstances, both in the mother country, and in the
colonies were fiivoraUe. Many of those who by the proposed
movement were to be brought under the jurisdiction of Massa-
chusetts, were still fiiriously opposed to the measure, but they
were powerless. The commissioners, proceeded in their work
with great firmness and decision, but at the same time, with
equal forbearance and kindness, until at length the oppodtion
entirely broke down.
The jurisdiction of Massachusetts being thus extended over
the Piscataqua settiement, the commissioners next addressed
themselves to the Province of Maine, which then included only
that part of the present state of Elaine west of the Eennebeo
river. They first presented the suttfect to the authorities of
the Prorince, who still held their ofiices under their charter
firom the crown ; but finding it impossible to produce any effi^t
in this direction, they ignored the mien and turned to the peo*
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102
HnroiT ov Bbhsol Am BBixnr.
pl«u ^^fiOng aU the j^ndpol setUementa in the provinee, tiiey
addreesed themaelTee directly to the eitiseDS, pennadiDg them
indiTidoelly to make their sobmismon to MaMedmeette, and
take the oath of allegianee.
In thia they eacceeded even beyond thdr own ezpectatione;
and soon they were in a condition to oiganiae local goremments,
and appoint the necessary local officers. This was a movement
worthy of Yonng America of the present day^ and as a neces-
sary result the officers who had been acting under the royal char-
ter^ to thdr great mortification, found ** their occupation gone."
Thos in the summer of 1658, the jnrisdition of Massachusetts
was extended as fiur castas Baeo; but five or six years more
were required before it could be ei^ended so as to include
Falmouth, now Portland. This was at length accomplished by
the spontaneous movements of the people of Scarboro and Fal-
mouth themselves. Deeming it for their own interest, the peo-
ple of these places, in 1668, quietly elected a deputy to the
liassachusetu general court, who was allowed to take his
seat without opposition.
Bat all this time there were iQdividnals who utterly refused
submission, and by their oppontion produced much disquiet
among certain classes of the people. Among these were the
Bev. Bobert Jordan, Henry Jocelyn, and Bichard Bonython,
[Bonighton] who were men of characte rand influence. It was
not until some of them had been arrested, and removed to
Boston for trial, that they were brought to see the futility of
their course.
Of course it was only because of the revolution in England
tiiat this marvellous success of Massachusetts, in these move-
ments, was posrible. But the time was at hand, when, on the
restoration of Charies II,thdr skill and firmness were to be
severely tested.
This event occurred in 1660; and among tiie many things
pertaining to his government, that were at once brought before
Um, while there were some which more immediately concerned
the stability of his throne, there were few that occasioned more
perplexity than the management of his American, and especially
Um New England, colonies. Finding it difficult to understand
deariy the fall import and bearing of the many conflicting
questions and interests presented befbre him, he resolved to
aead eommisrioners to this country, to examine the condition
T
^W
1
U
Hmoar ov Bbibtol ixn Bbixii.
lOS
of affiurs, and make report to himsel£ Indeed he went mudi
fitrther than this, and gave them power to ** examine and deter-
mine all complaints and appeals in all contests and matters, as
well military as criminall and civill, and to proceed in all things,
provideing for and settiing the peace and security of the said
country, according to their good and sound discretion, and to
such instructions as they or the survivors of them shall from
tyme to tyme receive from us in that behalfe, and from tyme to
tyme as they shall find expedient to certify to us, or our privy
councill of their acts and proceedings.*' ^
For commissioners he named Coll. Bobert Nicholls, Sir
Bobert Oarr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick. The
last mentioned, Samuel Maverick, had been many years in the
country, and had his residence on Noddle's island, now East
Boston .
These proceedings greaUy disgusted the people of Massa-
chusetts, but they were too wise to make any open opposition.
SirFerdinandoOorges, the proprieter of the province of Maine,
(that part of tiie present state west of the Eennebunk) also became
alarmed for his proprietary interest, and sent over an agent
John Archdale, to attend to his aflTairs. He virited all the set-
tiements, asserted in a formal manner the claims of his princi-
pal, and even undertook to appoint civil officers, as authorixed,
by the charter. But his efibru were unavailing, except to pre-
pare the way for a sale of the patent or charter to Massa-
chusetts, as was afterwards effected.
The royal commissioners in due time made their appearance
in Boston ; and after attending to their business in Massachu-
setts, and at Piscataqua, proceeded east as far as York, where*
in the language of that day, they again *« held a court" June
28d, 1665, they issued a formal proclamation, annulling (on
paper) the authority both of the Gorges government and that
of Massachusetts, in the then province of Maine, at the same
time, in the king's name undertaking to establish a kind of
government of their own. Proceeding eastward, they "held
court" in several other places, in each going through the same
forms, by which they claimed that the several municipal gov*
emments of these places were annulled, and otiiers substituted
in tiieir stead. Sept 6tii, they arrived at Sheepscott, and ''opened
court" as nsUal at the house of John Mium^ and called upon
•— ^^'j^f*
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104
HnnomT or Betool avd BRUOor.
the inhabitftDts to oome forward and swear allegiaoce to their
royal matter, the king of England.
It it necesfaiy to reoMtrk here, that the year before this (March
10, 1664), Charles 11, wishing to do a &yor to his brother
James, dnke of York, by royal charter had made a grant to
him of the territories of New York and Sagadahoc, the latter
bebg defined as/* all that part of the Main land of New
England, beginning at a certain place called and known by the
name of St Croix, next acyoining to New Scotland [Nova
Scotia] in North America, and from thence extending along the
sea-coast into a place called Petuaqnine or Pemaquid, and so
on np the river thereof to the farthest head of the same as it
treiideth northwards and extending from thence to the river
Snebeqni, and so upwards by the shortest coarse to the river.
ofCanada.''^
Thecommisrioners snppoted themselves in these transactions
to be within the limits of Uie duke's patent, but plainly they
were not, as a carefiil examination of the language of the above
extract will show.
As we have heretofore seen, there bad been here, before this,
scarcely the pretence of a cavil government; and the way was
therefore comparatively easy for the commissioners to execute
their office and authority. Proclamation being made for the
citisens to appear, and make their submission to his miyesty's
government, the following twenty-nine persons answered to tiie
call, and took the prescribed oath.
CfPmaquUmi Winnegance.*
Henry Ohi^mness,
Edmund Arrowsmith,
Thomas Gardiner,
John Mason,
Thomas Mercer,
Walter Philips,*
Nathaniel Draper,
Christopher Dyer»
WiUiam Vole,
-William James,
George Buckland,
M. Thomas Albridge, [Elbridge.]
Cf8hg>$eoL
John Taylor,
John White,
William Markes,
Bobert Scott,
Andrew Stalger,
Moses Pike,
Thomas Gent
> iMiM JERM. (M., V, ^ e ; TnateMim*# iOi^. iMM, t, p. 407.
• Thte WM tk* SMM sT a snaU stttiiSMBi sa Dm ObMpieott I
•«fe.
HiSTOBT ov Bristol ivb Bixuxir. 105
Of Sagddahoek.
Bichard Hamons [Hammond.] John White,
Thomas Parker, Markes Parsons,
Bobert Morgan, John Miller,
Thomas Watkins, William FriswelL
Of Arrowsiek^ Nicholas Baynal.^
The territory of Sagadahock they erected into a country which
they called Cornwall^ and gave to the Siiccpscott plantation the
name of Dartmouth or Ifao Dartrmmih. The officers then ap»
pointed were Walter Phillips* of Daraariscotia, clerk and recorder,
jtHcholas Itaynal of Sagadahock, TItonias ffar{&n€r of Pemaquid,
and IVm. JD^er of Dartmouth, justice of the pea^, and Bichard
Lemons^ constable.
They even pretended to establish a kind of church govern-
ment, but nothing ever came of it
Having thus arranged the political affairs of Sagadahock or
New Dartmouth to their satisfaction, the royal commissioners
were prepared to return again to Massachusetts, where they
found the spirit of the government and people not all together
submissive to their authority.
Of their doings in this last place of their visitation William*
son' very justly says, *^ short sighted statesmen, unacquainted
with the genius of the people, their necessities, and the political
remedies needed, they formed no regular system of government ;
their whole management giving full proof of their inadaquacy to
the magnitude of the trust to which they had been commis-
sioned." Though they were received kindly by the people here,
they were evidently in a mood not to see things favorably, as
their official representations of the condition of the people
plainly shows. They say '* the places beyond Sagadahock [river]
were given to His Royal Highness by his Ma***, yet as CoL ISi*
colls ^ desired, who could not attend to go himself, we have
appointed some to govern them for the present, as there was
* 8ul. But. MaiM, 287 ; WtUlammn's UUt. Itaitu. i, 4S1.
* '* Walter Philips of Danuuriwotu," appointed " derk and reeoid«r * begin Us
book of records, at tliis time tho title of which has been pres e t fed, bat the book
itself lonir tlMo disappeared. WiUiamtonCi Hid, Maim, t, 4S0.
* nut, Maine, I., 42^, 4S^
« Col. Nichols [NiooUs, NlchoUs] was in New Toik at this Ume ; he did not as-
Minpanjr the other eommissiooers into Maine.
14
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106
HmosT Of Bkistoi amd Brbhim.
1
great need. Upon 8 rivers, east of [the] Kennebec, [the] Ship*
scot [Damariscotta], andPemaqnid — there are 8 plantations,
[bnt] the greater hath not more oyer 20 houses, and they are
inhabited by the worst of men. They hare had hitherto noe
government and are made up of such as to avoid paying of debts
and being punished have fled hither; for the most part they are
fishermen, and share in their rivers as they do in their boats.'' *
Their account of the conntiy was more favorable, for, however
much they disliked the people, they looked willi admiration
upon the immense stores of timber the country afibrded, and
the wild game and the wild fruits that abounded.
The commissioners were recalled in 1666; and in a little time
all traces of their doings ** were obliterated" except a ** few monu-
mental evils." England was now at war both with Hbllaud and
France, lund little attention from her could be expected by the
colonies. This war terminated the next year, in a way deeply
interesting to the New England colonies, by the cession of
Kova Scotia to France and of the Dutch colony on the Hudson
to England.
In 1668, the governments established by the commissioners had
nearly died out In &ct they never ** possessed within them*
•elves any permanent principle or power to give sanction to their
ftothority," ** the officers received no support or encouragement
from England," ^ the laws were feebly administered, and the
public affiurs ftll into confusion." The people were therefore
compelled to take action in the matter; and considering the
miserable result of the doings of the royal commissioners, it was
natural that they should look to the stable government of Mas*
•achusetts Bay, which had recently shown more than ordinary
firmnessand skillinthemanagementof theirowapoliticalaffinirs.
* JD«a CW. BkL Jf. T^ m, 101. A dlterapsii^ sppesn h&n thai aeedf axpla.
BStloa. TkSt ftpori of Hm 1071I oommiMioiMn to tho Eoglioh teeretAi/ of ■tato
la dMaBoiUm, Jul/ M,16SS,aiklj«ltho time of ibalr'* holding eonrt" atlho
I dJoltt lCaioa»ttllbMpsoott»ls ftld to bsToteca 80pCSb of tlio iMio TMT.
•i*
i.
^."^•^-•jwiT
History ot Bristol av^ BRXMsir. 107
CHAPTER Xm.
lIufMhiitotto. on ftpp]icttion, oendt eoamii«ioBen to tho etstern •etUtni«nti<»
Fieroo war betwoea the liohawki and tho New England Indiana ^Acadia
oeded to Franee ; and the latter takea poonnion of the oountiy as iar weit as
the Penobscot, bn^ asaerta a daim to the territory qnlto to the Kcnnebee—
IXaBtachasetta orders a new surrej of her nordiem boondaiy line with a tIow
of extending her Jnnsdictlon over the eastern settlements— The people pethioA
to be taken under her proteotioo— Action of the general conxt—GommissioiMn
appointed bjr the general oourt ** hold a court" at Pemaquid— Organisation of
the eountj of Deron or DeTonshire, and dril and militaix officers appointed— >
The Indian war, called King Philip's war, begun in Massachnsotta, extends to
tho eastern colonies— The people of Pemaquid still hope to preserre tho psaos
and make commendable effbrta for tho purpose— John Earthy.
The indications of the popular sentiment in these eastern
settlements were favorably received by the government and peo*
pie of Massachusetts ; and the matter was early (May, 1668),
brought before the general court, by whom it was decided that
four commissioners* should be sent to York, and open the court
there, which was to be held the first Tuesday of July, of course
in the name and by the authority of Massachusetts. Proclama-
tion to this efiect was made at once ; and, on the day appointed,
the commissioners repaired to the meeting house where the
court was to be held, and proceeded with their business, though
not without some raUier sharp altercation with the oi^>odte party.
It was plain, however, that the feelings of the people were very
generally in favor of the Massachusetts commissioners, who sooa
found themselvesfirmlyestablishedintheauthority they claimed.
Thus was the jurisdiction of Massachusetts fully established
over the western part of the present state of Maine, never again
to be interrupted until the organization of the present state
government.
Several circumstances that occurred about this time tended
to produce much uneasiness in New England, and especially in
the eastern settlements. A great war between the Mohawks on
the Hudson and the New England Indians b^an about the year
1668, and continued full six y^ars, terminating in 16Cf9 by a great
battie, in which the New England Indians were defeated and
> The oommissioners wero Mijor Qeneral Johti LevwiU^ Mr. Edwa4 T^fngt
assitfsnti, Mr. Skhard WMr$ii and lUjot StlUri Pik$.
■niaiti7n(1.h,yj
w ^ m* *\ \ u. »H ' «
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108
HiSTOET Of BftUTOL AHD BrBMBH.
H18TOET Of Bexstol avd BABxn.
109
obliged to retreat Eren the Tarratineey Uving on the Penob*
•cot and farther eaet^ it it said, were engaged in the war, and
on their retreat were pursued by the outraged Mohawks quite
to their h<Hnes.* Before the time of this war do serious diffi-
culty had occurred between the English and the natives, but,
immediately afterwards, a growing uueasiness and disquiet made
itself Tisible among the latter, and among the former a greatly
increased distrust of their savage neighbors.
The war declared by France against England In 1666, (already
referred to) was terminated by the treaty of Breda, July 81, 1667,
by which, or rather, by a subsequent article, all Acadia was
ceded to France. No boundaries of this indefinite country,
Acadia, were given in the treaty, but several places in Nova 8co«
tia were specifically named, and also Pentagoet, the French
name for Penobscott The agents of the French government
immediately took possession of the country, erecting forts ia
several places, and extending their jurisdiction westward, un«
disputed, quite to the Penobscot, but claiming the country as
fiur west as the Eennebec'
This claim, if allowed, would bring the Pemaquid and neigh-
boring settlements within the jurisdiction of France; and not
onlfthe residents of Pemaquid, but the people and govommeut
of Massachusetts were obliged to consider the condition of
things with some concern. The matter was brought before the
general court at its session in May, 1671 ; and, after much de-
liberation, it was decided to extend the line constituting their
northern boundary, as already determined, further cast, as it
was claimed the charter authorised. As their agent for this
purpose they aj^inted Mr. Thomas Clark, of the firm Clark
4 Lake, of Boston, who claimed a krgo tract of land on the
coast, between the Kennebec and Sheepscott rivers. Clark em-
ployed as surveyor, Oeorge Moi^oy of Falmouth, who was a
celebrated sarv^or of the time. His report, made in 1678, was
M follows:
** Frooi (Sspboard Iilsod, tlis ptsos Mr. Jonas Clarke and Mr. Samas
Aadrews obser? atioo, due east takst in about one mile and three quarters
abeae New Danerslls Cove, and along a liule above Capt.,Paddiahalts
beoes ia Kianebeeke, w*^ Capeaawagen, Damerells Cove, Monhagea,
MasMtbieas aad Maatenoek, w<k soom part of Peouqaid, most of St. Oeor-
• WaUmmm't BkL IMm, i,4M; Jfaia md. (ML, 1, 169.
• inmm9m'9mM. MaU$, t, 441.
4i
ges leland, and so runneth out into the sea, no mors knd east untill wee
oome to Cape Sables; this I have observed by a lardge quadrant, wt^ the
approbation of Mr Wiaewall who is well skUledin the mathematiss, and into
my beat akill and jadgmeat due east from the aboue ujd island. If the
honorable Court were pleaaed to goe twenty minnitU more northerly ia
Merrimack River it would take ia all the inhabitaats and plaoes east aloag^
and they oeem to desire it
Falmouth, 9th, 2 mo., 1672. OsoaoB Mua/OT.i"
Mr. Munjoy's remarkable suggestion to the Massachusetts
authorities, that if •* they were pleased to go tweuty minutes
more northerly in the Merrimac river it would Uke in all the
territory they desired, is excellent in its way ; and Williamson*
says " in his (Munjoy's) search he found, as he believed, the
•northernmost source of the Merrimack to be about two leagues
farther north, than had been determined by the preoeding
surveyors." Adding this to the laUtude as previously deter-
mined {W 48' 12'0 and we have for the Utitude of the north
boundary line of Massachusetts Bay colony 48^ 49^ 12'^ *« A
line from this point, stretched due east would cross the Sagada-
hock near where Bath now is, and terminate at White Head
island in the bay of Penobscot'' This, if the determination
of the latitude had been correct, would have brought the ** princi-
pal part*' of the Pemaquid settlement within the limiu of the
Massachusetts Bay patent*
The feelings of the people of Pemaquid and vicinity towards
this movement of Massachusetts at this time is apparent from
the following petition.
'• To the Honored Oofornor, Deputy Oovemour, HiJeHratss, & Deptu*
ties Asaembled ia the OeaSfsl Ooart bow sitthig ia Bostoa this 18th
day of Migr, 1672.
Tbe petitloa of « « « ssvend of (he XahsUtaats of the Bastera
paru of New England, via. Kenebeek, Oape Boaawagoa, Dsmsns Cov^
Shipsooate, Pemaquid, and Monhegaa.
« Uam. CM. Rec. nr^ Part n, p. 519; Wmiammh*$ Etd. Ifaim, t, p. 4a: JER^.
Portland, p. lW,20d ad.
*Uid, Itnlns, i. p. i42. Bj tbomapaof tbe eoaataonrajH appean that the
trao panaicl of 43* 49' 82" iklls a lltUe aouth of the aoittheni eztremUx of P«ma-
qald point, to tliat all their tiBotU to bring the aettlemoat within the JoriadktSoa
of MaasachtiaotU would have avaUed nothing If an aeeaiaU StttnAJnitioa ef the
latitude had been made.
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HisTOBT or Bftmoi. ako BBniBir.
t
Hanblj SlMWtth tlitl wlMrtat the ProTidenee of Ood hath lUted our
IttbitftdoM into lh«M partt whereiB iame tinui put we bA?e bad tome
hM of Ooforaineni leUlod taoagtt m ; bui>br ike$$ S$9€rai^0ar$ hav4
Ml hmd €iyf ai uU wbieb if groaily to our Prejadiee and damage baTing
mo waif to Righi ownohm uj^ av Aecommi whoUoooor and baTe little
hopee of dbtaioing aoy to be bolpfoU to us to tbo good of our Sdei
uleaa we baTo OoTernment teitUd amongst ua ; Tbe Humble RequeU
iberefoie ni^ow P^HUoMn w tKat^u %nUplea$e 90/arr to favour u$ a$
to toko M wuUrjfour Gopemmeni and protoetum tbat we maj all have
Ao BeneJU of aH thoee Law tettUd among younelvei granted unto ue
wbieb if this Hoaoorable Court iball accept of k granted to ua we have
deaired onr lordng friend Mr. Bicbard Collaoot to adriae with tbia
kononred Court or eommittee w^ tbej aball appoint for tbat purpose, 4
•0 to ad in onr bebalf wbat aball be Judged meet or oonTonient for ui
vberebj jour PMationen aball be erer Engaged to praj &oJ'
Tbia petition waa signed bj twentj.fi?e names from *• Kennebeek," aiz
toon from «* Cape Bonawagen*' [Gapenawagen] and tbe following from tbo
JnmagwHL
Tbo*. OardnsTt
J«r. Hodadei^
Jno.Cole,
Jno. Hinka,
Alex-Oold,
Jno. Browne,
Wm. Fbillipa,
Tboa. Harryon,
Tho. Elbridce,
Waller Pbiffipa,
Jmu Tbjrlor,
Sheepeeoaie.
Wm. I^er,
Natbi. Draper,
Tboe. Dwintbiaoi
Tboe.Momr,
Wm.Cole,
8am. CoxbinaoUi
Jobn Wbjte,
Wm. ColleeoM,
Cbriat^.Dynr,
Jno. Pjer,
Wm. JnaMs^
Iktmarit (hoe.
Biebard HooyweUi
Jon*. Allen,
Roger Seaward,
Jno. Wrieford.
Bliaa Trick,
Jno. Bedwell,
Bob>. Parker,
Emanuel Whitebam,
Leonard Alber,
William Lee,
8/m". Lewsombe,
Niob*. Oyand,
Bieb'. Friend,
Tb*. Alger,
Sdm. Bobina,
J/onhegflH.
Jas. Palmer,
Jaa. Dollen,
Antb*. Pedell,
Oeo. Bickford,
Beynold Color,
Jno. Dare,
Bioh^. Wooringi
Edw^i. Davy,
Tbo". Flewcn,
Bich4. Boone,
Rich<i. Oliver,
B<^r Willis,
Hen. Stokes,
Wm. Sanders,
Bob* Wittell,
Abri". Larkrow,
Abel Horkridg,
Peter Widgor.
Ko mention in made of tbia petition in the records of tbe
Gmefal Oonrt for thiayenr (1672), bnt under the date of Oct
15, 1618 we find the following ;
«* la Answer to the petition of Mr. Biebard CoUeeott, in bebalf of tbe
inhnhiinnto dwelling w<k onr jnriadietien to tbe eaatward, this oonrt dotb
heiihj impower tbe Oonrorr. w^ fewer or more of tbe Assistanto, to
appeinte, and impower eonitablea in snob plaeea as tb^ jvd|p eoATonient^ to
J^^
HuTOBT Of Bbutol avd Bbuciv.
Ill
prepare things in order to keeping a Coort the third of Jnly next, by each
aa tbe Court of Bleotipn shall appoint thereto, the Charge thereof to be
diacbarged by the inhabitaato/'
Tbe petition wae passed npon favorably by the depntiea, fonr
days after its date, (May 22), but waa not consented to by the
magistrates, by which the Govemor and Assistants are meant^
In this final movement of Massachusetts to extend her jurisdic-
tion, another unexpected event occurred which favored her de-
signs, Tbe territory where New York city now sta.nds had been
wrested from the Dutch in 1664, and an English government
established in its stoad; but now a Dutch fleet from tbe West
Indies suddenly made its appearance in the harbor, and restored
the place to the rule of its former owners. This serious disaster
to the British government and people served, for the time being,
to withdraw their attention ifrom New England to New York.
Though the petition of tbe people of these eastern settie-
ments, was at first rejected by the ''magistrates,'' the subject was
again brought before the General Court, at its October session,
1678, with a more &vorable result, which, however, did not take
definite form until the next May session, 1674. It was then de-
termined to appoint four commissioners who should ''repair to
Pemaquid, Oapenawaggen, Kennebec etc, or some one of them
to the eastward, and there, or in some one of these places, to
keep a Court, as a County Court, to give power to the consta-
bles thus appointed, as also appoint and approve such meet per*
sons, inhabitanto there, to such offices and places (as &rr as may
be w'^in the Ijne of our patent), according to God and the whole-
some lawes of this jurisdiction, so that the wayes of godliness may
be encouraged and vice corrected.'' They were also declared
to "have magistrattical power to punish criminal! offences^
as also in marrying," to organize the militia etc* The com-
missioners appointed were Major Thomas Chirke, Mr. Hum-
phrey Davy, Mr. Richard CoUicott, Lieut Thomas Gardner.
Atthesttggestion of the commissioners, all the places eastof the
Kennebec, within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, were otgan-
ixed into a county, which received the name of Devon or Devon-
^nonUen, Maine EUL OOL, ▼.S40.
•itM.ifomv,piS,17f
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112
HuTOET Of Bmstol ahb Brimbh.
•hire ; and courts rathorbed to be held there the third Tuesdny
of July, MinoaUy.
Due notice haTiog beeo f^ren, the eoart was held at Pema-
qnid Joly 22.
TkamoM &anfmer of FemaqQid was appointed conntj treasurer,
and Bkhoard Olwer of Monhegau recorder and clerk of the courts
for the county.
The following persons took the oath of fidelity.
TboBM HmnphriiB,
Bob*. OtQimoB,
Willjsm Wafteis,
John Dolliog,
TbooMsCox,
Bob*. Edaisads,
AmbroM Haswell,
Jdo. Wrifordi
EliJM Trick,
JoBB Pride,
Osorgs Bickford,
Boyoald Kelley,
Jne. Cole,
EdmsDd Piittstbsll,
Icbabod WifewiU,
Bicbsrd Olirer,
Vfm Bsekford,
Edwsrd Barton,
Biob< BiU,
Hsoiy Curtis.
Franeia Browae,
Philip Biy,
Vfm. Phillips,
Joe. StOTor,
Jdo. Palmer, 8en.|
Beberl Bdmiads,
Bieh<. Warroa,
Hoary Stoakoa,
Wm. Deolo,
Edw'^ Dorr,
Jdo. Dare,
George Bnmet,
Ificho. Osboune,
Tho. Parker,
David Oliver,
EmaDuel WhiobsUs,
Jdo. Cook,
Tbo. Phillips,
Tbo. HiloMD,
li^ieoo Carary,
Jdo. Parker,
Niceo. DemiDg,
Abel Hoggcridge,
Edward Cole,
Jdo. WildgooaSy
Tho. ParDell,
Aaroa Beard,
Janea Widger,
Tbo. Harla,
Jdo. Giogdeo,
Nieo. VaHaek,
Jae. 8elmMi,
Gregory LoDgberry,
Abra. Cbrke,
Tboe. Cot, Juo.,
Heory Curtis, J«n.
Sbadriek Cox,
Bicbard Cos,
Bicbard Pearce, Jaa.,
Bobert Cauly,
Tho. Adger,
Bicbard BradewsT,
Bicbard BuckDoll,
Wm. Edwarda,
Tbo. Cox,
Wm. Watera,
Wm. Welcome,
Jdo. Basaoll,
Peter ColliDS,
Bicbard Glass,
Tbo. Pbillips,
HcDrr Palmer,
Joo. Palmer, Jaa.
Wm. TroDt,
Nieo. Heale,
George BuekDell,
Wm. Cox,
Tbo. Cox.1
It will be noUced that the name of Thomas Elbridge, former
owner of the Pemaquid patent, is not on the list of those taking
the oath of fidelity. He was one of the few who made their
submission to the royal commissioners at Sheepscott So also
when the goremments established by these commissioners
&iled, he united with others in the petition to be taken under
the protection of Massachusetts. Loyalist as he was, this last
siet of Ills must hare been felt as not a little humiliating, but it
wss praiseworthy in him to be willing to make the trifling sacri-
#ee of eentiment out of regard to the public good.
* Se$, M^m„r,\n; Hid. Om. B^.,m,t4$,
'I
i
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f
HiBTOBT OF Bristol akd Brbmxv.
118
The other officers appointed at this court, were T/iomas Sum*
phrej/8y constable for Sagadahoc and Kennebec, Boberl Gammon^
for Capeuawagen, Wnu WaUrs^ for Damariscove, John JDolUng^
for Motihegan, and Ukomas Cox^ for Pemaquid. The following
were returned ns grand jury men, viz., Robert Edmunds^ and
Ambrose HamM^ of Sagadahoc, John Wrtford^ Elks THek^ and
John Pridcj of Damariscove, Cfeorge Bichfordj and JEUiynaU, Kdijf
of Monhegan, and John Cb^, of Pemaquid.
'* T%08. Humphreys^ sargeant, and James Middleton, corporal
for Sagadahock.
'* John Btssell^ sargeant for Damariscove, and HippocraS| heto
choose his own corporal.
*^ John Dolling^ sargeant for Monhegan, to choose hisown cor-
poral there.
*' Robert GatnmoHf sargeant for Capenawagen, to choose his
own corporal there.
'^ LieuL Thomas Gardiner^ commander of all the military forces
to be raised in the country.
*^ Thomas Gardiner^ Edmund Palleshally of Kennebec, John
JPalnuTf Sen. of Monhegan, and Robert Gamnum^ are appointed
county commissioners for holding commissioner's court during
the year, and '* to have mugistratical power in marrying such
as are duly and legally published according to law, as dso to
punish criminall oi&uces according to the particular. order of
the General Court, Dated 27th May, 1674, in Boston."
**Tho following were appointed clarksof the writts in the
several places.
<< Sagadahock and Kennebec, Thos. Humphreys.
** Monhegan, Richard Oliver.
^Damariscove, WiUiain WaUers.
<*Capenawagen, Robert GammmL
^ Thos. Humphreys^ marshall for the county.
** Those persons following are appointed and have liberty to
keep houses of publicke entertaynment, and are to be provided
w*^ necessarys for lodging, &c., accordingly, and to retayle
bearo, wine, and licquors in the several places for the ensuing
year, according to law.
««For Monhegan, JoAnjDoUin;,forSagadahockandKennebeck,
Willyam Cook.
16
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lU
HiBTORT Of Bristol ahd Brimih.
^ For DROMuilb Oore, John Wr^ML
^ For OapeaawaggeOf Sdw. Barkm.
<*For Pemnqoid, Jno. ObU.
** Also Left Oardiner to bia fithemiMi^Mid JMnuBbr^, for
Oorbyn Sound, G^rge BackDilL
*< To pay tbo expentet of the oonrt, to procure books end
BtRtioiiRrjr ete. cooDty tax of £20 was assessed, proportions, as
follows: via.
" Sagadabockand Zennebec, £4. ; Monhegan, £6,10s ; Cape-
oawagen, £8,10i.; Damariscove and Hippocras,' £6. ; Pema-
quid, £2.**
The apportionment to indiTiduals was to be made by the
gran^jarymen and oonstable in each place, and the tax collected
bj the constables and paid over to the treasurer of the county.
The amounts assessed respectively on ihe settlemento pro-
bablj represent the relative valuation of the property in the
several places, as estimated by the court Monhegan, it seems,
bad nearly three times the wealth of Pemaquid, and the small
islands Damariscove and Hippocras together more than twice as
much. Tw<^reasons may be given for this ; the chief business
here at the time was fishing, and for this the islands were more
ftvorably situated than the midn land, and property on them
was considered more safe from Indian depredations than on
the mi^D.
No mention is made of Sheepscott for the reason that it was
not considered as coming within the jurisdiction of Massa-
chusetts.
Administration on the estate of John Waller, fisherman,
'^sometimes resident at Monhegan and sometimes at Damarills
Cove, who died fower years since'' was granted to George
Burdet of Monhegan, who gave bonds as required by law, *
Bicbard Oliver being his surety.
Thoagh the court for the county of Devonshire was by law
to be held annually, it was early foreseen that there would be
great difficulty in finding magistrates properly qualified to go
there and hold them ; therefore in October of this year (1674),
by an act of the general court, the local commissioners were
» TWi wiaoM or tke «ndl Wwidi Ijlig tcmthwert or Pemq^M iwlot. p«t^
tko OM oJlod QrpoeritMoo tlM nMfior UmoIs oountj. iOl or theM itbuidt
woMiftthot Si700Mld««d bomtaImUo tlm tlio7aroM|iM6Bl. TkitwM
fko MM effB aoWB 10 tko tiM or tko Il0f0l«tkMMI7 WW.
History of Bristol avd Brxmbv.
115
m$H,
authorised ^to hear and determine all civil actions arising
within the county to the value of ten pounds, any law, usage,
or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.'' ' The fi;>llowing
May "Mr. Humphrey ^ Daoy^ Capt Thos. Laht^ Mr. Bkhard
CoUeooi^ Capt Thcmoi Chrdixur^ and Mr. Otorge JUwyoy^ were
appointed commissioners * for the ensuing year,' any three of
whom 'whereof Mr. Davy or Capt. Lake to be one,' with such
as shall be appointed associates for that county for this year, as
Capt Thos. Cfardiner^CApt Bobert JPaiUshaU^John Palmer^ Sen.
of Monhegan, Bobert Gatnmon^ and Biehard Oliver^ who are
hereby appointed and approved for this year ensuing as assod-
ates in Devonshire and to keepe courts for tenn pounds value,
and either of them to take acknowledgment of deeds, marry
such as are legally published, punish offenders, the penalty of
which offences exceed not tenn shillings, or by whipping, not
exceeding tenu stripes, and in other cases to bind them over to
the associates and county courts."
This action of the general court was taken two months before
the time for holding the court at Pemaquid, but there is no evi*
denoe that the session was held this year (1675).
The next year (May, 1676), Lake, Davy and CoUecot, ** or
any two of them," were appointed commisttoners to ** joyne w^
the associates of Devonshire, to keepe the ooun^ court there
the third second day [third Monday] of July next,'" but no re-
cord of such session is now to be found. The war with Iring
Phillip l)egan in the early summer of 1675, and may have pre-
vented the sitting of the court that year; and this year (1676),
as we shall soon see, only a few weeks after the time for holding
the court the settlement at Pemaquid as well as the other set-
tlements in the vicinity were broken up by the Indians.
When information of the Indian depredations was received
in Boston, on petition of Ichabod WisewaU^ Janus Giksf and
Biehard CoUecot^ the general court (Sept 6), took action in re»
fereuce to '* the distressed inhabitants of Devonshire," and
ordered that a garrison should be established at some convenient
*i2M.iraM.v^SS.
*i2e0.ir«ii.v.S7.
• James Qjlet, or GUei, wlion the Indian wan began, waa liTlni^ at Utnf-
meeting bajr, bnt aabaequentlj remored to Long Island and tben to Now Jofse^,
wliorohispostorit/sUUrealdo. ((^Om ir#Mor(a{ 6/ i2ra. /iAn ii. Fiitfoii), Ichabod
Wisowan Mldsd oo tbo Ksanobse ; 1m took tko oatb oC adilltj to MaasSebassCts
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116
HiiTOBT OF BftlSTOL AHD BeKMKM.
place ill the ooontiy, soffioient to ** keepo posseenion and oiAin-
UjDO our interoet there, aod also to iseuo forth to the dnmnifyiDg
of the enemy, and that the men ini ployed in their eenrice be
thoee persons who have lately deserte^ their habitations there,
so many of them at least as are fitt for soeh imploy.'' Bat the
season was now late, and considerable time was required to
make the necessary preparation ; and though some forces were
sent to defend the settlements in the western part of the state,
nothing it is betieved was done for the settlers in this region ;
and the place, for is time, passed under the government of the
Duke of York; a topic to which we shall by and by return.
The fierce Indian war, which burst with snch fury upon
Pemaquid and the neighboring settlements in 1676, was only a
part of the sarhe great struggle which, the year before raged in
Massachusetts, and is known in history as king Phillip's war. A
tall half-century had now elapsed since the settlement at Pema-
quid was begun, and no serious difficulty with the Indians had
occurred, but here, as in the other neighboring settlements.
Indications were not wanting that mutual jealousies and fears
ware forming in the breasts of the two parties, that strongly sug-
gested danger in the near Aiture.
And this evidently was the general feeling in all the eastern
settlements, and is to be attributed to the same general causes.
Information of the outbreak under Phillip was received by
the settlers on the Kennebec, in a very' little time, and after
serious consultation,' it was deemed necessary to disarm the
neighboring Indians, some of whom were compelled for a time
to submit to the measures, though it deprived them of the chief
means of obtaining their daily food. But many serious col-
lisions ocourred, and the ill feelings and jealousies of the Indiana
were greatly increased; this in turn reacted upon the minds of
the settlers, producing feelings of exasperation and hatred quite
beyond the control of right reason. Indeed the position of both
parties in all the eastern settlements of the English, was at this
time truly deplorable. The settlers were comparatively few in
number, but were moderately well supplied with arms and am.
•I PtiMqald two jmn befort. Rlehftnl CbUeenii lired In Bottos but wm weU
MqvAlaled wl^i tlM wi rtw a fotUomanta, hikfing Mnred •• om of the cominlMkm-
«• of IliWMhmtts la 1874. Wm. CoUieol wlio livod at SlioeptooU, and wm
I thoso wbo in 1671 fignod ike petitloo to bo tskia undor tbo Jariidictioa
» Bay bsYo bote a biothar of hit.
UlSTORT OF BbISTOL AND BrSMIV.
117
munition, while the savages, now becoming much exasperated,
were entirely dependent for these things upon the trading ves-
sels on the poast; and for the settlers to undertake to deprive
the hostile Indians of the means of destroying them was only
an instinct of self-preservation. On the other hand, the Indians
bad become so accustomed to the use of the musket, as to be
largely dependent upon it for the means of obtaining their
daily food ; to say nothing of its necessity to them, as well as to
the opposite party, to protect themselves in turn from their eue>
mies, whether of other Indian tribes, or of the white race.
Under the existing circumstances ** it was futile to imagine
that the Indians would respect their engagements, the recollec-
tions of former kindness, or the dictates of humanity and justice ;
and consequently open hostilities became the signal for exter-
mination. They first began by gratifying their revenge, but
ended by an indiscriminate slaughter^'of friends as well as foes.^
Looking back now, from our secure position, upon these
scenes of strife and blood, it is easy to hurl our denunciations*
against one party or the other for acts of injustice, cruelty, and
treachery; but, while obliged to lament most sincerely such
exhibitions of the perversity of human nature, let us also ever
keep in mind the almost unparalfeled difficulties of the times to
either party.
Some have doubted whether tiie outbreak with the eastern
Indians had any coimection with Phillips' war but the connection
of the two is too plain to need argument. In the course of the
war, several Xarragansett Indians were actually captured in arms
with their brethren at the cast.
The Indian depredations in Maine begun Sept. 20, 1675, by
an attack upon the house of Thomas Purchase, who had lived
many years at Pegypscott (Brunswick), and carried on an exten-
sive trade with the Indians of the Kennebec river. Only the
female members of the family were at home at the time ; and
the savages contented themselves with seizing some property,
and killing some cattie; but it was the beginning of a contest
which was to end only with the destruction of all the English
settlements in the present state of Maine.
Only a few days after this event, a number of the settlers went
with a sloop and two boats, from Falmouth to some place at the
northern part of Casco bay, to gather some com that was planted
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HitlORT Of BrISTOIi AMD BbIMUT,
tber^y and aocidenUlIj met with three ludiaDs whom they UDder-
took to arrest; but in the affitty one wae killed and another
wounded, the third only eecaping nnhurt The escaped Indian
soon rallied to his aid a eompany of friends who were near, and
the Englishmen, some of them wounded, were glad to escape
with the loss of their two boats laden with oom.
This most nqjnstifiable act on the part of the settlers, cannot
be too ssTorely condemned; and miserably did they suffer, as a
consequence of their rashness. Only another week passed, and
the Indian war in these parts began in earnest by an attack
upon Falmouth, the savages killing or canying into captivity no
less than thirty-four persons, and destroying most of the houses
and other property in the place. But while renturing to cen-
snre the course of the settlers, in thus provoking their treacher-
ous neighbors to fbrthmr acts of hostility, it is not certain that
they could have escaped the conflict by an opposite polity, or
by any mode of conciliation whatever.
* Other attacks on the different settlements, in the western part
of the territory of Maine, now followed in rapid succession, but
they cannot be here described. At the beginning of winter,
which this year (1675) set in earlier than usual, some fifty or
eighty of the settlers between the Pcroaquid and the Eonnebeo
rivers had been sUin, and probably twice as many Indians.
The people of Pemaquid and ricinity must have sympathised
deeply with their friends west of them in their sufferings, but,
as yet, with much effort, their savage neighbors had been held
back from committing any acts of violence.
Li fitct we must allow that all appearances indicate a sincere
desire on the part of the natives of this vicinity to live in peace
with the settlers, but the increasing strength of the settlement
probably had began to ezdte their fears and, more than this,
thqr were frequently goaded to madness by unpardonable out*
rages committed on them by men claiming to be civilised.
Many long years had passed since the seixure of native Indians
by Weymouth, Hunt, and others, but the outrages were not foi^
gotten ; and now there were indications of a disposition on the
part of some to make the seiaing of natives on the coast to be
•old as slaves in Europe, a regular business.*
»Tcy fn W A j —ay mtAw ladkas wtra Udiappad andMia Isto tlSYwy of
Mgtwywikisso— t tou. This ihm j«ir am) IsdiMS piotebl j ftm
J
History or Bristol Am Brxmsv.
110
To increase the difficulty, the people of Monh^;an, very secure
themselves by their island retreat, so distant from the shore as
to be scarcely accessible by the canoes 6f the Indians, publicly
offered a bounty ** of X5, for eveiy Indian that should be brought
in."»
Two of the cititens, John Earthy of Pemaquid, and Bichard
Oliver of Monhegan, deserve commendation for dieir efforts to
pacify the Indians, and av<»d the threatened danger; and very
probably they would have succeeded but for the intemperate
language and conduct of many, who, yielding eveiything to
their timidity, were burning with rage, and a dedre for revenge
upon their supposed enemies, though as yet they had not suf^
fered any wrong.
John Earthy was licensed to keep a house of ^'publicke en*
tertaynemente " at Pemaquid by Uie Commissioners* court at
its session in 1674 ; ' and besides this we know but little more
of him than what appears in connection with his wise and ener-
getic movements to prevent the catastrophe so soon to burst
upon the place. By groat exertion the Indians were persuaded
to assemble at Pemaquid for the purpose of establishing a per*
maneut peace. The Indians complained chiefly of injuries done
them on the Kennebec, but upon receiving assurances that all'
their wrongs should be redressed, and that they should be pro^
tected in their rights, tboy engaged to live in peace and friend*
ship with the English, and to use their influence with AnMagmtt*
eooktf (Androscoggin Indians) to prevent them from committing
any further depredations.
the coMt of lUine, were Undad ss tlSTef si Fajtl, ons of tbs AioMt. Dnks's
Bote in StA, 2nd, War$Tn, 04.
> IlMh, Ind, War$, Dmke'e ed.. n, 14S. Ififf JamtMi't Mii. tf JMm, t, SSS la-
terpreU thie ta meaning that thle efun wae oflbied for 9fWf Indian'e head thai
ehoiUd be hfought to thorn ; ImiplLjimg of eooiee that the rtwaid would be paid
whether the ladias waa dead or alire. But thia erideiit^ was Ml the dedga,
and the language of Uubbatd, the onlj original aothoritj, waa not intended to
be eo nndentood. The reward offered waa for eaptifea to be aold into alaTeix.
The miserable expedient of paTingbounliea for «0e^ had Boi yet bean adopted.
See Artide bj the Author in iRK. Otffi. Af^ VOL JBV. (April, ISn.)
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HmoiT or Bustol aitd BRBxnr.
OHAPTBEXIV.
or tlM PMMq«M people ihttmglk tWr agent, Jolin Eerihj to pfeeenro
pMM with tbe ladiane— A akTer on the eoMt— IndUui oonfereDCoe— Indkn
iMmnttiftf begvB At Gbwo, Md cotttknied on Uie Kennvboo— The people of
8lieepeeott,nndPeiMqald,lMnringoftlie hootiUet at tbe eotOeiMnU w«M of
thaoiBiJM tlielrceeepe to tlio Islnnds— AU tltoecttlcmentodcaiiojrod— Indian
Tnaty negotiated at BeMon -The Penofa«)ot Mdiem, Mngg-- Fight wHh the
Indiana at Penaqnid.
TbelodUnconferenoe beiog over, Mr. Earthy, though it was
now winter, made ajonmey toBoetou, where he wa« astoo-
itbed to find that complaint had been made against him, for
telling ammnnition to the Indians, contraiy to law. This was
a difficulty of no small magnitude, the wise and prudent had
to oontend with, at the time ; the minds of very many good
people were too much exdted to tolerate moderate couosols, or
allow them to look without suspicion upon any, who proposed
to treat the Indians with ordinary justice. «< These false opin-
ions being blown away,'' as Hubbard expressed it. Earthy re-
turned to Pemaquid, bdbre the close of winter, and found his
serrices needed immediately to protect the natives from the
evil designs of wicked men. A vessel was at or near Pemaquid,
which had been lurking about there in a strange manner, and
was strongly suspected to be watching for an opportunity of seis-
ing upon the natives for slaves. He hastened to wait upon the
captain, and remonstrated with him against doing such injustice
to a people with whom they were at peace, and whose friendship
the settlements greatly desired to maintain. He also cautioned
the Indians to ^ on their guard, informing them of their dan-
ger. The result was that the slaver fttiled of his object here,
but was more successfbl fiirther to the eastward.
A ifow months before this, a vessel commanded by one
LoLwihUm} was on the eoast for the same purpose, and actually
seised several natives at Gape Sable, and sold them into
sUveiy. The business was managed as follows : the Massachu-
setts authorities having authorised Miyor Waldron'at Cocheoo
• WnUaaaonwihea the nanM Xm^ilttfi.
• Waldinn, Walderne^ WaMen, WaldfM.
»^
«n
flxsTORT or BaxsTOL MMh BBBxnr.
131
pover, N. H.), to seise, and send as prisoners to Boston, all
Indians known to have been engaged in any of the recent out*
rages committed against the English, he took it upon himself
to issue general toarranU for this purpose, and often committed
them to bands that were entirely irrespondble. In several in-
stances, masters of vessels. obtained these warrants, and used
them for the unjustifiable purpose alluded to.
In the Spring (of 1676), another conference was held with the
Indians, somewhere to the eastward, at which Mr. JBirMy, Mr.
Oliver of Monhegan, and others attended. The Indians com-
plained bitterly of the seisure of their friends by the slavers,
but, were pacified partially, by the promise, that means should
be adopted to return them again. They complained also— and
with deep feeling — that arms and ammunition were denied
them, in consequence of which they had sufiTered for food the
past winter, many having actually perished from starvation.
The previous autumn, they bad been frightened by the English
from their fields of com on the Kennebec, which were thus lost
to them, and if the English were their friends, as thqr pro-
tended, they would not thus leave them to die.
The fright alluded to occurred in this way ; when news of
tbe beginning of the war in Massachusetts was received at the
Kennebec^ it was thought indispensable, for the safety of the
English settiements, to disarm the neighboring Indians, and
refuse them any further supplies of ammunition. For this
purpose messengers were sent to Teconnet^ (Winslow) where
many of them were known to have collected. These messen-
gers, after informing the Indians of the demand made upon
them to deliver up all their arms and ammunition, proceeded
to add, that if the demand was not complied with, the English
would come and destroy them. Greatly alarmed, they at once
fled eastward to the Penobsoott, and St Johns, leaving their
scanty crops uuharvested, and thus they had been obliged to pass
the winter in want To be without the means of taking their
game, and, at the same time, destitute of other food, was deplora-
ble indeed ; and it is plain from the account, that the civilised
representatives of Pemaquid, were not insensible to tbe diffioolt
positions occupied by the parties.
' Teeennet, TaeoMMt. TatoBBOck, Tloankb Taeanal.
16
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HmoftT Of Bristol ahd Bbbmbit.
The preceding winter had been very seyere, and ih^ Indians
west of tbe Kennebec, greatly exhansted by the recent contesta,
anffisred exceedingly; many, therefore, made their way to Major
Waldron'i garrison at Cocheco, and sued for peace. At length,
terms of peace were agreed upon between the authorities and
tbeCascoand Piscataqaa Indians; but the ^'Amonoscoggan
men'' ^ were not present at the formation of the treaty, nor was
the tribe represented at the present conference. The two repre-
sentatires of the settlers, therefore, proposed that another effort
should be made to bring them into the agreement, and thus
unite, in a general treaty, all the Indian tribes east of the Pis-
cataqua. The eastern tribes, sincerely desirous to remain at
peace, *« joyfully" assented to the plan; but the conference
appears to have closed without any good result
In a veiy little time, a messenger arrived from Teconnet, de>
siring Mr. Earthy, at once, to repair to that place where he
would meet the Amonoscoggans, and sachems of other tribes,
and where they might hope to agree upon terms for a general
peace. Without delaying an hour, Mr. Earthy prepared to
accompany the messenger on his return, and proceeded with
him as fiir as Capt Lake's residence on Arrowsic island, where
he stopped to oonsult with the resident authorities. Hero it
was deemed advisable to send Capt Silvanus Davis with Mr.
E. ; and the two together started on their journey up the Kenne-
bec The few Englishmen they met were very jealous of the
sincerity of the Indians in their recent movements ; and they
fimcied also, that the Indians were more shy and incommuui-
eative than usual Arriving at the Indian village, at Teconnet,
they were received with demonstration of respect, and intro-
duced to the chiefs assembled there, among whom were Asstm"
UMUjuo, chief of the Penobscots, and Iladockawando^ his adopted
son, Ibrumkuif a chief of the Androscoggins, Hopegood and
Mugjff and many others. Mugg belonged to the Penobsoot
tribe, but Hopegood was a Kennebec Indian.
First, Assiminasqna, in the name of the others, assured them
** it was not their custom, when messengers come to treat with
them, to seise upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks
did, with such as had been sent to them, and as the English
once did with some of their men, seising fourteen of them and
• or AndfOMOinrMi IndiaM, and conildered Um
]
HuToaT Of Bristol and Bbbmsit.
123
putting them under guard, after taking their guns from thenu
And not only so, but a second time, you required.our guns, and
demanded us to come down to you, or else you would kill us,
which was the cause of our leaving both our fort and our com
to our great loss."*
This speech caused much embarrassment to the Pemaquid
representatives, as they knew the complaints to be literally true ;
but they put the best construction they could ** on such irregular
actions, which could not well be justified," and ** told them the
persons who bad so done were not within the limits of their
government, and therefore though they oould not call them to
account for so acting, yet they did utteriy disallow thereofl"
This closed the morning session, the Indians intimating that
they would have more to say in the afternoon ; but when they came
together again, the two Pemaquid representatives, assuming
to be satisfied with what had been said, as if the questions between
them and the eastern Indians had thus been settied, addressed
themselves to the Androscoggins, with whom they wished more
particularly to treat Tarumldn, their chie^ after a little pause,
proceeded to say, that he had recently been to the westward,
where he found most of the Indians unwilling to make peace,
and only three sachems, who were in fiivor of it, but, as for him*
self, he greatly desired it Then turning round he gave his hand
to the white men ** with protestations of his oontinuingin Mend-
ship," as did seven or eight more of his men, among whom were
Mugg, and a son of Robinhood.
The point seemed now almost gdned, and at least a tempo*
rary peace secured; but Madockawando, appreciating more
clearly than the others their miserable oondition,here interposed,
and asked ** what they should do for powder and shot, when
they had eaten up their com T What they should do for the win-
ter, for their hunting journeys? Would they have them all die,
or leave their oountry, and go over to the French t"
These were questions of the deepest import to both parties.
What could be done? The white representatives, thus pressed
to the wall, said they would do what they oould, to pursuade the
govemor to allow them enough powder and shot for their ne-
cessities; but they had just admitted, that many of the westem
Indians would not make peace, and if the English should sell .
their powder, much of it would soon find its way to these hos-
> EtA. Ikd. Wium, DfAke't ed^ n, ISS.
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124
HiBTORT Of Bristol ind Brbmbv.
tile Indians; and '*what do we then bnt cut oar own throats!''
The Indians replied, they had waited long; and now expected a
decisire yes or no, whether or not they could be allowed to
purchase p6wder and shot as formerly. The white men allowed
that they were not authorised to grant them any relief, as to
this matter, even though they waited ten years, which greatly
offended the Indians; and the conference was ended.
But both parties desired peace ; and, by agreement, the next
daj, many of the Indians accompanied thePemaquid represent-
atives down the rirer, with the expectation that they might
meet with some of the western Indians, and pursuade them to
moderate and peaceful counsels. And some of these men were
met as they expected — but strong drink was there too — and
90f for the present, negotiation was at an end. And the white
men, after some delay, returned to their homes.
••The next night save one,'' says Hubbard, '* news came to
Kennebec that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco,"
and, ** npon this news, Capt. Davis sent out one sentinel the next
flight^ ** The rest (such was their security), went all else to
bed, and in the morning were all, like Laish, surprised."
It was only a very reluctant peace that had been maintained
between the parties, during the spring and early summer of
this year, (1676), but it was not until the month of August,
that the fight was actually renewed. As we have seen, it
began by an attack of the Indians upon the settlers at Casco
(Portland), just as the oonference at Teconnot had closed ; and,
as might have been expected, was very goon extended to the
banks of the Kennebec, and even farther east Richard Ham«
mond had early established himself, as a trader, at Stinson's Point
(now Georgetown), and had given the natives great offence by
cheating ^em in trade. They claimed also, that once, when
a party of them were intoxicated, (probably by liquors fbmished
by himself) he had actually robbed them of their furs.* Two
days after the attack on Oasoo, on a Sabbath morning (Aug.
18), a party appeared at the fort, during the time of worship,
kiUed first Mr. Hammond, and then all the others, except one
young woman, who made her escape to the Sheepscott settle-
ment The number killed was fifteen. The Indians had been
prowling about the place Saturday evening; and, as we look
« SdUfMp (JEM JMm» ^ nt mx
to flT« fUl flfdUlto tke dMTft.
^'•I
M
History of Bristol aitd Brxuxn.
125
upon the a&ir now, it seems very strange, that a closer watch
was not kept on their movements.
At night, the Indians divided themselves into two parties,
one party going up the river a few miles, where Francis Card
and family lived, and the other proceeding to the establishment
of Clark and Lake, on Arowsic island. Card and fitmily were
taken prisoners, and carried into captivity, from- which Card
himself, and some of the others, were afterwards rescued.
At Clark and Lake's establishment about two miles distant,
eariy in the morning of the 14th, another surprise scene occurred,
which we can now scarcely look upon with patience. Before
it was light, the Indians had concealed themselves in places,
where they could see any important movements about the fort,
without exposing themselves to view ; and as the sentinel in*
cautiously left his place, a little before the regular time for
being relieved, the gate of the fort being open at the same time
for some purpose, they rushed in almost before their presence
was observed. In a few minutes, they were mASters of the
place, iu spite of all resistance the inmates, taken thus by sur*
prise, could make. Several of the inmates were killed, and a
large amount of property seized and appropriated.
Among those in the fortification was Capt Silvanus Davis,^
who bad just returned from the Indian conference at Teconnet,
and he and Capt. Lake, one of the owners of the establishment,
when they found themselves overpowered, undertook, with two
others, to make their escape in a boat.
Four Indians speedily followed them iu a canoe, and fired
upon them, just as they reached the rocky shore of a neighbor-
ing island, wounding Davis badly, so that he was only able to
crawl for concealment among some masses of rock lining the
shore. Here he remained two days, but at length was able to
find a canoe, and make his escape. Lake was killed by a mus>
ket shot; but the other two eluded their pursuers, and escaped
unhurt
Before leaving, the Indians destroyed every thing of value,
including a mill, and some other buildings, not within the walla
of tiie fortification. The loss of property to the proprietors was
* Darit Ured bmiij jmn afterwiid, pari of the tloM In Falmoath, and after,
waida ia Boaton, wImto 1m died In 1704. Ha held feraral importaat <
the goTenuBflnt, bat waa safer bi qweial ikvor with tba paoplau See i
efhSa^pagallS.
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HiiTOBT or BamoL aitb Bbbmbv.
several thousand pounds, and the number of persons killed, or
taken into oaptirity here, and at Hammond's, was fifty-three.
About a dosen persons, made their way to the lower end of the
islands, and found means to get off in safety. Of these, a few
bad been inmates of the fort, but others, occupied houses in the
Tidnity.
At the attack upon Hammond's fort, a young woman made
her escape from the savages, and fled across the country to
Sheepscott settlement, as just stated, thus giving timely warning
to theEnglish settlers of their great danger. Hubbard, the fattb-
fbl chronicler of these Indian wars, unfortunately, does not give
her name, and it probably will never be known. When the
savages entered the house, she disliked their appearance, and
stepped out of the door to avoid their presence ; but one of their
number, with pretended kindness, led her back, assuring her
that there was no occasion for fear. Soon afterwards, another
company of the natives arrived, and her fears became so excited^
that she agidn left the house, and partly concealed herself in an
adjacent cornfield ; but at length, hearing much noise and con-
ftision in the house, she concluded to make her way, as she best
could, to Sheepscott, which was the nearest white settlement
The distance, Hubbard says, is ten or twelve miles, but proba-
bly it was more than this, as the path then ran. And it must
also be remembered that the whole distance was through a
dense forest, infested with bears and wolves and other ferocious
animals, native to the region. If the Journey was made in the
night, as the original account of the matter implies, it would
only increase the danger from the wild beasts, while that from
the Indians would be diminished.
The people at Sheepscott, being thus timely warned, prepared
at once to make their escape, first to Capenawageu (Southport),
and then to one of the Damariscove islands, where nearly all
tiie settlers of the whole region were soon collected. They also
sent a messenger to Damariscotta and Pemaquid ; and the peo-
pie her^ also, collecting together such of their effects as they
oonld, sought safety in flight The people here thought flrst
to go tq Monhegan, but the wind was unfavorable, and they
Joined the other fugitives on Damariscove, where were now col-
lected about 800 souls.^ The people had but Just made their
>M«#ir«».,^ll•. JMMf07l«twMpfolM]>l7iiitbeibrtAtAnowaIe,Attlie
tlBM of tlM atlMk^nd wit0M of thoM tlMt Bftde thoir MOApe bj ranali^
•lkir«i4ort]Ml
t
1
^V
>
HisxoaT Of Bristol avb Buicn.
127
escape when the Indians arrived, and in a very littie time eveiy
thing was destroyed. Parties who were sent to Pemaquid, to
save such of their property left behind as they could, *' saw all
the other islands, Widgin's, Corbin's sound, Kew Harbor and
Pemaquid all on flre in two hours time." ^
As the whole white population of this region was now collected
together on theislnnd we have probably very nearly the true num*
her, about 800. The number of able bodied men at Pemaquid,
at this time, according to Hubbard, was eight or ten ; and we
may therefore conclude that of this 800 persons, about 50 belonged
to Pemaquid. Probably the population had scarcely increased
for the last thirty years, as it is known that at the fall of Charles
I, and the accession of Cromwell (1640), immigration to this
country, almost entirely ceased.
Their position on Damariscove not being secure against the
Indians, except by tiie most untiring vigila*ice, and many of
the people being restive under the temporary authoriQr they
were obliged to maintain for the safety of the whole, it was
deemed best, after a week's stay to leave the island, a part going
west to Boston, Salem, and Piscataqua, but most of them to
Monhegan. They found boats enough to take all away at one
time, so that none were left unprotected to the tender mercies of
the savages.
Among those tiiat went west, were Wisewall and James Gyles
of Sagadahoc, and CoUtcot of Sheepscott, who engaged to send
timely aid from Massachusetts, if the thing was possible. As
a result of their efforte, probably, a petition was presented to the
General court, for aid to the eastern seUlers (as before stated),
but nothing came of it, at least, nothing to these people.
Nothing is said here of our good friend, John Earthy of Pema.
quid, who had but just returned from the Indian conference
at Taconnot with Capt Davis, but he was here without ques-
tion, and in full sympathy with his ueig^rs, now in the same
calamity as himsel£
*Bkb. Ind, n^art, Dimko'oML.n, 1S5. MTbere wen Widgia't idAnd(lf Stboaa
i»l*»d), and CorUa't fooiid T Qj\^ mentioM Wlild^r {OiU$ Jfm^Hal, p. 114),
which the author of that work oonddius the fame aa Whiigeag; a placeeoihe
Konneboo a Uuie below Bath; bat thUja too (kr awaj fhim the aeene of opef».
tiona. Majr it not haro boon one of the email lalanda near the ooaat of Boothbar?
Corbin'aaoandwaepfobabl/thenameofaiinaU eettlement on the ooaic. In the
•une Tioinit/. Oorbin'a toond ia mentioned bj Mather (ifivnWfa. n. a. iSS
HarObfd. edition). ymmwmmm. u. 9. 999
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HiBTOsT or BtiBTOL AHD Buxnr.
.
The tmall force sent by the goTeroment to protect the eastern
iettlementi mede demonetratioDS at CascOy and other places
&rther west, bat nothing was CTcn attempted for the relief of
the more eastern settlements.
The people, therefore, who had fled to Monhegan, after re-
maining thmr two weeks or more, took their departure for the
west ; and many of the men were enlisted in the- forces to be
sent against the Indians. On their passage to Boston, some of
them landed atDamariscoTc, where they found two dead bodies,
and the charred remains of the huts and other property they
had so recently left there.
Daring the aotamn.of this year (1676), the Indian depreda-
tions upon the western settlements contiaoed, and murderous
surprises were the order of the day ; but in the east, the strife
ceased, for the English had all departed, and the settlements
were desolate.
The goTcmment forces, under the command of Majors Wal«
dfon and Frost, and Captains Hathomts Bill and Hunting,
though tery actlTC, aocomplbhed but little. Though always
marching and countennarohing with becoming zeal, the enemy
with admirable skill managed always to be where the forces
were not, except as ocoa^on offered for a surprise, which the
Indian always delighted in. Only two other CTcnto, that were
more or less connected with our histoiy, can be here noticed.
When a company of the government forces under Oapt.
Hadiome was at Oasco, a number of his men insisted upon
making an excursion to Mui\joy's island, only a few miles dis-
tant, to recorer any property they might find ; and while a part
of them were engaged in securing some sheep, they were set
upon by some Indians, and slain, though not without making a
desperate resistance. Another party in a ketch, commanded
by Capt Fryer, sUrted from Piscataqua, for the recovery of pro-
perty that might remain at the now desolate settlemenU, and
came to lUchmond island, in Oasco bay, where they allowed
themselves to be drawn into a contest with the Indians under
such draumstances, that their vessel was tdcen, and the whole
company made prisoners, Oapt Fryer bdng also badly wounded.
Amid the many stories of Indian outrage and treachery, it is
gratifying to be able to say, that, in this instance, the prisoners
were treated kindly by their captors, and permitted to send two
of their number to the west in order to obtain the articles de-
HisTORT OP Bristol avd BRmmr.
129
I
i
I
manded for their ransom. One of these messengers was Walter
Oendall, who was chiefly instrumental in flttingout the ketch at
Piscataqua. The articles agreed upon for the ransom of the
whole party were obtuned, and taken to Oasco, but, in the ab-
sence of those for whom the goods were intended, they were
violendy seised by some other Indians who kilfed, acddeutly
it was said, one of the three men having custody of the goods,
and dismissed the others ; and this of course without releasing
the prisoners.
This naturally excited great indignation in the minds of the
English at Piscataqua, and the other settiements in the viciui^ ;
andin the midstoflt, Muj^/adistinguithed Penobscotchie^ who
was believed to have been the loaderin the reoent attacks at Oasco
Buy, made his appearance, bringing with him Oapt Fryer, who
it was plain roust soon die, in consequence of his wound. Thus
things wore becoming somewhat mixed, and the authorities
wore doubtful in what character to receive the distinguished
savage. Ho however earnestly i>rotosted, that the seizing of the
property sent down to Oasco, was not approved by him, and
gave assurances, that the men should be returned, at the same
tiroe offering, in the name of the eastern Indians, to negotiate
a now treaty of peace and friendship.
Mi\jor General Denison, of &Iassachusetts, happened to be at
Pisctttaqna ; and, after ftiU consultation, it was determined to send
Mugg to Boston, to be dealt with as the governor and assistants
saw flt The Indians of the Penobscot ardently desired peace t
and, after a few days negotiation, a treaty of peace between
them and the English was duly signed, and was afterwards con*
firmed by Madockawando, the responsible chief of the tribe.
By this treaty they agreed to return all English captives, then
in their hands, and also to restore whatever property of the
English they had taken, at any time during the war, to bring to
Justice, or hand over to the English, any Indians accused of
murder, and to induce the Kennebec Indians, if they could,
to unite with them in the same agreement On the other part,
the English were to fdmish the Indians with ueedfol ammuni*
tion, but they were to buy only of the government agents.
The treaty was signed by Mugg (of course by making his
mark), with more than the usual protestations of honor and good
* Tke BssM it tooMilmit wrlltaa Mogsr,
17
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HxBTOBT OP Bristol akd Bbimin.
&itb. Od the part of the •ottlert, it was sigued by John Earthy,
Bicbard Oliver and Isaac Addington.' The treaty was negoti-
ated at Boston, and signed Nov. 6, 1676.'
Before going to Boston, Mugg demanded and received of
Oov. Leveret letters of safe conduct; and in other respects,
managed his cause with much dignity. Very evidently he made
an impression upon the minds of the English negotiators, and
others, more favorable to his honesty, and desire for £air dealings
than subsequent events justified.
Late in November, two vessels were despatched eastward, in
command of Capt Moore, to obtain the captives in the bauds of
the Indians, believed to number between 50 and 60, taking with
them the diplomatist, Mugg. They reached the Penobscot,
Dec 8, and found Madockawando in an excellent mood, and
entirely ready to ratify the treaty. He promised also to restore
all the captivee in his control, being only two; all the others
being in the hands of the Kennebec Indians, over whom he had
no oontroL
What now was to be done. Manifestly the wary diplo-
matist had seriously outwitted them in Boston; but he was
still professedly desirous to carry out the treaty in good faith.
They urged him to make a visit to the Kennebec Indians, to
obtain if possible the release of some more of the English pri-
soners; but he was reluctant, professing to fear that he might
not be well received by them. At length, however, he consented
to make the journey ; and when he departed he told Capt. Moore
that if he did not return in four days tbey might conclude that
he was either killed or made a prisoner.'
After wuting a week beyond the four days, fearing from the
I The retderhM slrMdjbeon made aoqiiiiinted trith Earibjand OllTer, Ihe
two im aemed ; Um thini, Iteec Addington, wm a well known gentleman of Boe-
too. He was bofm Jaa. SI, 1S44, admitted freeman, May 7, 1078, and became a
member of the Fin* ebnieh in Beaton, in 1670. In enbaoqaent jcara, be fined manjr
Important oflleee, both in theeboieb and in the atate. If, K Hid, Oen, lUg,. I v, 1 17.
* In the NmntUite ^ Ktm BngtantCt lkU9$raneet bj Her. Tlioinaa Cobbet,
Hit mid to have been "dgned" Dee. etb; bnt probabl j thia ia father the date of
iU confi im atkm al Gaatine» Me., hf Madockawando. WiUiamaon {Hid, ifaitu, i»
M8),m7ilhlawaadoMDee.a. jr.M.md,€fen.IU0^ru,ns. M,Sid.}tttiM
*Tbe aamiive does nolatatejosi where it waaoz|ieeted that he would find these
Indians ; bnt If it was at an/ point on tlie Kennebec riwr, it is plain tliat the joor-
Mj eonld not be.made in four da/s ; and this iact alone ought to hare excited
aospkion as to the hmmi's hnm k j . WUUamaoA tupposes the/ wtrs at Taconnal.
Bid, Maine, M.^iZ,
HlSTORT or BaiBTOL IVD BSBXBir.
181
L
lateness of the season, that navigation might be obstnioted by
the ice, Capt Moore, with three English eaptives, set sail again
for the west, calling at Pemaquid where they arrived Christmas
day. They stopped here to inquire whoUier any thing was
known of their friend, Mugg, but heard nothing. It was said
afterwards that Mugg boasted of his performances, and said
they (the Indians) could drive all the country before them, and
even burn Boston. To do this they must go to the islands, and
seize all the white men's vessels.
The Indian chief had promised to deliver up only two cap-
tives, on Capt. Moore's arrival, all that he had in his control,
but ho now sailed for the west with three. This third man was
Thomas Cobbet Jr., son of the Rev. T. Cobbet of Ipswich, who
was taken with Capt Fryer, in the affitir at Richmond island.
His story is not a little interesting, and connects itself directly
with our history.
Young Cobbet, had been a clerk in the store of Mr. James
Fryer at Piscataqua, father of Capt Fryer, who commanded the
ketch, previously mentioned. After this capture, the prisoners
were divided among the victors ; and it was Cobbet's misfortune
to Ml into the hands of a surly, morose savage, who, besides
his other failings, was a habitual drunkard. His master first
bound his hands, and then taking his knife, threatened to cut
his throat, but finally conoluded to spare him for the present.
The ketch being in possession of the Indians, they startt:d in
her, first for Black point, and then for the Sheepscott river, com*
pelliug young Cobbet to sail her, they not daring to do it with*
out aid. For this he was well fitted, having hod considerable
experience as a sailor. Ijcaving the ketoh at Sheepscott, he was
compelled to travel with his master to Damariscotta, and then
to paddle his canoe down the river, and along the coast to the
Penobscot Resting there a little time, they proceeded in the
same way to Mount Desert, where his Indian master proposed
to spend the uintei^ Here he was- required to go with the In*
dians in their hunting excursions, and once he became so ex-
hausted by over exertion and want of food, and so overcome by
the cold, as to fall down in the snow quite insensible. Here
he must have perished but for some friendly Indians of the com*
pany, who, when they learned that he had been left behind,
volunteered to go back and carry him on their shoulders to one
of their wigwams. When he had been with the Indians about
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HisToiT or Bristol ahd Bbsmd.
two moBthty powder and ahot were becoming scarce at Monnt
Deaert; and, to procure a new supply, his master decided
to send bim to Castioe's establishment at the month of the
Penobscot. Winter, as it was, the joung man started on his
perilona jonmej, not without hope, that, in some way, he might
torn it to bis advantage, and arrived at the Penobscot, vexy
nearly the same time as Capt Moore with his Indian passenger,
Mogg.* Cobbet was well known to Mugg, who immediately
sainted him, calling him by name in a veiy friendly way, and
saying that be had recently seen his &ther, and promised him
that bis son sboald be sent home according to the recent treaty.
Madockawando heard the conTersatioo, and gave a general as-
sent, but tbongbt that some ransom would be required, as his
fiither was a great ** preach-man.'' At length it was agreed to
give bim a good new coat, which Capt Moore had among his
stores on board ; and the savage chief expressed himself as well
satisfied, though be demanded actually to see the coat before
giving fbll consent Cobbet thus ended his captivity, and re-
turned with Capt Moore to his friends at Piscataqua.
The sailing master of Flyer's ketch, which, it will be recol-
lected, we left at Sbeepscott, was John Abbott, of whom little
la known except what is connected with these transactions.
The ketch remained at Sbeepscott until the month of Febru-
ary, when it was determined to fit her up for an excuruon to
the Penobscot, in order to procure powder and shot for daily
use, their stores here, as well as at Mount Desert, having become
exhansted. As these articles could not be procured of the Eng-
lish, tbey decided to send to Canada, which they thought could
be readied best by the Penobscot route, using the ketch to sail
up the river as ftr as the ice would permit'
Abbott was ordered to make the necessary repairs on the
ketch, and then to sail her; and in due time, with ten Indians,
he was ready to take his departure down the Sbeepscott For
some reason th^also put on board three clyldreu, one of them
English, and the other two Indians. Arriving at the mouth of
the river, the wind was strong from the east or northeast, with
Vtlto isr «lw ilriL «norisf kla. w te wmdd not
lBhltad«U|3r,orcmd
•Om f««te Aboal tkto tint is Mid to iMPfv bMa I
Ikto NflM, M Ufk M SS thlUliii» POT I
^t^IaaiAMfai
HnroRT OP Bristol ahd Brbmbh.
188
a heavy sea ; and Abbott, who was at the helm, so managed the
vessel as to make the passage as unpleasant as possible; and
before they got round Capenawagen (Southport), nx of his pas-
sengers were so sick as to b^ to be put on shore. This done,
it was found that the ketch did not ride safely in the harbor
where they were ; and Abbott pursuaded his remaining In-
dian friends, that it was very desirable to seek a more secure
place. His being agreed to, they started for Damariscove,
some five or six miles distant to the southeast. On the passage,
Abbott contrived to ship a heavy sea, which considerably alarmed
his passengers ; and, as soon as they reached the harbor, taking
the bodies of the two Indian children, who had died (probably
from the severe exposure at this season), hastened on shore, urg-
ing him to go with them. But Abbott's care was for the ketch,
which had done such excellent service, and he protested it was
absolutely necessary for bim to stay on board and keep watch.
They left, but evidently not without some misgivings ; and prob-
ably were more disgusted than disappointed to see the ketch, in
a very little time, make all sail, and steer for the west The
next day, Abbott with the English child, arrived safely at Pis-
cataqua.
The foroes under Majors Waldron and Frost, on their way to
the Penobscot, heard that many Indians with their English cap-
tives, were at Pemaquid, and put in there, to make further in-
quiiy. Here, they found several Indian chieb who appeared
very friendly, and said they were willing to release the captives
they had among them, though as they bad received them from the
Zennebeo Indians, and had provided for them all winter, it
was only proper that tbey should receive some compensation.
After considerable negotiation, it was agreed that a ransom of
twelve skins for each person should be piud; but only three
persons could be produced.
. Waldron was but an indifferent commander, and a very mi-
semble negotiator ; he demanded the immediate release of all
captives, and also that they should afford them some asnstance,
in men and canoes, in the eff[>rts they were making to subdue
the Kennebec Indians, all which they claimed was required by
the treaty recently made in Boston. But the canoes were all in
use, as the Indians claimed, and only a few of the young men,
whom they could not control, had any hand in the war.
On the seo6ud day, as Mijor W. with several men went on
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HiSTOBT or Bristol ivd Bbbmeh.
shore, his snspicioas eye beiDg oa the watch, he discovered a
laoce partly concealed uoder a board, aod he immediately seized
it charging his opponents with treachery, and an intention to
Ml npon them as soon as the goods were delivered. One of
the Indians took hold of the weapon, with the intention of
wrenching it from Waldron's hand, as he believed ; but be bade
them all to stand off at their peril I lie then waved his cap over
his head, as a signal for the soldiers to come ashore to his aid ;
and it was plain that a murderous fight was about to take place.
A squaw seized a bundle of guns ' that lay partly concealed near
by, and ran with them into the woods. Confusion and conster-
nation prevailed. As soon as the soldiers lauded Capt Frost
sdaed hold of Megunaway, a noted leader in several of the late
outrages upon the English plantations, and with the aid of
others put. him on board of one of the vessels. A charge was
now made upon the natives, who fled in every direction, some
to the woods, but others to their canoes. One canoe with five
Indians was sunk, after leaving the shore, all being drowned.
Besides these, it was found that several others were killed, and
a few were taken prisoners, among whom was a sister of Modock-
awando. The whole party of Indians was about twenty^five.
As for Megitnawajf^ who was taken a prisoner on board of one
of the vessels, he was shot the same day, without even the form
<rfa trial
The enemy being put to flight so precipitately, of course had
no opportunity to carry away his effects, all which fell into the
hands of the victors. Among their plunder, thus obtained, was
dried beef (venison), to the amount of a thousand pounds! It
was a sore punishment to the Indians ; ** but the chastisement
partook of a severity, which the provocation by no means justi*
fled; nor could it be dictated by motives of sound policy.".'
The vessels, on their return west, called at Arowsic, and left
a company of 40 men, to garrison the place, under the command
of Capt Silvanus Davis. They killed two Indian stragglers, and
took some large guns, some wheat, and otlier property, that had
escaped the flames, and also the body of Capt Lake, which was
found perfectly preserved by the frost
All the settlements eastof Oasco were now completely broken
I II MOM 1^ tkto tlMl tlM Engltoli too had beea ladnead b/ tlieir raqiic^
i to od^otMMO la »iacw» way, though <hoy had aot had ocwaafoa to ••• thwa.
HisTOBT or Bristol akd Bi^sioor.
135
up, but the fishermen from Massachusetts and Piscataqua still
continued their operations on the coast, though not without
danger, as many of them the next season proved to their cost
The suggestion of Mugg to seize upon the vessels of the Eng-
lish, was adopted in practice ; and, in course of the summer,
some eighteen or twenty fishing schooners, were captured by
the Indians, though it is said, they never could learn to navigate
one safely.
Another movement of Massachusetts, by which that govern-
ment sought to strengthen its jurisdiction over this eastern set-
tlement, a kind of civil coup d'itat, though not directly affecting
the settlements here, requires to bo mentioned. This was the
purchase by MassachusetU of the Gorges charter of the province
of Maine.
This charter, granted by the crown, April 8, 1689, to Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, his heirs, and assignees, was by its plain
language, to include all the territory lying between the Piscata-
qua and Kennebec rivers, and extending to the northward one hun-
dred and twenty miles; but by some means, a decision bad been
obtained in England, that the Kcunebunk, and not the Kennebec,
should be considered the eastern boundary of the province.
The province of Maine, therefore, at tliis time, included only
the above well defined territory. The charter was now in the
possession of Ferdinando Gorges, a grandson of Sir Ferdinando,
to whom the grant was first made.
The Gorges '— filth er, son and grandson — had long and
earnestly contended for their rights under the charter, but at great
cost, and with nota little vexation. Charles II, through his agents,
had begun a negotiation with Gorges for the purchase of the char-
ter; but money was not plenty with Charles just then, and the
negotiation had been forsome time suspended. It wasa favorable
opportunity for Massachusetts to step in, and make the purchase
while the kings' agents delayed. This she did, having appointed
for hor agent, John Usher, a well known merchant of Boston,
then in London, on business of bis own. The price paid was
£1250or about$6000. The business was transacted so privately,
that Charies only heard of the sale about a year after it was
effected; and it is not strange that his indignation should be
greatly excited. He rather hastily determined to institute pro-
ceedings to oust Massachusetts from her possession of the tent*
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HzBTORT OP Bristol ahd Brbmbh.
toiy, bat fUled to proeecate the ROtioo, and MaaaaobiMetti
remained in peaoefol posteaeion.
Gorget was a loyal tabjeot, and woold gladly have obliged
hit aoTereign ; bnt he acted wisely tn acoepting the coin ten*
dered by the almoet rebelltons colony.^
The reader will observe that nothing is said of Abraham
Shnrte, after the giving of his deposition in 1662 ; and it is pro*
bable that, as he was then 80 years old, he did not much longer
survive. Williamson in one place speaks of his death as having
oconrred in 1680, bnt in another place he supposes that he died
in 1690. Probably he died at Pemaqoid, bnt at what time is
unknown.
Of John Earthy, who performed snch efficient service at the
beginning of the Indian wars, we hear absolutely nothing after
the negotiation of the Boston Indian Treaty, in Nov. 1676. His
name, as appended to this treaty (see copy in Suttivan'i SUiory of,
Mai^ p. 410), is q>elled Earthly, but probably it is a misprrnt
The name is very uncommon, and that fkct suggests the questioa
whether some great mistake has not been made in regard to it,
•0 that we tkW now to identify it.*
CHAPTER XV.
PncAQum uvnn thb Duu or Tork.
S i gad i ho e aeglaelad bj the duke't goranniieiit— Gov. Loraltoe of New Tork,
■Mde a eooniiBkiitto to the SehebiteBte of PwiM|«ld -. A iktop eenl (^
Teik isr the leHeCer the eidbieiB bj the ladlea wmn— The Joriidktkm or the
deke^ gofonment extended ofer the tenitoij of Segedehoe, end a ibfft erected el
P«aiaiq«|d-<^Beff«hUhNie for the tisde end buebkeieof iho eettlement— Antboajr
BRMkhoUe eppoliited ceptehi of the fort, who wie eoeoeoded bj CWeer Kneptea
— d Frep iii gh i r pe— PeHttoeele theinUUtenteto the Deke'egerefiDent.
The grant to James, Duke of Tork, of the territories of New
Tork and Sagadahoc, in 1664, and the subsequent viut of the royal
commissioners, as previously detailed, was not followed by any
events of importance to the English settlemento in this region.
Manhattan was soon wrested from the feeble hold of the Dutch,
and then first took the name of New Tork, receiving as its first
•Jto. Mtm^r, y. 186. Peele'e WmUr W0HBUk§ Prtwiium. latiodMtte,
p.lv. florGoigee'eChertereee8aUt?eA*ftjni<.ira<M^^8»7.
*iRif. Mtf (^. JlryMiT, nv, pi ISl.
HisTOBT OF Bristol and Bkbmev.
187
English governor, Col. Richard Nicolls, one of the royal com.
missiQuers just alluded to.
From that time New Tork became a British province, and
was rilled at first by governors appointed by the Duke of Tortc,
but afterwards by the crown.
But, excepting what was done by the royal commissioners in
1665, as already described, the duke seems to hare utterly neg«
lectod his territory of Sagadahoc, for quite a number of years.
No commuuicatious, so far as we know, passed between him and
the people of the province, who were lojft to take care of them*
solves, OS they might bo able. At length the long silence was
broken by Lovelace, then governor of New Tork, by sending
the following letter '* to y* inhabitants of Pemaquid."
**'Goiitt, It might soem strange to you that in aoe bng distance of tim,e
thoss parte under hia Royal Highnesa Patronage and Protection, of which
yon are Momb'* and Inhabitants hoTO not bcon assumed in any particular
caro and GoTormeot, as Substitute to his Royal Highnc&s, by whose Grace
and Indulgence I am (under him), appointed Governor of all his Terri*
torycs in America ; And truly I mlgth justly have fallen under yo^ Ceo.
sure of Remissness, were not I allwayes in £xpeetac6n that Affiiyers would
have been perfected by my worthy Predeooss*' Coll ; Nicholls, to whom
tho sole managery of that Bnsjness was eommittsd ; noither ooald I ever
doubt of tho porfecting of it, had it not boon intsrmpted by so Active
and furious warr, in w«i* Expedition hoe most sadly, (yet as bravely) laid
down his Life at his Masters ffoot ; ^ All expectations from him being now
wholly extinct. It is a Duty incumbent on mee to erect a superstmction oo
that ffoundation, which hoc in his Lifetime worthily arrireJ at ; To which
end I shall desire jou, (first to giro meo a true state of yo' Afiayres, u
. they now stand ; next that ypu would transmitt to me a modell of such a
GoTcrmcni as shall bee most conducing to the Happjness of that Colonyt
both to its safety, Traffick, and Increase of Inhabitants, promising upon
tho rcceptioo of that Scheme, not only to Inrest you w(!» ample power to
Excreiseyo' Authority both to Edesiastiek as Civill Afiayres, but will bee
ready on all Occasions to bee assisting to you in the Proservationof all yo*
Rights and Intorost against any sinister obstructions; Thus desiring to
heare from you by the first Opportuni^, I heartily recommeod you to the
Allmighty's Protection, and reasain To^ veiy Afieetioaate ffrisod,
Fran s Lovelace •
Fort James on ye Islsnd Manhataos
ioN.Torke,fi^0b. 16th 1671.
* Coll. Xloolls, stUI in the scnriee ot the Dnko of Tork. was killed tn a niTal en.
gsgvmcDt with the Dntch only a few months before the date of thie letter.
•J/«.J7ifl.C^.v,p.O.
18
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HuTOUT or Beibtol ahd Brbmht.
A copj of this letter is preserved in the state arehives in
Albany, but whether the original ever reached ** y inhabitants
of Pemaqnid'' cannot now be known. If the letter was actually
sent to Pemaqnidy being addressed to the people generally, and
not to any particular officer or person, probably no specific reply
or direct result was expected ; but it served the purpose of a
notice to the parties, that, notwithstanding the present neglect,
the duke's claim was still to be maintained.
It is true the letter veiy kindly suggests to the people, that
the governor would be pleased to confer with them as to the
form o/jfovemmeni that would be agreeable to them, and in fact
breathes a veiy liberal spirit ; bu( considering the circumstances
of the people, at the time, nothing more could have been ex-
pected by intelligent men, from such a proclamation, tiian to
make a fiivorable exhibition of the duke's government before
the people.
In &ct, it would have been excellent policy at this time, for
the duke's government to use all possible means to conciliate
the people, in this part of his dominions. We have seen how
steadily all the eastern settiements, for years before this, gravi-
tated towards Massachusetts, and the reason is perfectly plain ;
Massachusetts was so wise as to make it for their interest to do
so. Very many of the people of the Piscataqua settlement, and
of the provinces of Maine and Lygonia, who where at first not
a littie pr^udiced against the government of Massachusetts Bay,
afterwards, gradually changed their views, and were ready, on
invitation, to unite their destinies, for good or evil, with those
of their western neighbors. Had the duke's government ma-
naged its affidrs as wisely, as did the government of Massa-
chusetts, very probably, a different and more favorable result
would have been obtained.
Since the Duke of York had accepted the proprietory go-
vernment of the territory of Sagadahoc, nearly nine years had
elapsed, at the date of this letter, but this, so far as we can learn,
was the first act of his representatives, in this country, acknow-
ledgbg any claim of the people upon his fostering care and pro-
tection. First, Nicolls, and then Lovelace came over to New
York, as governors under the duke, but the territory of Saga-
dahoc was too insignificant to receive their attention. Sir Ed-
moud Andros succeeded Lovelace, as ducal governor, in 1674 ;
but hisoourse, in regard to th^ eastern possessions of the duke,
I
HiSTOBT or Bbistol ahb Brsicbh.
139
was the same as that of his predecessors. Even the extremely
perilous condition of the defenseless inhabitants, at the begin-
ning of the Indian war in 1675, called forth no effort for their
protection ; but at length, after the destruction of the settie-
ments, the following action was taken :
*• At a Ooooeell Sept 8, 1676,
Prsseot the gorsroor,
Gapt Brookhols, the Seoretsry,
Capt Djre."
" Resolved to tend a sloops to Piscataway, Salem aod Boitoo, to invito
and bring as maoj of the loh&bctaats partiojalarlj ffieherman, u will oobm
dnren from the Dukes Territoryes, aod parte Eastward, and to supply
them with Land in any part of tiie OoTermpeat they shall ehaes/'^
This was, of course, at the governor's residence in New York.
The sloop was actually sent, as here indicated, but the peo*
pie of Massachusetts did not favor the project ; and she returned
without success. The General Court of Massachusetts began
its session in Boston, Oct 11th, following, and the very next day
took occasion to denounce the project of the governor of Xew
York, considering it a mean attempt to take away from them
a portion of their population, whom they could not fffoTd to
lose. They also determined to protect the eastern settiements
against both the French and the Indians, and made provinon
for sending at once, a force of one hundred and fiity men to the
eastward, for this purpose.*
Governor Andros was a Roman Catholic, as was also his mas-
ter, the Duke of York, at least at heart; and, very naturally, all
their movements were watched by the Puritan colonists with
suspicion and distrust This feeling was constantiy showing
itself on the most unimportant occasions. We have seen, that,
immediately after tiie destruction of Pemaquid and the neigh*
boring sottlemento, the Indians captured many fishing vessels,
then called ketches, some of which they retained, though unable
to navigate them. Some of those first captured soon came into
the custody of Andros, and petitions were presented to him for
their restoration to their former owners; and it is pleasant to
* UtUnemsi. (ML, r, p. 9, 10. Information of the Indian depredatkme at Pen-
aqnid and ridnitj was neelTed in Vtm Tork, b/ a lettor " ftom Mr. Abrihaa
Oorbetta who lived to tho eaotwaid, on tho dnko'a patont**
*i2««. jr«M.,v, p. ISS.
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Hi0TomT OP BaiSTOL axd Bkmuwk.
know that this was done, only, sufficient bonds were required
forthe payment of any salynge that might be found due. Among
others who presented petitions of this kind, was Mr. Wm. Bow-
ditch, merchant of Salem, Mass., who had the satisfaction to
receive his property ; and at the same time he was informed, that
others who had lost ketches, might probably have received thorn
sooner, *' but for several! Reports coming, that some of these
owners have said, they bad rather the Indyans had kept their
Ketches, than that they should come into tlic hands of the Now
Yorke government"^ This was in January, 1677; but more
than a year afterwards, Mr, Bowditch recovered, in the same way,
some fishing schooners which had been captured, but which he
bad purchased of the former owners.
The &ct that several of the ketches had fiillen into the hands
of the New York government, so soon after the Indian war be-
gun in those parts, indicates tiiat Andros's emisaries or agents,
were already prowling about here; but it was not until June 9,
1677, that the governor and council in New York, determined
formally '* to send and take Possession and assert the Duke's
Interest at Pemaquid, and parts a<^acent Eastward, according to
his Boy" H' Pattent" When this was determined on, to their
eredit it must be said, they agreed if they made '' Peace with
the Indyans then the Massachusetts to bee comprised if they
Please." •
The thing being resolved on, no time was lost, and only four
days afterward, June 18th, four good sloops, loaded with lum-
ber and other material for ^* a strong framed Redoutt" were dis-
patched ** to take possession and settle in his Boy" Higbnesse
right at Pemaquid, and defend and secure the fiishery giving
notice thereof to the Massachusetts, and our other neighbours."
The expedition was commanded by Lieut. Anthony Brocklcs,'
ensign Csssar Knapton, and Mr. M. Nicolls; and very full in-
stroctions were given to them, as to the course they were to
pursue.^
They were to make their way eastward as speedily as possi-
ble, and ** having made choice of the most convenient place upon
Pemaquid, for shipping, Defence and good fresh water, if itt may
* JMn$ Eld. CtU., y,p.VL
•2Mntmd:OtU^r,p.l9.
•BfoekkoUt, Bfwk1iol«i, Bffwkke.
• 8m tlMse te lUl, JDMi M ilM. if . r. m, 148.
HisToaT ov Bristol axd Bbsksv.
141
i
i
bee about halfe, and not exceeding musquett shot, from the
shoare, convenient to command all thither.'' If for any cause
they should be unable to land at Pemaquid, they were to make
a temporary lodgment *^ upon Cape Anowagon [Qapenawagen]
Damarell's Cove, Mouhigan or other adjacent islands'* mthin
the duke's patent Having landed and made themselves secure
against any foes that might make their appearance, they wore
to despatch one of the sloops to New York with full accounts of
their transactions; and this they wore prepared to do, as early as*
July 18th, thus showing a very commendable energy in their
work. Aug. 2d, the governor and council were again in con*
sultation on the afiairs of Pemaquid, having received letters from
Brockhols and others there, of the date just £^ven, so it would
appear that the sloop sent as express must have had rather *
long passage, for the season of the year. ^
The fortifications erected at this time consisted of ^ a wooden
Bedoutt w** two guns aloft and an outworks with two Bas-
tions in each of w*^ two greatt guns, and one att y« Gate ; ffifty
souldiers w*^ sufficient ammunicon, stores of warre, and spare
arms, victualled for about eight mouths, and his Boy" High*
nesse sloope w^ four gunns to attend y* Coast and fishery.'' '
This wooden fort or redoubt occupied very nearly the same site
as those erected subsequently, but was situated a little farther
to the east, as will hereafter appear.
Capt Anthony Brockhols and Ensign Csesar Enapton were
put in command of the fort and settlement, with a company of
fifty soldiers. They culled the place Jamestown, in honor of
the king, James H. The fort they named Fort Charles. ,
The duke's government being established, orders were at once
given for the regulation of trade and affairs generally, some of
whicli, at this day, appear unnecessarily stringent
They were not to form any treaty with other parties, or even
enter into any negotiation for such a purpose, but to refer every
thing of the kind to the governor at New York.
All questions of disagreement between the inhabitants and
fishermen to be reforrod to a justice of the peace, an appeal
being allowed in important cases to the governor at New York.
> MaiM md. Oolk, y, p. IS.
^DocCuLUiit^If, r,ni,i>.230,9C5. The learned editor of tliCMX.T.DoeiiiuenU
in Ilia nolo on pago 2.16, is oridcntlj mlatmkcn In tapposing the (brt tUen deecribed
WM erected on the SUcopeoott rirer. It oridcntly was the Mmo fort m U ittf«n^
to on iMgos 34$-a57 oftlio mnio Tolnme. See alto Maine Hist, CM^ \\ p. 8.
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142
HisioRT or Bristol axd Bbbmsk.
** Tli« tradiDg place to bt at Pamaqoid aod bo whoro elaa.**
<' AU Kntrjrao to boa mada at Now Yorko aod do Ooaaton or latorlo-
pon allowod, but if an j fouod to bo made priie."
"Libera of Stagee npon the ffiahing lalaada b«t Mi «poB tko Haiae,
oieept at Pemaquid near the Ifort'*
«Tho Indjaae not to goo to je fiabing laUDda.'' ^
•* No nun lo boo draoke oa that aide tko ffbrt •taada.''
*'No Baa lo Iraat aay ladjaaa.''
Timdera fh>m Now York were allowed to eotabliah hoases in
the place, bat oqIj oear the ibrt, aod on a street of good breadth,
leadiog ** direotlj from the Fort to the narrowest part of the
neck or point of land the Fort stands upon, going to the great
neck towards New Harbour/'
''All trade lobe IB Ike said Street, ia or afore tbekouaee, botweeo avn
and aao, for whioh the drnai to beate, or bell ring 9rtij BKMviDg and
Ofoniag, and neitker ladjan aor Ckrittiaa aaffered to driako any atroag
drioke, nor Ije ukoro ia the aigkt, &e.''
«* No Indjaoi aor Ckriatiana to be Admitted att aaj time within the
Fort ezeept aome few apoa ooeaaioa of bvaiaeaee below, bat aone to goo ap
into Ike Bodovl, &0.''
«• Fiabenaen gitiag aoliee lo the Fort, to hare all Libertj of Uking
thoiriBak oa tko iokiag laUads, or aeareaad aador tko proteotioa of tko
Fort**
"If Oooaaioa oae or BMire Goaatablea to be appointed for the fbhiag
lalUda, aad ladjana to hare oquall Juatioe aod Diapatoh/' >
** Fitkermea to eome to Pemacjaid yearlj to renew tkeir Eogagea* and
not lo aplitt or fiiog oal Ikeir Oany on tke Asking ground, or to trade
witk Ike Indjaaa lo tke prejudioe of the fiaherj and haiard of these porta."
"* Land to bee gitea oal indiffereotlj to thoae that ahall eome and set-
tie, bat no trade to bee at anj other plaoe than Pemaquid, and none at all
witk tke Indjana u formerly ordered."
"* It akaU not be Lawfal for aaj Veasela Grew tkat bolongetb not to the
Ooforamoat to auke a Tojage ia tke OoTorafieat, exoept ke kath an kouse
or atage witkin tke OofonNaoal oa peaaltj of IbrflNtare of pajing for
Makoing kia Tc^jago."
•* It akall not ko lawlbl Ibr fiakermoo to keep aaj more dogges tkaa
one to a hmlj oa aaok peaall/ aad Ibrleilaie u akall be tkoagkt fiu by
yen [Capl. of tke Fort]."
•>No eeaatiag Tosoeli akaU trade oa Ike Ooaalu Bnmboata Iradoiag
ftoai Harbor lo Harbor, bat u akall sappl/ tko Geaerall aoooaat for oae
boato or more, aeitkor akall it be oarofal for kirn lo trade ia aa j oikor
JMm At. cm; T. p. IS, SS^ SI, SS.
HisTOBT or Bristol and BasMEV.
US
I
«/»
Harbor, bat where tke boat or boaU are, neither, ahall it be lawfal for him
to trade with any other erew for liquors or wioe, Bamm, Beer, Sider, ko^
on anch penalty as you [Capt of Fort] think fitting."
" All ressela out of any Oorernment if they eome to trade or fish ahall
first enter at Pemaquid, or the placea appointed, aad they ahaU aot go ia
any other Harbor except by atress of weather. >
** No stragling farmea shall be ereoted, aor ao heasea baOl aay whore
aader the aumber of twenty." *
These extracts from orders issued at difierent times ibr the
gOTerament of the place sufficiently indi^te the general charac*
tor of the whole. They were only militaiy orders, but in the
existing circumstances, had the force of law over the duke's ter>
ritory of Sagadahoc, which was claimed to include the whole
coast from the Kennebec to the St Croix. The duke's govern*
ment determined to secure*to themselves an absolute monopoly
of the business of the place, without regard to the interests
of the settlers; but they meant also to punish the other New
England colonies, eepecially Massachusetts, by excluding them
from the trade with the Indians, or taking fish on the coast ex-
cept by payment of tribute at the Pemaquid custom house.
The Indians, overawed by this show of militaiy strength and
determined purpose of the English, soon made their submission ;
and with some reluctance, according to Governor Andros's ao-
count, agreed to include Massachusetts in the treaty of peace to
be formed, and to give up atl captives in their hands, and also
to restore any ketches that might still be in their possession*
As a result of the treaty, thirty*five' captives were soon brought
in, and in due time restored to their friends. Most of the ketches
before referred to were brought in by the Indians at this time.^
These stringent r^^lations of trade and business on the coast
did not long remain a dead letter; Mr. John Alden of Boston,
had sent his ketch on a trading excursion to the east; and un-
fortunately she was seized .in the St Qeorges river, and with
her cargo taken to Pemaquid, in custody of the duke's officers.
The case was taken to 2f ew York, where Mr. Alden appeared in
person before the governor and council, June 12, 1678, pleading
for a restoration of his property. Whether or not the ketch
^Jfain4m$^.Coa.,r.j^ 86, 8S, 87, 75.
• Dwj. Orf. lRi<. J\r. r., m. p. 836, 265.
*Oiio oooouat mj9 near fortj. Hubboid Mjt Sftj.
«i2lll..fil4.1r•n^Dnk•'■od.,^S8a Jto. ifiua. v. ISS.
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144
HuTOKT or Beistol and Brbmbh.
was condemned finally is not known, bat she was now given np
to the cluinant upon his giving security for the payment of £120 ,
(the estimated valne of ketch and cargo), in case a decree of con-
demnation should be rendered.
The reasons given for this extraordinary clemency on the part
of the government, were the good character of the applicant, and
the fBd that he had sustained great loss in the ** late Dutch
war." Some of the reasons given. by the applicant in favor of
his petition seem, at this day, a little contradictory. First, he was
entirely ignorant of the existence of the order, under which the
ketch had been seised; and second, he did not suppose the
. place where he was trading, was within the duke's patent
For some reason, Audros, in the spring of the year 1678, felt
it neoessary to write out a formal jnstilication of his governmont-
al policy towards the New England colonies, and, in substance
affirms, that when it was heard in Massachusetts that the duke's
government had taken possession of Pemaquid '*thoy {the
government of Mass.] proclaimed a fast and day of prayer,
levyed or pressed about 120 men w*^ they alsoe sent East ward
of w*^ } being killed by Indians att black point the rest pro-
ceded to ors at Pemaquid but finding them already posted they
friendly questioned our comeing there and soo returned." '
But Andros was mistaken in part at least The expedition
«to prosecute the Quarrel against those Eastward Indians,
around the Kennebec," was planned in Boston early in the sea-
son, before the order passed by the governor and council in
New York, for taking possession of Pemaquid, which wo have
seen, was June 9th. It consisted of some 40 English and 200
Christian Indians, and was commanded by Capt Bet\j. Swett
and Lieut Richardson. The vessels containing them arrived
at Black Point, June 28th ; and Capt Swett, learning that In-
dians had recently been seen in the vicinity, the next day landed
a part of his force, which was joined by some of the men of the
place, making ninety in alL These, in two parties, immediotcly
gave chase to a body of Indians that showed themselves, but at
once fled on their approach, and were thus drawn into au am-
bush, about two miles from the fort ; and two-thirds of their
number, including bothSiirett and Kichardson, were slain before
they could regain the fort Of the 60 slain, 40 were English
and 20 Indians. The vessels, after this disaster, if Andros is to
HxBTOKT or Bristol ako Brsuik*
146
€-
be believed, continued their course as far east as Pemaquid,
and probably made the Duke's colony the first visit with which
they were honored by the men of Massachusetts.^
Capt Anthony Brockholls, who conducted the ezpeditiou
from New York, to Pemaquid, and superintended the erection
of the fi>rt, was appointed first commander of the place ; but
Ensign Csesar Enapton, succeeded him as captain in a few
months, and appears to have held the place until Dec, 1680. At
this date Ensigns Thomas Sharpe was appointed to the place,
and to him succeeded Capt Francis Skinner, Aug. 80, 1681,
who, it is believed, retained the position until 1686, when, by
royal order «" the Sort and County of Pemaquid" was <« annexed
to, and Continued under the Govemm* of our territory and
dominion of New England."*
Other officers, civil and military, were appointed by the gov*
ernor from time to time as occasion might require. Henry
Jocelyn came to Pemaquid from Black point very soon, proba*
biy, after the establishment of the Duke's government in 1677 ;
and by general consent, seems to have act^ as justice ^f peace,
for a time, without formal appointment, which, however, he sub-
sequently received. His commission declares him ** to bee
Justice of the Peacein Corum" [Quorum] and he appears to have
been the only one at Pemaquid who enjoyed this distinction.*
Other justices were, John Doliin, Lawrence Dennis, John Jour*
dain, fiichard Redding, John Allen, Thomas Giles (or Oyles)
Alexander Waldrop, Thomas Sharpe, Kchard Pattishall, Nicho-
las Manning, Oiles Ooddard, Casar Enapton, John West and
Elihu Gunnison.* These did not all reside at Pemaquid, but
some belonged to neighboring settlements, as Damariscotta and
Sheepscott Gov. Andros, in 1680, addressed a letter to •* Mr.
Justice Jourdain att Richmond Island nere Caskobay."
Other civil officers appointed were, sherifi, constables, col*
lectors, etc, but the names were not generally preserved. Com*
m$t. ^Mains, i,Kl; See. 2t4U$., Y, p. 19L
• Maine mti. CetL, v, 180. 181.
•JToiiw JKi«. CWJ., V. p. 88, 8(WS, 60, 108,118.
^ThisdistincUoiioreerUinjttBtioot seems not to be oontinoed in tUseonntiy,
thouirlt common St n Tory Iste poriod. -John Josl jne," psge 38, tuL T, of the
MaiMinei. OoUectiaiu,lM beUered to be n mSttske IbrHeniy Joes^ MbL
Ge9LSe0^7a,p,9^
19
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U6
flxsTOKT or Bkutol akb Bbimiv.
miMions for josticet of peaoe were generally given for one year
only, but sometimes they were to^ continue nntil otherwise or-
de^d by the governor.
As to the oolleotors their duties do not appear to have been
burdensome ; and Gtovemor Dongan in June, 1686, ** for the
augmentinghis Majestyes Reuenue/' proposed to ^ Sell and Lett
to ikrme'' ** the Excise and Oustomes'' in hope of better results,
remarking that ** very Littie Beueoue'^ thus far had ** accrued
to his Majesty from Pemaquid by the Dutyes of Excise and Cue*
tomes.'**
Facts recorded at the time show that at Pemaquid, as else-
where, justices of the peace were not unnecessary officers. In
the autumn of the year 1679, a quarrel occurred on board the
ketch, Cumberland, Oapt Israel Dumont, then lying at Pema-
quid or vicinity, during which one Samuel Oollins was thrown
overboard and drowned ; and the captain and John Rashly (pro-
bably a sailor with Collins on board of the Cumberland) were
charged with his murder. By authority of Governor Andros,
a spedal court was ordered for their trial, to be held at Pema-
quid, in the summer or autumn of the year 1680 ; but we are
not informed of the result
The condition of the place, as to morals, at a period a little
later was not above reproach. May 10, 1688, Lieut Governor
Biockholls wrote to Oapt Skinner, then in command of the
Ibrt, as follows, vis : '* Am Sorry theLoosnesse and Carelesscnesse
of your Command gives Opportunity for Strangers to take notice
of your Extravigancyes and Debaucheryes and that Complaints
must come to me thereof being what your Office and Place ought
to prevent and punish ***** Expect a better observance
and Oomporte [to previous instructions] for the future, and that
Sweoreing Drinking and Prophanesse to much practiced and
ud SuflTered with you will be wholly Suppressed ♦ ♦ ♦•*•*
But if stringent laws &voring good morals did not produce
» satis&ctory result, the same was found to be true of the still
more stringent rules for regulating trade. Col Thomas Don-
fan, appointedgovemorof' ISTew York and Sagadahoc'* in 1682,
arrived in this countiy in the month of August, 1688, and find-
ing the people much dissatisfied with the previous odministra-
ttM of the^ govemmenty immediately after entering upon his
•if«(iMJ5nM.a»0.,v,iii.
.•iMMilM.(M^v,^ll,4«.
4
HiSToaT or Bristol urn Baxicsv.
U7
duties proposed with other reforms the election by the ** free-
holders" of a le^slative assembly —a thing until this time en-
tirely unknown in the colony. Writs for the election were
soon issued by the sherifis; and to Pemaquid, or rather to the
county of Cornwall, including Pemaquid and the neighlioricg
settlements, was assigned a single member. The people bo^
of New York, and of Sagadahoc, received the announcement
with joy ; and from this part of the Duke's dominions Gyles
Godard Esq., of Sheepscott, was unanimously chosen represent-
ative to the assembly. He actually attended the assembly as
a member one session and perhaps more. Some language used
in a «« Petition of Inhabitants of New Dartmouth" (^Tewcostle]
to the governor and council in New York, may be understood
to imply that he attended . more than one session, but the date
April, 1684, does not favor this view. They say, ** and allso
when our Representative, Mr. Gyles Godward went Last, etc*'^
Two petitions from, the people of Pemaquid about this time,
that are fortunately preserved among the New York archives
indicate something of the character of the people,a6dtite ground
of their complaint against the government They are addressed
to Coll. Thomas Dongan.
" The Humbls Petio5o of the poor lohibitsots of the touas of Pema-
qayd oto., Humbly Sbewoth. That whoo the most part of tbs XnbibiUots.
of this plaoo did come firom New York, at the tabdosing of this Coontris
here to 8erae his Boysll High* ; Therefore and for Seuerall other good
ressoDi (aad Secoreatie of the People) moaeing your bono' predeeesior
S^ Edmund Androe, aud Confirmed by Cap>. Brockholls ; did giue grant
and Coofirme to this Toune of Pemaquid the whole trade of the Indians ;
direoUy and indirectly forbidding all other Penons to trade with the !&•
diana within this Colony Except at Pemaquid Tuder yery great Penalties
as the Records here make appear. ****** Therefore your humble poor
petiodoera doth humbly beg and Desire your hono^ that our former Liber* '
ties granted to ut Conoeming tradeing with the Indians may be confirmed
and strict Charge giuen ihat noe other Person nor Inhabitant Shall trade
Except they doe come and build here which will bea streagheningto the
garrison of this place."** *
m * * u Likewayes to grant your poor Psticdnsrs sa order hew was
shall behaue towards the f^nch in your Jurisdiction to the Esstw^ fbr
the trade that way is Considerable and will promote your koao» iatersst"
This petition is not dated, hot was received by Gov. Dongan
Sept. 6, 1688, only a few days after bis arrival in the conntiy.
>irs<a#/nii.atf..v«p.oe. •iiim^p.To.
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148
HnroKT Of Bristol avd Brimbk.
HiSTO&T OV BBI8T0L AVI> BbBVIV.
U9
In ADticipation of this evoDt, it had evidently been prepared
earlier in the season, and forwarded to New York.
The other petition evidently prepared by another hand is also
without date, but probably was sent at a period a little later than
the preceding. It is addressed to the Honre^ CoIL Thomas
Dongan, Left Gorem' ete.''
" The humble P«tion of the iDhabyttneo of the Extreme partes of bit
Biftll HineM Teritoij Betweoe the Bioer Keejbeke and S» Croix Hun-
blj Showtth,
Wire Mj«r P«tioor«CMie toynderstand bj Seaerall Commitioo and ia
stmcktioQ flbr the Settillmeni of the tfforesaid partoi that yo' Hoa^ Hath
ikiteaded Good ffor theae partes and all wajrs will wea Beliue Confferme
the samtwhioU Oiass vs Greats boQlldoes to seeck j«r Hoar* proteektion
and Besdrss Stom many burthsn, and epprstions that are Layod vpons r§
by ths wonts of Lanes being LefU to the will and plssusr of the MilliUry
erdsr by whioh msnss ths Gonsrnmsnt bes Comes to ▼• allto Gether Arby*
tary which sos to bee is Repugnant to ths Lanes of England and his
Maj'MT Begall athority as allso a great RefleokUon one yo' Honor* athority
Being ffnlly ashorod of onr Delinsro* from the same By yo' Honer» Affter
seosrill ysares suffering By oner Great Distant firom New Yorke whare we
ar all wayes to haTs ours Relesfe in such and the Lieke Cases.
Pnnis the Boody of Lawes of New Yorks and the adjassnt partss of
his Byall Hiaes territory hath not these partes in it Thareffore humbly
Bequest that wee may bee At mimber of that Boody.
217. There has ben but one appointed ffbr these partes whioh
all Csses Com before and if Injnstis Don any man under eorreeation bee
it spooeken to ths Lsos of his Estate or Dammige to his parson thb Law
Appwntss nee Appeall ffbr tb which priusliges is a Lowed of By y*' Hon^
and Oeunssll at New Yorke and thars ffore hope yo' Hoa«' will prouide
seme way ffer ousr Beleefe.
8>7. It hath Binne the praektis of ths Oommaadsr of Psmaquid to appre-
hend by fforssof armss ths kings Justis of the pease and throtten othsr
Justis of the Posse with Putting in Irons and ksping in the ffort a pris*
Bor seuerall dayes with other Grand abusses and uillifing Lang* and ffor*
aoe BesoB only ffoUowing there Commition Granted to the Said Justis« of
the pease ss allso thretnige ths Desolfing of CoarU aU plessuer By which
ttsaass the Kings Justiees and Subjects bane bine turned beesides that
busnb ; Hus^bly Beging Yo^ Hour* Beleefe in the same.
4ikly. Whare as you Honor haue Sent formerly Artickeb ia tittled
lastruotieBfor thesettillmentof Psmaquid which signyfies toys' peUtioo-
eer thai yer Hoar* ]uius thoughts of Good ffor the Inhabitants of thsss
psftss if a Bight Taderstaadiag whereas the ffurstelastruektiea Deobrith
that noe Tssseill shall trad ens the Costs as bumboates ffrom Harbber to
Harbor but snob as shall supplye the Ginerorall account ffor one Boats .
or more nether shall it bee Lawfull to trad in any other barber which or
Inatruoktion b much to the dammig of the in habbytance and a great Dis-
oorigement of others that wold Corns to mbabbitts ffor answer to ths affors
said Instruction ths psrsons that bans supplied the fishery bane allways
sets such Grate prises ons thars Goods that it hath ffor many yean Im*
poTcrished yo' poors petititones butt of Lata hath by ths Bosons of Sup*
plyes att a Chsaper Bate and not Consamsd with the Supply of boates
made vs to make a mors eomffortabls Lining than hears to ft>re.
Likewayes ws tacks bouldnes to aooquaints yo' Hoao with a Considdsiw
abls quantidy of pbntsrs Settled and are a Coming «o Settili ia hb Biall
higbnes teritory in the Estsrn partss if in oorrigment flroa yo^ honor
which woe Dissparo not of Desirring yo^ honor to taks into yo' pisous
Consideration how these afforesaid planters shall bse supplyod Being abso*
Itttly Commanded that the supplyes shall Dbposs of noe goods but in the
harbors whare fishery b and to now other but the boates OTon which affore
said instrucktion we humbly Conseue were Giren in to yo^ Honor by him
that had to much sellfe in it and wee ffeare a Combination w«k othsr sup-
plisrs to ths Impourbhing of Your poore petisiners as heretoffore whioh
infringment of trade hath neuer Been as wee humbly Conceue to hb Mig*
esty subiack humbly Desiring Yc honor to Beliue ts in the same.
h^Vf, Whare u the ninth > Instrucktion that the ffishermea of Sacady*
hocke ILand shall not Builds any'more howeses one that parte of the Hand
whare the Suges bee, but shall Bsmooe all thars Housss within ths Spass
of three yeares which will bse ths Busing of ths proprietors of y« same
but wss humbly Conseue and sartingly knowe that hb Majesty by act of
parlymsnt bans mad proclaymation that all Hands and pbsss eoausnbnl
ffbr fishery aU tho any person or persons propriety shall Bee Improusd
ffor that End; as alboS' Edmond Androus Confforming of thssams; wse
ffsars yoT Honors infformation haus bssn ffrom a psrsoa fformerly Clsim*
ing a Bight thars Tuto all the pretended which parson can bee noe other
parson than M' Bicbard Pattbball whioh wo haue Grounds to ffoar Doth
not Desigbns Good to their partes ws Humbly Bsqusst yo' honor to
Bslieus yo' poore petysenors in thb motter.
6t^Iy. Ware ss in ths thirtentb ^ artickell that all Tosseb shall enter at
Pemaquid, and att noe other pboe, which wse humbly Conssius, will bee
Very Detrimsatall to a Considerabsll quantity of fisher men and pbnters
by Boson of tho Groat Dbtane of Pomaquid, and the Depones and
Dificulty of the bay of Pomaquid, has Dstainsd ssusrall Tsssilb many Days,
som timss Wssckos, which hss sxpossd ths fishsry and pbntsrs to Grsat
Wootss ss also a Great Dammige to there Imploye, euer Humble Bequest
•ira<fMJ2{i^CbttHT.p.77.
i , p i ^ii iiW ' ^ i .W » " T * i*
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HiSTOBT or Bbistol avd Bbimbv.
HistoET Of Brwcol amp BuKiar*
161
W jor Honw if tb*l joii wold granto ▼• two pIuM more of Botrjt lod
Oloriogy dio OM at Ko Dtrthnoiith in Sbipo GoU rioer wbare ar Cooiid*
derablt in liabbitaBOO tad nonj mora Coming, and promsing a Considor-
ibia trad of abi^g ffor maate aad Lumber and all aoe aa oiEoa, or aome
panoA at Saeadjbooke ia Koaybeo Biaer, appoiatad ffbr Eatring aad
Oleariai^
7iWj. War aa tba Eigbtaeatb i iaatraektioa Dotb Beqaire aoe aettill-
BMat ia tbeaa partea aader tbe aomber of Tweaty ffiBMlyea wbieb wee
aeekaolige a ?eij great prmdeaoe of jo' Hoaaer wee bumblj Ooaaeae if
j^ Hoaaer Dotb bat parfer teaa ffiaielyea it bmj macb mom Condase to
tbe Settelliag of tbeae partea for teaa ftuaeljea eaa be ffoaad toSettill at
tbe florate a towa abip, wbea tweaty Oaaaot be prooared, but wboa toon
nettled aom aoMll towa it batb all timea by Expperieaoe iaourriged OMire
lo Come wee bumbly Betjueet your boaaer to Oraate tbe aame.
8*My. WeefftftbertakeBottlldaeetoaoqaaiateyo'boDBorofaueryCoa
riderable Cbarge, tbat tbe towae of Ka Dartbmoutb b [by miatake for
ia] Sbipa Oatt Riaer aad Saeadyboeke ia Keaybeek Bluer, ia Eriokting
of a fiert at Saeb pkee ffor Seenrity of tbe ia babbitaaee a^aat tbe He-
Ibia, by Beaoo of tbrattiag Laagage proaediog ffrom tbem and to bee
Ibuad ooaaalltatioB ffor ware aa allaoe tbay Deekriag tbat if tbay did aot
Oatt of tbe Bagliab now tbey name to ia babiubeffbre tbat tbay wold bee to
Maaay Mon tbem aad to atroag, wee bamUy Beqneate yo' boaor to prouide
aome better aeenrity for afWr time.
All tbeae fforeaMatioaed artiekella wee are fWlly paranaded yo' boaaer
Ima a better Taderataadiag of tbea, wee ar Capable to informe ; not Doat-
iag aa ye^ boaer baa already Deaigbend Oood for tlieee partes will Grant
TBia ye* pofu petiataa ti alt tbe aftre aaid artiekelb wee aball Euer pray.
Jao. Allyea, Elibu Gunniaoa,
Larry Denny, Cbriatopber Hyer,
Ju at ee Tbomaa Geot|
Nie^. Manning, William Lowering,
Tbomaa Oylea, Bobert Cook,
FbL Pteaoa, Ffhmeia Jobaaoaa,
Afiie Nele,
Tbo Sergaat^
Ooury Gray,
Joba Laage,
Eliu Trueke,
Joba Sellman, t
tJfa(a#in^CUL»t.p.ai-«. Koetiideator New England bistorywiU regret
tbeineeftloaefthia petition entire (eieept only tbe official addroes) becanee of the
apaee It oeenplea. Fortunately tbe namea of tlie ilgneia are preaerred. Tbe
ertbogfaphy le bad, aa la aleo tlie eonetraetloa of many of tbe eenteoeea, but at
tbat time maeb lem waa tbengbt ef tbeee polnte tban new. Tbe beet eoholam
T
t-
!
1
I
A petition to Gk>T. Dongan from tbe ** Inhabitanta of /• Towne
of New Dortmoath" (Sheepeoott PlantationaX not dated bat re>
ceived April 21, 1684, baa been preserved. It bM only dgbt
signers, and four of tbem are tbe same as on tbe preceding, tis.
Thomas Gent, WnL Lowring [Lowering] Tbomas Ojrles, and
Elihn Gunnison.
The chief object was to secure tbe confirmation of a grant of
land prevouslj made to tbem bjr Henry Jocelyn Esq., in tbe name
of Got. Andros; but tbey took occasion also to protest again
the conduct and character of ^ one Capt Hicbolas Manning/'
who was very ^* Troublesome'* and produced ** divimons^and dis*
turbances among tbem.*
Both this and tbe but mentioned petitions were sent to New
York by Mr. Goddord probably when be went on to attend a
session of the assembly in tbe spring of 1684, and both were ** re-
ferred" [deferred ?] *' untill the GoTcmo' go to Pemaquid.'**
Tbe petition previously mentioned bad suffiured the same &te.
As Got. Dongan never came to Pemaquid, it is not probable
tbat tbe petitions ever received any ftirtber attention.
<< At a Council at ffort James [N.Y.] July tiie 9tb» 1684»"
mention was made of a ** petition of tbe Inhabitants of Pema-
quid" which was also ** referred untill tbe Governor go thither."^
This may have been the same aa one of the precedingi but pro*
bubly it was a new one of more recent date.
The Civil government of ^ Pemaquid and its dependencies''
was conducted with some energy and a fiur appearance of Justice
during the whole of Dongan's administration ; but tbe ab-
surd determination of tbe government to make tbe young and
diatreased colony a aource of revenue to themselves rendered
necessary very oppressive taxation in eveiy possible form. Even
transient fishermen on the coast, were obliged to pay tribute to
** the Duke's government/' ** a decked vessell four Kentalls Mer-
chantable fish and an open boate two Eentalls." Collectors and
subcollectors were not wanting; but tbe ^Quitt Bents" not-
withstanding were often greatly ** in arrears.*'
often ipellod tbe tame word In dlfltoent waya eren In the eeme doenment. Bat
notwithataading the Tiolation of eome of oar nilee for good wilting; it la a doctt*
meat of great abill^. It la in esoollcnt temper, and ita pointa aie weU pot ; aad
it could not hare iallod of producing a good efiuct if anjthing of the kind waa
allewod to haTo inSuenee.
>ifeiaei2iK.(WL,v,0S.100. •idMi.p.M. •itom.iOl
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HuTOET or BftiBTOL AVB Bbbmih.
The feelings of the iaX'payert in riew of those facts are on*
mistakablj expressed in the following petition*
**To the Bight hsMrabls OoTsnor sad OoeasUl ef AsBeoiblj at Ntw
Yorke.
Ths haabls Ptiitioa sf the iababitsBts of New Hsrboar hmblj
showslh I
Tbat| whsrsst j^ petitioQSis ba?6 beeae at great obargs ia baildiag their
habitotaoBS, aad as jett havs boo tMaraaoo of oiihor bouse loU or tho
booadi of oar place, whioh ii a hindraaoo to our ooBToaioaoyoi of plaaU
lag or fliakiag aa improTeaitat eto. Wo hambljr [pray] that ihore may
be smrroyors appointed for that parpoeo to lay oat laadt ; likowiso tht
* * * of these cattoms aiay be takea off^ beoause it aoTor osed to be paid
by aay ffisheraiaa ia this world as we kaow of, aad it hioders the eoasters
ooniag to as to briag oar sapplies, aad whoa they do come, the Tory
BasM of these oastoais makes tiiem sell their goods almost as dear again
as formerly they ased, so thai we Undo it to be to all the ooantry a
grsrieos bordeB aad to all the people called fishermea aa atter ruia.
Aad that Peaiaqoid nkay still remaia the metropolitaa of these parts,
b ee a ass it erer hare been so before Boston was settled.
Wherefore year hoaors poors petitioaers humbly desire that tbs honor*
able Oereraor aad CeoaoeU would please to take the premises in to your
pious oonsideratioB, to order aad ooafirm the lots, bounds and limits of this
pkcs to be laid out^ and that we may enjoy the labors of our hands and bare
It for our ohildrea after us, and also that the customs may be taken of, and
raised some other way, aad that Pemaquid may be the metropolitaa pUee,
aad year hoaors psttlioaers as ia du^ bound shall erer pray.
Per order of the inhabitants
Wm, Stubt, Town Clerk,
' at Pemaquid. i
Ownerahip of the eoil being claimed by the goTomment of
the Doke, by right of hie grant from the king, and this without
regard to previons patents as that of Aldsworth, and Elbridge
grants <tf land were promised ^ indiflerentlj to those who should
settle'^ bat it duee not appear that anj deeds were given for a nnm«
iIMmJERM. CML^T^p. IS7-188. The original of this peUtkm UpresorredU
the State Arehhres at Albany N. Y.» aad was found among tho papors of the year
ISeS; baft as the editor of these Pemaqakl Fkpers saggosts,U mast hare had
aa eariler origia. The order for the timasler of Pemaquid from the JurisdkUoa
eT New Torfc to that of New Bnglaod was givea Sop. 19, 1686, and of oaune a
petlttoo eoald Bfit ha?e beea addiessed to the aathorttlee of New York at a date
later thaa this. We may. In dee d , reasonably preeume it was proseated i
pfaffteae to Ost. aSd, 1684, for aft this date Gyks Gedaid w
erPeaueaid.- JMie IM. (ML, T, p. 166.
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!
HxsTOET or BaisTOL and Brsmiv.
158
ber of years. In 1684 Alexander Wardrop [TValdrop, TVoldrop,
Woodrop] was appointed to '*aske» demand and Receive all
such qnitt Rents as were due/' **and to give Receipts for the
same" ; but it was not until two years later (June 1686) that John
Palmer, with John West as his deputy, was sent to tliose parts
'* with full power and authority to treate with the Inhabitants for
Takeing out Pattents and Paying the quitt rents."
The people had earnestly petidoned that their claims to their
lots might be properly confirmed by the government, and pro-
per^surveys made, and the work was now about to commence,
but with attendant circumstances not anticipated. The lots
were generally intended to contain 100 acres of woodland and
20 of marsh, if it could be found ; and for this, an annual «« quit
rent of 55. in money, or a bushel of good wheat was demanded,
and a fee of X2 10s, for executing the leasehold. Some favorites
received 800 or 1000 acres, but others only 8 or 4 acres; •« they
were in haste and gott what they could." As might have been
expected, «< this bred a great miscbiefe amongst the people," who
justly considered themselves as oppressed beyond measure ; but
as the only alternative was to give up their bouses and lots, all
that could raise so much money hastened to pay. In New Dart«
month [Sheepscott Farms] alone, we are told, about 140 leases
were take out ^
Sullivan says that many deeds given by Palmer and West in
the name of the governor of New York '* have been exhibited
in the contests in that country within the last thirty yean," but
the titles thus conferred '* never prevailed against the grant of
Elbridge and Aldsworth, nor against the Indian deeds." ' One
of these deeds he gives in full. It is a Uase rather than a dad^
and conveys to John Dalling of Monhegan an indefinite ^* par-
cel of land" on that island, ** not exceeding ux acres, ^ with a
full third part of a certain marsh or meadow," upon oondidoa
of his paying "yearly and every year," •*one bushel of mer*
Chan table wheat or the value thereof in money."
Copies of several granU of land are j^ven in the fifth volume
of the collections of the Maine Historical Society, which has so
often been referred to. They are nearly all in fiivor ofgentlemen
said to be of New York city, and give no metes or bounds. One of
»irttte4.0U^p.<»68.
•iEair.ir«^p.isa.
20
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HmoKT or BimroL akp Bebmbv.
them girea ^ Liberty Md Lyoenoe"' to John Bpragge" > '' of this
Oit^ of New Yorke *' to take up and Biyoy a Certaine Island
ealled and ]B[nowne by the name of Bammeriett Island [Lond's
Idandjand the small Island thereunto adjacent [Marsh Island].
To *« James Giaham of the dty of New Yorke Merchant" a
grant was made of one thousand acres of land at Pemaqoid in
the county of Oomwall, ** provided that not abore one hundred
acres of the said land be fironting on the ea or water side,
also provided the same be not appropriated or legally diepos^ of
to any others.'^ This Graham was for a time associated with
Palmer and West in the management of affiiirs at Pemaquid-
and, subsequently! was appointed attorney general of Massachu,
setts under Andres, and resided in Boston.
John West, at the same time, received a grant of Arowsic
Island, in the Kennebec, or rather all of it except a small tract
at the south end, which had previously been granted by Andros
to "* Mr. LawrenoeDenuisand others," ^ and called Now Towne^'
Thus were the government agents well provided for, whatever
might be said of the poor settlers.
Palmer and West appear to have spent the Bummer of 1686
at Pemaquid and vicinity, where they, as we have seen, succeeded
in making themselves sufficiently odious. They had exercised
the almost unlimited powers entrusted to them in the most
arbitrary manner; but it is not to be forgotten, that the people
eollected here at tiiis time, were not the most orderly or intelli-
gent Mention is made several times, in the records, of the
governor and council in New York, of information received there,
of ** disorders and confusion amongst the Inhabitants of Pema-
quid.*' ' Considering the position of the place so completely
isolated on the veiy borders of civilsation, and the fact that the
present population had but recentiy come together, some from
New York, brought there by the agents of the government, such
as they could readily gather together from the streets and wharfs
of the city, and (he rest, returned old residents, who, since the
destruction of the place, had been wandering from place to place,
it IS not strange, perhaps, that they did not susUin an elevated
moral oharaeter.
aad at «m tlaM taanUiy.
• jr«te« AM. M^ n ^ 107, lit
•TOM Oarmor^ OaaacU la Kaw Tork,
HisTonT or Bmbtol ivn Bukbv*
155
We have no means of knowing what proportion of the former
iuhabitants returned, after the war, to become citizens under
the duke's government
Palmer and West, in their greed for money, sometimes did
not hesitate to resort to doubtful means to accomplish their
purpose. During their stay at Pemaquid, a report came that a
ship from Piscataqua, was landing some wine at Penobscott
without having first entered it at the custom house, in Pema-
quid ; they therefore dispatched a suffident force to seize the
wine and bring it to Pemaquid. This was within the letter of
their instructions, which authorised them to assert the duke's au-
thority and claim all the land as fiir east as the river Bt Croix ;
but the French were in possession of the place when the wine
was landed, and both they and the people of Massachusetts took
serious offence. The government of Massachusetts issued a
circular warning the fishermen on the coast, and also the peo-
ple of Maine and New Hampshire, to avoid the harbors on the
eastern coasts, lest they should be seized, and held to answer for
crimes not their own. After some time the English govern-
ment, at the request of the French minister at that court, ordered
a restoration of the property.^
Nicholas Manning was appointed ^ Sub-Collectors Survey^
^niUek.CoU.,U7. Wm UiereftfeoondcMeorUiltkiiidt OrdoM Ui«l<>Uow
ing exlfftci have rororcnee to the mum timauctioo. It Is from ft wutk, boC often
mot with Ito American Ubnriot, entitled '*Mm0ir€i dee Conuniieninit dn Boi et
do Cctts do M Ui^oito Britanniqoe. sor lei PoMeMiooi et Us DfolU Bc«pecti& dee
Dent Gonronnoe on AniMque, nTee lee Artet pnhUce et Pikes JnitiacntiTCi. 4
tomes, Pnria, 1755-7.
Tome u, p. 808. Les sonssijpi^ AmUsmdenrs et EnToj^ estnordinniTCS de
Fmnee, etc eto. roprvsent i Votro Majeste, qne le wmmi PhUllppe Sjuxet, maitte
d'nn raissean* nomm6 La Jeaunt, Stant paiti de Malgoe ponr la NonTsUe Fianee,
charge de marchandises ponr le eompt des Sienis Nelson, Watkins et censoctn,
et los ajant d^livr^ snirant ses eonnsissanoes, an Sienr Vlnosnt de GMt^ne^ marw
chand eUbll i Pentagoet, sitnS dans la prorince de rAcadie, le Jnge de Pvniqnide,
qni eet sons robSissance de Votie U^etii, St ^nlper nne Tslssean qn*U entoja d
Pontagoet, d*oik U enlera les dites marchandises comme 4tant de contiabande
et protendant qne Pontagoet apparUent I Votre Mi^cst^, mlt en an^ le Tsimfsi
dn dit Sjrnnt, et refuse enooro presontement de la restitner. * * *
Los dites sonssign^ Ambafsadours et Enrojrcs. esp^rent de U Jnstke de Tolie
M^est^ qu'apr^ avoir pris oonnaiessnee de tons ces iaits, eUe doMTonem le
pvooede dn Jnge de P6olqnido, d«iendra qoll se oommitto de pardUes eootrnTen-
tlonsarn?enir,etotdonnernqno tontos les msrdisndises dn dit Synm Inl senmt
resUtttioi, on le Jnste valenr ; qne son Talssoan Inl sera lendne Ineossament, et
qnll seia dodomsgi de IWMki ftnis qneeetto Intermptlon dans son eommeree
Itti acnns^ ISS?. iiAatij.*^ 4 BoKanjjsib**
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HiSTOET or Bbxstol Am BRiiciir.
and Searcher of hit Ma*^ Oustomee and Excise'^ for the countj
of Comwally Sep. 7, 1686; and it b more than probable that
he oaght to share largely in the odiam of these transactions.
He had, two years before^ been appointed Captain of a ^ Foot
Oompany'^at Pemaqnid; and condncted himself in such aman«
ner as to call ont a petition from the people to the authorities at
Kew York for his remoral The little regard the authorities
had for the wishes of the people is seen in the fact that he now
received the appointment just mentioned, and also a commis*
•ton as justice of the peace. It is not known at what time he
came to Pemaquid ; but in 1680 he was living at Salem, Mass.,
where he was accused by female servants in his family of crimes
too indecent to be mentioned.^ His character seems to have
been in every way despicable.
The commerce of the place at this time was becoming of
some importance, and merchant vessels were constantly passing
between Pemaquid and the other colonies^ and especially New
York.
CHAPTER XVI.
Doke of Tork beeomet King of England, ■• J«in«i II, and New Tork
sad Bagadahoc, in oonaeqaeiMe, beeome Bojal Provineoa— The Sagadalioe
taRitoffjf tndwiiag Pemaquid, detached ftom Now York and tnmsfonrod to
IfaiWfccihnifltti — laoreaaed haideao of the people under their new mlon — Baron
do 8t Oaatine^ becom o i a reaident at BIgajdaee and marrioa a daughter of
Madoekawaado— Got. Andrea makeo an exeoraion to Bigujda4», with a
■nail militai/ foroa^ and pUlagea the honae of Gaatioe— > Rotama to Pemaqoid
aad pneeadt to BoatoB ~ HIa eflbrta to eondliate the Indiana onraooeaafiil — Dia-
goatad, bacsaia tbej paj no leajwel to bia pvodUmatSon, ho reiolTea on a eoer*
4r% poA^ff sad with a mllltai/ Ibrea maiehea to the eaatward to ehaatlae the
diiobadiaot aatlvis ~ At Pemaquid ha heara of tho Retolution in England aad
haidlj retvas to Boaton ^liout. Jamea Weema, eommandar of the Pemaquid
Inrti raaaiaa al hia poat, with a Ibw mea« and raporU to tho aathoritiea at
Woa^Oaplsie aad dastnetloa of the Iwl aad aettleaMBtal Pemaquid by
thaladlaBi.
The oonnecdon of the Sagadahoc territory with the govern-
ment of New York was attended with many inconveniences,
JHaifc Jtfw^f vai» e^ ^ ^
'•/
^•or. NAT. MtiNet wu. uNwmaiTr.
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UisTo&T Of Bbistoi. in Bbbkxv.
167
«^
both to the officers of government ftt^ New York and to the
people of the distant territory, and Vas not likely to be con*
tinned longer than the extraueons reasons existed, for which
the unnatural connection was first made.
The doke of York, by the death of his brother Charles II,
in 1686, became king of great Britidn, as James II, and the
ducal province of New York and Sagadahoc became in con*
sequence a royal province, and of course, attached to the
crown.
The condition of the people of Massachusetts had also greatly
changed within a few years, as their charter by a writ of quo
warranto bad been taken from them ; and the government of
the colony became dependant directiy upon the crown, pre-
cisely as in New York, of which mention has just been made.
As a natural consequence of this, the home government and
its faithful odherants began to manifest less jealousy of Massa*
chusetts than formerly ; and a suggestion of governor Dongan
'< to draw off the men and arms" trom Pemaquid *^ with the
guns," and '^to annex that place to Boston," was received with
favor.' Accordingly, Sep. I9th, 1686, by a royal order the
'* ffort and Country of Pemaquid in Regard of its distance from
New Yorko" was detached from New York and placed under
Sir Edmoud Andross, ** Captainegenerall andgovemourin chiefe
of the territory and dominion of New England."
This ** territory and dominion of New England" consisted of
Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth, New Hampshire, M<dne,
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, and to these, the territories of
New York and East and West Jersey were subsequently added.
The jurisdiction of Gov. Andros, therefore, extended over all
the English setUements north of Pennsylvania.
Gk)v. Dongan being thus superseded by Andros, quietly re-
linquished the government of New York ; but the people there
felt not a little degraded, in being made an appendage to
another government not greatly respected by them. The au-
thorities of New York were also very reluctant to yield their
hold upon Pemaquid ; and as late as March 28, 1688, at a ** Coun*
cil Held at ffort James," N. Y., they ordered a remonstrance to
be drawn up against the proposed measure.* But it was of no
avail ; and the transfer was made, as just stated, and the great
■Dm. cm. ma. 2r. r. m. p. m.
•JMMiait.<M»v,p.l8».
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■ Qig i t i iiod by-
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158
HuTO&T 09 Bristol avd Beimbit.
gone of the fort were removed first to Boston, and then, in the
spring of 1691, to New York.*
AndroSy thos entrasted with the government of so large a
territory now, 1686, entered upon the discharge of his duties
with vigor ; bnt by the people of all New England, ho was
watched with a jealous eye. And events soon proved that their
fears were not without foundation, as is fully recorded in his
subsequent history.
The people of Pemaquid and vicinity felt severely the in-
oreased burdens imposed upon them. Edward Randolph, who
aoeompanied Gk>v. Andros to the place, in the spring of 1688,
speaks thus of them.
** The poor hare beoa vary much opproMod hers, the forte mo all to ruin,
aad waata a graaldaale to repair it; the Ooremor has ordered it to be well re-
paired; it ataada veiy well to oommaod a very good bay aad harbour about it,
aad will ia time be a good plaoe, beiog the only good porta for all veeseb
eeatward to ride well and aeoare by the fone from danger. Oapt. Palmer,
and Mr. West laid out for themielTea aueh large lotta, and Mr. Graham,
though not there, had a ehild'a portion. I think aome have 8 or 10,000
aeiea ; I hear not of one penny rent oomeing to the King from those who
have their grants eonftrmed at Yorke, and thia 6a. an hundred aorea waa
ealy a aham upon the people."
** The addition oi New York te ihia government doea very much inUrge
our bounda and may be of great aerriee to the orowne, but they have been
sqneeaed dry by CollnoU Dongan and hia agents, West and Graham, that
there ia little good to be done. * * * It was well done of Palmer and
Weat to tear all in pieosa ihat waa settled and granted at Pemmeqoid, by
Sir Edmond, that waa the aeene when they plaoed and dispUioed at pleas-
ure, aad were as arbitrary as the great Turks; aome of the first settlers
ef that eaatera eountrj were denyed granta of their own landa, whilst
these mm hsfe given the improved bads amongst themselves.'' •
These remarks apply to the oppressions upon the people here
during the preoeding administration of Gov. Dongan, but we
do not learn that any measures were, adopted to lighten their
burdens by the administration of Andros who suceeoded hira.
We have seea that JDongan, while Oo vemor, at one time medi*
tated a visit to these eastern parts of his dominions, but he
never aooomplished it JSfo doubt there was abundant need of
aueh a visitation in Dongan*s time, but there was even more
*Afiii.,p.m.
HisTOBT oy Bristol axi> B&EiiSK.
159
if
i
I
,1
X^
need now. Acadia hi\d been ceded to France in 1668, by the
treaty of Breda, but au earnest, not to say angry, dispute as to
the proper western boundary of this territory had ever since
been in progress, between the two governments. On the part
of England, it was clwned that the river St Croix must be con-
sidered the true western boundary of this territory, but the
French insisted, that Acadia extended &rther west, even to the
Kennebec, or at least to Pemaquid, and actually were in posses-
sion of all the country east of ^e Penobscot ^
Soon after the adoption of the treaty of Breda, just alluded
to, an enterprising and unscrupulous Frenchman, Boron de St
Oastine, had taken his residence at Bagaduce, ' a place near the
mouth of the Penobscot ; and having married a daughter of the
Indian chief, Madockawando, was gradually acquiring great
influence among the natives, as well as considerable wealth. As
a matter of course, his position there could but create some un-
easiness in the minds of the English ; but m the two nations
were at peace, though the dispute in regard to the jurisdiction
was still in progress, it is not easy to see how the Frenchman
could be rightfully disturbed.
Some apprehension of danger from the Dutch, was also felt at
this time, as the Dutch fleet had previously made some demon-
strations on the coast, and might possibly again seize upon some
portion of the disputed territory, between the Penobscot and St
Croix rivers.
Having, therefore, made suitable preparations, early in the
spring of 1688, Gov. Andros, with a number of attendants started
from Boston on his proposed eastern tour. They went as flsir as
Piscataqua by land ; but here took passage in the Governor's
sloop which, with a commodious barge, awaited his arrivaL
Orders were sent to CoL Mason, a faithful friend, who had been
sent some time previously on a tour of inspection among the
provincial militia of Maine, to meet him at Casco bay ; and from
this place they proceeded leisurely to Pemaquid, visiting some
of the settlements on their way and even passing some distance
up the Kennebec. As had been previously arranged, the British
frigate, Rose, Capt George, lay at anchor in Pemaquid harbor,
and was ready to ml with them for the Penobscot
> Th^ Mem&riaU qfOu JS/^ith and fHnek C^mmitdomenc^tUimiMgthiLimiU
^Ifova Scotia w Acadia, toL i, p. S.
' B e ga dttce, BlgHjdoce, M%|orbig«jdttoe. '
I 'll 4 1 ^ 1 I iffi n i iinw i m p m ^m i ■'> m ^ip i
• [T f ^itlzedbyGoOgle ' "
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HiBTOET Oy BmiSTOL AMD Bebmsv.
Arriyed Et Bignydace, the frigate anohored in front of Gas-
tine's reridence, and a lieutenant was sent ashore to acquaint
the Frenchman of theirpresence ; but he, on learning that Gk>v.
Androf was on board, being incapable of successful resistance,
and too suspicions of their designs to trust himself in their hands,
immediately with his iamily made his escape to the woods, leav-
ing all his ^ects to the mercy of the unwelcome visitors.
The Gtofemor, with some attendants, then landed, and by some
means gained access to the house which they pillaged of whatever
they chose, but carefully respected an altar they found in one
of the rooms, and other religious emblems.
They had carried with them some boards, nails and other
materials, and also workmen, to repair the fort there; but he
found that it would require a much greater outlay than had
been expected, and the project was therefore abandoned. The
e3q;>edition, with their booty, returned toPemaquid, Audros tak-
ing care to say to an Indian sachem, neighbor to Castine, that
all the goods would be restored to the former owner, if he would
make application at Femaquid, and promise to ^ come under
obedience to the [British] King.'' '
Immediately after returning to Pemaquid, Andros sent mes-
sengers to several Indian chieft in the vicinity, inviting them
to meet him at Pemaquid, where he treated them with presents
and drink, and advised them not to fear the French, or follow
them, but to call home their young men and live quietly under
the protection of the English.
Andros at the time hoped for good results firom his efforts to
conciliate the Indians, whatever they may have thought of his
treatment of their friend, Oastine; but he was doomed to be
disappointed. Ever nnce the peace agreed upon with the In-
dians at Pemaquid, in 1677, comparative quiet had prevailed,
but causes of discontent were notof unfirequent occurrence, and
only the influence of Oastine was needed to bring on the war
which followed, and which is sometimes called the second In-
dian war.
Andros relumed to Boston very early in the summer, and
proceeded to New York, not returning again to Boston until
September. The Indians at the east had begun their depreda-
tions upon the«ettlement8,and some preparations were making
HiSTOET oy Bexstol axd Beeiciv.
161
in Boston, for the contest which it was seen must soon take
place; but Andros, still adhering to liis conciliatory policy, ut-
terly refused his assent to all proposed methods of coercion, and
as late as Oct 20th, even ordered all Indian prisoners to be
unconditionally set at liberty. At the same time by a formal
proclamation he comnianded the Indians, at their peril, to set
at liberty all Eoglish captives in their hands, by the 11th of
November, and to surrender for trial and punishment all who
had been concerned in the late outrages.
Considering all the circumstances of the case, the governor
in Boston, with but a feeble force at his command, issuing his
edicts to the ignorant savages, quite at ease in their native
haunts two hundred miles distant from him, with the wily
Frenchman, Oastine, among them, smarting under a sense of
the recent wrongs committed on him by Andros himself one
can hardly read these accounts without a smile of contempt at
his weakness. Yet it would probably be wrong to accuse him
of any want of sincerity, in pursuing this course. Soon, how-
ever, rp.pidly transpiring events convinced him that mere pro-
clamations, even though accompanied by acts of kindness to-
wards the savages, in their present temper, would avail absolutely
nothing ; and be, therefore, determincKl to change his policy, and
by force compel them to a oourse of conduct so kindly recom-
mended to them in bis proclamation. In the language of the
old fable, if *' grass would not do, he would try what virtue there
was in stones."
Without waiting for the full time to elapse (until Nov. 11th),
which he had named in his proclamation, for the Indians to
make their submission, he hastily began his preparations for
sending an expedition eastward ; and by the last of November,
had collected togetiier a force of about 800 men, most of whom
were impressed into the service from the vicinity of Boston, but
some were regular soldiers. The command of the expedition
was first offered to "^ Major General Winthrop, one of the
Councill,'* but he declined, and Andros determined to march,
himself, at the head of the troops. All considerate men saw
the folly of the proposed enterprise, as clearly as did Winthrop;
but the governor was in a rage, and was not to be dissuaded
from his purpose.
Late in November the march commenced, the weather being
unusually mild; but they were destitute of baggage trains or
21
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HiSTOKT OF Bristol amd Brucbit.
tantty or other comfortSy now deemed absolutely eesential in
■ach expeditions; aud we are not surprised to be told that the
men suffered incredibly by cold and fittigue, and that some
even died from their exposnres. Andros himself partook of
the same fiure as his soldien, and freely submitted to the same
hardships.
The expedition did not march always together, but parties
were occaMonally sent in different directions, where the Indians
were supposed to be; and some damage was done them in the
destruction of tiieir canoes, which were laid by for winter, and
the seizure of ammunition and goods, said to have been pre-
Tiously taken from the English; but not one Indian was killed,
or taken captive. In one instance a company ** of 160 men
marched above 120 miles right up into the country, in a deep
snow, and burnt two Indian forts,'' doing also other damage ;
but the Indians themselves, forewarned of their approach, made
their escape.
The governor and some part of the force marched the whole
distance to Pemaquid, but it is believed all did not come here.
The number of men lost on the march probably exceeded the
whole number of Indians at the time in hostility.^
The fort at Pemaquid was immediately put in good repair^
and new ones erected at Sheepeoott and Pejepscot [Brunswick]
and garrisons stationed at as many as eleven different places
between Pemaquid and Piscataqua.
Two companies of 60 men each, and 86 regulars were stationed
in the fort at Pemaquid, under the command of Capt Anthony
Brockholes and Lieut James Weems. *
Here, or in this immediate vicinity, Andros was early in the
Spring of 1689, when news was received of the abdication of
James II, and the probable accession of William and Mary to
/ the throne of England; and he hastened to return to Boston.
Leaving Pemaquid March 16th, he arrived in Boston about a
week afterwards ; his subsequent deposition from office and
imprisonment, April 18th, and return to England at a later
period, are fitmiliar to every student of American history.
* WmimMm'iEUL^JMng, i,6SS, Mjt "al PmutqiM, 1m ttatSoned two
pMlM cf SO a«i Meh «bAw OoL E. Tjaf and Gapl. Minoijoinedby S6 ngqlan,
1 jiiu Hih iiiBMiail If I'll f^Ti" — I leGq^ Antbo^f Brookkolt and UwaX,
HisTOBT Of Bristol Am Bkbubv.
16S
But in the midst of these momentous changes, what was to
become of the garrison and settiement of Pemaquid. Randolph,-
secretary to Gk>v. Andros, who accompanied him in this eastern
expedition, and was imprisoned with him on their return to
Boston, says, ** as soon as those souldiers had notice of the dis*
. turbauce in Boston, some forsooke, others revolted, and seized
upon their officers, and sent them bound prisoners heither; so
that all the country, extending above forty leagues upon the sea
shore, that was secured in their fishery and sawmills is now de»
serted and left to the ravage of the barbarous heathen.'' ^ Noth-
ing id said in this connection of Brockholes whom Andros had
placed in chief command in the fort, 'but very probably he ^for-
sooke" at the same time with his master. We hear of him in
New York near the close of the year, but he does notagdn ap-
pear in our history.
The history of the next few months will be best given in the
following documents, ^ich, fortunately, have been preserved
in the Massachusetts Archives.
Before the summer had foirly arrived, of the 156 men who
constituted the garrison at Pemaquid, all had left except about
80 who remained under the command of Lieut James Weems ;
and the following letters which passed between him and the
authorities at Boston, during the few months before the cap*
ture of the fort by the Indians, August 2d, will well illustrate
the condition of things there at the time.
The first letter is dated Pemaquid, Iday 11, 1689, and is ad-
dressed to the authorities in Boston. He says ;
*' This Day Arrived a party from New Dartmouth [Nawcaa tU] to take
the fort and Ssase ui, oott meeting w5^ any Bosiatance, I being willing
to bara Rendered itt up before had a positive order bins tent from your
hands, or, line from S^ Edmond Andros [here a part of the document is
illegible, but the names of Mr. OulHson and M^j. Brocketts, can be made
out] speaks of being '* obliged to stay in the fort itt being my Post w^
I shall Honor«^>r maintain and Defend ag^ all Enimis la Tindieatioa
of the true Protestant Religion, and maintslni thereof ia the meaa time,
Szpeoting to hear ftem " them" Ao. '
^Doc. OtUmd. N. r.,m, 99L Randolph wiote Ifaj SSth, ISSO, " Am the
OoumonGaole ia BosUm.**
"B i g i ^ i ged - by
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'k^
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HnroKT oy Beutol amj> Brsxbv.
The men who came down from New Dartmoatb [Newcastle]
to take poMesiioD of the fort were eyidentlj patriotic citizens^
who, eappoeing that the regular garrison had deserted, or be-
oomo entirely demoralized, proposed to hold the place against
the Indians and other enemies, on til the governpient in Boston
sboold have opportunity to send reinforoements and reestablish
their authority; but, finding affairs in a better condition than
they expected, and Weems the commander &Torably disposed
towards the new condition of publio affiiirs, were content to
leaTo things as they were.
The same day a petition for the continuance of Lieut. Weems
in bia command at the fort, was forwarded to Boston, by seve-
ral of the inhabitants of the place. It contains eight names,
but only six are now legible; these are Elihu Gunnison, Alex.
Woodrop, George Jackson, John Bullock, Jonas Bogardus, and
John Starkey. On the receipt of the petition a vote was passed
by the Governor and Council, in accordance with the request.
Bat all things at the fort were not entiraly satisfactoiy, as ap-
pears hj tiie ftfllowbg.
"PesMMi* Juos ys ftl '89, [Jons 1, 1689].
I Beeei' jo^, seat by Mr. Hstsoti who did sot oome bears but Lsft itt
by the way wbsrsta you Dasirs mo to be carofall of (his Osrrisoa snd
Storss wbioh ssre yoa uoed not be doubtfuU of Duroiog my OoDtidu-
aaee bofs wbieb I sopposs will sot be Loage uolsis you tabs f^irther
ears of those parts neithor bavo I Bio aeoitomod to Live upon Sault
profiaioiis aad Drinkiog of Bad water howevor I Rest Satisfied for this
place affbrdetb aotbiog but poverty, whereas formerly they ware well
Sappleysd by ye Costers but now there oomes none but passes by to supply
the fteaoh snd Indians, and informs you doe intsnd to Slight and Dis^
ewae tbess Bssiums parts wbieb news is like to Gauss the people to leave
their babitadoa andDessrt tbs Gouatry neither sen I Oblidge the Souldisrs
«e stay with aae unless tbsy know upon whst tearms, they being in great
wsate of Sesverall asessssries whisk would not have bia wanting had the
Oefera'Ooati<Uspewsr,thislssU stt presaal we^btiag yc Aaswer I
J. WnMis.
This Gsrrisoa isia noe waat of Ammunitioa ner of Provisioos Ssavsr*
sQ amtbsealy Brsad sad psass sad malalies [melsssss f] for Boar of whisk
tkey have had none this Lsag tiae.'^i
Jful^veLlOT.ia
I
HmoET or Bbistoi. ahd Bsnnv.
165
T
T
Prom this it appears that Weems did not altogether sympa-
thize with the Massachusetto pepple in deposing Governor An-
dros, but was willing, as a true patriot, to submit to the powexa
that be. •
June 14th, 1689. .At a meeting of the Governor and CouncU it wu
voted " That L«. Weems be written to forthwith at pemaquid to take care
of that Garrison ; And that promise be made hhn, and his Company of
the Kiogt pay from thU time forward, And further order that there be a
supply of what provisions, sto. is necessary for s< Garrison.''!
But with this the Lieutenant was not altogether satisfied, and
June 28d, in a moment of irritation wrote unwise^y as follows :
Gsnt Yo»- 1 bavo ree« wherein you propose veiy fair In the respeoU
Ctf time to oome, and tUl farther order providing it might stand w«- mv
Advantage and Bono' I would imbraoe, but I must tell you y« my Depen.
dance U els Where Where I hope to he more Servisabls to my King and
Countrey y here» for sines y bans seen oauss to Diiplaos the Gbveruf
and aU those GenUemen under hU oemand I am resolusd to take my for-
tuns wtk them, therefore I adviss you to hastsn aad ssad yo' foross and
Uke poisession of thU plaos for I oaonot promiss to secure it; my men
beiog all resolued to leaue as sopie hauo done already but haue pre?ailed
wth them for a short tims waiting yc speedy releaf and satis&ctiou from
this tims. The 20th of this Instant arrived two Captives, w** I thooght
convsDisnt to hasten to you beiog desireous to know the stats of the
Countrey and Indians weh they ean best reUte, hauing ao more to add
only my Humble Servis and remains,
Tours, Jaxis Wixics.
I have ingaged you will satisfey these men for their Boats snd time itt
[being] for the kings seruis sgreed for je3-<M).
(The letter was addressed to Mr. Simon Bradstreet Esq. Goverar of
Boston, ho hsviag bsen appointed proflsioasl govsmor in pbeeof Aadrsa
deposed.)
Who these two captives were, whom he thought It so Im-
portant to send to Boston by a special messenger, is not known ;
but the fact that the Governor and Council refused to pay the
three pounds « agreed" on, indicates that they did not consider
the matter of special oonsequence.
• Ifa$i. Arck^ 1C7, W. end 70, 499.
*irMf.^n:JL,107,189.
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166
Huron of Bristol an]> Bebmbv.
To the ftboyo the Gororaor and Oonnell replied as follows;
■, 12th, Jaljr 1689.
• LtWieM^yo^af JO 23*1* ofJaas alt siM to hand being in a differ.
•at S^le from jor foraer, aotwithstanding all Enooaragenent given yo>
bj the OoaTentioo here to oontinao jo^ Ftet in that plaoe, ordering that
jof foUb aad Soaldion thoald bo oontinaod ia the Kingi Paj, the Inhabi-
tants harebg alio desired jor itaj there in jo^ Oommand whioh in yo'
Ibfmer JO* sooBMd to bo oontoated with, though now [jou] intimate that
JO' Szpootationa are rajeed with hopee of some greater adrantage and Hon^
aad jt jor dependanoe b eliewhere reeolriog to take jo' fortune with jo
Gent* now ander oonfinoaMnt, the Reaeona indneeing thereto are with jo'
Selfo, jet joa might do well to eonsider how honorable and safe it aiaj bo
Ibr joa to leave jo* Post aad deeert this Ma«M Garriaon to be ezpoeod to
the Eaomj, whereas jo« have Enooaragoint for paj aad suppliee now
sent bj Mr. Hobbj of Proriaiona and Olothing, the Convention haveing
agreed to oontbao jo^ ssl/b [and] Soaldiers there ander jo« in the Kings
paj, and past jo some bj their vote. Mr. Ja»ee Cook informing thai joa
did aot so eleurlj andorstand what was formerl j writtea to jo« aboat jo'
pi^, whioh joa maj please to andorstand is agreed to bj an ananimoaS
ooaaeat of the whole, aad that oare bo takea for je preservatioa of that
plaoe, aad of their Ma^M SabjeoU aad interests there, whioh if notwith-
standing joa do reeolve lo oontinao ao Longer there, please to give jo'
Answer theieia, thai so maoh maj bo takea to oomit that oosMmd to
Bj offdor of the Oevoraer aad Ooaaeil,
Is*. Anatifoioa Soorj.^ t
This ealled out from Weemsy the following apologeUo re-
sponse:
<« Pemaqaid, Jnlj jo. 28d, 1689.
Ooat Yer*. of je. 12th lasUnt I reed. And Esteem Well of joar
lastant Beasonable oiMrs, bj whioh I haae preaailed with mj mea to
stop aad Defead thb plaoe assaring them their Paj for the time Past
aad to some. And thai bj the first oooision joa will send them both
BMmej aad more mea as (br mjselilK I haae more than Ordenarj oooasion
being Oonstiained to jo Inhabitants for sevoralls, both for mj owne ase and
the garrisons, as ffiroing and OandleSi whioh Cannot be had withoal
Beadj monej. Tear Intiamto of mj altering mj Stjlo and Bisarting
aqr Poit, tbr the whioh I had more Jast Cause thaa some of joar Ooaa-
inj oOooffs who Bid Bessrt their Posts to their Great Bisgraee aad
Baino of the Ooaatrej. I sssing mj mea whelj Bosslved to loaao mo,
•ifiMi.AfiA,ieT,Se7.
^
HisTOET oy Bristol ahd BasMsir.
167
and being almost withoat bread, and we not hereing from joa ia so long
time. As for mj Proposing of more honor And Advantage it is not
Doubtable, now or Elsewhere. Neither is there anj thing that la*
duoeth me to be oonfined here, as jo hon*' I owe to the King and je
Intoreat of hb People, what Else I haae to add I haae Communieated ia
a line to thoTreasaror. And Subsoribo mjielfii Gea« Yo^ Assard Servaa.
J^uas WzaMs.
[In maigin] Gon<. I Espoot jo^ Speedj Supplj of aboat 10 or twelve
mea to bo in the garrison for we are bat weako at Present. 8^* it b
veiy hard that the Poor man that brought jo« je Captives has aot beea
Satisfied for hb Pabes, as he Infonas me."^
The nett day after the above was written an apologetic letter
from the soldiers of the garrison was addressed to the Massa-
cbusetu authorities. They seem to have been in very good
bumor, but they bod evidently felt that their honor bad also
been called in question.
•< Pemaqaid the 24 [July], 1689.
Honor*^ 8'* The Reson ^ our unwiUingnoss to 8uj heare was woo
ware doubtfullo that Care would not be taken of vs as fformerlj and the
oould winter aproohing and our dutj Ezstrordenarj hard and wee bat
a small aumber of men not abb to hould out with our fatiek [fatigue]
for to waoh in the nighta and part of the daj whi^ wee most doe to be .
8eeure of our lines hauing bouth the flfrenoh and heathen neie vs bat as
wee are Commanded by so good a Commander and ofioers and whoss
word of honner with jour promise of present pajment far the time past
Senee the oonfinement of our gouinnor [governor] wfll now and for the
time to oome wharebj wee doo willinglj eonsent to oontinew and give
our dtttj full Sarvieee till furder orders from Eogbnd and Exspoektiog
heare more men and monej for the time past bj the iBxst oppertunitj
and so wee shall remain joare moast vmblo Saraaats aoeording to joara
promaa."'
The anxiety of these men in regard to their pay was not
without good reason. The officers of government by whom
they bad been appointed and stationed at thU place bad beep
deposed, and otbersy their opponents, now filled tbeir placea
' Jfarn. Aftk^ 107, S77.
• Mam. ArdL, 101 ;im. See abo 0^ Jf^M^rbl l^ Bev. J. A. TIaton fcr
several ef these letters oT Woens. The anther of thb woifc hpMt pteennd thtm
ftwi the original I
M1 IW H l * t I
■HO Wl l^n a ^ ^i f
mtrnt' l "^ ^ wip n i i wi ni i n w mi i
9 I I n mmmm^^^mmm^
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HUTOET Of BEI8T0L IITP BeBMBIT.
•T
and admiDistered the laws ; — to whom should the soldiers look
for their paj T Woald or would not the newly appointed aa-
thorities of Masaaohasetts acknowledge their claims. This
question being answered in the affirmatire, they took occasion
to express thrir good feelings and readiness to perform their
accustomed duties.
But we sha}l still better understand the condition of affairs at
Pemaquid fort the early part of this Summer (1689), by sUte-
ments of Weems made eleren years afterward, in a letter to a
friend, who seems to hare had some special interest in the sub-
ject As will be seen, it is dated at Albany, where Weems was
then senringas Captain of a company of infantry.
** Sines mj last to jrou I an lafonned it would hare beoo Cod? esient
[dssinble] for ms to be at Boston mjselfe ia osoe of aoy objaeUoa shoald
be offered bat il is too Late aeither can I Immagine thai anj ladi
ihiDgmay happen if Rightly ooasidered, for my case was thus Singular, ind
suek perhape as never or seldooie bath happened for an officer to be
Posted at a froateer Oarrisoa by his Generall with a snfficient foroe to
defiiDd it, and afterwards bare then prifstelj commaoded away froin him
aad he left with a band fall Expoeed to all danger, the which proceed-
iags gave opportuaity to some of my men to Leave me ss the Rest did
Inland, Ibr tbey apprehended the dangor that followed and became dit-
•bedient aad told me that I was no Longer their oommander since their
Capt^ OeaL was eat of all power and that they were not obliged to stay
after the 3 Companies was goas to become a praj for a morsall of Salt-
prorisioa esi which I was forced to eome with capp in hand to them and
ussd Severall arguments to pnrsuade thom to stay all woaid not do nnlesse
I would eblidge mjselfs to pay them the kings pay over and above their
proviasions which proposalls I was very Readj to Embrace which I then
thoaght Ressoaable and may appear to men of Sence on which they all
proBUsed to Stand by me as Indsed tbej did till their Enemy knocked
them down aad accordiogly I payed them Everj day in money or money
worth aad if Mr. Jaekson who was then our doctor be a Live he can do*
elaie ths truth of the sutter so that if those Gent^ of the Committee shoald
desMad aay other proove or vouchers it b not in my power to produce it
the B^}er part of the men being killed on the spott (aad some of the Post
siase ia flsaders) whom I was with never neither was it Ever Customary
ia say Begimeat Troop or Compaaie that a Soldier should Every day
five a Reseit for his pay, whea payecl Dayly or weekly for I am this day
ssae haadrsd pouads eat upon my Coup* [aoeount] and no mans Receipt
le show ka k Exsept sfleew, this is sll I caa oiMr ealy my most humble
HxBTO&T 09 BaiSTOL ASh Brbmbv.
169
fV
Service to those worthy Goaf mea and Except ye ssaM your Sslfs from.
Sir your most humb*« 8er%
Jaxxs Wxsms" ^
Albany ye 2 Feby, IIU
More than ten years had passed since the discharge of the
Lieutenantand his me»,but their accounts werenotyet settled ;—
what is the explanation. The authorities at Boston had very
explicitly assumed the responsibility of supporting Weems and
his men, and given them the fullest assurance of receiving ^ the
king's pay ;'' that is the same pay in amount as was given in
the regular service. Why was there this delay of ten years and
more T We shall have occasion to return to this subject again
hereafter.
The extremely perilous condition of all the eastern English
settlements, at this juucture, was not unknown to the govern*
meat and people of Massachusetts, or the people of the settle*
ments; but they had become so exhausted by the long and
bloody Indian wars that they heritated to rush into another war,
or oven to provide the full means of defense within their power.
The revolution in England, followed by a like revolution in the
government of Massachusetts Bay, necessarily, for a time, un*
settled all authority in the distant settlepents ; and if any of
them bad Enemies in their neighborhoods, now was the time for
them to strike. The Indians of Maine, though nominally at
peace with the English, had lost nothing of their bitterness;
but it is not probable that they would have recognized their
present opportunity, had they not been advised by their pretend-
ed fiiends, the French. The latter were in full possession of
Acadia, Biguyduce, their extreme western settiement on the
coast being at the mouth of the Penobscot, though as we have
seen they claimed the territory as &r west as the Kennebec
Here the authority of Castine was supreme, both with the In*
diana and the French ; and associated with him, or at least living
near and ready to give advice, was M. Thury, a Roman Catho-
lic priest, who had charge of an Indian mission. Charlevoix saya
of him, that he was a good worker, and a man of some abili^.
•irA«.ilfdt^70,S0S.
*Md, If. F,, u, 416. " Un EodMiattlqne, nomm^ M. Thniy, bon Osniei; et
Hommede t^ go«T«noit one aaaca nombieuie Miailoa.''
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170
HisTOET oy Baistol and BKBMnr.
The French and SoglUh being at peace, at thia time, neither
CaaUne nor Thorj dared to show hie hand openly, hot both were
•ecretlj urging on the Indians to deeds of violence and blood.
In other parts of the state, the Indians, though somewhat under
restraint, were occasionally committing their bloody depreda-
tions ; and the preceding year occurred the disastrous fight at
North Yarmouth, and thedestructionof the fort and settiement
on the Sheepscott This year (1689), June 7th, occurred the
destruction of Migor Waldron's pro8perouc( settiement at Dover,
K. H., by some 400 Indians, and the outrage was soon followed
by others similar, but not so disastrous in other places.
As Biguyduce (Castine) was the extreme western settlement
of the French on the coast, so was Pemaquid the extreme east-
em settlement of the English, The fort at the latter place was
in fact only a wooden stockade, but was well constructed and
mounted with seven^ cannons which had been brought from
Falmouth when Weems took command. Charlevoix says of it
that it greatiy incommoded all the neighboring Indian tribes,
who had now openly declared for the French, and caused no
littie inquietude to the governor of Acadia, who greatly feared
the intrigues of the English to withdraw these savages from
their alliance with his own people.
Considering the very exposed position of TVeems and his
handful of men at this frontier post, and the murderous out-
rages of the Indians on other neighboring settlements, clearly
indicating that Pemaquid could not long expect to escape an
attack, it seems strange that the Massachusetts authorities did
Bot either send on reinforcements and supplies, or else altogether
withdraw the fbrce from the place ; but they probably considered
the garrison sufficiently strong to repel any force that would be
likelytobebroughtagainstit All werehoping too,thatinavery
littie time, when the governments of England and Massachusetts
should be well settied, a favorable change in the aspect of their
aflSurs might be looked for.
The expedition, by which Pemaquid was to be destroyed,
was evidendy planned at Biguyduce, by Castine and Thury;
but the execution of the project was committed entirely to the
Indians. The general plan of operations havinir been agreed
upon, more than usual preparation was made to ensure success.
The number of Indians who engaged in the expedition was pro-
■ QUriiwte Mgn le c
i; bsl fnlbMj fhfff wm oalj i
ElSTOBT OF BatSTOL AXP BBBXBir.
171
«^
bably more than 100, and perhaps as many as 200, thouglx
Charlevoix says there were only 100. To secure the aid of the
Ood of battles they, as good Christians, before starting, all con-
fessed, and many partook of the sacrament; they also made
arrangements with the priest for their wives and children to
continue the same devotions during the whole time they should
be absent, fighting against the heretics. All this, says the
French historian, was done with so much piety, as to assure
the missionary [Thury] of the success of the enterprise. They
even established in the chapel a perpetual rosary, so that the
service so edifying sboald be continued during the whole time
the expedition might be absent, without interruption even dur>
ing the hours usually allowed for sleep.
All things being in readiness, they sent forward three canoes
to see tiiat the way was clear, with orders to join the main body
at the place where they were to land, two leagues from the fort ;
the other canoes followed keeping near the shore. This seems
to indicate that the place of landing was Round Pond, and not
Kew Harbor, as has generally been supposed. Having landed,
they marched in a body towards the settlement with the utmost
caution to avoid giving alarm. On their march, according to
Charlevoix, they made three prisoners, from whom they learned
that there were in the fort and village about 100 men, who
were scattered about at their work and entirely unsuspicious of
danger. *
Mather's account says, '^ on Aug. 2d one SUtrky going eariy in
the morning from the fort at Pemaquid unto New Harbor, fell
into the hands of the Indians^ who to obtain his own liberty in-
formed them that the fort had at that instant but few men in it,
and that one il/r. GiUs with fourteen men, was gone up to his farm,
and the rest scattered abroad about their occasions. The Indians
hereupon divided their little army ; part going up to the/a&,
killed Mr. Giles and others; part^ upon the advantage of the
tide, snapt the rest before they could recover the fort"'
No attack by the Indians upon a civilized settiement was ever
better planned than this, or more completely carried out
The party sent to the fort, when the attack began, took their
*ir<v.n.51S. TherMderwlUBotieeA&rtlieroatlistilMMaaMoratefiydocs
bM appear in the Utt ofhto mm giT«a hy Weeou^for whom he drew pex» hat h
it foand among tiioeo who. Uajr Uth, peUOoMd for the oontfaoaaoD of Womm la
hie<
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172
. HmoRT or Bristol ahd Bbimiv.
pomtion botwooD the fert and the Tillage so as to prerent any
commaDication between them, and to cot off the men as they
eame in from the fields ; while the party sent to the falls took
eare to intercept any that might attempt to escape in the direc-
tion of the fert Besides this the attack seems to have been
made at the time of low water, when the boats in which the
men had gone np from the fort conld not be made available.
All the arrangements had been made with snch profound secrecy
that the surprise of the English was complete ; ontil the moment
the attack b^gan, the English had no suspicion of their presence.
The fight began by a furions rush of the Indians upon the fort
and village ; and the report of the guns there seems to have been
the rignal for the other parties at distance to perform the parts
asmgned them. A very few of the inhabitants wereso fortunate
as to get within the fort ; and, by the terms of capitulation the
next day, were aHowed to depart with the soldiers to Boston,
but nearly all were either killed or taken captive.
According to Charlevoix, immediately after the attack began,
the oommander of the fort opened fire upon the beseigers with
his heavy cannon, but it had no effect to prevent the Indians
fh>m taking possession of ten or twelve stone houses, which were
situated on a street leading from the village to the fort They
also took shelter behind a large rock, which stood near the fort
on the side towards the sea, and in the cellar of a house near by,
from both of which places they kept up such a fire of musketry
upon the fort, that no one could show his head above the ram*
parts. This was oontinued from the time the fight began, about
noon, until night; and when it ceased, on account of the dark*
ness, theysommoned the commander to surrender the fort
into their hands, and received as a reply f]X>m some one within
that ** he was greatly fetigoed. and must have some sleep."
Daring the night a close watch was kept to prevent any one
ftom going in or out of the fort, and at day dawn, the firing on
both rides was renewed, but in a little time the fire from the
fort ceased and the oommander proposed to capitulate it Terms
being agreed upon, the oommander soon came out, at the head
of fourteen men, these being all that remained of the garrison
staUoned there. With them came some women and children,
all with packs qpon thrir backs. '
• PwWbly tht Mlj ttoM la tlMtt Iioim wm tbal m^ la the ceUar walls,
0HM«rwlMBijhi^taaninSalllttoabefetlMiaHbM«rthtgiQ«Mid. Tka
I
t
r
«^
History or Bkzstol avd Brimsv.
ITS
The terms of surrender were that!the men of the garrison,
and the few people of the village who had been so fortunate as
to get into the fort, with three English captives who had pre-
viously esci4>ed from the Indians, but were now in the fort
They were also to be allowed to take of their efiects whatever
they could cany in their hands, and to depart In a sloop taken
by the Indians the day before, from Capt Padeshall, who was
killed as he was landing from his boat
Two others, Capts. Skinner and Famham, were, in like man*
ner, shot down as they were stepping on shore from a boat, re-
turning from one of the islands.
CHAPTER XVn.
Lieut. Wecoat tad hit mea allowed to leare aooordiag to the tenas oC capltala-
tioa— Too huty sorrrader of the fort— Relatioa of Qrun HigUaaa— Wecme
and hie mea kindlj receired la Boetoa— Boll of the oiea ia the fort whea at-
tacked — Weeme petitioat the BritUh gorerameat to ei^foroe oa Mnetchaeetta
pejraieat of hie daim— Aaewer of the ^geotM of jfapeichniette— Order of tho
Britieh go?eraiaeat oa the petitioa— Thomai Ojrlee and CmbUj— Pfofeeta
dieeaeeed ia Geaada for Um espaleioa of the Eag^ torn Kefir Raglead aad
New York— Got. Phipe'e expeditioo to Port B<^aL
In accordance with the terms of capitulation Weems and his
men, with a few others who were with him in the fort, were per-
mitted to depart for Boston ; but all the people of the place, men,
women and children, who were not in the fort, and bad not been
kilted in the Ught, were compelled to leave with the Indians for
fock that tlTorded them ihelter wae the large graaite hoalder formlag bow a eo»»
•pidoaa aurk of the plaee of Um old fort Whea the etoae fort wae eabeeqaeatlj
erected there by Pbipe ia 1092, thie rock wm iacladed withia the part of the waU
celled " the groeter flaakbr." The Preach officer, IL de la MotheX^kdiUac (eaaia
ae De la Motte) to the Preach gOTorameat, a little time after the coaetmctioa of
the aew fort, meatloaetheeeiacte. {2faiMEUC,ColL,rr,2Sis DocOoLmtLlT.T^
IX. 080, 677.) He eaye that When the fart wie takea bj the ladiaae ** thej pat
eightjT mea to death, bat gave quarter to the goreraor aad six of the peoide, U
the reqaeet of Madockawaado." He le evideatlj mJefekea both ea to the aamber
that were killed, aad the aamber that were spared.
The street leadiag from the Tillage to the fort, oo which the hoaees wsm
sitaated, wts OTideatl/ the same sa that ia which the remaias of aadeat pava-
meato are aow foaad, raaaiag aortheaslstljr torn the site of the old fort aearljr la
the p f iss at cs s aete g y iadosare.
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174
HmosT or Bsinot An Btnnv.
th. P.nob«»t nw. where litUe wm expected bot hardship and
•nffenng, Maroelj lea* to be dreaded than death itael£ They
made the paaeag«. aome in biroh oaooe^ and the i«st in two cap-
tared aloopa. The whole number of captives thus taken away
was about fifty; but how many were killed we have no means
Of JaiowiDg.
Mather, in hU account of the fight, accuses the Indians of
having violated the terms of capitulation, and butchered some
to cold blood ; but as no such chaige was made by those on the
•po^who saw the whole transaction, it must be considered im-
probable. Charlevoix expressly afiirms that after the surrender
a»e Induns aUowed those within the fort to depart without
being molested, and contented themselves by sayine that •• if
ttv (the English) we« wise they would nof «,tdX ^
S* P *^:f ?• t^**»T••^ had had too much experirce of
^wrperildy to allow them to remain iu peace, that they were
toMters of the coontiy, and would never sufibr tp live there a
people so inqaiet as they, and who gave them (the Indians) so
much trouble in the exercise of their religion." In one of tU
•ellars be says, they found a hogshead of br««Jy; but they
«*rned their heroic self denial so fi« that they d;stroyru
without even tasting it I ' *"»yea u
That Weems acted hastily in surrendering the fort as he did
without further effort in self defense, is ve^fplainftTw^^^^^^^^
iJMon to believe tte result would have bin no less disastrSw
t!S^^'.^?'*°P~'"''«*^- How many of his mS
he h^ with h.m at the beginning just thirty ; and according to
Oharlevocc, ti.er« was only fourteen left besides himself at the
timeof the surrender. The number of soldiers killed therefore
wassixteen;-b«tUiesameauthorsaysthe English allowed only
a loss of sev«. He however intimates tbi5 tiie new-madi
graves inside the walls showed a greater number of burials.
We«« himsdf was badly burned in the fiw. by an accident!
«xplosioaofsomegnn>powder.
-I J!!r*'"' *" Charlevoix, -omeof the Indians after tiioroughly
d«taoyingeve,yti»ng a^ut the fort and settlement at W
jdd, donred to proceed further and drive ti,e English froiat
J^'^ ** ^' '"«"•• ^'•*"t' •>»* «>• renter part wer!
oppo||edtoit The island rofen^ to veiypiJbably^eE
Mouhegan. or one of the Damariseove g^uj, whero ZeTJy
HiSTORT Of B&XnOL AHP BBBMIire
176
have been a few settlen, or fitbermen's battt of wbich no reoord
baa been preserved.
The following ** Relation of Qrace Higiman/' wbo wae one of
the captives taken at the timOi is of safficient importanee to ro*
ceive insertion here. *
•'Oraee Higimaa ssath That on tba teeond daj of Augnat, 1689, tba
daj wbeo Pataaquid was asaaultad and taken bj ya Isdiaoa I was there
taken Priaooer and carried awaj by tbom, on^ Eken, a Canada Indian pre*
teodin^ to bava a right id me, and to bo my nutfter, I apprehend that
there were hetween two and three hundred Indiana at that aaaanlt(and no
Freoch) who coDtinucd there for two daya, and then carried away myaelfe
and other CaptiYea (abont fifty in nnmber) nnto the Fort at Penohacot
I GODttnned there about three yeara, remoring firom place to place aa the
Indiana oocaaionally went, and was very hardly treated by them both in
re»poeU of Proviaiona and clothing, having nothing but a torn blanket to
cover me during the winter aeason, and oAentimea cruelly heaten. After
I had been with the Indiana three yaara, they carried me to Quebeck, and
aold me for forty orowaa nnto the French there, who treated me well, gave
me my liberty and I bad the King'a allowance of Proviaiona, aa aim a
Room provided for me, and liberty to work for myaelfe. I continued
there two yeara and a halfe, During which time of my abode th^, aeveral
of the Eaatern Indiana came, vis. Bomaaeen, Mozia hia aoa, and Madock-
awando's son and divera othera, and brought in Engliab Priaonera and
Scalps, and received aa the French told me for each acalp (being paid by
the Intendent) Twenty French Crowns, according to a Declaration which
the Governor there had emitted for their encouragem*, and the Captivaa
they sold for aa much aa they could agree with the purehaiera. The
Indians alao had a Reward allowed them for bringing Intelligence from
time to time. Soon afUr the Submiaaioa made by the Indiana at Penuiquid
in 1698, Bomaaeen came to Quebeck and brought a paper containing the
SubaUnce of the articlaa of Submisaion wbich he showed nnto me, and
told me that the Oovernour of Canada said to him. That he ahould not bava
made Peace with the English and that he aeamod to be mudi displessed
for their bsving so done, however said they might cany it finendly to the
Eagliah, till they ahould meet with a eoaveniet opportunity to do mJschief.** t
Weems and his men, with a few others that were in the fort,
ou their arrival at Boston, were kindly received by the people,
bat the hasty sarrender of the fort waa not approved of; and
^Mtm. Areki9e$,S,9^. Thia affldarit, wbich, H Is beUered, baa aerer balm
bean printed, wia awom to In Bottoa befon the Governor and Cooatel, llaj Slil»
ISei A part of Uia omitted, aa not pertaining diieetly to our aobjest.
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176 HnroRT of Beistol Ain> Bbbmiv,
it WM probably owing to this fiu^t that a loug time elaaped
befora be could prooara a settlemeot of bis accoonta, and pay*
meot of bia daime. Aa we bare eeeoi be was obliged for
se?eral moQtbs to pajr bis men daily or weekly in order to
aeoiire tbeir senrioes; and bis bill agidnst tbe goTemmeot was
as ibUows, m :
*<LlsmlSAsnt Wssoii' Aooompt of bis P^y sad. DiibanisnisnU si tbs
Osrrisoa of Psmsqoid, From tbs 18tb dsy of April 1689 nato lbs 18lb
di^ of sagasi Ensosiag bsiag 117 days.
To lbs Lisnl. pay sad bis ssrrsals a 4 psnos y) /yy a
Dism, ^. j *^*"^
Ts yo GuDDsrs psy a 18 do pr day ^ 8—16—6
To ys Sergeants psy a 18 do pr Dissn • 8—16—6
To js Corporali pay a 12 de pr dsy 6—17—
To js DnuDS psy a 12 do pr day ««• 6— 17— >
To lbs pay of 80 Prifats aeo si ^ 87—16—
6doprDisni 7— > 0—
To Cssb Paid for tm and Candka^ "j
t To Bosi byrs in Sersral Times to giTS Intelli- V 6—0
gsasstoBostonofvsConditioaoflbsOsrriaon. J — — -—
X 157— 6
Jamxs Wbims'' 1
**A Lislof yo bms tbsl wm mndsr ys Ooauisnd of LUnt Jaaos
WssiSMS whsn js Enssiy did sllssk Ibsl Gsrrison si Ptan^qaid ia
Aag«ll688.
Rodger Spsrkes guar. William Jones,
Paal Mijkam Snrgl, Mat Taylor,
Jones Marroday Oopl, Fredek Burnet,
Boberl Smith DniBM% Rob* Baxter,
Rnlsnd Clay, John Bandies, f
John Pershon, Thomu ShaiSi,
William |}allingtsa, John Allen,
Bmgsn Org, Rodger Heydoa,
Riehsrd Dtenrows, Joseph Maioa,
ThoBMs Maplstsa, Joha Herdia,
Rieh« Clifford, . BenJ SUntoa,
John Boimes, Rob< Lawrsnos,
Thomu Barher, Thomas Baker,
Henry Walton, Orrel Jamee,
Bob* Jsekaoa, Rslpb Prsstsa«<
^Mm.Artk.,70,90t 8e?efa] of tbe asmee are written ^efx dbtMrrij fta the
» sad wmj not hn?e heta eopled with perftot 4
,w
HisxoBT or Bkisiol abd Bebuiw.
177
"-^
•" F
These sre to Csrtify that Capl. Jamss Weems hath this dsy made
affirmation before ns that the abore number of thirty men wu aotually
with him in the Engagement when ye Enemy did assault the Towne and
fort of Pemmequid and yi ye said Thirty men was dsyly paid ys Kings
Psy in Monsy or Monsy worth by Ssid Weems sooordiog to his seooant,
BOW in hands of Mr. Thomas Nswtoans si Boston. 01? en si Alhsay
Ibis fint dsy of Jane, 1700/'
Sworn to befoio tbe Usyor snd Bseorder of Albaay.
It is presumed tbat Weems's claims for serrioes at Pemaqnid
were now (1700), settled and paid, tboagb no express statement
to this effect has been found ; bat it was not witbont tbe most
earnest efforts on bis part, and tbe bringing of bis case twice
before tbe king and council. Dissatisfaction with bis conduct
in surrendering tbe fort so hastily, was probably the first cause
of delay ; but after his appeal to the home government, the
Massachusetts authorities were content to let it take its course.
Weems's first petition to the British government, iias not been
found, but probably it was forwarded very soon after it became
evident that the authorities in Boston were not prepared to
give his claims tbe prompt attention be desired. Of the pre-
cise character of the petition we are also ignorant, but we may
presume it mainly consisted of a statement of the grounds of
his chiim, as given by him at a later period, and inserted on a
preceding psge.
Massachusetts was at the time represented in London by four
commissioners, who, on the reception of the petition, ware
called upon to make answer before tbe privy counml; this they
did in writing as follows:
<« To y« R<* Honbie the L^ of their Ma^i'* most honi>i« privy ConndlL
The Answer of S' Henry Ashnrst Barronet, Increase Mather, Elisha
Cooke and Thomas Oakes, gentlemen [so far forth as they sre conoemsdj
to y« petion of I^ James Weems.
Having receiTod a Copy of y« s' pe'tion and year Lordships Order for
the Agents of New England to put in their Respective Answers Doe with
all humility lay before your L<ipp's That they are Only Imployod and in-
trusted by the Governor, Conncill and RepresentatiYes of ye Colony of
the Massaohusetts Bays in New England aod for no other part of New
England. And the s' Respondents S' Henry Ashurst and Increase Mather
doe humbly represent nnto your Lapp's that neither of them wm ia
New England during the Transaction ia the petition sssntioasd sad kaow
28
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178
HiSTOHT or Bristol avd Brkmxk.
Bothiog Uienof. And t]i« Otber RatpondenU Elifha Gook« tad Thomaf
Oak«t doe motl humbly fteqnaint jour I^pp't that thay doa ook know that
y fibri of Femaptid wu ao diatretaad or takao bj raaaoa of aaab Dofeot
or u a«eb MaaBar'aa tho petition aeta Ibrtb. And witb anbmiaeion year
I^ppa doa apprebend that y« go? erani of y« a' Colony eaa make it ap-
pearo tbnt tbe petitioner ba^ not tmly repraaented mattera in bia petitiQn.
And noie of tbe Reapondenta know tbat y« 172-06-10' in tbe petition
mentioned, er any part tbereof ia Dne or unpayed to tbe petitioner. And
if any tbing nppearea to be Dne to bim Tbey bumbly eooceiTe tbat bad
be remained npon tbe plaee Or aball make application to y GoTernmi ;
Ibat be migbt or will tbere reoeive aatiafaction for bia Demanda. However
tbeee raapondenta deny tbat tbey were or are any waiea entmated or bad
or heTO any Antbority ftom or effeefta of tbe a' goremmen* in tbeir banda
or power to pay tbe petitioner bia Demanda or any part tbereof. Bat
abidl by tbe firat epportnnity repreaeot to tbe GoTornm* tbere w« Lf
Weema baa Bepreaented to yonr I^pp'a in bia petition. And doe not
qveation bat tbey will enable na to retame year I^pp'a a tery aatiaibetofy
Aaawer. All wbieb ie meat bambly Said befbre year Lordabipa.
Mareb 18, l9^ Eusba Gookb, Hmnr Asbubst,
TbomasOakMi [mobbam Matbie.'' 1
Whnt fortbor tniDapired at this time we are not informed ;
but Bt length, October 22, 1694, an order was transmitted from
tbe privy coanoif to the government of New England for the pay-
ment of the ebum, bat ao far as we can learn, nothing was done.
Bot Weema was not to be easily tamed aside, and again by peti*
tion called the attentioB of the home government to his claim
which remuned ansatisfied* This resulted in the issae of the
following order; at perhaps we shoald rather call it a recom*
meodatioB.
«• AU tbe OoaneU Cbsmber ia Wbiteball tbe 26tb day of Aagaat 1697
PMaent
Tbeir Sxcellenmea tbe Lorda Jaatieea, in Goanoil apon reading tbia
day att tbe Board tbe bamble Petitbn of Captain Jamea Weema, bambly
praying, tbat bia lli^ii** Order of tbe Two and twentietb of Ootober, one
tbooaand aix bandred nineqr sad Foar may be Benewed to tbe Govern*
*if«iMiSi(.CWL»T,p.t7S. TbladoemnmtwMfintpiibUtbedbjMr.Thoniton,
ty infer el Czarina H. Umm, Kaq., of OMnbridge. Tbovgh making an import-
aMpertef tbe UatMjref tbe eantfovengr with WeenM» no eopjofit baa been
iMudlntbepeblleaiQbivea. Tbe amonnt beie claimed to be doe bim, it wiU be
, ie i»-0^ mare tiMB Ma bitt m pimiBUd kt aartlament three yearn
HisTOBT or Bbibtol Aim BaBicBir.
179
4-
'r
4-
ment of New England, for paying tbe Petitioner for bis Serviees and Bis-
baraemenu att Pemaqaid againat tbe Frandi, oat of tbe PabHek Beveaae
of tbat Provinee.
Tbeir Exeellencies tbe Lorda Jaatieea in Gouneill, apon OonaideFation
of the matter are pleased to Order tbat it be Reeommended to tbe Right
Honoble the Earle of Bellamont Governour of the Maaaacbaaetta Bay to
take Effeetael Care that tbe Petitioner be Satiafyed what aball appear dae
to bim for bia Servioee and Diabaraementa att Pemaqaid in Coiuse oat of
the Pttblick Beveaae of tbat Provinee seeording to bis Majeatiea Order.
WnLBridgemaB.''t
Ou the receipt of this order, Weems again addressed a peti-
tion to His Excellency Earle of Bellamont, then Qovernor of
Massachusetts, reciting his services, sufferings and ** disburse-
ments" at Pemaquid as before given, and requesting payment
out of tbe revenues of the province. This appears to have led
to a settlement of the claim though not until three years more
had elapsed. *
French officials in Canada, in the year 1692, claimed that in
the various Indian fights of the preceding years, they had de-
stroyed for the New Euglauders besides Pemaquid, no less than
■ir(iM.ilfdt., 70,903. "AgaiDaltbeFVeach". Other docameata la the ^reA^Mf
^ MamaekH9eU$ apeaka of this fight «a harlDg heen agdAH the Fr§fuiK and
Indians; but there ia rouon to beliere that not one Frenchman aooompaaSed
the eipedition. Whaterer aid the Indiaaa reddved torn tbe Fkeaeb, wie aapplSed
before the eipediUoo left the Penobeoot.
' Hr. Ylnum {CHUt Uemorialt p. 106). baa raiaed tbe qneatton whether Aegoat
Sd, aa alTeii bjr Oylee ia liia Narrative and )aj Mather a eontemporaaeoiii authoritf ,
oorreei, for the roaaon tliat Weema, in aettUng bia aoooimta with the gOTemment,
charged, and actnallj received paj ibr tlie aerricea of himaelf and man nntil the
ISth ; bat tliia piobaUy waa the date of their ditchargs fiom the aerrioe. Thej
left t>eniaqaid in the aloop of Gapt. Padeahall. the 8d or perhapa the 4th of the
month ; and aailing direal/ to Boeton were ready for their diacharge the 13th ; and
would of oooree receive pajr to thia time. We condndMi therefore that Aug. Sd ia
the correct date. It ia interoeting to notice that the affidafit of Grac$ JBgiman
(p. 175). awom to leaa tlian aix /eara after the tranaaetion, glrea tbe aame date.
Chariero&z {Hiti, Jf. F, u. 41S) aaja. the partj of Indiana waa organized (m mit
M Campaffn$) at the Penobscot Aug. 0th ; and afterwarda. in deacrihing the
nttadK upon the fort, he aaja it waa continoed ftom noon of th^ 14th nntU night,
both datea, of coum, being according to tbe New or Orogorian a^le, then In nee
1^ the French. Theae dalea correapond to Jul/ 30th and Ang. 4lh, 0. 8. naad at
that period bj the BagUab. The firat date ma/ be oortect, but the latter la in
error br two da/a. Aug. 14th, N. 8., that /ear foil on Auidajr. when a ** atrkt
•abbatarlan."aatheeseaUentTboaaaaQ/laawaa, weald net with bia aMS be at
work epea hie ba/.
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HisTOkT or BsmoL am BBBiin.
T
16 pftllisadoed forte aod •ettlemeutey in which were 20 caonoQ
And about 200 men. >
Thomas Ojlee^aboye referred to, was one of three brothers who
emigrated to this coantrj from Kent« England, probably in 1668 ;
the names of the others being James, and John. Mr. Vinton
in bis elaborate work the GiUs Memorid^ (p. 101), supposes
they may hare been sons of a Thomas Oyles formerly of Salem,
but probably without sufficient reason. We shall have occa-
rion further on to speak of the two brothers James and John,
but at present we will follow the history of Thomas and his
family.
He (Thomas), was one of the chief men of the place, and ap-
pears to haye carried on a considerable business. On the morn*
ing of that memorable day when the fort was captured, with his
three oldest sons, Thomas, James and John, and several hired
men, he went up to the fiUls, to work in a field he had there,
some at haying, and some in gathering grain. They labored
nntil noon, and took their dinner together at the &rm house,
without suspicion of danger. Having finished their dinner the
men went to their work; but Mr. Oyles and two of his sons,
renuuned at the house, when suddenly firing was heard from
the direction of the fort Mr. Qyles was disposed to interpret
the occurrence ftvorably, and so remarked to his sons; but
thmr conversation was cut short by a volley of bullete from a
party of Indians who had been hitherto concealed, awaiting the
signal from the fort to begin their bloody workl The party of
Indians numbered some thirty or forty, who now rising (rom
their ambush, finished theirwork in a few minutes, killing or cap-
turing all except Thomas Oyles, the oldest son, then about nine-
teen. Where the latter was when the attack began, we do not
know, but he was so fortunate as to make his escape unhurt
from the field, and passing down on the west side to Pemaquid
harbor, was taken on board a fishing schooner which was just
ready to sail.
Thomas Oyles, the fioher, was mortally wounded by the first
volley ftom the Indians, and afterwards despatched with a hatchet
* 1»M. CM. illK. IT. r,ix,4IS» 487, 440. ChsrWfolx't/ISir. Jf.iP.,n»419. Thto
Mrthsr «js fiwUm fcrte la tlM Mlirkborhood oT the KMrnebee RiT«r; hs
■^rs, fiutlm, Uisl MO pMMM wm IdUad, sad tiMt tlM chief beMit of «n U^
ths Fisadi WM^ thtft lleSMssIlf pnfMrted SB/ alliftM or the ImUsm wilh ths
HisTORT or Bristol akb Brbxsv.
181
j:
T
His son John, who was taken captive, says that when the attack
was made, ^* my brother ran one way and I another, and looking
over my shoulder, I saw a stout fellow, painted, pursuing me
with a gun, and a cutlass glittering in his hand, which I ex-
pected every moment in my brains." Falling down the Indian
did him no injury, but tied his arms and bade him follow in
the direction where the men had been at work about the hay.
** As we went,*' he says, ** we crossed where my fother was, who
looked very pale and bloody, and walked very slowly. When
we came to the place, I saw two men shot down on the fiats,
and one or two knocked on the head with hatchets. Then the
Indians brought two captives, one a man, and my brother James,
who, with me had endeavored to escape by running from the
house, when we were first attacked.''
At length the savages were ready to start with their captives,
and the narrative condnues, ^ we marched about a quarter of a
mile, and then made a halt Here they brought my father to
us. They made proposals to him by old Moxus, who told him
that those were strange Indians who shot him, and that he was
sorry for it My father replied that he was a dying man, and
wanted no favor of them, but to pray with his children. This
being granted him, he recommended us to the protection and
blessing of Ood Almighty; then gave us the best advice, and
took his leave for this life, hoping in God that we should meet
in a better land. He parted with a cheerful voice, but looked
very pale, by reason of his great loss of blood, which now gushed
out of his shoes. The Indians led him aside. I heard the blows
of the hatchet, but neither shriek nor groan. I afterwards
hoard that he had five or seven shot holes through his waist*
coat or jacket, and that he was covered with some boughs.
Thomas Oyles, whose useftil and honorable life was thus
brought to a close, was a remarkable man. At what time he
came to this country is not certainly known, but May 8th, 1669,
he purchased land on the north side of the Pejepscot, or Andros-
coggin river, a few miles below Topsham village, where he
located his family and resided several years. His father who
was a man of considerable wealth in England, having died, he
with his family left for England probably in 1674, and returned
soon after the first destruction of the English settlements in
this region. To avoid trouble with the Indians, he removed
his fomily to Long Island, New York, and lived there sevaral
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HisTORT Of Bristol aitd Bbimht.
yoMi ; but fknoying that the Atmosphere there was not suited to
bis ooQStitatioD, aod learning that the agents of the duke of York
were aboat establishing a regalar government here, and erecting
a fbrt, he retnmed to this place, and became a permanent resi-
dent He deiired an annual income from the estate of his father
in BngUnd, and probably was the most wealthy citizen of the
place ; and being strictly methodical in his habits, he took care
to purchase of the constituted authorities, what landed estate he
needed, probably about the fiUls. He also purchased one or
more lots near the fort, where the family lired.
He was a man of the most unbending integrity, and always
exerted great influence in the community where he lived, but
was not particularly popular. In his religious opinions he sym*
pathiaed with the puritans, and was veiy particular in regard
to the proper observance of the sabbath ; and his earnest attempts
to discharge every duty as an upright magistrate sometimes
brought him in collision with his neighbors. In 1688, he united
with many of the inhabitants in a petition and remonstrance
to Gh>vemor Dongan agi^nst the ruinous restrictions imposed
on trade by the rules (pp. 141, 148) adopted, showing among
other things that the money the anthorites supposed they were
getting out of the traders, was really paid by the settiers in the
increased price of the goods they were obliged to purchase.
The next year we find his name on a petition from the inhabit-
ants of New Dartmouth to have their tities to their lands con*
firmed, as had been promised them, as other chiimants were
making their iq>pearance, and causing much uneasiness. In the
•ame document they also took occasion to remonstrate against
the misdoingsof ** one Oapt Nicholas Manning, Capt of a Com-
pany That is very Troublesome, and Doth much Obraide and
Disturbs vs in our buisenesse ko.** His son John, in bis narra-
tive, says that ''when Pemmaquid was set off by the name of the
county of Cornwall, in the province of New York, he ivas com
misdoned chief justice of the same" by Gov. Dongan ; but pro-
bably he was only an associate justice. * But to him, a puritan,
aaeh an appointment firom the royal governor was every way
• 8ii Oi mrnmitiSm, — Mmbti Bid. •(ML, ▼. p. tlS. Th* origlMl oouiMte
ItpNMffftdMMag t]ieN«wTorkAroliiv«t,iatlie8uuHAU M Alb«ar» whw*
Ik* willw, ^ l^vw of Dr. Hovffh, thM MparlBtMidoot of tht CeoMt, had Um priTi-
IcM of fTfnr**«*f U» ud Alao the othar Pettaq old pftpera, mmnX jtMt ftgo» mmI
«^»
•*/5
History or Bristol avd Brsxbi.
18S
honorable, as showing the confidence reposed in him by all
parties.
His children were four sons, Thomas, James, John and
Samuel, and two daughters, Mary and Margaret The latter
at tiie time of the attack of the Indians was about four years of
age, the eldest, Thomas, being nineteen.
At the time of the attack by the Indians Mr. Gyles's house
was about a quarter of a mile from the fort; but the onset was
so sudden and unexpected that Mrs. Oyles and her two young
daughters were seised before they could make their escape
within the walls, and consequently, with the two sons captured
at the falls, were taken captives to the Penobscot Th^
youngest son, Samuel, then a little boy, was at play near the
fort, and took refoge within the gates ; and of course was in-
cluded in the terms of capitulation, by which, as we have seen, all
within the fort were allowed to depart in {leace. The mother
and daughters, after suffering much with the ludians for several
years, were finally restored to their friends in Boston, where
Mrs. Q. soon died. Of the two sons, James and John, the former
after being in captivity three years, and suffering great hard-
ship, made his escape to New Harbor, with another boy who
had been captured at Casco. Here unfortunately, they were
both taken prisoners again by the Indians, and retnmed to the
Penobscot, where they were tortured to death at the stake by a
slow fire.
John, the other son, after being with the Indians about six
years, was sold to a French gentleman, who lived somewhere on
the Penobscot By this man and his fiimily he was treated with
much kindness, being known, among them as Little English.
Finally, in the summer of 1698, a fiivorable opportunity occur-
ring for him to secure a passage by a trader to Boston, bis mas*
ter voluntarily gave him his liberty, and he r^oined his two
brothers and sisters in Boston, his mother having died several
years previously.
As he was about eleven years old, when captured at the Alls,
he was of course now about twenty, with only the litttle educa-
tion he had received before his capture. Having obtained a
good knowledge of the Indian language, and also the Canadian
French, he was often employed by the government, as well as
the traders, to act as interpreter with the Indians. In 1700 he re*
oeived a commission as lieutenant, and was put under regular
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184
EuiOBT or Bmatoh a» Bbimbi.
I
paj bj the go?enunMt; and six years later, be was made cap-
UiD. In 1716 he soperintended tbe ereetion of the fort at Brans*
wick, which was named Fort Qeorge. Here he remained ten
years, bebg in 17S6 transferred to the command of the garrison
on 8t George's river. Snbsequentiy in 1728 he was appointed
a jnstioe of peace, which in those days was considered a high
honor.
Mr. Gyles in 17M published a very interesting accoant of
the capture of Fort Charles, and the attending circumstances,
and a narrative of events during his residence with the savages.
About the same time the garrison at the fort was considerably
reduced, and Gyles retired from tbe service. Tbe rest of bis
life was passed in Salisbury and Boxbuiy. He died in the
latter place in 1766, at tiie age of 77.
He was twice married, 1st to Bath True at Salisbury, Oct.
S6th, 1708, and Sd to Hannah Heatli at Boxbury, Nov. 6, 1721.
James Gyles before alluded to, was a brother of Thomas of
Pemaquid, probably be was the elder of the two, though this is
not certain. Nearly all that is known of him is contained in a
manuscript narrative > of his, recently discovered iu New Jersey,
to which place he removed during the Indian troubles iu this re*
gion. With his fiunily he came to Boston, Nov. 1668, and
passed the winter in Braintree, but, in the spring, removed to
the Kennebec, and finally settled on a farm in the present town
of Topsham, on Muddy river, a stream which empties into Mery*
mating bay.
When tbe fort of Clark and Lake on Arrowsic island was
captured by the Indians in August, 1676, he was one of the in-
mates, but escaped unhurt (ante, p. 125), to Damariscove island.
Here he remained about a week, and with others, made some
attempts to reoover any of their property that remained among
the ruins ci tbe former settlement, but found their enemies, the
Indians, were too watchful for them. Nothing is said of his
fiunily during this time, but probably they were with him.
In the autumn of the same year he with his &mily removed to
SouthoU, Long Island, veiy probably at the same time with his
brother .Thomas, as before related. Governor Andros, having
learned something of his history, took some notice of him while
here^ and even undertook to provide a pUce for him on Staten
•Uls
ki iril ki Mfi IfiMMrM; p. lis.
^^
t
1
r
HisTOET Of Bbistol An Bancsi.
185
Island ; but being suddenly called away from bis government,
the thing was not accomplished, and Mr. Giles and fomily
finally settled upon a farm at Bound Brook, upon Baritan river,
in New Jersey. The time of his death is not known. His
fiimily of four daughters subsequently married in New Jersey;
and among their descendants were the late General Worth, of
the United States army, and Charles S. Olden^ recently governor
of the stote.
John Giles also a brother of Thomas, of Pemaquid, was bom
in 1658, and came to Pemaquid very probably soon after the set*
tiement here of the duke's government It is believed that he
was here at the time of Gov. Andres's visit, late in the year 168S,
but probably left tbe place before the attack by the Indians,
August 2d, the next year, for the reason that his name is not
mentioned in connection with the tragic events of the time. He
was a man of good education, and after his removal from the
place was employed in teaching in Salem, and perhaps also in
Boston, where he died Aug. 20, 1780, aged 77.
Several years ogri there was found in Bristol a curious old
document, of which the following is a copy.
To hit EzselUiDcj S^ Edmond Aadrois Ka* aid Govsmor ia Cbisfe b,
tad oTsr bis M^j'^** Territoritt oad Doaisioos of New EogUad, &e.
May it Pleaao yo^ KzooliaDcy.
That your Hamble Petitioiir Desirss a Certaine Traet of Upland Ijfag
apon j« wettwurde tide of Pemaqaid Rirer l>otwoeD6 y Lotta of Heoiy
Hedgcr and Deoiae Higanun, with Moadow to it Suflitisot the nighstt
that can be found not already taken up.
Yor Ezeellancyee Humble Petition' hath by order from Capt". Nichol-
son Ever Since June laat Read Prayera at the Garriaoa on Wednesdayes
and ffridayei and hath not reeeired any thini; for itt. Tc ExoelUnoyit
Humble Petition^ Oeairea only one Man's Proriaion from ssid Garriaoa,
and ia willing to officiate still, if it ao Pleaae yo' Exselhui^. And yc £&•
eellanoyea Humble Petition' shall £? sr Pray &e.
JosK Otlis.
There was really no date to the document, but a more recent
hand had written at the bottom, 1688, and Mr. Vinton, in
Oyles Momurial, p. 119 has suggested November as the probable
month, thus snpplying for it the date, November, 1C88. The idea,
of course is, that Mr. Oylcs had the petition in readiuess to pre*
U
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HisfOftT ov Beistoi. avd BuKur.
•ent to the governor when be Tidted Pemaqoldy about this time,
or, probabljy a little later, Wbether or not it ever reacbed tbe
bands of Andros we bave no means of knowing bat very probably
it did not| as tbe fact that it was fonnd in tbese parU would
seem to indicate, *
Tbe complete destraction of tbe fort and settlement at Pema-
qnid was considered a great acbievement by the Indians; and
tiiey assured IL Thnry, on their retnm, that, with two hundred
Frenchmen, a little acquainted with tbe country, and ready to
follow their lead, they would not hesitate to march upon Boston. '
Tbe same feeling was shown by the French in Nova Scotia and
Canada ; and from this time hopes began to be entertained by
them that they might be able utterly to exclude tbe English
from tbe continent, at least as £ir south as New York and New
Jersey. Indeed, even before'tbe capture of Peroaquid, tbe Cana-
dian authorities bad, under consideration, a project for seizing
upon tbe whole province of New York ; and M. De Callieres, a
French officer in Canada, who seems to have first suggested the
enterprise, was sent home to France to press tbe matter upon
the attention of the government. ** It would'' said he ** furnish
bis Mi^esty with a beautifiil harbor, that of Manbat, (New
York), which is accessible at all seasons of the year in less
than a month's* voyage.*'*
Snob being tbe drcamstances of the time, nothing was to be
looked for in all the English settlements of tbe region but war
. and carnage ; and tbese, all that now remained being west of
tbe Eennebeo river, became the special object of savage venge-
ance. At tbe close of the next year (1690), only four English
aettlemenU remained on the territory of tbe present state of
Maine, vis.. Wells, York, Eittery and Appledore, the latter
being mtnated on one or more of tbe Isles of Shoals. * And all
of these, except, perhaps, tbe latter, had sufiercd greatly by re-
peated attacks of tbe Indians, and frequent indiscriminate mur-
ders <tf the inhabitants whenever found unprotected.
•akart09M$ ma. jr. f„ p. 418.
•2V0.CW. JSRiCiT. r,iz»S70»41S»if««f. A ieet wm MtMlly Moi to Nora
8OTtia» fnm Tnmm, wkkk wit dMigoed to attsek M«w York flroni Ik* toa, whUs
a Usdfctito WM to invade Out cooaiiy by way of Uk# Cliiplsln. TIm Amber
ynseeiitlM sC the latorpfflse^ wat prarestod 1^ tbe deatractloa of MoBtroal by te
ladliiii, sfcw days bifcw the saiawsCPe— grid. MMtittm^UU^ikmdM,^
•i
HisTOBT Of Beistol avd BaiKBir.
187
Nor did the Indians, or their allies, the French, escape with-
out severe punishment ; very many Indians were slain in their
constantly recurring fights with the English ; and in the spring
of 1690, a small force under tbe command of Sir. Wm. Phips,
proceeding southward in eight vessels, destroyed tbe French
settlement at Port Boyal [Annapolis, N. 8.]. A much more
formidable expedition fitted out from Boston, later in tbe season,
under the same commander, made an attack upon Quebec, but
without success. The fleet of thirty-two vessels, on their return,
was scattered by a storm, and several of them lost Those that
were so fortunate as to reach their homes in safety, found on
their arrival, that no provision had been made to pay their
demands : and the government was obliged to resort to the expe-
dient of issuing hiUi oferedU in order to quiet tbe great discon-
tent that prevailed.'
The next month after tbe destruction of Pemaquid, Miyor
Benjamin Church, who bad greatly distinguished himself in the
previous Indian wars, especially in that called Zing Philip's
war, was commissioned with extraordinary powers, and placed
at the head of a considerable force, to carry on tbe war against
the eastern Indions. Church continued bis operations against,
tbe savages several years, but met with no marked success, and
added nothing to bis laurels previously won I
*BuUk,IM,Uamnh9SZ. Tbia wat tbe flitt iaroe of paper to dicalato aa
noney is any of tbe eokmlea; bat otber taaaee, of eomparatiTely large amoasti^
were aabeeqeesUy made by aeveral of tbe ooUmlea, ptodndng deplorable coaAi
alott In all tbe fieeal afidre of tbe oomitry. Oold aad aUTor dlaappeared fnm tbe
eooatry; and for mofetbasiayyeara bo otber eaneMj was kao^tbatotUad^
pfojjtted paper*
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HmoftT or Bbibtol avd Beimbv.
History op BaisroL avd Bbbmbk.
189
CHAPTER XVm.
Beballdin^ oftlie fort at Pemaqald b/ Got. Phips. who daiims it Fort William
Henrx— UsMtitlkelorj dMeriptioii of the new fort hy Mather — Houao of lie-
pt mi tatiTea diftatiaSod with aueh an appropriation from the pablic trcasuij,
A Fjrench nanJ force designed to dostroj the fort appears in the ofllng, but ro-
torna without making an attack— Treat/ of poaoe signed at Pematiuid— The
Indians, under the inllnenee of French priests, begin lioetilitieo in Tiolation of
the treatj— Bomaaeen and other Indians who under a flag of truce are rooeired
Into the fort, are immediately made prisoner — Pasco Cliubb, appointed captain
of the fort, makes an ui^ustiftable attack upon some Indians at or near Fort
WUUam Henry—Sharp reply of an Indian to ahstterof OoremorStoughton.
The next important event at Pemaquid was the bailding of
the first stone fort there by Gov. Phips iu 1692. Ever since the
old charter of the Massacfansetts Bay was annulled, by a writ of
quo warranto^ (1684), the province had been governed directly by
the 4srown ; but after the accession of William and Mary to the
English throne, by great effort on the part of Massachusetts, a
new charter was obtained, and Sir. Wm. Phips, being then in
England, was appointed governor. He ariived in Boston with
the new charter, May 14th, 1692, and the same season, in obe-
dience to the royal commands, proceeded to erect a strong fort
at Pemaquid, such as had never before been seen in all the re-
gion I Though ordered by the home government, the expense
was to be borne by the colony ; and the people generally looked
upon the project with coldness. Writs were issued for the elec-
tion of a legislative assembly, which met June 8th ; but it does
not appear that the project for erecting the fort was definitely
brought before that body. A bill was passed authorizing a tax
to raise X80,000 for general purposes; and from this the gov-
ernor felt himself authoriced to draw, iu order to execute the
royal command as to the fort.
But if the assembly were not definitely asked for an appro-
priation to build the fort, they must have known of the pre-
paration which the governor was making for the purpose ; yet no
official remonstrance was made. Having engaged some four
hundred and fifty men, and procured such tools and implements
M were needed, be set sail from Boston early in August, taking
-<!•
with him Col. Bei\i. Church, commander of the province
forces. On their way they stopped at Falmouth, and took on
board the large guns which had lain there ever since the de^
struction of Fort Loyal, more than two years previously, and
decently interred the bones of the slidn, which still lay bleach-
ing upon the surface.
Having anchored safely in the harbor of Pemaquid, by the
aid of Major Church, a site for the new fort was selected, very
nearly the same as that occupied by the old stockade, but ex-
tending a little further west, so as to include within the walls
the large rock of which the Indians had taken advantage in the
disastrous fight three years before. Only two companies were
retained to work upon the fort, tlie rest being sent, under M^ior
Church, on an expedition fitrther east, to look after the pablic
enemies.
Mather gives us the following description of the fort which
they erected.'
" Capttio }ViHfff assisted bj Captain Bancroft^ went throegh ths former
part of the work ; and the latter part of it was finished bj Captain March.
His Ezeelloncy, attended in this matter, with these worthy Captains, did
in a few months, despatch a serriee for the king, with aprici/eiice, and m-
du$try, and thrt/tineu^ greater than anj reward they ever had for it. The
fort, oallod WUliam Henry, was built of stone, in s qutuiran^ular fignre,
being about bcpch hundred and ihirtjf*$even foot in compass, without the
outer walU, and one hundred and eight foot square, within the inner onee;
twenty-eit/ht ports it had, and fourteen (if not eighteen) gmns mounted,
whereof six were eightf^n pounder; The wall on the south line, fronting
to the sea, was twentjf-two foot high, and more than «tx foot thick at the
ports, which were eight foot from the ground. The greater flanker or
round tower at the tceetem end of this line, was twentjf-nxne foot high.
The wall on the eaU line was twdve foot high, on the north it was fen, on
the weU it was eighteen. It was computed that in the whole there wers
* Magnatia, n., S80. Mather seomt to bo the onlj original authoritj on this
subject, and Uter writers hare Implicitlj followed him, jet his deeeriptioii of the
fort is very obacnre and unsatiA&ctorj. His langoafte seems to implj that the
walls woru doable ; but probably it was not intvudod to bo so understood. If the
fort was onlj 108 toei square inside the walls» supposing this to be the mean*
ing, how oonld it be ?^ feet in eompsssT The greater flanks, or round
towor, of tlie next and last fort built there, the foundations of wliich still re-
main, was lUO feci in compass, but, including this we cannot make the distance
around tlie walls as great as Mather gives. Perhaps a larjtD bastion or leesor
flanker at the opposite angle from the round tower, may hare Increased the dis-
tance around so as to mako it as stated. See Popham ifemoHal Vetume, p. 286^
m il i wi n wi^yf w
i m m ' >■ i»J ' i ■
l i p )BHW 4i, » ' n i wi %jHJW,Ml ' f4Hf»W"
'^^*».\.JJ>,MJIr
"urgftTzedDy
Qq^. I -.
^^
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190
Hbtobt Of Bristol Ain> Brsmbk.
laidftboTtCwfffJbiitafi^eaHlbadiofttone. It ttood'a soon of rodi from
high wattr tmatk ; Aod it liod gMMrally at loMt tucdr mm potUd in it for
itt dofliMO, wki^ if tboy wort fMn, aiigbt oMily hme MMataiaod it
•gaiMt apro tkaa ItMOi mx h umdmi ■miitnti.*^
As this fort was destrojed four years afterward, and subse-
quently another erected upon its mins, we have no means now
to judge of the accuracy of this description ; but most persons
will probably hesitate to reoeiye all the measurements with full
confidence.
The stone used in its construction was evidently collected
from the shores in the immediate vicinity, where an abundance
could easily be found without the trouble of blasting. The
stone, consisting of small fragments only, was well laid in lime
mortar; but of course walls so constructed would have little
strength, as compared with the walls of modem structures of
the kind. We are not informed where the lime was obtained,
but probably it was brought from Boston. There is no lime*
stone in the r^on nearer than Bockland; and at this early
period probably the existence of this was quite unknown.
The cost of erecting the fort is said to have been nearly
X20,000, ftud was a heavy tax upon the impoverished people of
the province ; and to support a garrison there required a large
annual expenditure. At length, the popular feeling in regard
to these large expenditures, found vent in the following reso-
lution of the lower house of the legislature :
^ BetolTe of tho Houeo of BoprwoatatiTeo, in Booton, Xbor [Doeem-
ber] 6^ 1693 ;— That the imploymoat of aay moaoy out of tho pablick
tieaaury for the buildiag and aiaiaUiBiag of tho fort at Poaaquid waa
betide the iatoatioa of tho aot for Rakiag tho thirty thoutaad pouada tho
6ea> Apooibly aoi boiag tiioro about adriood aad oosfulted aor any diroo-
tioa or provistOB aMdofor theaanoia tho s'aot; aad that thoir Majootyea
bee hunUy addroiiod to take tho ohargo of tho fort aod Port Royal >
\ JModiitoly upoa thoaMoivoo. NaTHAinxL Btiixld, Speakir.^
This was a direct censure of the governor ; but, at tiie pre-
sent day, we should consider it wonderfolly mild language to be
used in regard to such an assumption of power by the executive.
• Port Btyi^ [AaaapoUi] K. &, wiyA, at wo bafo OM, bad koM
PMpo two yoaio ttfcto.
.ilf«l^7S;S17.
^
History of Bristol and Brskxv.
191
To hold this place was a matter of great importance to the
Eugliah interests, in order to prevent the French frx>m taking
poeeossion ; and to this the people of Massachusetts were not
insensible ; bat the burdensome taxation rendered necessary by
the Indian wars, so long continued, admonished them of the
necessity of economizing their resources.
It is remarkable that no official returns of the building of the
fort are now to be found. Governor Pbips appears to have
taken the thing wholly into his own hands. He alone, except
so for as he was pleased to ask advice, appears to have planned
the work, then superintended its construction, and last of all,
drawn the money from the treasury to pay the expenses ! It
was such experiences as this that trained the people of Massa-
chusetts for their work the succeeding century.
The fort was finished late in the autumn (1692), and supplied r
with a permanent garrison of sixty men, under the command
of Capt March ; and, so for as we are informed, for the first I
time furnished with a regular chaplain. Rev. John Pike. He
was a son of Hon. Robert Pike, for many years a distinguished
leader in public affairs in Massachusetts. The son graduated at
Harvard College in 1675, and was first settled in the ministry,
in 1681, at Dover, N. H., but removed to Portsmouth imme-
diately after the destruction of that place by the Indians in
1689. From this plaoe he was appointed to the chaplaincy of
Pcmaquid fort, Oct, 1692, where he remained until July, 1695.
He died at Dover iu 1710. He was an excellent man of more
than ordinary ability. ^
The erection of this strong fortress at Pemaquid was a mat*
tcr of disgust both to the Indians and the French ; and the new
structure was scarcely finished before plans were devised in Ca-
nada for iu destruction. The plan adopted for the purpose
was proposed by Chevelier Villcbon, a French officer in Canada.
It was to dispatch two ships of war to attack the fort from the
sea, whilst he, with a land foree of Indians should do the same
from the land. Two ships, L'Envieux, and LePoli (the latter
of which had been recently taken from the Dutch), were fitted
up for the purpose, and put under the command of Dlberville ;
but it was late in the season before they were in readiness to
leave tlie PeuolMCOt; and though they actually made their ap-
I IT. ir. At. MK^ in, 40 ; ifiV*^ u» SiS.
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192
HisTOET or Bristol amd BRninr.
pearanco in the ofBng at Pcmaqutd, they did not coromnnic^te
with the fort, made do special demonstrations, and returned
east, much to the disgust of the Indians, who, in laige nnmhers,
and with still larger expectations, had collected in the vicinity.
• As an excuse for their retreat without a single effort at any-
thing, the officers claimed that, at the time of their arrival, the
weather was particularly unfavorable, and they were without a
good pilot 00 board, or any who was acquainted with the shores
and islands of the region ; and, moreover, an English ship, lying
at anchor under theguns of the fort, indicated that the authorities
at Boston had probably learned of the proposed attack upon
the place, and sent them reinforcements.
' John Kelson, a distinguished citiaen of Boston, who had been
taken prisoner and was now at Quebec, by some means learned
of the preparations in progress for an attack upon Pomaquid,
and hired two French soldiers to desert and carry information
of the fact to Boston. Their departure became known to the
Quebec authorities in a little time, and a party of armed men
was sent to overtake and arrest tiiem if possible, but without
avail. French writers of the time, affirm that, in consequence
of information thus received, supplies and reinforcements had
been sent to the fort before the arrival of the French ships ;
but Hutchinson pronounces it a mistake. The two deserters
were afterwards Uken by the French and shot; and Nelson,
for his offence, was sent to prison in Paris, where he suftcred
an imprisonment of five years. *
The utter fiailure of the expedition against Peroaquid greatly
dispirited the Indians, and they began to lose their confidence
in the promises of the French, which the latter did not fail to
Increased effort on the fiart of the French officials in the
^ChafUt9U,Bid.K. F„ m. Vn^Vt^ i UmUK, Bid. Um$$^ il,08; Doc CoL
Bid. jr. T^ ix,S44, S55; WHL Bid. Main4,i, 087. Neltos wm • i^Utive of
Sir Tbot. Temple, • dletingnishod EngWth gedUcmAn of thai daj. He wm one
of the meet eeUfo In etfbetlDg the orrcet aod imprieooment of Androe, in Boetoo,
AprU IS, 1S8S. iiiid la 1601, wee taken priiooer hy tlie Froneli on hie waj to Port
Bojnl.N.8. TwoTemoriileimprieoonieotlnFmneeherMeodinaemAniiolo
In tlie pfieea, tad he enw onlj the eertnnt who delljr peaeed hie food to lUm throagh
the gimte. At lenfth, Snding menne to eommonleeto with hie roUtire, Sir Pnt-
beck Temple, in BngUnd, a demead wee medo to€ hie rduoee or eselienge, whieh
hml the eiR«t to ennee hie romorel to the mora arietoemtie prieoa, the celebrated
BeetOe, and inaUy to hie feleaaeon parole to rieit England, about the time of the
fmmUlifwmkk. I>m.(M.BId.jr. T.,vr,%i\.
1]
^
Jr-
HiSTOBT OP BristoIi ahp Brbubv.
193
country was therefore essential in order to retain their hold upon
the fickle natives. For a time the Indians were held in check
bj their fears, and a degree of qniet prevailed; but there was
no assurance of continued peace, and the next spring (1698),
Major Converse, as commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts
forces, was prepared again to take the field. With several hun-
dred men he visited Pemaquid,8heepscot and. other pkces; and
at Saco erected a strong fort The Indians were in great dis*
tress and despair, and began seriously to consider the necessity
of making peace with the English on such terms as they could
obtain. This feeling among the Indians the French mission-
ries did not fail to see and deplore; as a peace being once
established and trade renewed with the English a transfer pf
their allegiance, in the same direction, might be expected very
soon to follow. The missionaries, therefore, strenuously oppbsed
all counsels of peace ; and we shall see, further on, how thej
used their influence after a treaty of peace was formed.
The negotiations began on the part of the Indians with great
caution, and a disposition to conceal from the French as much
as possible everything connected with it. First a kind of in*
formal conference between the parties was held at Pemaquid,
July 21st, and a total cessation of hostilities by either party
against the other for twenty days agreed upon. It was also
agreed that twenty days from that time, or August 11th (1693),
another conference should be held at Pcmaquid, with a view to
form a new treaty of perpetual peace and friendship.
This conference was held at the Ume appointed, all the In-
dian tribes being represented, from the Saco river quite down to
the Passamaquoddy. The commissioners on the part of Massa-
chusetts were John Wing, Nicholas Manning and BeiyamiQ
Jackson.
The following are the words of the treaty as i^ven by Ma-
ther. »
*' Whereas a bloody war his for some years aow pest been aiads and
carried on by the IndiaM vithia the eaitern parts of the aaid proTtnce
[MasfachuMtti] against their Majesties' subjects the English, through the
instigitioos and iniiaeaces of the French; aad being sensible of the mise-
ries whieh we sad ear people are redact mate, by sdheriag te their ill
■ /
II
^j^'
■i%aA.li. MS.
2d
■ 1 ■ I " ■ B^p^ii I w t i^ jf wipwp K ^ m i ^ w n I II I I i n
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194 HnioBT or Beiroi* ahd Bumbk.
MVDeilt : W« wImm ntmm m h«r««ato tiibMribed, being Sagamont
aod Chief Caplaiiit ef all tbe ladiana belooging to the eeTenl rWera of
/ FmchKOi and KmnAeth, Amarateogtn and 5iico, parU of the said pro-
/ Tinoe of Mai9achM9ea$ -fin/ within their laid MajetUes* aoToraignty, bar-
I ing made applieatioa vnto hit SzceDenej Sir WUUam Ph\p%^ CapUin
Oeneral aad Ooreraour ia Chief ia aad orer the eaid proTiooe, that the
I war maj he pat to aa ead, do kj dowa oar anna, aad eaat oureelToa upoa
i their eaid Mi^^*^^' tP^ ^^^ &Toar. Aad eaeh of ae reapoetiTelj for
oar teWei, aad ia the oaaM aad with the free ooafoot of all the lodiane
heloagiag aato the eereral rirera afomaid, and of all other IndUna
withia the eaid pro? inee, of aad fnm Aierrimaek riTor, aato the aioet
I eaalerlj hoaade ef the eaid proriaee: herehj aekaowledging oar hearty
/ ialiiieotioa aad obedieaee aato the erowa of England; aod do iolemnlj
eoreaaat, proMiee aad agree, to aad with the eaid Sir WUlUm Fhipa, aad
hie raoeeeeoit ia the pUee of Captaia General and Ooremoar in Chief of
the aibreeaid proriaee or territory, oa their eaid IIiO««^' ^^^ '^^ ^"^^
■or followiag, lis :
** That at all tiaee aad for OTor, Arom and after the date of theie
preeeata, we will eeaae aad forbear all acU of hoatilitj towards the tab-
Jeett of the erowa of Bnglaad, and not offer the leatt hurt or Tiolenee to
ihoM, or any of thea, ia their peraoot or estate : Bnt will henceforward
hold aad naiataia a firm aad oonttant amity aad frieadthip with all the
Eaglith.
\ ^ Aem.— We abandoa aad fortake the /VeiMrynUrett, tnd wiO not in
apy wite adhere to, join with, aid or attitt themAn their wart or dotignt
agaiati the Englith, aor eoaatenanee, taeeor or ooooeal ao/ of the enemy
MUam el Caaada, or other pUoet, that thall happea to eome to any of
oar plaatatioaa withia the Saglieh Urritory, bat eerare them, if ia oar
power, aad deliTor them ap aato the Bnglith.
••That all En^kheaptiToeia thehaadt or powerof aayof the Indiana,
within the limim aibreeaid, ahaU with all poaaible speed be set at liberty,
aad retaraed home withoat aay raaeom or paymeat to be made or givea
for them, or aay of tbeai.
•* Thai their Mi^ettiee' eakjeete the Englith thall and may peaeeably
aad qaietly eater apoa, improte, and for eter enjoy all and tingalar their
righm ef kadt, aad former tettlemenU and poteettioot within the eastern
parte of the eaid proWaee of the Ma$9aekuteU$ Ba^, withoat any preUn-
eioat or elaimt by at, or any other Indiana, aad be ia ao wite moletiod,
iaterrapted, or dittarbed thereia.
•^ That all trade aad eommeree, whieh may hereafter be allowed betweea
the Eaglith aad ladiaae, ahall be aadertaeh maaagemeat aod regalation
ae may be elated by aa ael of the Geaeral Attemhly, or at the go?eroor
of the eaid proriaee, te the lime beiag, with the adiieo aad eoaeeal of
the eoaaeil, shall tea eaaae to dirael aad Umil.
^^
niBTORT Of Bristol akd BaBinnr,
195
" If any ooalrorertie or differeoee at aay lime hereafter happen to arite
between any of the Englith and IndUau^ for any real or tappoted wrong
or injury done on one tide or the other, no pri?ate roTonge ahall be talLea
by the Indiana for the tame, bat proper application be made to their Ma-
jettiet' goTernment apon the place, for remedy thereof in a doe eonrte
of jottice; we hereby tubmitting onrtelvet to be raled and goieraed by
their Majettiet' lawt, and desire to haTe the benefit of the same.
^ For the fall manifestation of oar sincerity and integri^ ia all that
which we haTe herein before coTonanted and promised, we do deliTor ante
Sir WUitam PktppM, their Majesties' gOTomonr as aforesaid, Aka$$aml0'
mtU^ brother to Etlgeremctt^ Wett&ngakewtit^ eoasia to JiadoekawoMdo,
aod Bdgeremeti^ and Bagatawawongfrn^ aiias Sheep$eoai JeAii, to abide
and remain ia the eastody of the English, where the goToraoor thall
direct, at hottaget or pledgee for oar fidelity, and the tree performance
ni all aad every the foregoing articles, reterring liberty to ozehaage
them ia tome reatonable tiaie for a like aamber, to the aooeptaace of the
gOTcmour aad eoaaeil of the taid pronnce, to they be pertone of u good
account and esteem amongtt the Indiana at thote which are tobe ezehangad.
In testimony whereof, we baTc hereunto eel our tcTeral marka aadtealt,
the day and year first above-written.
'* The abore written inatrument was deliberately read orer, aad the
soTcral artiolM and clauses thereof interpreted unto the Indiana, who said
they well understood and consented thereunto, aad wat iheatigaed, iealed,
and deliTcred in the pretence of at,
EdOKRXMKTT, JOHK WiNO,
Maoockawando, NionoLAt Mavkiwo,
WAttAMDOMBT of NorridgWOck, BXNJAMIir.i jACKOOtf,
WsNOBtoif of Teconnel, in behalf of Moxat. ' .
KxTTRRRAMOOie of Norridgwook, Madavxbu,
AUAKQUIT of PUfOBiOOT, PaQUASARBT, oiioi, NaTBAMIIL,
BOMAtUN, JOHM HORKTBROOK,
Nitamimbt, Johk Baoatawaworoo, mUoM, I
WbBBVRS, SlORPiOOAT JOHR,
AwAKtoMBOK, PttiLL. OoRBAXXi, Sqwom.
Bobir Dorrt,
This ** was a treaty of perpetual peace and Mendihip, aano*
tioned by the mott eolemaaseeveratloosof the partiee;''— and we
may beliere that the Indiana, ao well aa the Englith, were, at
the time, eincere in their profewions, and determined to obeerre
ita atipnlationa. In fiact the peace thua inaognrated waa main-
tained nearly a year; bat the Indianehad formed the treaty
' ' Digrt > Z ' @€ t by
\gj4 I ? '■■ *i - "L\J
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196
HmoftT Of BaifioL axd BftBrnnr*
H18TOBT Of Beistoi. and Bbbmht.
197
without ooDsolting the Freooh, whoso agents did not foil to
eenrare them for their eonrse. As we have teen (ante, p. 176),
the goTomor of Cannda [Frontenae] told Bomaseen that they
•honld not have made the treaty, as thoy had done, but ** they
might earry it fnendly to the English till they should meet with
a convenient opportunity of having an advantage to do mis-
chief.''
The French missionaries before alluded to, Father 7%iiry,
and two brothers, V. mud X Bigoi^ used their utmost influence
among the Indians to prevent a fiuthful fulfilment of the treaty ;
and therefore, though a general quiet prevailed, the war spirit
was not laid, and the English captives still held among them
were not brought in.
The evil influences at work were not unobserved by the Eng-
lish, whose foelings were becoming more and more exasperated,
as theyi by sore experience, learned more and more <^ the
treachery and perfldy of the enemy they bad to contend with.
Another important circumstance should also be noted here ;
for several years previous to this, beginning with the capture of
Port Boyal,and the attack upon Quebec by Phips, a project for
seising upon Canada, and expelling the French therefrom was
more or less discussed in New England and New York ; and,
on the other side, the French were debating plans for sacking
the cities of Boston and New York, and thus reducing to sub-
mission all the English settlements as far south at least as Penn-
sylvania."
About this time too the coasts of New England, and farther
south were serionsly annoyed by privateers and pirates, the fa-
moos Capt Eidd being one of the latter class.
Madockawando, chief of the Penobscots, was present at the
Pemaquid conference, and signed the treaty there formed ; but,
assured by the priests, as is aflirmed by writers of the time,
^ that to break fiuth with heretics was no sin," his virtue could
not withstand thdr evil influence. ' He at length consented to
lead a hostile band against the English setUements ; — and soon
some two or three hundred Indians, from the various tribes, were
marching across the present state of Maine to &11 upon the vil-
lage at Oyster river in New Hampshire. This occurred July
18, 1694. The onset was terrible; the destruction of lift and
U
••i-
i
property enormous, the cruelties practiced upon the victims
never before surpassed ; — but further description is not required
in these pages. ^
The Indians having thus taken up the hatchet without re? .
serve, other outrages upon the ueighboriugsettlements followed
in qnick succession ; and a barbarous war, without any decla-
ration of war, was inaugurated.
This statement is necessary in order to understand the true
condition of aftairs when (Nov. 19th, 1694), Bomaseen and two
other Indians made their appearance at Pemaquid, pretending
to have just come from Canada, and to know nothing of oi^ of
the outrageous violations of the Pemaquid treaty.
They came with a flag of truce, Mather says, ^ loving as
bears and harmless as tigers,^' and hailed the fort from the west
side, desiring to speak with Capt March. After parleying with
tbom some time, a whiteflagjois raised pnjhsr&rt, and the In-
dians received within, aud immediately made prisoners. Sub«
sequently, Bomaseen was sent a prisoner to Boston, where he
was long confined in jail. His companions were also sent to
Boston as prisoners, but it is believed they were soon liberated.
Bomaseen was one of the signers of the treaty at Pemaquid, the
yearprecediug;andnowhe had just come from the bloody attacks
upon the Oyster river and other settiements in shameful viola*
tion of that treaty. Shall we justify Capt March in the course
he tqok with the savages? The unanimous answer would be
in the negative ; — no excuse can justify a violation of a flag of
truce ; — in all circumstances it is to be held sacred ; — and yet
the circumstances of this case deprived the ofiense of much of iu
enormity. And the authorities in Boston bestowed no censure
upon March, but rather justified his action, by receiving the
prisoner, and holding him as such for a number of years. -
Capt March and his men, though never receiving direct cen*
sure from the government, felt themselves in the wrong, as tho
following labored efibrt in justification of their conduct will
show.*
* Letiorof B«t. John Pike» ehaplaio of the loft, to cofvnor aad cooodlt dalid,
PMMqttId, Jmi> 7, iSSi [alMwkl U 1S0|].
t^
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198
fliRORT or Bristol Am Brbmbk.
"Noreoiber 19, BomasMQ, wiih tea or a doieo [Ddiani, oallod orer tbe
Bafbicaa, desiring to ipeak with Gapi. Mareb, aod aei up a tag, hy which
thej did implieitly own themaeiTes eoemiea and braakera of iba peaoe.
[If it waa a time of paaoe between the partiea, aa it aboald bare been ao-
eording to tbo treaty of Pemaquid, what need waa there of a flag of
tmea f] We did not pnt out oora nntil an hour or two after theira ; would
luire pnrsnaded theai there waa no reaaon for it ; that flaga were uaed
between enemiea ia time of war, not frienda in time of peaoe ; minding
them of the bite agreement at Pemaqnid ; but thej ealled eameatlj for it.
We reaolved to aeiae Bo maa ee n at any rate, except poaitive Tiolation of
promiaa. We made no other promiae before be came OTor bat that be
ahould be welcome, wo abonld be glad of hia eompanj, would treat him
kindlj, mi do him no hurt. After be waa eeiaed, we told him the same,
and obeer? ed it punctually, ao long aa be ataid here ; but withal told him
we muit know who did the miaahief at Ojater RiTcr and Oroton, &c, of '
which thej made themadTca ignorant ; why the peace waa ao soon broken
and by whom ; that they muat go to Boston and abide there till 8heepa-
ooU John waa aent to fetch in the tfagamorea, and then they should come
ngain with aome Engliah to treat, &e. We thought it not unUwful, nor
oulpabla to apprehend auch perfidious rillaina and traitora (though under
n white rag) that hare ao o/Un ialaified their promiae to the Engliah, n% :
nt Cooheco,at Caaoo fort, at Oyater Rirer and other pUcea ; that make no
oonacienco of breaking the peace whene?er it aerrea their turn, although
aoTer ao aolemnly coufirmed with subscriptions and oatha. They bare no
regard to the law of nationa, and therefore deserre no human respect.
Beaadea, we are credibly informed, they came with a certain deaign to be-
tray their majeatiea' Ibrt here, under pretence of trade, friendship, &c.,
and ao thoy are fallen into a pit of their own digging. Neither did we
aim at anyUiiag meio than their detainment aa priaonera, auppoaing aooie
ndvantago might acarae to the poor eaptiTca, if not the country thereby.
If your hooora judga it not fairly done, they are now in your handa to
^iapoaa of and deal with them u may be for their majeatiea' honor, and
M tho eiroumatanoaa of the caaa may require.'' >
Of tbo Indiana thoro wore now in prison in Boston the boo-
taget giren at Pemaqnid at the adoption of the treaty, and
Bomaaeen, with anch aa may hare been aent there at the same
time with him. These the tribes greatly desired to see at liberty
again, to whieb the English were willing to agree, provided only
that snAeieDt seonrity eonid be giren against the repetition of
*Mwkk.EULMkm^n,$i.
E18TORT or Brbtol ahp Brbmbv.
199
4
•P-iT!rrrwiti*
— ~-~- -^r^iWU«-»
future ontroge. Early in the spring therefore (1695), it waa ar*
ranged that Sheepscot John, shonld be aent on a tonr among
the various tribes, with the view of effecting some arrangement
looking towards the restoration of peace. As the resnlt, May
20th,* a flotilla of some fifty canoes, with many Indians, made
thoir appearance at Pemaqnid and encamped on an island—
some say, Rutherford's Island — a league from the fort Some
ofiicera from the fort met them there and receired from them
eight English captives whom they freely gave up ; they also
confessed the grevious wrongs of which the Indians had been
guilty, and agi*eed to a truce of thirty days, until commissioners
from Boston might arrive to negotiate further with them.
The conference met as agreed upon, the English commis-
sioners being Col. Phillips, Lt. Col. Hawthorne, and Major
Converse ; but on the part of the English it was claimed, un*
wisely as many thought, that all other captives still held by the
Indians must be given up, according to the former treaty, before
any negotiations with reference to a new one could be even be>
gun. The Sagamores had already freely restored eight cap-
tives, and were very angry that so hard a condition should be
required of them ; they complained bitterly that Bomaseen and
other Indian prisoners in Boston were not restored, and abruptly
departed to enact other scenes of carnage and blood.'
The Indians now were ready for the indiscriminate murder
of English people wherever found, and too often the English,
in their exasperation showed a disposition not less diabolical.
Within a period of about six months not less than forty persons
connected with the different settlements were either killed or
taken captive by the savages.
September 9th (1695), as a number of men were rowing a
gondola *' around a high rocky point above the barbacan," they
were fired upon by some Indiana, and four killed and six
wounded. The killed were Serg. Hugh March, Ed. Sargeant^
John Linkhom, and Thos. Johnson.'
About tnis time Capt March, at his own request, was relieved
of his command at the fort, and Pascho Chubb appointed in
bis place. He proved to be a man with scarcely a single qoali-
> May 23d, P£fci*« /aariMrf. JERi^ CWL if. ir.» in, 40.
* UuUJL lUd. JIasi,, n, 84 ; Magn., n, 548.
• J^vrnal Se9. JchM Pike, Ilid, OotL,N, It^ III, i': ; JibffiL,tLf^^
dola (vMuaiy pfoaoaneed gufidtdmo), ia allU miioli asad ia tha TidaHy.
Tka goa-
.■J.igitigRdhy'
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HnroKT or Bbistoi. Ain> BRutBir.
T,
HxsTORT or Bristol jixd Bunv.
201
ficarion forio important a trust, as will shortly be shown. AU
most at the rery beginning of his administration, occuned a
transaction that we cannot contemplate without shame. Bun-
day, Feb. 16 (1696), there appeared at the fort a company of
Indians among whom were Edgtrtmd^ a Machias' chief, Aboi'
qtddf* a Penobscot chief, and Tozus^ chief of the Norridgwocks,
with several others, having for their object professedly to nego-
tiate for an exchange of prisoners. The two first mentioned
had signed the treaty at Pemaqoid in 1698.
The English, it is believed, met the Indians a little distance
outside of the fort ; — and soon an altercation began between the
parties, in a manner that cannot now be very well determined ;
bat resulted in the death of the two chiefr first mentioned
above, and two other Indians, and, perhaps, of one or two En-
glishmen. Some Indians were taken prisoners, but Toxus and
a few others rescued themselves from their grasp and escaped.*
Some accounts of the transaction represent that Chubb and
his men, having engaged in a free and friendly conversation
with the Indians, without any provocation, fell suddenly upon
them with their weapons, killing several and wounding some
others, and that the Indians in the struggle acted only in self
defonoe ; but this is questionable. But it is certain timt the
people of New England, much as they were exasperated against
the Indians at the time, considered the conduct of Chubb and
hitmen very reprehensible, which clearly shows that they must
have been entirety in the wrong.
The following aooount is from Drake's Book of (he Indiam
(Book uu p* 122), which, however, he does not consider as worthy
ct implicit reliance. He suggests that it may be Chubb's own
etatemeot of the transaction.
** Aa ladisa isgtmors's son tppsared with a flag of tmce, sad Capt.
CM wsBl out to thsa without anat, msa for num. An lodian askod
for ruM aad tobsoso : the osptaia said, 'No} UU milhaik da^: Tboy
•aid, * W^ wiU ham mai, or W9 wiU have rum amd you loo.' Two Indboa
laid hold oa the oaptaia. Thoa hs oallod (o his men, to fall on, for Gknl'a
•aks. Tbea ho made signs to hit moo, to oomo from tho fort Oas of
the Baglish had a hatohoi aador his ooat, took it oat and killed aa la*
■Otketi my, a XkMttm 9tM, tboogh oftfla imldiiig at ICaoblaa.
*Ah$m§uid, AJUmiuU, AkanqwU,ii». Tf9u$, IkMm, T9J»h$, n^mqui, Ae.
•Tka origiaal kttor, wbldi waa wiHtoi mUf a moatk aftor tho ofmH, la pva-
itfvod la iko anhlfm oi tka Maaa HIit. Soa
i
4>-
diao ; and then oari killed two mora Indiana, and took aaothor alive, and
wounded another, aappofled mortally. Tbea many of tho sasmy
near to the En^iah, who retreatad all aafii to tho fort^''
The French officials in this country, in their correspondence
with their own government, gave a very different representa-
tion of the affiiir. The Indians were very desirous at this time
to effect the return of their friends, still held in Boston, and to
this end sought to open a correspondence in regard to a general
exchange of prisoners. To open the way a number of Indians
were sent [probably from the Penobscot] to Pemaquid with a
letter from English captives in the hands of the enemy; but
here they were debauched by the captain of the fort, and by
fair promises induced to enter into trade, contrary to the en-
treaty of their friend, If. 7%i<ry, who accompanied them in the
exp^ition, but withdrew into the woods, when he saw they
were determined to reject his advice.
The parties traded together in good faith for several days ;
but at length '* the English, perceiving the principal chiefii
grouped under the guns of the fort, b^gan by killing JBgerC'
met lEdgeremef] a &mou8 chief and his son by pistol shots.
Taxous [Taxus] was seised by three soldiers, and some others
^ were laid hold of in like manner, one of whom was carried
alive into the fort Two more armed with knives liberated
thenuelves from three of the enemy who had hold of them,
and four Englishmen lost their lives. One of our Indians
was killed by the shots which were fired from the fort ; another
saved Taxous after having killed two more of the enemy with
his knife. Thus we lost four, and the enemy six, men by their
treachery. It is to be hoped that the Abenakis will not place
any confidence hereafter in English promises."
The account goes on to say tiiat ** some Micnuu^ and other
Kennebec Indians surprised a detachment belonging to the gar*
risen of Pemkuit in some ishinds opposite the fort, and killed
twenty-three of them.'' ^
*IhcOot,jnM,y,T.,VL,t4$. Wkat timnmotioQ the laat atat«m«t haa lalii.
feaeo to cannot now be determined. IC. Tkar^ waa pfobaUy the rml aothor of
thewhotoatatemeat. Charleriox (IM. JV. J% nt, Itt) b oieeediag coAftiaed in
what he ea/aoC the matter.
U
\
mt 1 1 ^ 1 ■■ ■ p I liii UA "^
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HmoBT or Beistol ibs BBnmr.
r
A little time previous to these tragical erents at Pemaqnidy
Gov. Stonghton, of Massachosetts (Jan'y 21st, 1695), addressed
a short letter to the lodiaos, hoping in some measore to restrain
their ferocity ; and it calM forth a reply remarkable for its
malignity, from which we give some extracts below. The go-
vernor in his letter charged npon them ** the late tragical out-
rages and barbaroos murders," called them ** enemies of the
crown of England," and threatened them with severe punish-
ment if they &iled to restore the captives still in their hands,
and also to arrest and bring in the guilty authors of the late
atrocities.
The reply was signed by one of the Indians ; but of course
it was not written by him. The two brothers, Vincent and
James Bigot were at this time serving as missionaries among
the Abenalds, and very probably to one or the other of these
we may trace the real authorship of the letter. >
•
** Lord who writsst to mo, listoo tad aaderslsod what I s» about to tiy,
aad write, to jou. Thou wilt ossily rsooipitia »y words, tad why wilt
thou BOl rooogaiso thorn. It b thou (so to ozproM myself ) that faratthoit
ihom to mo. Writiag with too »aoh bsvgbtiDoas, thou obligott mo to
reply to thoo la the lamo stylo. Now, tbon, lit ton to tbo truths I am
sloui to toll thoo of thyself; if theo, who dost not speak tho truth when
thou sajsst that I kill thoo oruolly. I aovor ozoroiso say oruolty in kill-
ing thee, [as I kill thoo] only with hatohot blows and muskot shou. Thy
heart must have bosa over addiotod to wiokodnoss aad dooeit. No other
proof is Bsosssary thaa ths sots hwt autumn at Saoo and Pomkuit, taking
aad dotsiaing thoss who wore going to obuin news from thoo. Never in
the uaiverssl worid has it boon seen, noYor has it boon rehUed of a maa
being taksa prisoner who beers a tag [of trues] and goss to parley on
publie bosiaeas. This, howe?er, is what thou hast done ; in trath, thou
hast spoiled tho subjest of disoussioa. Thou bast oovsred it with blood ;
as for mo, I oould aoYsr resolve to aet in that auinnor, for tberein I have
even an extreme horror of thy unparalleled treaobery. How then dest
thou ezpoet that we would talk. * * *
What thou sayesl I retort on th jsolf. Tbere, repent and repair the gra?e
fkult thou hast eommitted; seise those who killed mo at Saoo, and made
me prisoner at Pomkuit I will do the like bj thee. I wUl bring tboO
thoss who killed tbss when I shall' be able to find them. Fail not to do
what I lequire of thee ; of tbee, I say, who killest me without oause ;
who tskest me prissaer whoa I am off mjr guard. Hers, agala, is what
«»
*
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HiSTOBT Of BaiSTOL AND BbUCSV,
203
I my to tbee. Bring, or send me book my rektives whom thou detainest
without eause. • • As for me, thou eanst not bfilot much
injury on me except by your treachery. My houses, my stores, my pro-
pertjr are in loaeceMible oountries. If thou wilt oonfisoaU them, they
wiU cost thee a great deal of kbor and fatigue." « « «
Several evenU of minor importance that occurred at Pema-
quid while fort William Heniy stood there in all its grandeur
may be mentioned here.
Governor Phips made an excursion east as fiir as Pemaquid
in 1693, but was not present at the negotiation of the treaty of
that year, as has been sometimes said ; the next year, 1694, he
made another visit here. He went as far east as St George's
river, calling at several of the settlements. His object seems
to have been, by personal inspection to acquaint himself with
the general condition of afiuirs in those settlements. At Pema-
quid he met the Penobscot chief, Madodcawando, aod pur-
chased of him a large tract of land on the Penobeoot and St
George's rivers, which like other transactions of this character
afterwards became the subject of much controversy. Long after
Phips's day the proprietora of the claim, and those holdbg un-
der the grant of the council of Plymouth, March 80th, 1680,
to Beanchamp and Leveret agreed to unite their interests ; and
the united claim came to be represented by Waldo, and final^
by Gen. Henry Knox of revolutionary &me. The ^li>^m was
for a tract thirty miles square. s
March 28th, 1695, two men, Sergeant Tilton and Peter Dill
ventured out into the sound m a birch canoe, and were over-
taken by a sudden snow squall and both drowned. The caution
of the natives in not venturing, as a general thing, to go around
the point in their small craft seems to have been wist.
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HiilOlT Of BftlSTOL AHD BftlMBir.
CHAPTER XIX.
Bmrj A fiMl MUMgruoe to the Indknt— PUm for iu rodvolion, mmI a naval
amd mUHux foret miU by Uie Fraieh for lu eapiort — Btreiigtb of the foroe —
Gapliiro of mi Bnglitb tbip, tbo Kowport, bj two Froaeh friipUoo — Tlie Preneli
dilpo UMbor ftl a rMpeetftd dlotanoe from the fort, and CMtlno with hit lodUnt
tmdf to nuke mi aitaok from the hmd— Gapturo of the fort aod eorrender of
the 0aiiiiOA— Ckiihb,the eooimasider of the fort, OBTereljr eontiured — He peti*
tioM to be leleaaed from JaU— Killed bjr the Indiant'^ A mtlltarjr and naval
ispeditieii teat to the eastward from Boeton— Plans of the French aod Cana-
dians lo rednee all the northern English seUlemenU to snljeetlon— The people
ol llassaehnsetts not altogether laozeasable for the disastnnis resalt at Pema-
qnid— John Palm«, John West, James Graham, Uenrjr Joeelixn and 0lr Wil.
UamPUpa.
Th« year 1696 wm osbered in with onosual quiet for these
pftits; but plane for the rednotioii of New Eoglaod and New
' York eootiniied to be earnestly discaseed by tbe French officials
in Canada and Acadia. The Indians early in the season com«
mitted sereral morders in New Hampshire and the western
part ot Maine ; and the peace that prerailed in the region of
Pemaqnid was dae to the fortress^ there, which was considered
the ** strongest ihstnees of the British in North America.'' >
The French conld expect to maintain their hold in Acadia and
Nora Scotia only by retaining the Indians in their interest ; and
the friendship of the latter would be of little consequence un*
less they conld be kept in active hostility agdnst the English.
SeTcral times some of the Indians indicated a disposition to
transfer their allegiance from the French to the English ; but
such a tendency was always promptly met by the French offi-,
oers, and the French missionuies, by efforts to bind them more
closely to themselves, or else to ezmte in their breasts a more
deadly hatred of the English.
To the Indians the fort atPemaqnid was a source of much annoy-
anee, as we have seen heretofore, being situated directly on their
Hne of travel, along the coast in their canoes. This will be better
HisTORT or Bristol ihd Bxsxkv.
205
T
^t
A
I
ji-
understood when it is known that the natives seldom ventured
around the point in their canoes, but chose rather to carry them,
and whatever effects they had, across the land from New Ebtr-
bor to the outer Pemaquid Harbor. In their small light canoes
of birch bark it was not safe, except in the very finest weather,
to venture so fiir out to sea as to pass around the point The
fort, therefore, being exactly in their path, would almost pre-
clude any communication between the eastern and western
tribes by their canoes, at least in time of war. To obtain pos-
session of it was, therefore, a matter of great importance, both
to tbe Indians and the French ; and to this end preparations
sow began to be made in good earnest
Villobon, governor of the French settlements in Acadia was
accustomed to receive his supplies from the home government
early in the spring of the year, and a plan was devised in Bos-
ton to seise upon the vessels bringing them, on their passage.
For this purpose an English armed ship was the year before
sent down from Boston to cruise off Uie mouth of the St
John's river, but the Frenchmen were found too strong to be
attacked, and nothing was accomplished. This year (1696) it
was determined to send a stronger force ; and two ships of war,
the Newport and the SorUngs^ with a small vessel to act as a
tender, were put in readiness and ordered to cruise to the east-
ward, and if possible intercept the expected store ship.
These ships, however, instead of the expected rich store
ship« fell in with two French ships of war, CJEnvieux and la iVo-
/aiu&, under D'Iberville, both well provided and armed, and
destined together to make an attack on fort William Henry, at
, Pemaquid. The French ships were superior to the English;
and in the fight that ensued, the Newport soon lost her topmast,
and was bbliged to surrender; and the Sorlings and the tender
only made their escape in a thick fog, which now veiy oppor-
tunely settied down upon them.
These French ships hod been fitted out at Quebec^ for the
express purpose of reducing Pemaquid; but the English had
failed to learn the fiict, or had neglected to make any special
preparation in self^efence.
With their prize, the Newport, the French ships made sail
for St Johns, where all needed repairs were made, and the
>In Oamean'e IRK. 4/ OwMito, tiaadated by BeU (toL I, S48), il toaald they
iaUed fton Bochofori.
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HiiToiT Of Beistol An Bbbubv.
IndiMt coodliAted by presoots freely distributed among them.
At Oape Bretoo one of the ships had taken on board some fifty
Indians, and here fifty more were pat on board the other. They
then sailed for the Penobscot, where Castine, who bad engaged
in the service two hundred of the Penobscot tribe, was in readi-
ness for them. Here also another French ofiicer, Villieu, with
twenty-five French soldiers, joined the expedition ; and the three
ships sailed together for Pemaqnid, Castine and his two ban*
dred Indian warriors baring previoasly started in their canoes.
>'^ CwV'Oastineaad his Indian allies reached the place Aogust 18th,
and D'Iberrille with the men of war the next day — the ships
taking their position a leagae from the fort, thus manifesting
for it a veiy proper respect. At five o'clock, p. ic., of the 14th,
a summons was sent to the fort to surrender, to which Capt
Ohubb, with no little bluster, replied, that he would not do so
•Ten *< if the sea were covered with French vessels, and the land
with Indians.'' >
The French had ahready landed several field pieces ; and with
this, the attack was begun, the Indians also firing their mus-
kets as occasion offered. The fort replied in like manner; but
. as the fort wis provided with heavy cannon of long range it is
difficult to understand hpw the beseigers could approach near
enough to produce any eilect with field pieces and muskets I
Probably little was accomplished by these preliminary move-
ments; but during the night heavier cannon and mortars were
landed, and put in position in the early part of the next day, so
that by three in the afternoon they were ready for more deci-
sive operations.
Some gentleman, a few years ago, after personal examination
of- the place, came to the conclusion that the place selected by
the French for landing their cannon and mortars — certainly
the latter— was a little cove that makes up from the south on
the west side, beyond the Barbocan. The point probably was
then well covered by a heavy growth of spruce, which, espe-
eiality in the night, would perfectly conceal them from observa-
> CiMrisfolz, AM. if. JP., m, 961 : ilWe4. JSTM. ir«M., n, 8» ; 1^^
» l,$4»iD06.OBLad.Jf.r^a,9O», HtttdOnMaiajs the fort WMeapUued Jul/
14th; sad WUUMBSoa sad Deitar ((7Aicf«A'«£bie#ni A^t^iM; p. 88, note) fo|.
tovkiaistetthedeteglTeaiBthetextleprobebljrtlieirueoiie. Ulhm(Mdgn.
n, 640) «je the " fifth or dzth of Avguet," which of eoune If to be UBdentood M
O. t., while the dMeflT«i la the text, being takea ftom the FV^neh eooowite* le
" l^theN.e. Thel4th.N.S.,woiildeen«qMMidtothe8d,0.a
r
^-
HXSTOBT or BbISTOL IHD BaXKBV.
207
tion by those in the fort Searching on the shore they thought
they found some masses of rock so placed artificially that they
may have been used as bases on which the heavy mortars were
supported. The idea of course is that the bombs were thrown
across the water a little outside the point of rock, called the
Barbacan. *
Another circumstance may perhaps favor this view. The
place alluded to is almost exactly opposite the west angle of the
fort, so that it would be extremely difficult to train upon it
the heavy guns of the fort from either the southwest or north*
west sides.
They began by throwing into the fort several bombs from
their mortars, producing no little consternation in the minds of
the besieged. Just at this time Oastine found means to convey
a letter into the fort, threatening that if they refused to surren-
der ttntil the place should be carried by assault, they would
have to deal with the Indians, and must expect no quarter, for '
eueh were the commander's instructions from the Idng. * This
produced the desired effect. After a short parley between Chubb
and the French officers a surrender was agreed to, and before
night the French took possession.
The terms of surrender were that the officers and soldiers of
the fort should be sent to Boston, and the same number of
French and Indian prisoners returned ; and that they should be
specially protected from the malice of the Indians. Chubb
and his men then marched out of the fort, and for security
from the savages, were conveyed to an island (probably Rkither-
ford's island) near which the ships were anchored ; and Vil*
lieu with sixty French soldiers entered and took possession.
On entering they found an Indian in irons, who had been held
a prisoner since tiie fight in the month of Febrtiary, as heretofore
described. He was in a miserable condition, having suffered
greatly from his long confinement ; and when the other Indians
became acquainted with his case, they were exceedingly en*
raged. But for the precaution which the French commander
hkd taken to remove all the English from the place, they would
have been in great danger from the fhiy of the savages. *
*R.K. Bewail, E«).
* When Hntehinaon wrote hie Hietoiy of MasMchneette he had before him the
original note which Castine eent into the fort, and wliich led to tlie eunenden
' Some writeri— and among them Williamson {MitL tf 2taini, i, SU) — afiim
that the Indians, in their rage, did actnallj ftdl mpon sereial of the soldien sad
nuider them; bat the sta t emen t ie not supported by the best aathoiitiea
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HiBTOKT Of Bbibtol akd Bbbubh.
Unfortaoateljy Chubb left in the fort some of hie private pa-
pers, and among them was found an order» recently received
from the Massachusetts authorities, to hang the wretched In-
dian prisoner; but the French officer wisely kept the fact from
the loiowledge of the Indians. *
The conduct of Ohubb in thus surrendering the fort, without
even a serious effort to hold it was severely condemned by the
government and people of .Massachusetts. The fort was in
good condition, with a well supplied bomb-proof magazine,
situated, according to Charlevoix, partly under the large rock
within the walls, and had fifteen mounted cannon. The garrison
consisted of ninety-two men, with sufficient supplies for a long
siege; and French writers admit that if the fort had been
properly defended the result would have been doubtftil. Cer-
tain it is that it could have been captured only by a long siege,
and the shedding of much blood* No one in the fort was in-
jured; and the French lost but one man, who died some time
after the capture of the fort, of pleurisy, contracted, as was
supposed, by his labors and exposure during the siege*
The cannon and other property of the fort were then removed
on board the French ships, except the small arms, which, with
much ammunition, were distributed among the Indians, much
to their satisfi^^on. The fort, and everything about it were
destroyed ; the walls thrown down as &r as possible ; and, on
the eighteenth of the month, they took their departure to the
Penobscot
Chubb, on his return to Boston, was arrested and thrown
into prison, where he remained several months ; but it is be-
lieved he was never brought to trial. The following is a petition
of his addressed to the general court, to be released from prison :
^Ts the Ofssis sad Osa" CoaH of his MaJ«rt Pnnriaes ef the Msisa-
shasstts Bay ia New Saglaad Asssablsd aU Bostoa by sdjoarameat
KereBbsIr 18th, 16M.
The Psitioa of Pisso Ohabb Late CsaBsad' of bis Msjiy* Fart at
PsBsqiud
Humbly Sbswsth
Thai jo^ Pstitisar Skuids eomitsd a Prisoa' ia ibs Bostea Ckmle for
his Lais Samaderiag k dtdiTtriag ap (be sforesaid Fort tad Storss
Ibsrete beloagiag aato bis hlti^f Eaeaiiss, fte.
Aad Wbsfssi To' Potilioar io a vorj pooie naa, baviag a wifb sad
7
HiSTOBT OF BbXBXOL IHD BkBMSK.
209
sbildrsa to Look after w^ by reason of bis oonAaeia^ k poTsrty are redaoed
to s means aad nsceistous oooditioa, baviag not wberswitb all either to
defray bit prisoa aeoessary charges or to relisTs his ladigsot family
Tor Petition^ Tbsrefore bambly prays that this high and boa^^« Court
will please to eonsid' the premises See that he may either be Brought to
bis Tiyall, or else apoa gifing Soffioieat Bayle, be released from bis pre-
sent OoaAneoMnt whereby be may be enabled to take some care of bis
poore family for their SabttsUooe in tbis bard aad dears Wiaier Seasoa.
And y Petitioa' as ia duty boaad
sbsll sver pray.** ^
The general court took action upon the petition, March 81st,
1697, and in consideration of his long imprisonment ordered
payment to be made him for his services ; but did nothing .fur-
ther. Not long afterwards he was discharged from prison, by
what process has not been ascertained, and allowed to return to
his family in Andover, where himself and wife were killed by
the Indians, Feb. 22d, 1698. The Indians, about thirty in
number, it is supposed, visited the place with the special design
of seeldng revenge upon Chubb for the wrongs they believed
he had done them; but in the attack several others were slain»
and some taken into captivity. *
It has been suggested— and with much plausibility— that
both Chubb and his men, in so cowardly surrendering the fort
at Pema(iuid, were influenced not a little by fear of the savage
vengeance that would probably be executed upon them, should
they M into the Indians' hands. More than this, their own
consciences accused them of wrong doing in regard to these
vindictive people.
The first intelligence of the capture of the English ship
Newport, and the M of Pemaquid, was brought to Boston by
the shallop sent there with the prisoners to be exchanged
according to the terms of capitulation. The event was oonsi*
dered by the Indians and French as a matter <^ the greatest
importance; and it was supposed that the same forces would
proceed at once to attack other Sdglish settlements on the
coast fiurther west, as Casco, York, or Piscataqua. There was
' IfeM. JlnsAIPM, 70, 807 and 335.
• Jottmal of Joba Pik^ ir. A IM (M, ni,4».
27
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HiSTOBT OF Bristol avd Brbmbv.
need of prompt aotioo on the part of Massachnsctts, and a
force of fire hundred men under Col Oednej woe sent east to
York, for the protection of that settlement, and Major Church
with aa many more men in three ships of war, and one or two
tenders, was despatched to Pemaqnid, to giro battle to the
French fleet if it conld be found, and to punish the enemy,
either French or Indians, as thej might have opportunity.
They landed at York« as they sailed east, called and inspected
the ruins of Pemaquid, but found no enemy to fight, as the
French fleet had left those waters, and the Indians were careful
to be out of the way. To give the latter an opportunity to
leave their hiding places Church anchored his ships in the bar-
bor of Monhegan, and hoped to catch the Indians about the
mouth of the Penobscot by sending his armed boata there in the
night; but nothing of any importance was accomplished.
Thus passed away the autumn of 1696; and if the French
did not follow up their advantage with becoming energy, it was
for the reason that the next year, with better preparation, they
proposed for themselves a magnificent enterprise, which had
often been suggested, but never before undertaken. Immcdi*
ately after the capture of fort William Henry, the French
easily reduced whatever other impoverijshed English settlements
there were to the east of Pemaquid ; and by right of conquest,
the whole country east of the Kennebec became subject to the
crown of France.
This proposed enterprise was the reduction of all the En-
glish settlements on the coast as far south as, and including
New York. A magnificent project truly, as it appears to us at
the present day, and of doubtful execution ; but the French
government, intoxicated by their successes of the preceding
year, were disposed to make the attempt Therefore, early in
the spring (of 1697) a formidable fleet of ^ ten men-of-war, a
galliot, and two fngates,'' were put in readiness and ordered to
•ail for those shores.
The plan was for them to leave the port of Brest, not later
than April 26th ; but various delays occurred, and they did not
reach Placentia Bay in Newfoundland until July 24th. Here
they came to anchor, and had communication with the French
officials residing in the place, and here the commander, the
Marquis of Nesmond-^an able and experienced officer —
•eemed first to have formed some adequate notion of the mag*
History of Bristol axd BaBUBX.
211
nitude of the enterprise in which he was engaged. His officers
also shared the same feelings with him ; and it began to be seen
that tlie season was too far advanced to begin so extensive a
plan as that proposed ; therefore when a council of war was
called to determine whether they should proceed immediately
to make an attack upon Boston, every voice was given in the
negative.
The Massachusetts people were not ignorant of these designt
of the enemy agiunst them, and such preparations were made
for self*defense as they were able. An expedition under Miyor
March — the same who hod previously been commander of
Pemaquid fort— was sent to scour the coasts to the eastward;
but nothing of any importance was accomplished. In attempt-
ing to land somewhere at the mouth of the Damariscotta river,
he was fired upon by Indians lying near in ambush, and several
killed. He, however, soon rallied his men that remained, and,
charging upon the enemy with fixed bayonets, drove them in
every direction, several on both sides being left dead upon the
field. This occurred Sept 9th, 1697.
The treaty of Ryswick, by which peace was restored between
England and France, was signed Sept. 11th, but the fact woe
not officially made known in Boston until Dec. 10th. By thia
treaty a nominal peace was restored to the country ; but the
chief point in dispute— * the true western boundary of Aca-
dia, or, as we should now express it, the true boundary line
between Maine and New Brunswick*— remained just as before.
All places, forts, &c., conquered by either party from the other
during the war, were to be restored, and all questions as to the
proper western boundary of Acadia remained still unsettled.
l^Iassochusetts, backed by the British government, still claimed
jurisdiction as far east as the St Croix river, while the French
still asserted their rights as fur west as the Eennebec
Thus terminated, just at the close of the 17th century, thia
disastrous Indian war of New England, usually called the ucand
Itidian toar^ or King WUUam*$ war.
Ko one can read the short and melancholy history of fort
William Henry without interest Though the people felt
deeply the heavy burden imposed upon them without their con-
sent, by the expense of ite construction, and were greatly divided
in opinion as to the propriety of the expenditure^ there can now
be no question of the great importance of the fortification in
]« ■ ^1 aw | i
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HnroiT OF Bbistol akd Bbimiv.
HXSTOKT OF BeISTOL AND BbSMBK.
213
fte eondidoo of afiain at the time. The excellent effect upon
the Indiana was plainly teen ; and if it coald have been main-
tained with the sameapirit as Phipe manifested in its oonstrnction,
the snbseqnent enormona expenditure ot blood and treasure
would ha?e been aroided.
The appointment of so incompetent a commander as Pasco
Chnbbt in so important a place, at each a critical juncture, was
an offidal blunder, for which no excuse can be allowed ; but
still the &tal disaster, which terminated its existence so soon in
its histoiy, must be ascribed in no small degree to the coldness,
not to saj the hostility of the people of Massachusetts. Feats
of self-sacrificing endurance and deeds of heroic daring ought
not to be expected of even good soldiers, when they know that
a spirit of repining and complaint is abroad among those who
ought to be their supporters.
A few of the personages who had a hand in the transactions,
heretofore described, require some further notice here. John
Palmer and John West were two such characters. Palmer
came to Pemaquid firom New Tbrk in the summer of 1686, by
appointment of Gk>T. Bongan, having received his commission
June 19th. His chief business was to attend to the collection
of the revenues, the chief part of which was to be derived from
the quit-rents, or moneys received for leases of land to the
settlers; for while government claimed to own all the land, it
was not the policy to sell fiurms to settlers, giving deeds thereof^
as is now done with us; only leases were given, the considera-
tion being a certain amount per acre, or per hundred acres, to
be paid annually as quit-rent He and his associates seem to
have been allowed to fix their own scale of prices, which of
eourse were limited only by the supposed ability of the settlers
to pay. He was abo clothed witii some civil authority, not
very well defined. He had been a member of Gov. Dongau's
eouncil in New York, and was by natural disposition and habit
a fit instrument to be sent here, as assessor and collector of an
unjust and unwilling tribute fW>m the poor settlers. He was
here when Gov. Andros with his soldiers arrived, late in the
autumn of 1688 or eariy in the year 1689, and probably left
with him for Boston on hearing of the revolution in England.
At Boston with Andros and others he was imprisoned several
Bontha, and afterwards took his departure for England.
•\r
1
John West, an Englishman, came to New York in 1678 in
the same ship with Gov. Andros, James Graham, and others.
He was appointed to several important ofiices by Andros, as
secretary of the province, clerk of the court of asnxes, and clerk
of the city of New York. In old documents he is sometimes
styled ** Merchant of New York.'' In 1680, he was appointed
by Andros ** Jiistice of peace at Pemaquid and its dependen-
cies ;" but it is believed he did not remove there for several
years. October, 1684, he was married to Anne Budyard, daugh-
ter of Gov. Budyard of New Jersey. We first hear of him at
Pemaquid in 1686, when he was associated with John Palmer,
as deputy secretary, for the collection of the revenue. He was
a fit associate of Palmer, but, if possible, still more arbitrary,
and greedy of money. It is believed that he was here at the
time of Andros's visit, and probably returned with him and
Pahner to Boston. He was one of those imprisoned in Boston
with Andros, Palmer and others by the uprising of the people,
and probably died not long afterwards.
James Graham, who came to this oOnntiy with Andros and
Palmer, as before mentioned, was by birth a Scotchman, but
strong in the confidence of Andros. He first engaged in mer*
cfaandise in New York city, and entered largely into the pur-
chase of lands in New York, New Jersey, and elsewhere.
But he soon found his way into office, as was of course the
understanding. He was first made attorney general, though
not bred to the law, and member of the council for New York,
but when Andros was appointed governor of New England,
Graham came with him, as his attorney general, and long re-
sided in Boston. His fondness for holding real estate is seen
in the fact that on very easy conditions, as previously mentioned
(ante, p. 154), he obUined, apparently without rendering any
consideration whatever, the large grant of one thousand acres
of land at Pemaquid. He was never in the place; and his
association with Palmer and West, as previously related, was
only advisory, as law officer of the government He was im-
prisoned in Boston, at the same time witii Gov. Andros and
others, and was not released until several months.
He removed fh>m Boston to New Yoric in 1691, and in the
latter part of his life redded at Morrisauia, where be ^ed about
1708 or 1708.
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Henvy Jofcelyn (Jotaeljii) cam* to thU ooontiy in 1684, and
Mttled at Blaok Point (Soarboro'). He was a man of atiict
integrity, and, at diffiu^nt timee, was appointed to seyeral import-
ant offioes; but he always &Tored the views and interests of
the royal gOTemment, and the proprietors holding grants under
it, and opposed the sohemes of Massachusetts. Becoming dis-
gosted with the course the public a&irs were taking in the
western part of the present state of Maine, he with his fomily
left it, and removed to Pemaquid, where he spent the rest ot
his life. He came to reside at Pemaquid very soon, probably,
after the occupation of the place by the agents of the Duke of
York, about 1677 or 1678. In 1680, he was appointed *' Justice
of the Peace in Quorum,'' by the governor of New York, and
subsequently received other marks of confidence. In September
of the same year, Gk>v. Andros wrote to Ensign Sharpc, then in
command of Pemaquid, as to ** Mr. Joslyne whom I would
have you use with all fitting respect Considering what he hath
been and Us age. And if he Desire and shall build a house
for himselfe to lett him Ohoose any lott and pay him ten pound
towards it or if he shall Derire to byre soe to live by himself
then to Engage and pay the rent either of which shall be
allowed you in yo^ account as alsoe sufficient provision for him*
selfe and wife as he shall Desire out of the stores." He died
previous to May 10th, 1688; as Capt Brockholls writing that
day to Lawrence Dennis speaks of him as deceased. He
was an honored and worthy man ; and if the spot where bis
dust reposes could now be known, it would constitute an addi*
tional attraction for visitors to old Penoaquid.
Many writers mention Pemaquid as the probable birth*place
of Sir Wm. Phips, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, under
the Charter of William and Mary, but others say, probably more
truly, that he was bom at Woolwich, on the Kennebec Others
still, who allow that he was bom at Woolwich, claim that he
lived some time at Pemaquid. Mather says that ** he was bom
Feb. S, 1650, at a despicable plantation on the river of Kenne-
bee, and almost the furthest village of the eastem settlement of
Kew Sngland."* This despicable village is believed to have
been the ancient Nequasset, at or near which is the present
village of Woolwich.
\(nien about twenty*four or twenty-five years old he con-
tracted to build a vessel at Sheepecott, and had just finished it
±
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HXSTCRT or BbISIOL AHD BaXKBV.
215
when the Indian war began here, which was in August, 1676.
From this circumstance it is, probably, that it is sometimes
said fte was bom at Sheepscott»
The remarkable histoiy and career of Sir Wul Phips are
well known, and would not require mention here but for tho
fact that it is so often said that Pemaquid was his birth-place.
Pemaquid, probably, would not refhse the honor implied pro-
vided only that the «* iiMts of histoiy," as recorded by the most
reliable historians would allow its acceptance, *
CHAPTER 2X
AxciBNT Boias AT Pbiuquid.
Fort Wnibun Henij and Fori Frcderle— • Qeologjr of Pcmftqnid Hsibor— >RiiIbs
of the old fortt— PsTemcol*— lUj tha lelici ibond heiv pertain to a period
iDOfc ancient than tbe oeeapanej of the plaoe bjr the Engllikt^Andenl
•treett — Lewb*a field — Andent canal at the Falla — Qyle'a field —Popnlatioa
and bnelncai of the place— Veweli built at Pemaqnld— Claima to land In this
plaee entered In the book of " Eaatem UafaBf."
The name Pemaquid has sometimes been used to designate
tbe whole coast from the mouth of the Eennebec river, to the
8t George, but it properly belongs only to the peninsula where
the old fort stood and the adjacent harbor and river.
The accompanying map effort Frederick, and the Pemaquid
peninsula on which it stands, will be understood without any
special description. This fort, erected by Col. David Dunbar,
in 1729, under the direction and at the expense of the British
govemracnt, has not yet been described in this work. Like
fort William Henry, constructed by Phips in 1692, as previously
described (ante, p. 168), it was built of stone, and probably
occupied the same foundations, though of this there may be
some doubt But whether or not the foundations are the same
> The anon jmona writer of an artldo In toL n, p. SS8. of the J/hiji« BU(L C$1-
teethns way that " Jamee Pidpe, fkther of Sir WilUam Phlpa. eeulcd here abooS
1088, but aiWward remored to the banks of the Kennebec. In the town of Wool*
wkh," bntdtoanoaathori^isrtheatatenient; and the anther sfthtoweA has
boon nnaUe to Sad tmj anpport Ibr U among the old wrltofs.
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HincoRT or BkitxoL An Bukbv.
217
as those Iftid by PbipSi it is entirely certaiu that the two occa*
pied substantiallj the same site. A. farther desoripdon will be
given when the sabjeot comes again before us in the regular
order of events.
The pecaliar formation of the harbor is especially interesting
to the geologist, being separated as it is from the sea on the
south by an immense dyke of trap or basalt, which like an
artificial breakwater, protects it from the waves, but allows a
sufficient space for the passage of ships. ^ The rocks of this
whole region are of the kind called by geologists, nutamarphiCf
with frequent masses and veins of granite and qQartz,and occa*
sional dykes of trap, passing into hornblende. The upheaval
of the stratified gneiss and mica slate in all this region has been
in lines nearly north and south, the axial lines being continued
down into the promontories; and between these the tide flows
up a greater or less distance, as in the Eennebec, Sheepscot,
the Damarriscotta, and the Pemaquid rivers. Pemaquid point
is the extreme southern termination of one of these promonto*
ries, having the Muscougus bay on the east, and John's bay and
the Damariscotta river on the west
The projecting, basaltic sea wall at the harbor on the west
side was often called the Barbacan by the early writers, pro*
bably because of its supposed resemblance to ceruin walls or
watch towers, which in those days were often erected near the
entrance of fortifications or walled cities, and called by this
name. A particular locality in the city of London was long
known as the Barbacan, and a place of worship was miun*
tained there by some of the early puritans. It may be that the
name is still retained. (Ante, p. 68).
Little more now remains of Dunbar's fort than the mere
foundations or substructions, on which the walls fi)rmerly rested,
but these enable us to fix precisely the location of the import-
ant structure. It was on the east side of the entrance to the
harbor, nearly opposite the sea>wall, or barbacan, but a littie
south of it, as required by the peculiar conformation of the sor-
fiMse. This point of land is really a small promontoiy by itself^
made so by an indentation from John's bay, or Pemaquid outer
* This djrke Imm bMtt prariovtljr detoribed, asU, p. S. TIm appmnno of tW
djkeMtfthelMUorLMgcofv wm flrH polatad o«l to Um writer kj WUIiaa
Hadultoa, Biq.
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218
HnroET Of Bristol ahb Bbkuin.
barber on tbe tontb, and a small cove on the north, eonnected
with tbo Pemaqnid inner harbor. This was formerly called
Cox's eove, from the oircnmstance that a descendant, probably
a son of William Oox, one of the witnesses to Brown's Indian
deed, long liTcd there. ' The name is not often heard now,
and is not fonnd on the recent map of Lincoln county. Be-
tween this core and the indentation from John's bay on the
south, just alladed to, the land is low; and no very consider-
able rise in the acysoent waters would be required to change
the peninsula into an island. But to claim that it probably has
been an island within the period of human history, and perhaps
connected with the main land by an artificial bridge, as has
been done by the author of the Ancient Dominion of Maine,
is to draw quite too lai^ly on the imagination tor the legitimate
purposes of history. '
The remains of the fort show it to have been situated on the
highest gronnd on the peninsula, which happens to be near the
water's edge jujrt at the entrance of the harbor. The fort was
quadrangular in form but not perfectly square. The four sides
faced towards the southwest, northwest, northeast and south-
east, the four eomersor angles being of course towards the four
cardinal points. At the west angle is a huge boulder of granite,
around which the wall was built, some of the stones still re-
maining in their places. The southwest and northwest walls
were continued nearly up to this rock, baring it exactly in the
angle between them ; then starting from these the wall was
carried around the rock in a perfect drole, the distance around
bring 180 feet This has sometimes been called the round
tower, or the greater flanker. The southeast and northeast
sides were each 148 feet in length, and the southwest and north-
west sides each 180 feet The entrance was on the northeast
«de; and at the east angle and diagonally opposite the round
tower there was a regular bastion. * Within the fort there is
> li Bftjr be tiiAi the core Inrmerijr eiOM kj tUt I
ken the eune harbor ftuther eeei.
^Am, IhmMmu tf MtdH$, p. 118.
i k the daflMT todeaUtkwi
•Oweitiithi iiawfaif the map htm taliea the libertjr to repreeoit a loud
toww el the eMt«ni aB|^ ef the Ibtt, b«t piobabi j it wie ft reffolar butioii.
Tbe pleee ef eatnaee wm doeed bj tmuaaiw gatee of eek. The lete Mn. Sarah
(JohMlea)Baniet.whe wis bonis the fori, and UTed then in her childhood, ia
h« eU age «ied to tearibe the eaeM when after the eloeo of the Froneh war the
bif gatoa were thfowB epeimiid the hiaf7 eawMS raMfed aiid p«t ea a ihip te
betekMter
EisTORT Of Bbxstoi. AND Baxinor.
219
Ani T , nrK%
a small but well preserved cellar, and at one end of it the re-
mains of a brick chimney.
The huge granite boulder, inclosed within the round tower,
is partly buried in the soil, but if the rubbish were removed
that has accumulated around it, would be probably on the west
side at least twenty feet in height, and doubtless weighs many
hundred tons. On the east side of the rock and partly under
it, in an excavation made for the purpose, was the principal
magazine of the fort Tbe entrance to it was by a trap door
from above ; a portion of the walls lining it on three ndes may
yet be seen. Probably another magazine was oontained in the
bastion in the east angle of the fort
Northeast from tbe fort, about forty rods distant, is the an-
cient cemetery, now handsomely inclosed, but formerly making
a part of the open field, and extending over a much larger sur&ce
than at present Unfortunately for us no monuments were
placed at the ancient graves, but only rough head and foot
stones, obtained from the shore; and it is well known that
many of those once standing here were long ago removed, and
the ground leveled by the plow.
One rough stone which formeriy stood alone, at some distance
from the present inclosure, contains on it the letters H and M
(but they are cut together, thus, IM), and beneath them the
date of the year, which some read 1625, but probably it should
be read 1695. Some suppose that this is only the foot stone of
the grave, the more elaborate head stone having been removed ;
but there may be some doubt of this. Formerly the places of
several graves were indicated by pieces of plank placed at the
head and foot, the one at the head having a piece of lead in*
sorted, with an inscription engraved upon it ; but they have
long since disappeared. On one of these the inscription was in
a language that no one in the place could read but Parson
McLean, a clergyman of the place. ^ The grave probably was
that of a French lady, the wife of a French captain, whose
remains wore brought on shore there and buried, perhaps about
the time of the Revolutionary war, or soon after its close.
From the eastern angle of the fort towards the cemetery,
directly on the highest point of the ridge, and but little con-
cealed beneath the soil, are the remains of an ancient pavement.
>Mi«. Dr. How, I860,
theroo.
flooM aeeottot oT Ber. If r. UcLeaa wm htgjtwmtu^
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HiBTOET Of Bristol Am Brsmiv.
^
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HZSTOET 07 BfiliTOL AVP BbSMXV.
221
which probablj formed tho principal street of the Tillage. The
pavement probably was not laid regularly, hot was made by
throwing in loose stones, which in time became imbedded in
the soil, as we now find them. They are so compacted together
that it is found impossible to pass the plow through them. *
Some large flat stones, formerly covered a part of the street,
appearing as if laid for flagging ; and only a few years ago an
old lady (Mrs. Bobinson) remembered to have seen the weeds
growing up. between them when she once visited the place in
her childhood. The pavement extends several rods firom the
fort, but not as for as the cemetery, which is about forty rods
distant On both sides of the supposed main street are the
remains of former cellars' more or less distinct
From a point near the present cemetery fence, another street
evidently connected with this principal street, making nearly
a right angle with it, and extending to the shore, where are
still to be found in position, a number of the timbers of a former
wharf. One of these, perfectly sound, was removed from its
old bed in the gravel only a few years ago. On both sides of
these supposed streets, are many depressions indicating the exist-
ence of cellars. At present tiiere are no walls to the cellars
that can be seen, but it is known that formerly, in some of them
at least, there were well laid walls; and persons are now living
who twen^ or thirty years ago aided in removing the stones
which appeared at the surfiuse, and in filling the cellars with
earth.
It is believed that another street once existed, on the south*
east side of the main street just described, and running parallel
with it, but the houses on it were mostly without walled cellars.
Its supposed place is indicated on the map.
From the southeast wall of the fort the ground descends quite
rapidly, and at the distance of several rods another pavement is
found, even more interesting than the preceding, and the pur-
pose for which it was laid not so easy to understand. It is
aitoated on the very edge of the bank from which probably
some eonuderable earth has been washed away, though proba*
bly it is not reached by the highest tides. The stones of the
pavement until recently were entirely concealed by black earth
and gravel to the depth of six to ten inches, and in it the couch-
grass roots are thoroughly intertwined so as to form a very
rr
tough sod. Near the edge of the bank the covering of earth
has been removed so as to expose to view a considerable area ;
and it is shown to be a pavement of rather small water-worn peb-
bles, as regularly laid as in a street of a city, and all oC them in
place except as they have been disturbed by very recent intrud-
ers. The appearance instantly suggests tiie idea of a street
having a width of twelve or fourteen feet, one side of which is
found to rest against a regular cellar wall, and on the other side
is a row of larger stones, evidently designed for curb stones.
Near the celUir wall a depression in the pavement was plainly
intended to carry off the water.
Assuming this to be the pavement of a street leading north*
easterly towards the present town road, search was made some
years ago by a company of gentlemen, at which the writer was
present, and the following fiicts were determined. The cellar
though small has a well faced wall probably on all its four
sides. The western wall is situated just at the edge of the bank,
so that the washing away of a very little more earth would
expose it to view. On the south side is the pavement just de-
scribed, some twelve or fourteen feet in width, and might well
bo taken for the pavement of a narrow street, but when exa-
mined further, it is found to extend around the east and north
sides of the cellar wall about the same width ; though on the
north side the stones have been somewhat displaced. All
around on the south and east sides at the outer edge a row of
larger stones is placed as if for a curbing; though the stones
appear to have been only laid upon the surface, and are not
fixed in the earth, as is done in modem times. The lines are
perfectly straight, so far as ex{>osed to view, and at the south*
east angle every stone was found nicely ai^usted to its place.
The conclusion arrived at from these facts must be that these
pavements were designed for the courtyard of a gentleman's
house or perhaps some public building, and not for a publie
street
1. The stones of which it was made are too small and light,
for a street pavement, and are simply laid upon the earthy
which was careAilly levelled for the purpose, but were not em*
bedded in mortar, as must be done to resist the tread of horses
and the pressure of heavy wheels.
S. The pavement is found only on the three ddes of the cd*
lar, and does not extend in any direction from the cellar wall
■ ^r -m M»*«*^
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HiraoBT Of BusraL avi^ BEiimr.
iQoro tliaa tweWeor foarteen feet» which woald not be the case
if it formed a pert of e street Search was made in every
direction, especially on a line towards the present country road
but withoot finding any indications of a farther continuance of
the paTement 8. In the early history of the place when
theee paTcments were constmcted there were no roads in all
this region except on a very small scale in the Tillage here at
the fort, and no pleasure carriages whatever, and of coarse no
need of paved streets. 4. The partial pavement or flagging
of the main street leading northeasterly from the fort was pro-
bably designed to fiMilitate the passage of heavy teams between
the fort and the wharf for which there woald be constant need.
Traveling in thoee days in this region was entirely by boat or
on horseback, even down to the time when Phips's fort was
destroyed in 1696 ; and thoagh there were probably at the latter
period a fow roads leading from the fort to other places, as
New Harbor and Bound Pond and Broad Oove, as also to the
Palls and to Damarisootta even, they were prepared only for
the use of oz teams, and were but barely passable for these.
The cellar connected with these pavements has long been
oompletely filled, so that the plow has passed over it as over
other parts of the field, yet the walls are easily found, and im*
bedded in the earth in the cellar firagments of charred and
rotten wood, and nails, and the remains of articles of domestic
use have been found.
May not this pavement and other ruins found here, belong
to an earlier period than we have supposed^ and indicate the
presence of civilized people before the advent of either the
English or French T This inquiry naturally suggests itself, and
has constantly been kept in mind during the explorations here,
and elsewhere in this vicinity; and the reply must be very
deddedly in the negative. The fragments of many articles of
domestic use which have been found, in the opinion of oompe*
tent judges, are not older than the beginning of the seventeenth
century. Some copper coins were tbund at different times,
many years ago, but unfortunately they have not been preserved,
and we have not their nationalities or dates. A large copper
coin found more recentiy, and now in the possession of B. H.
Bewail, Esq., of Wiscasset, though so mudi corroded that the
inscription and various characters upon it can not all be made
out satisfiietorUy, is believed to be a Portugese coin of not
ancient date.
HiBTORT Of Bristol avi^ Brixxv.
22S
Tir
I
The foct that the pavement is covered to the depth of six to
twelve inches with soil may be thougnt to indicate a more
ancient origin than we are disposed to allow it, but it is to be
noted that it is on low ground, and so situated as to recMve any
loose material that might be washed upon it by the rains. ^
Leaving this pavemept and following the shore in a south-
easterly direction towards Fish point, we pass the remains of
several blacksmith shops, which too plainly indicate their cha*
racter to be mistaken, and at length, at only a littie distance find
other remains the character of which is not so evident They
are mostly covered with green turf, but in digging a littie
beneath it, for a space of several square yards, we find in
abundance fragments of clay tobacco pipes, and occasionally a
whole pipe. The soil also appears unlike that in the vicinity,
as if mixed with proper pipe clay ; and it has been suggested
that probably a manufactory of clay pipes once stood here.
Other appearances which can not here be given in detail de»
cidedly favor the saggestion.
Eeturuing again to the site of the old fort, we find under the
banks, a littie distance from the round tower, at the western
angle, and down near the water's edge, a renmrkable structure,
the design of which has as yet baffled all explanatoiy attempts
by the antiquarians. It has the appearance of a well about
seven feet in diameter, and nine or ten feet deep, with a wall of
coarse red brick, mode of a trapezoidal form, and evidentiy
struck in a mould made for this special purpose. Probably they
were made here, but, so far as we know, no remains of an
ancient brick-kiln has ever been found in the neighborhood.
The wall is not perfectly circular but slightly eliptical, having
its major axis of about seven feet, the other being about six
inches lees. The brick wall rests on a smooth surfoce of solid
rock, which at very high tides, may probably be covered with
water. The brick were probably liud in day, instead of lime
mortar, but much of it has been washed out by the water.
There are no stairs or steps or other indications of any means
for persons to descend into it.
The structure is imbedded in the bank of loose gravel and
sand, and when discovered was quite concealed by the native
* Thougli Buaeh baa bsen mid of the aadeat voyagM of tho Korthmon, «ad
mtMj ifibrU made to dlooorer aonie tneeo of tbeir works oq tho ooott and ialaiida
of New Englaad^iihashlthsrtoboeowUboat sajr othar thsa a aigathe ranU.
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HisTOET Of Btanoh amd Beimiv*
•brobbeiy growing tboro. It wm alio ootireljr filled with the
same taod and grarel that form the bank. The top of the wall
when diaoorered, oorreeponded all aroond with the slanting
inr£Me of the bank, and wae of oonrse higher on one side than
on the other, eeyeral oonreeeof'the briek on the lower eide
baring Alien down to the beaoh below. The diaooTeiy of these
fidlen briek on the shore by a neighbor of Mr. Partridge led
him to searoh ibr their origin, and erentoally brought the whole
thing to light It should be added that the top of the higher
part of the wall inclines inward a little, and seems to indicate
that it may once hare been arched orer.
It is difficult to imagine what eould hare been the design of
auch a structure, in such a place. It is outside of the fort, and
not yerj readily accessible from it; and probably never was
capable of holding water. The suggestion has been made that
it was used as a place of punishment, by solitaiy confinement,
of unruly or disobedient soldiers; but if we adopt this view
several puuling questions at once suggest themselves in regard
to it; and we are obliged to leave the intelligent reader to form
bis own opinion*
Besides the streets described above, there were probably
others — and some have thought they were able to indicate
their locality — but the writer chooses to confine himself to
iSM>ts that have been determined with reasonable certainty.
Some one, a few years ago, found on the peninsula the remains
of fi>rty-seven cellars, and at least seven blacksmith's forges;
and probably there were many houses without cellars. Near
the remains of the old wharf there appears to have been a veiy
large cellar, on which (some one has suggested) perhaps stood
the public store-house. Perhaps the custom-house of the Duke
of York, stood on this very spot, as all foreign vessels, arriving
on the coast, anywhere between the Kennebec and the 8t
Oroix rivers— and even flshing-boats- were required to enter
and clear at this port, of course paying the required duties and
fees.*
Some old cellars, apparently of ancient date, are found on
the west side of the harbor, nearly opposite the fort; but' half
or three quarters of a mile further north — at a place frequently
oalled Lewis's field, from the name of the present owner— are
roins of a deeply interesting, because of their somewhat myste-
Oii^T.ili
1
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HiSTOBT Of BaiSTOL AHD BBIMBir.
225
rions character. The presumption of course is that the works
wore designed by the early settlers as means of defense against
their enemies, but it is not so clear how they were constructed,
or used. Was there a small fort there, or only a tower for ob-
serving the enemy, and also serving to protect the guard for a
time, until help could be sent from the fort T
The ruins alluded to here are on a point of land a little
elevated above the acljacent field, which projects so much into
the river as to give a clear view upward to the falls and down«
ward to the fort Towards the north, the ridge, which lies
nearly east and west, falls off quite abruptly, and for several
rods presents something of the appearance of an artificial work;
but probably this has been produced in modem times by the
•repeated passing of the plow along the hill-side. Just at the
highest point, which is a little back from the edge of the bonk,
tlicre is concealed under the soil, a perpendicular wall of stone
very well faced, having the appearance of a cellar wall, or per*
haps the foundations of a tower; but the whole is so much
concealed by the earth and overgrowing weeds that it is diffi*
cult to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. Among the ruins
some pieces of a kind of freestone are found, that were evi*
dently brought from abroad, as the like is not produced in this
region.
Both nonh and south of these ruins, are pavements of small
stones, like those previously described, and concealed from the
direct view only by the grassy turf that has grown over them*
These pavements evidently were not for streets, but what pur*
pose they served we know not In one or two places they have
the appearance of paved water courses leading down to the edge
of the bank. Some have thought they found down under the
bank indications that there may have been a subterranean
passage, leading from the water's edge at high tide to the forti*
fications, or whatever it was, upon the point of the ridge already
described.
Near this spot are many old cellars, that appear not to have
been disturbed in modem times. From one of these the earth
and mbbish were partiy removed a few years ago, disclosing
very good cellar walls, and bringing to light the remains of
articles of domestic use and quite a number of clay tobacco
pipes.
so
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HinoET 07 Beistol axp Bbbuht.
HiaioftT Of BftHTOL AVD Brucbt.
227
Near this spot some pieoes of fossiiiferons limestone are found
-Ijring looeelj upon the snrfacei which evidently have been
broaght from abroad, but for what purpose can not now be
known. The few fragments found would probably be called
cakawiu titfa^ by the mineralogists.
At a little distance from the fortification (if such it was) but
in the same field, in a low wet place, are the remains of a tan*
neiy, which, it is believed, dates hack to the early settlement
of the place. One or two of the ancient vats can yet be traced,
and by using a short stick, some of the planks that formed the
vats can be felt A few years ago some pieces of leather well
preserved were removed from one of them.
Mr. B. K Bewail has suggested that a Spanish military or
naval establishment may have been located here, which is not
improbable oonsidering the many Spanish fishing vessels em-
ployed on the coast at a very early period, but we need nu>re
evidence before accepting the view. He has in his possession
two coins found in the vicinity, one Russian and the other a-
Portuguese emu of the time of John IV of Portugal (1640-'65).
The tide flows about a mile northeast from this point to the
falls, so called, because of the wate^power that occurs here.
It was a place of great importance to the early inhabitants, for
the reason that it afibrded a good place for the erection of mills,
and also because of its excellent shad and alewives fisheries, at
the proper season of the year.
Aji object of special interest here is the ancient caniil, or
water course on the east side of the stream, still tolerably well
preserved. It begins near the present road, and extends down-
ward about twenty rods, curving considerably at places so as to
follow along the bank at about the same level. It was probably
abont ten foot in width and six or eight in depth, but is some-
what less now; evidently it was constructed for the purpose of
carrying water to the mills situated below. On the side next
to the stream were several sidecuts to draw off the water to the
mills situated below on the edge of the stream. Only a short
and inexpensive draw was required, exactly in the place occu-
pied by the present bridge, for the purpose of turning the
water — a» much of it as was needed — into the canal. Tradi-
tion informs ns that when the ancestors of the present inhabit-
ants eame here, nearly a century and a half ago, large forest
truea were foand growing in the bed of the canal, and on its
^^
'4
banks, but no information has come to us concerning its origin
or use, except what is afforded by the ruins themselves. > Con-
sidering all the circumstances of the early settiers here— their
great distance from other settlements, and the constant demand
upon them for bread by the numerous fishermen and sailors
continually resorting here— and especially the need of sawed
lumber for the erection of buildings — it is altogether probable
that mills were erected here veiy early, perhaps as early as at
any place in New England. *
• A faint tradition prevails in the place that the field of
Thomas Gyles, where he and his men were at work on the fatal
August 2d, 1689, and where he and several of his men perisbed,
was a few rods below this canal, on the same side of the river;
and the fiict that in some accounts of the attack by the Indians
it is said that Thomas Oyles, jr., in making his escape, /ordei
t^e river, and made his way down on the west side to the bar-
bacan, favors the tradition. But we know that Mr. Gyles
owned quite a large tract of land on the west side of the stream
while there is no evidence tiiat he possessed any at the place
mentioned on the east side. August 5th, 1686, he purchased of
John Palmer, who acted in the name of Governor Dongan, a
tract of two hundred acres, which is thus described: ^ Also,
that Tract or Parcel of Upland being Two hundred acres situate
lying and being within the Bounds of James Town afore*', at the
Head of a CerUun River there called and known by y* name of
Pemaquid Biver on the West Side of the Great Falls of y« s^.
Kver, ^"* It is probable therefore that here was the field
where the attack was made. It is to be noted also that John
Gyles, in his description of the attack, and the escape of his
brother Thomas, does not say that he either /oniei/ or in any
way crossed the stream, but only that he ^ wonderfully escaped
by laud to the Barbacan, a point of land on the west side of the
river opposite the fort''
It is singular that nothing A% said in history of any fortifica-
tion at New Harbor; but it is plain from the remains found
there that such a structure once existed* All that is to be found
now consists of large blocks of granite, which are regulariy laid
•H.KdicmFoiwtt.
•Mttdi of Um above oonceraiiiir tli* andmit ndni of Pemaquid, bee httm
Ukea from a paper hj tlie author, eontaiaed ia the Mm0rial Vblum$ if Oe Pop^
Urn CtUlMratian, Aug. SOth, ISOS.
* rehk Acerdi^ vol zx» pw S5S.
I J i m I I I I . 11-^
:^ **$ iji i . ii njn |i Mi'T' i w^ w
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HiSTORT Of BbUTOL AND BBBMHr.
H18TORT Of Bristol akd Brrmer.
229
upon the ftor&ce of the ground, as if to form the foundation for
a wooden structure upon it The stones are laid in the form of
a rectangle, at a place on the north side of the Harbor, about
half way from the head to iU mouth.
It would be exceedingly interesting if we could find means
to determine the population and business of the place, at differ-
ent periods of its history over which we have passed. We have
seen that at the time of the first Indian war, when the inhabit-
ants of several of the settlements had collected together on
Damariscove island, there were in all about three hundred per-
sons, of whom perhaps one-sixth, or fifty, belonged to Pemaquid ;
but probably there were many others not included in the
count Some escaped from the Eennebec and Sheepscott to
other islands, and we know that Sir Wm. Phips, then a young
man, took his fiither's large ftmily and many of his neighbors
directly to Boston, on a new vessel then just launched.
Perhaps we shall not greatly err if we estimate the whole
population of all these settlements at this time at double the
number collected on the island, or six hundred. Of these we
may suppose one hundred belonged to Pemaquid and Mns-
oongus.
The following estimate of the population at an earlier date
oonfirms this view.
In 1672, the people of the various settlements in this region*
petidoned to be taken under the care and protection of Masso-
ehusetts, and the petition was signed by ninety-six names, eleven
being of persons belonging to Pemaquid, fifteen to Damariscove,
and eighteen to Monhegan, the rest belonging to other places.
If we consider these as constituting what would now be called
legal voters, as seems proper, a to^ population of about fivo
Imodred would be indicated ; but as we know very well that
the names of all persons, in any community, entitled to a voice
in such matters can never be obtained at the same time, we
may safely add to the above estimate a considerable peroentage.^
But Oyles, in his narrative,' says there wore at the time when
the plane was destroyed by the Indians (1676), at New Harbor
alone, ^ about twelve houses ;" which, if we allow for each
bouse a family of five persons, would indicate a population of
tJKty- Therefore ooosidering this settiement and that at Mus-
• Jhmk$*9 Tn^ Hm ^ a$ WUtnmi, 9, 77.
1/
congus as making a part of Pemaquid, we may safely conclude
that the population driven ofifby the Indians from the territory
of the present towns of Bristol and Bremen was not less than
one hundred and may have been more nearly two hundred.
We have seen that, immediately after the destruction of
Pemaquid, the agents of the Duke of York made their appear-
ance here, and took possession in his name. They came witii
a strong force, and immediately began the construction of a
fort, which, however, wo know was only an earth-work sur-
mounted by a stockade. But it was so strong as to command
decidedly the reject of the natives, and Pemaquid very soon
was found to be a place of safety, where all parties could meet,
without fear of molestation, or injury to person or property. As
a natural result,a brisk trade soon sprang up, making the place
a great business centre for several hundred miles of the coast
All this was foreseen by the duke's government, and hence
the very stringent rules of trade and general intercourse with
the natives heretofore noticed (ante p. 141). To secure a good
revenue for the government the general prosperity of the com-
munity must be promoted, and especially must collisions with
the natives bo avoided.
Absurd as some of their regulations of trade were several of
them directly favored Pemaquid, especially that making it the
only port of entry for the whole coast between the Kennebec and
the Penobscot, even every fisherman on the coast being obliged,
before throwing a line, to enter at the custom house here and
pay a stipulated fee.
With the increase of business the village (or city) of James-
town also rapidly increased ; and very probably it was during
this period of its history, while a royal province, that it attained
its highest prosperity. A writer in voL 11, p. 240, of the CM-
leelions qf the Maine Historical Society^ supposes the population
near the close of this period may have been eight hundred, but
proba>bly this is too high an estimate, unless we include some
of the neighboring settlements. The same writer says that
when the place was attacked by the French and Indians, all the
people took refuge within the fort, and by the terms of the
capitulation were again set at liberty. But if there were within
the walls of the fort as many people as this (which is not proba-
ble) there was good reason why Cbnbb should surrender as he
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HiSTOBT Of BkUTOL AVD BbSMIV.
did, and th« odium CMt upon him for that act was qaite nnde-
aenrod.
Id a petition of the inhabitants^ to GoTernor Dongan in 1683,
it is said (ante, p. 147) ** the most part of the inhabitants of the
place 4id come from New York at the subduing of this country/*
but we know also that many of the old settlers returned.
Much of the business of the settlements on the coast at this
period was done by bumboattf as they were called, which were
small sloops running from port to port on the coast, and carry*
ing goods to be retailed both to the Indians and the Englisht
as guns, ammunition, articles of clothing, Ac The people com*
plained, that, when these traders were obliged to pay a duty to .
goremment, they made it a pretmise for charging their cnsto*
mere a still larger percentage, as Tery probably was the fact
But larger ships were not nnfrequeutly seen in the harbor ;
between the years 1681 and 1685 inclusive, nine passes^ —
clearances we should call them — were granted at the custom
house in New York alone to vessels bound for this place ; but
these probably constituted only a small part of those actually
entering here.
Two vessels, one of them a sloop of thirty-five tons burthen,
were built at Pemaquid previous to the destruction of fort Wil*
liam Henry in 1696; and very probably there may have been
others of which no record has been preserved. The one first to
be mentioned was built by private parties but with the expecta-
tion apparently that she was to become the property of the
government, but some misunderstanding occnrrod, and it is not
known whether the transfer was ever actually made.
The other was a sloop of thirty*five tons, and was built here
in 1695, as shown by the following entry found in the Md$$a-
chuMdis ArthmMf vol. vn, p. 186. ^ Sloop, James and Thomas,
Oapt James Bevan, a quaker aflirmed— sloop of thirty-five
tone burthen, built at Pemaquid in 1695. Oapt John Reed'
of Antigua and himself owners. Begistered at Boston, Nov.
19, 1698.'*
The particular location of only a very few of the early
fismilies can now be determined. For obvious reasons most
or all of them had their residences directly on the har«
bora, and the minority of them probably near the fort, to
wbidi tbqr could readily flee in ease of special danger. We
€M;v«p.miM*
filSTOET Of BbISTOL AXD BBSMBir.
281
^t;.
r
lenm from the petition of John Oyles (p. 185), that at the time
of Governor Andres's visit in 1688, Henry Hedgor and Dennis
Higiman had their residences on the west bank of the Pema»
quid river, and very probably Grace Higiman, previonsly men*
tioned (p. 175), belonged to the fomily of the latter.
When the fort was destroyed in 1696, it was evidently the
general expectation that it would soon be rebuilt; but it was
found in a few years that in this they were to be disappointed ;
and in 1700 the general court of Massachusetts appointed a
committee to receive and register all claims to lands in this re*
gion from which the owners had been driven during the Indian
wars. From this time to the year 1720, many entries were
made ; and the book containing them, entitled EoBiem Claims^
is still preserved in the secretary's ofilce at Boston. From
this book most of the following extracts and minutes have
been made, pertaining to lands at Pemaquid and vicinity. They
make known the names of many of the persons having pos-
sessions here, and in most cases probably we may believe the
persons lived upon the lands they claimed.
We learn from them also that the place (or city, as some-
times called), was not limited to the small peninsula of Pema>
quid, but included a much larger area.
As early as 1686, the part of Jamestown near the fort was
sometimes called Newtown^ \vhi\e some other part which has not
been determined was called Oldioum. This appears from the
following extract from a deed contained in the old York
records, vol. 20» p. 258. The deed is from John Palmer, Esq.,
in the name of Governor Dongan, to Thomas Gyles of James*
town. It is for ** all that Certain Messuage or Lott or Tufft of
Ground situate and being on Pemaquid Point where the Fort
Charles standeth in that part of Jamestown afore^. called by
the name oi Newtournvrhere the s^ Thomas Gyles now dwelleth
in Breadth fronting on the Street Three Pole nine and a Half
Feet and in the Bear the Like — in Length on both sides Seven
Pole Thirteen Foot and Half and also one other Lot or TtxBt
of Ground situate and being at Pemaquid Point afore*', in that
Part of Jamestown afore^. called by the Name of Old Tmcn kc ^
' la the Mine doeoniMt BMOtloa to mtde of a mmdow owmS kj Dioato Qlgl.
■Ma, wko Uved on tW wwt baak 9t Ptouqald harbor tr fifar.
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HiSTOHT or Bristol avp Brbmbn.
Coroelioi Darling in right of Miry Frebwy bis wife elaims a bouM lot
■ear Pemaqold fort^ h a bandred acres of uplaod, & twenty acres meadow
on tbt weatem tide of Pomaqaid RiTer,& tbe 5'h lot from tbe Falls by a
deed J. Palmer Com. by Coll Dungaa lostr. dated W^ Sep. 1686, ia
James Town.
Thomas Warden, late of New Harbor, oUims a eerUin Tract or Pareel.
of upland lying and being on the westward side of a Core called by the
Mine of Long Core, eontainiog one hundred acres, being in Front sixty.
four Poles, & in length two hundred & sixty Poles Northwest from a stake
•I the water ude into the woods to an Oak Troe marked butted & bounded
8. Southeasterly next to the Lett of Arthur Neale Northerly to the Und
of William Case at the east end of the Core, at the west end the Woods.
And also a certain Tract or Pareell of Land lying and being within the
bounds of Jamestown on the Land of New Harbor oonUining sixty acres
•ad one hundred Poles, beginning at a certain stake by the highway and
Is the westward bounds of George Sktcr, Arom thence northerly throe bun-
drsd Poles to a bUck Oak marked on four sides from thence South three
hundred Poles to a stake along the highway, from thence east to the place
where began. Also there is a highway left which is to run through along
this loU fromihe head of the Cove oalled Long Cove. Also Twenty acres
of meadow, one aero whereof Uid out at Green Meadow, the other nine-
toen aores to be laid out where it can be found most oonvenient &e. con-
▼eyed to the said Thomas Warden his heirs &e. as per patent from under
Coll. Duagan (Dongan) dated Sep. 13, 1686, & recorded the same day by
J. West, Depk Seo'y Item Beoorded ia the Reoords of the County of
Pomaqnid, July 4, 1687 pr. Jn*. Giles, Clerk.
Tryall Newberry, in behalf of heirs of John Starkey, claims one hun^
dred A four acres of Land within the bounds of James Town upon Pemaquid
Neck, beginning at a certain run by the north of Mnrren's House, with
twenty aores of Meadow, by patent under Got. Duogan to Richard Mur.
wa dated 18, 7^» 1686, to pay one bushel merchantable wheat on ever?
26 of March. ^
Further in like manner claims one hundred & four acres more of upknd
* 20 aores of meadow lying next to Richard Murren's said meadow, to be
laid out where most oon? enient, by patent under Gov. Dungan to Nicholas
I>ennlng, dated 7^«' 17, 1686.
Jn: Butler claims Und delivered by Execution, belonging to George
BucUand, s*. J^and lying near Pemaquid, vii. 100 acres of Ball Island,
Two Farmes lying between DamariscoUy and Pemaquid back River, front-
ing to a thoroughfair which runs between Damarisootty River & Pema-
quid, k 6 aores marsh on the west side Damaris Cove, &c.
Mr. John Coleman, in behalf of himself & Charles Hobby, representing
the hein of Mr. William Hobby, doo<i. Thomas Hutchinson Esq for
«ho keifi of TWk Killaad olaims the Eeeiduo of the Term of Lease of
^i
History or Bristol avd BRsicEir.
23S
one pareell of Ground and Land situate lying and being near the River
called by the name of Musoonkus, to the valuation of four hundred acres
Land seat (situate) at a plaoe oommonly oalled Round Pond, limited within
the bounds following, vis : on small River lying on the North or North East
side thereof & extending to the edge or bounds of a pareell of Land in
Possession of Thomas Coole of Pemaquid former [ly] sold by The*. £1.
dridge [Elbridgo f] to John Dollen of Mount Hegon (Monhegon) as per
an instrument under Iiand and seal of s^. Thomas Eldridge dtted August
1699 and by a<i. John Dollen sold and conveyed to Mr. Jn<». Foster k
Wm. Hobby of Boston.
Ruth Berry, formerly Sergeant, formerly of New Harbor, in behalf of
herself & children, claims a certain Tract or Paroell of uplaod lying In
the bounds of James Town, on the Land of New Harbor, at a ceruin
Place called Long Cove, conuiniogone hundred acres, whereof fifty acres
lyeth along the gulley by the said New Harbor Plains, beginning at the
Black Oak Tree marked on four sides by said Gulley, from thence North to
John Hoskins bounds, fVom thenoe west to Robt. Lally's bounds, from
thenoe South to a Black Oak marked on four sides, from thence East to
place where began. Remainder fifty aorea is lying at Long Cove, begin-
niog at a ceruin Black Oak Tree marked on four aides, & is the North
bounds of The*. Warden, from thence North thirty-two Poles to Wm.
Case's South bounds, from thenoe West two hundred k sixty Poles along
8<t. Case's line, from thence South Thirty-two Poles to The* Warden's
bounds, from thence East two hundred and sixty Poles to place where
began. Also twenty acres of Meadow to be laid out. Two whereof u laid
out, which Barton by the said Wm. Case. The remainder eighteen acrea
to bo laid out where most convenient &e, said Land & Premises granted
k conveyed to the claimers former husband Thomas Sergeant of New
Harbor dec', his heirs ^. by a Patent or Cooveyanoe from k under CoL
Duogan, dated 8ep<. 13, 1686. Recorded same Day by Jn*. West D.
SeCr. Ii. en(. k recorded in the Reoords of Pemaquid, July 4, 1687|
page 16, pr. Jn«. Giles, C^*'.
Same in behalf of herself k sister, Mary Warden'a children, claims n
ceruin Tract or Pareell of Land, containing one hundred acres lying k
being in the bounds of James Town in the county of Cornwall, on the
East side of Long Cove, being the point running from said Core over to
the sea-side up North-East to a marked Tree, at the head of the Swamp
near the Path which leads from aaid Cove head into Brown Cove adjoin-
ing to the upland of John Haskins on the Southerly side of the same.
Also ^fij aores more of upland at New Harbor in abovesaid County, k one
hundred Poles beginning at a ceruin Suke by tbe Highway, k Is the
Westward bound of Tho«. Warden, from thenoe Northerly three hundred
Poles to an Oak Tree marked on four aideS| from thence West twenty*
i . yf l ' n mv ^ » J 'i . i"i ■ '•^ r -^'
^V-
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HxtTORT Of Bristol axp Bbbuiv.
Mfea PoIm U t black Otk ONurkad on four aides, from theooe South tbret
bnndred Pole to a Stake by the highway, Arom thenoe east to the plaee
where begao. Alao fiAy aerea of upland more lyiog and being the South
aide of New Harbor Core in aboreeaid County, bounded bj Richard Mur*
rio's East line, being thirtj-two Pole in front and Kear, k Two hundred k
sixty Poles deep which is North k South with twenty acres of Meadow,
Two acres k a half thereof being Uid out already the one in a Meadow
known by the name of Long Core Meadow, being the aeventh Lett bounded
on the Northerly aide with Wm. Case & on the Southerly aide Arthur
Neale, & to the Weat end the upland on the South aide of Ania Smith
stalking place, the other acre k a half at witch Barton on the Westward
side on the left hand. > The remainder of the aaid Twenty acrea of
Meadow being acTcnteen acres k a half is to be laid out where most con-
Tcnient not already laid out, a'. Tract k Pareell of Land k Meadow
granted k conveyed to the cUimer's father, Francia Johnson of ^, New
Harbor Dee'., by Patent under k from Coll. Dungan dated Sept 18, 1686
Signed by J. PaloMr J. West D. Seer.
Jn^ Lcreretl Esq., claims as heir to Tbo*. Lerereti, deo^. all the Lands
within aid between Musooagus Towards the South or South West a
Straight Line ten Leagues te the main land k Continent towards the
great aea called the South Sea, k the utmost Limite of the space of Ten
Leaguea on the North k North East of a River called Penob»coU towards
the North k North East k the Great Sea called the Weatern Ocean to-
wards the Bast and a direct Lbe extending from the most westward pert
4Pointof the •<. Straight Line which extends from Muscongus aforesaid
toward the South Sea te the uttermost Limite of the s'. Ten Leagues on
the North dde of the RiTcr of Ptoobeoott towards the West with all
Islanda within the space of three miles & premises granted by Patent from
the Earl of Warwick, To Jn*. Beauchamp k Tho«. Levcrett, bearing date
18 March, 1629. [Ckim afterwards called the Waldo Chiim or Patent,
aad at a later period waa represented by Gen. Henry Knox.]
Richard Pearae of Marblehcad, son of Richard Pcarce of Rcmobscose,
earpenter, alias, Misconcus, cUims several Unds near adjoining unto
Bound Pond falla, by the name pf Remobsous (purchaaed of Capt John
Suneraet) Trenched away five milea Eastward, four miles Northwest so
back te Pemaquid Bivtr, uplands k meadows, IsUnds k Isletto containing
to IWto Miles. ••••»»
IVed from John Ssmenett, Sagamore, Easy Gale, Sagamore, k Dick
Swaoht, Sagamore. P osses si on given in fbrmall manner by turf k twig
!• preseoee of John Brown k Riohard Shoote. Deed dated 9th Januaiy
1641. *• Strengthened by oatha of Morrice Champriae k John Curtise,
8r. Nov. 86, 1717, before John Legg, Just. Peaoe. Recorded in Reoorda
•f Pemaquid.
• This le Mt v«y tateUlflUe.
HiiTOAT Of Bautoxi avd Brbiodt,
235
^i
Morrice Cbamles now of Marblehcad formerly of Sumersett Island at
the eostward, Taylor, cUims uplands k meadows lying on the westward
side of Mttsconcos River butted and botfnded ris, banning on the North*
east side of a marsh in the Brdad Bay called by the name of Humphrey
Farreirs marsh two milea into the woods upon a west Line this being the
Southeast bounds, and from the foresaid marsh or Farrell's marsh round
the great Bay & so up along Muskoncos River side to a fails or fresh
River commonly called &^ known by the name of Madahomack Falla from
said Falls two miles upon a west Line into the Woods, this being the
Northward bounds, Muscongus River k the Broad Bay being the East
Bounds, with all meadows ko kc Deed by Indian Sa^more Arrowago»
nett dated 9th Janr, 167}. Possession given in presence of SUvanus
Davis k John Pearae.
Mr. James Pitto of Boston claims a piece of Land at the eastern Parte
of New Eagland, situate lying k being in a PUce called by the Indians
Remobscns, but by the English, Greenland, near unto the Ponds called
Round Pond's Falls, vis one thousand acres, butted and bounded easterly
by the River called Remobsous or Musooncus River, westerly keeping the
breadth of three quarters of a mile tili it makes s<. one thousand acres, also
Two hundred acres more, via, one lot equal with those who are going to
scUle a new Township in s '. Remobsous Falla kc ko kc purchased of
Richard Pearae of Marblehcad, Mariner. Deed dated April 17, 1718, k
acknowledged same day before Sam'l Checklcy, Jus. Peace.
Richard Pearae of Remobsous, aliaa, Misoonoos in the Eastern Parte of
New England, Fisherman, ckims a tract of knd at GreenUnd, beginning
at the Gripes, from thence to a Pine Tree being the Northernmost bounds
in the Broad Bay & from Muscoocus River four miles back— > which tract
was given to him the s<*. Richard Pearae by one Wm. England of Ro-
mobseos by deed dated May 13, 1663.
Richard Poarse Sen', of Marblehcad, " Fisherman or Couter^ gives
power (^ attorney to his wife Mary Pearse, Nov. 26'^ 1717, being the 4*^
year of the Reign of George, King of Great Britain, France, k Ireland.
Entored June 19, 1719 by ** Sami. Phippe, Clk. of Com. of Eastora
Claims."
Richard Patishall claims a Stage bought of Charles Harris on Mouho-
gan, with Privilege of Flakes, and the Swamp on said Island. Jhoi
dated, August 8, 1688.
Also Damarisoove Island granted to him by PMont from Col. Dungan,
about 200 acres, and also Wood Island.
George Jeffrey of Portamouth, merchant, cUlms Hippocru IsUnd lying
on the Eastern side of Kennebec River, near Damaris Cove, which IsUnd
wss granted by Henry Joslin (Joscelyn) Esq. to Wm. Phillips decs', and
by George Snell and wife, relict and administrator of e' Wm. Phillipa,
March 20, 169}. Rocorded July 84th, 1699.
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JEuTOKT or Bristol and BREMnr.
. History or Bristol ahd BRsuEir.
237
Bobert PlitbliiU, ia b«half of himMlf and hein of Biobard Patasball
•laiiiis A oortaia ItUod ealled Soguin, eto. purobatod bj Biobard Patkball
of eortain (vDaanioblo) IndUof, Aug. 8d, 1686.
Margarot Hilton, formerlj Stilaoo, wife of Wa. Hilton, now Hring at
Bemoboena, aliaa Miaoonona, in tbo Eaatorn Parta of Now EngUnd, in bo»
balf of biiMolf and brotber, Jamea Stilaon, living in Now Hampabire * *
boing ibo onlj obildron of Margarot Pittman, now of Marbloboad, elaia
kids at Now Harbor and llnaeongas.
CHAPTER XXL
Early Rksidihts or Prmaquid and thbir Fauilibs.
JTobn Bfown and bla ^Wmll j — Riehard Pearee and bla Famil j — Alexander Gonid
and bla Familj — Jamca Stilaon and bia Family — Tbomaa and Margaret (Ooald)
[fltOaon] Plttman* William Hilton and bla FamUj.
ViMnj interesting facts in the history of the Tory early inhabit-
ants of Pemaqnid hare already been given ; hot some more
detMled aoooant of them may be expected. Only a few of the
many that became residents here previous to the first Indian war
have even left their names in history, and of those who acted
more prominent parts, and became better known, as a general
tbingi only a few facts can now be ascertained. Nearly all were
men of humble origin, and only moderate pretentions, but some
of ihem in times of great danger and difficulty conducted thom«
selves, and the public interests committed to them with a cour*
age and skill worthy of statesmen and heroes.
John Brown, (son of lUchard B.) was bom in Barton Regis,
Gloucester, England, about , marriedMargaret Hayward,
daughter of Francis Hayward of Bristol, England, came to this
country with his family probably one or two years previous to
July, 1626. As to the circumstances of his leaving the old
countfy, and taking up his residence here we know absolutely
nothing. In the affidavit on a proceeding page (64) he is styled
** mason,'' but at that time men of this useful occupation were
not mudi in demand in this region. He was a man of much
.enterprise, and of a kindly, generous spirit, but of little educa-
tion or culture.
July 15th 1625, he purchased a large tract of land at Pemaquid
of two Indian sagamores for " fifty skins " (ante p. 54). He had
his residence at New Harbor, and is therefore frequently spoken
of as " of New Harbor."
In 168D, he purchased lands of the Indians at Nequassett,
(Woolwich) and removed there with his family. In 1646, he
sold this land to Edward Bateman« styling himself as ** late of
Nequassett, now of Pemaquid." In 1641, he witnessed a deed
of land, apparently lying between Round Pond and the Pema-
quid river and Ponds, from the Indian chief, Samaut ^ and two
others, Etuej/ Gale and Diek Swallca^ to Richard Pearee, his
son-in-law, the tract being part of the same included within the
boundaries described in his own deed from Samoset and Uwmgoit^
dated July 15th, 1625, as before mentioned.
In 1654, he lived at Damariscotta, on the east side of the river,
a little below the ** salt water falls," or the present bridge, there
being there at the time only three other families. Brown's cove
a little further south (so called in the act incorporating the
town of Bristol), is believed to have received this name from
him.
Aug. 8th, 1660, by deed of gift he conveyed to Sander (or
Alexander) Oould, his soii-in-law, and his wife and their heirs
forever a tract of land eight miles square at Broad cove, and
extending northward and westward. Its location is easily un«
derstood by considering that it hadjits southeast comer at a
pine tree on Broad cove. . It is often designated as the '* eight*
mile-square tract" He probably died about 1671. ' The pine
tree (supposed to be the same) is still remembered by some of
tlie old people of the place. It was blown down early in the
present century. After Brown's death his widow returned to
New Harbor, and built a house there. Nothing more is known
of her.
John Brown* and wife Margaret had several children, whose
* TIm name in thia deed ia written Sammersett Thia ia the deed of which tha
curious explanation waa afterwards giren, as described on page SI. Manx of ^
Cicts of Brown's histoiy are there also given, but am repeated tat the purpoae of
bringing tliem together.— if. E. Hi/tt. and Oen. tUg. XLii, p. 865.
* According to a deposition of Benj. Presoott Esq. of Danven, he lired the last
jear or two of hia life with his son, John Brown Jr., in Boston, bst itlsdoobtfoL
*^ i L Tyi m i^ H
■.^rww^^yv.^"*^
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HisTOBT or Bristol im Brbmbk.
I .
HiSTOBT OF Bristol ahd BRSiisir.
239
names bayeeome down to us, as given below, andperhnps others.
Nothing is known of their relative ages. 1. John,* bom in
1686, probably at Pemaquid, or New Harbor, lived with his
&ther until he was 80 years of age. He married Elianbeth — -
and settled at Damariscotta, and it is believed lived there until
driven off, wilh all the other inhabilants, at the beginning of the
firat Indian war in 1676. In 1674, two years before the war,
be witnessed the Indian deed* of lands in that region to Walter
Phillips, one of bis neighbors. After the war it is believed
that he returned either to Pemaquid or Damariscotta and re-
sided there some time, but was obliged to flee again by the con-
tinned Indian wars.
He seems to have lived sometimes in Oloucester, and at
others in Framingham, and is therefore often spoken of as ** of
Framingham," but sometimes ** of Oloucester."
The old records of York county [vol. x, p. 264] contain a
deed of his to Nathaniel Winslow, «* Physitian,'* of k^nd at Fal-
mouth. It is dated April 9th, 1719, and he is said to be «* of
Gloucester.'' In this deed both himself and wife sign by mark.
December 7th, 1720, by deed of gift he conveyed to his son,
<« John Brown of Saco, alias of Biddeford," all his right, title
and interest whatever, which he might have to lauds at New
Harbor, Damariscotta, etc He signed the deed by mark B.,
and bis wife also by mark. In this deed he is styled *' of Fra-
mingham." The deed appears to convey the whole tract pur-
chased of the Indians, no reference being made to the claims
of his sisters, mentioned above, or their heirs, liad he purchased
these claims? We have no evidence of any such conveyance.
Feb. 9th, 172} , he gave a deposition concerning affairs at
Pemaquid and New Harbor in his youth, styling himself '* of
Framingham," and giving his age as " about 86 years." This
fixes the date of his birth at about 1686, as given above. He
died before 1784, leaving an only son, John Brown,* of whom
we shall have occasion to speak very soon.
Margaret,' bora probably at Pemaquid or New Harbor, but
at what date is not known. She married Alexander (called also
Sander) Gtould, and lived on Muscongus (or Lond's) Island,
wUoh was given to herself and husband by her father, as they
•Th» •ffiglMl ^Mi, witb Bfown'f mark, B. ud tho temwl of iho old Indian* St
ttfU pfeMTvtd la UMtecffolMT'solBee la Boston, lito In n vwy dU a pk la t o d oon-
tr
v; f ■ '
a\
,.^rK
alwnyg claimed ; but no deed of the kind has been found.
Nothing is known of Qould's origin and very littie of his history.
He was living in 1667, when he witnessed a deed of knds at
Muscongus from Richard Fulford to Humphrey Horrel or Harrel.^
The family lived mostly upon Muscongus island, though one of
their children is said to have been bom at New Harbor. It is
incidentally mentioned in an old document that his widow lived
on the island many years after his death, which may imply
that he died at a comparatively early age.
8. Elizabeth,* bom at .., married Richard Pearce(Peirce,
Pierce, Pearse) and lived at Muscongus. It is not known when
or where she died.
4. Mary,' (or Emma?') b.at and died She married
Nicholas Deming (Dcmming) and removed from the place, pro-
bably to Falmouth or Saco. (Another account says that she
married John Coats.)
John Brown' and wife Elizabeth had but one child also named
John.'
John* who was bom in 1666, probably at Damariscotta. He
married Sarah 7 as we leara by a deed recorded in the
York Records^ vol. xv, page 239. In this document he is said
to be " of Biddoford '' where it is known he long resided. His
C^^^
rO-nm
[ Aatofimpk eopM llro« a deed to toad «t New Barbor,flT«ato JoMph Hon
•r llM«oi«M, Jair It, vm, ]
wife signed the deed by mark.' It is believed they never had
any children.
The.deed was for '' one thousand acres of bind situated near
Pemaquid Fort and is part of that Tract of Land which my grand*
father bought of Capt John Somerset and Unongoit Indian Sag«
amores Anno 1625, » » • ^xA is Bounded at the
lower End upon Lots that is laid [out] for a Township at New
Harbor belonging to the s* Tract in my "Westerly Division
Tuching the whole of the lower End of the Lots laid out for a
Township as before s',and so moving Back into the Country the
> FllM of Maine HIM. Sodetr.
* This in tho oMijr oYkloneo wo Iiato of hit haTing bcoo marriod, bat It to ooo-
oIimIto. Noi aaoUitr aUosloii to kor has boca ftsnaA, }afj tho wiiior la all hto io>
■ ww w. ■■■' ^'. ^ ■ ■■ ■ it W 'ffW
IffPJ' mil"**!!-*"
■ D i y i i i i^(J uy
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HinoET ow Beutol avd Bebmbv.
wLoU Breadth of the 9^ Wetterlj DiTisioo antil the Tbonsand
aeree be fal I j made op, and Completed." The deed was giyen
to Bpee SeVgeaot of Oloaceeter/ and ia dated Aug. 22d, 1729.
Probablj he ia the iDdindaal hj this name who participated
in 1728, in the <« allotment of town landa" in Biddeford, as de-
acribed bj Folsom. '
Immediately after reeeinng this from his fkther, Febniaiy
172f , he caused an entry of the claim to be recorded in the
book of Eastern Claims. Subsequently, in 1729, he caused
a sarrey to be made of the whole Brown tract, as described in
the Indian deed of 1625, by one Bachelder. Probably also a
diTiaion of the property was at the same time agreed to by him*
self and the other heirs, as this is implied occasionally in the
langnage need in the conTeyanoes executed by several of the
heira.
July 1784, he gave to several of the heirs of Richard Pearce a
quit-claim deed of lands at Bound Pond, and subsequently (Dec.
7th, 17851 another deed to Wm. Yaughan of the whole Brown
elaim without exception or reserration. Other deeds of his are
on record, but do not reqaire to be further noticed. He
was living atBiddeford in 1784, but subsequently removed to
Muscongus,and died in the year 1746, as appears by the follow,
ipg deposition of Barah BIwell.
Deposition of Sarah Blwell of Cape Elisabeth, widow, aged
about 57 years, formerly lived at New Harbor, and knew John
Brown, grandson of the first of the name. He lived to be near
70 years of age, and was drowned at Droadbay, about 17 or 18
miles from New Harbor, about 20 years ago. Understood that
e* Brown had [sold] the interest he had in the purchase of his
grandfiithor to one Wm« Yaughan. Signed by mark.
Falmouth, June 27th, 1766. *
There is some difficulty here. In an affidavit on record in
the York Onm^ JSicard 0/ Deedi^ given Oct 21st, 1780, be
stated that his age was 64, by which it would appear that he
was bom in 1666; but if this is oorroct, his age in 1746, would
be 80. There is a discrepancy of 10 years.
Bicbard Pearce (Pearse, Peirce,) son of John Peirce of Lon* '
^md.8^&ndBUU^fiMr4,p^Wt. Join Biowb's farrteM si Smo Idlt It
■Mttteod Is tkis work (pHM ai8Mid $19) btti U It Mikoowa wbeihartU MM
maStBMMl.
•nktllslBtHtoi.8tMjr.
History or Bristol abi> Brsuev.
241
don, Bug., came early to this place, perhaps at the same time
with John Brown, whose daughter, Elizabeth, he married*
It has been coi^jectured that the marriage was at least con*
tracted before they came to this country, but it is only con-
jecture.
Not much is known of Pearce except that he redded at
Muscongus, ' and had a large &mily. The names of nine child-
ren of his have been preserved, as given below.
1. Richard* of whom nothing further is known.
2. William* do do .
8. Joseph* do do
4. Elizabeth*, who married Biehard Fulworth (or Fulford :)
6. George*.
6. Margaret*, who married Nathaniel Ward.
7. Francis* (or Frances*) who m. T They had an
only child, a daughter, named Elizabeth. This d. mar-
ried Edward Clarke at Gloucester, Nov. 24th, 1718.
Oct 17th, 1729, Clarke and wife gave a quit-claim deed
of one half of their ** right, title and interest'' in the
John Brown Tract, as sole heirs to Frances (or Francis)
Pearce late of Muscongus, the claim of the latter being
for ** one ninth part of one quarter.''
John Brown^ left four children, each of whom would inherit
one quarter of his estate, and Francis (or Frances) Pearce, one
of the nine children of Elizabeth (Brown) Pearce, would of
course, if all were living, be entitled to just the part mehtioned,
**onc ninth of one quarter.'*— > York Bee. voL 17, p. '220.
8. Sarah* who m. Eleasor Stockwell.
9. Mary* who m. Nathaniel Ebtmlin.*
Many isolated facts connected with one or another of Richard
Pearco's descendants are known, and may hereafter serve a good
purpose, if a history of* the family should be attempted.
1 Under tbit ttsaM the whole terriUMj ftom Rooad Pond vp to Medooue IUOb
(Waldoboro*) was often included.
* This ecoount of the children of Richard Pearoo* It derived chicflj firom n euto-
meni of Joeeph Pelroo» of Boeton, dated Dec 16th, 1812, and tddreMed to Meesn.
Smith, Woodward and Howell, Commiaslonoft Ibr fettling the diepotea aa to
land titles in thia region. The aathor was a deeeendant of Ridukrd Peaice*, hot
we know not in what line. The order in which the namea appear la not to bo
nndoratood at neccttariljr indicating their relatire agoa. Some dicamtunoea in-
dicate contiderablo donU whether It it entirel/ reliable. The tUtement oi Joteph
Pdicd lefeRod to^ it eontainod U the Flits of the Maiaa Hist. SodMj.
31
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HmoBT or Bristol Ain^ BRiMn.
John Pearco of Manchester gave a deposition in 1784, being
then ninety years. Was bom at Pemaqoid about 1644 :— when
abont ten years of age was at the house of John Browu^ who
then lived at Damariseotta. In another deposition given in 1785,
calls himself ninety-one years of age. Knew Wnu Cox, who
lived at Oox's cove, and owned a farm bounded southwesterly
ou land of one Oole, northerly on laud of John Brown, easterly
on land of one Philips, westerly by a brook.
As no one of Bichard Pearoe's sons was named John, it is
clear that this must have been his grandson ; thus, supposing
the &ther of the latter to have been only 20 years old when his
son was bora, we are carried back to the year 1624 us the time
of his birth. This was one year at least before they are known
to have been at Pemaquid or Muscongus, and indicates that
Bichard Pearce and Elizabeth Brown were married before their
emigration to this oountry, as heretofore intimated.
Bichard Pearce of Marblehciad, mariner, in 1718, gave a deed
to Philip Damuresqne of Boston, of 1000 acres of land ** at a
place called by the Indians Bemobscus, but by the English,
Greenland, near to the pond called Bound pond falls." Hkn«
self and wife, Mary, signed by mark.
Two years later, Mary, wife of Bichard Pearce, of J^Iuscon-
gns, alias Marytown,'' acting as his attorney, gave deed to same
of a very large tract of land ** lying ou the back or in the Bear
of Greedland, containing by esdmation six miles, more or less,''
describing boundaries at considerable length.
' At the same time she gave to the same man a deed of '* all
that stream of water, called the Mill Stream in Smelt Cove,
which empties itself into the middle of Misconkus, alias Mary-
town/' one condition being that be should erect there a saw*
mill.
Boon after the building of the fort, by Dunbar, and a feeling
of security began to prevail, sales of land here were frequent,
and the same Bichard Pearce, styling himself now ** of Marble-
bead,'' gave deeds of many lots here and in the vidnity, which
need not be noticed further.
Was this Bichard Pearce a son or grandson of the first
mchard T No means have been found to determine this ques-
tion ; but it seems altogether probable that he was a grandson.
OUiers of the family, as Joseph Pearce of Plymouth, and
John Pearoe of Bochester, gave deeds abont this time (1781-
HisTOBT OF Bristol akd Bbxiciv.
24S
V
t
1785} of all their right and title ^ to lands in this region, as heirs
of Bichard Pearce and John Brown. In some of them reference
is made to a former division of the original daim among the
heirs, probably that made under John Brown* in 1729, before
referred to. In some of them also reference is made to ** Lots laid
out for a Township," of which we have no other knowledge.
The claim made for Bichard Pearce and his descendants, in
the stJitement of Mr. Wells, {ante p. 49, 60) of the special friend-
ship of the Indians, etc., and that they were actually in posses*
sion of the property here, ** more than a hundred years," and by
one member of the Pearce family, that they remained in peace-
ful poMcssion of the property for a period of 109 years, appears
to bo without foundation. Whatever may have been the rela-
tion between Bichard Pearce* himself and the Indians, there is
no evidence that his descendants wore treated by them difierently
from others.
Alexander (often familiarly called Sander) Gtould and Marga-
ret {Brown) Gould lived ou Muscongus island, or occasionally
for limited periods, at New Harbor. Of Qould's origin we
have no information whatever, or of the time of his death.
Some circumstances indicate that he died comparatively young.
Alexander Gould and wife had three daughters, Mai^ret, bora
about 1660, Mary and Elizabeth.
Margaret married, 1st James Stilson of New Harbor, and,
2d Thomas Pittman of Marblehead. Nothing is known of
Stilson's history previous to his marriage ; after his marriage he
settled with his family at Muscongus (or Broad Cove) and three
children were born to them, James jr., Margaret, and t
Before proceeding further it will bo important to have before
us the two following affidavits, from which most of our informa-
tion of this and several other families is derived. They are
believed to be entirely reliable. -
The first is from Mrs. Margaret (Gould) [Stilson] Pittman,
just named. The second is by Hannah Teuzbury, a great
granddaughter of the preceding.
*'Tbe deponent, Margaret Pittman of Marblehead, aged about
73 years, says that she was bom at New Harbor, and lived
there until they, with others, weredriven off by the Indians. She
well remembers her grandfather, John Brown, and she has
often heard that her grandfather Brown gave her &ther, Alex-
ander Gould, Muscougus island by a written deed as a part of
. Q i g i t i god by J cj ' 04J'Q ' L&
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HiSTORT Of BrISIOL AHO BRBJCBir.
. hit esUte and b«r portion ; her mother often told her that a'
island waa giTon by her &ther, John Brown to her hnsbaud,
Alexander Gonld and to hie heire, and to her, the e' Margaret.
And the e^ Oould lived on a^ island, as hie own eetate, and
his wife after his deeease many years. Taken at Salem, Oot
24,1788/' (Signed by mark.)
JkpoM&m u/Bamkmk Tevxhwit </ i/«McAeiler [i/SsM.] aged 71 jftan,
iakm SepL 9, 1807.
Was. Hiltoo, the elder and Mtrgarat his wifs, who lived at Muscoogns,
bad BIDS ebildreB, wboas oaaea wsre Elisabeib, Stilaoe, Joihoa, Willian,
BenJaMia, Samael, Amoa, Molly, and Margaret, who were all bom before
tbej were dri?ea off bj the Indiana. Depooeiif a mother was 63 jears
old when aba died, and aba baa bean dead now (1807) 40 yeara, and aba
waa 14 jeara old wbeo the HilUma aforeaaid were driven off bj the
Indiana, and same to ManebeaCer. Wbl Hilton, the elder d. in 1728,
agad44yean,
SlilaoB Hilton, the eldaat aon, bad 6 ohildren, Tis., Stllaoe 2d, BeUy,
Tbomaa, HanDab,tba deponent, Aomo and Samnel. Eliiabetb Hilton,
daagfaCer of Wm. H., the elder, m. John Knowlton, and afterwards a
nan named Famham. Joabna H., aon of Wm. the elder, bad only one
ebild, WnL, who d. witboni iaane. Wm. H., the aon who waa killod by
aba ladiaoa, aon of Wm. the elder (aoma jeara afler the old man'a death)
BOfod down into the eaatam |>arta, to reside there on bis father's landa,
and bad aoTsral ebildren. Riehard, wbo waa sbot bj the Indians at the
same time John and bia father were killed, she bss been acquainted with
and nnderatands bs is still aliTO. Benjamin Hilton, son of William the
alder, was killsd in the senriee of gvreroment ; be had 4 ebildren. Amoa
Hilton, aon of William the elder, waa killed by the Indiana; be bad
8 ebildren. • • •
Old Margaret Hilton, deponent'a grandmother, died at Manebester, in
the fidl,44 yeara ago, aged 84 years. Haa often beard her tell that when
abottt 8 or 9 yeara old aba waa with bar father, James Stilson, in a Canoe,
going aeroaa aoma watera at Mnseongns, when the Indiana fired upon them,
aad killed her Ihtber, then took a yomnger aister, a aneking baby, iVom
her molber'a breast and bnmt it en the fire, and earried a*. Margaret, the
dangbter, and bar mother into eaptiritj, and sold them to the French in
Canada, where Margaret, the daughter, waa detained 1 2 jeara, and then being
releaaedahe retnmed home and married Wm. Hilton, the deponent's grand-
ftlher. Old Margaret, her nMtber, got away aome yeara before her and
retnmed heme. She bad married one Tbomaa Pittman, and the dope-
I
EuTOBT or Bftiaroxi avo Bbejuv.
245
'^r
f
nent alao remembera their great grandmother Pittman, who lired to a
▼eiy great age. t Hammah Txuzbvbt.
Taking the dates and agea as given in these affidavits, and
making the proper calcniatioua we find that Margaret (Gonld)
[Stilaon] Pittman (grand-daughter of John Brown*) was bom
in 1660, being 78 years old in 1788. The attack of the Indiana
when her husband (James Stilson*) and the infant daughter
were killed, was in 1688 or 1689 ; the latter, it will be recollected,
being the year in which the fort and settlement of Pemaquid,
were destroyed. Mrs. Stilson (afterward Pittman) and daughter
Margaret, were taken to Canada and spid to the French, but
the name of James Stilson jr.^ then a boy, is not mentioned ia
the same connection, though it is veiy certain that he waa taken
to Canada at the same time.
Mrs. Stilson, with twenty-one others, was ransomed at Quebec^
October, 1695, by Matthew Cary, having been in captivity about
6 years, but her daughter and probably her son were detained
6 years longer. By what means they obtained their freedom
is not known. At the time when Mrs. Stilson was ransomed
there remained in captivity 42 persons, and among them Jamea
Stilson and John Stephius, two boys from Pemaquid, and one
girl, Mary (Margaret?) Stilson of the same place.'
The boy, John Stephius, is said to have belonged to Pema-
quid, but we know nothing more of him. Margaret Stilson',
(for evidently this is the person meant, the name Mary, having
been used by mistake) remained in Canada 12 years, by which,
it appears she was restored to her friends in 1700 or 1701. Very
probably her brother, James Stilson', returned fl^m his long
captivity at the same time.
Margaret (Gould) Stilson, widow of James Stilson*, after her
return from Canada, married Thomas Pittman, as we have seen ;
and besides this deposition of hers, several others are known,
all of them pertaining to the early history of Pemaquid and
vicinity, und persons living there. In one of them she speaks
■ These docomenU era contained In the Ya^aablefiUa of tlielUine Hist 8odc^.
Thej liATe noror l)ofor« been printod. It wm Wm. (ton of Wm.) that wm killod
bj tho Indians and not John, aa Mn. T. wipposoa Sco (ymhor on.
* Kcm Eng. Om. and mu. Reg,, rol. vi, p. 87. For lisUof thcoo names wo an
Indobtcd to the rosearah of that esrefol and indostiioas Antiquarian. Frederick
KIddor, Esq., of Boston. Tho name of James SUlwrn, is srronoonsljr printod Sdltoa.
. "^^S/rmmmv'
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246
flxsTOET OF Bristol avd Beimik.
of baring often attended public worship at Pemaquid fort,
coming tbere for tbe purpose from Muscougus Island, wbere the
fiunilj lived.
It is not known where Pittman was born, nor at what time
be died, bat he was living. in 1720. Nor is it known when Mrs.
Pittman died ; bat she lived to a verj great age. Her groat
granddangbter, Mrs. Teaxbury, who was born in 1786, remem-
bered to have seen hel*. It is believed that she never had her
residence here after her retam from Canada, and marriage
with Pittman.
Nothing is known of the two other danghters of Oonld, sisters
of Mrs, Pittman.
James Stilson' settled at Newcastle, New Hampshire, where
he was living in 1788. Little more is known of him.
The above depositions have afforded very essential aid, in
preparing some of the preceding statements; bat we shall be
•dll more dependant opon them for information concerning
another of the families early settled here, that of Wm. Hilton.
Wm. Hilton was bom probably at Dover, New Hampshire^
in 1679, as he was 44 years old when he died in 1728.
He was a son (or perhaps grandson) of Edward Hilton^ who
came to this country from London, where he had been employed
in tbe fish business, and was therefore styled Fishmonger.
He was one of the company of emigrants who, under Gorges
and Mason, came over in 1628, and established on the banks of
the Piscataqaa, the first English settlement in New Hampshire.
He took a lively interest in the new colony, and was a man of
considerable infiuence.
We cannot now determine at what time Win. Hilton first
eame to this place ; whether it was before his marriage or not
until afterwards; but the probability seems to be that it was
immediately after his marriage. The name is still honored in the
community by his numerous posterity.'
•GhsikiT. Hilton of BivDMo. A wihw in Hm If. KIM. and Oen. lUg^rol,
TtI,^M,|ci▼«•sditfcffMl(MeoM( of Wm. Hilton, «Ni of Bdwmrd. Ititpoidblo
tbftt Wbl HIUoa» wko csBMlo BovBd Pnkl, maj lisTo bean * gtsadwa of Iho Ant
Xdwatd.
* Boo pafo SO 4M<«. Tlio doMondAnto of Wm. Gox will be spoken of hereafter.
1Im9>oC the pteeent Inhnbttanti of Bristol wiU lemember Fnuieis Peiree Esq.,
who man jr jetn ago rsrided in Bristol A part of the time kis fiuher and a sister
Uved with him. Thej wore from Ipswieh, Mass., and elaimed to be descended
ftom Biehard Pearee. IVf ^^^mo the onl/ representaliTes of the Pearee lamilf
Ihsniii ~
HisTOET OF Bristol ahd Bbemsk.
247
t
We have already learned something of the history of Margaret
Stilsou whom he married. We do not know whether they
first met in this, the place of her nativity » or in Massachusetts,
where she fbund her mother was living on her (the daughter's)
return from Canada. From Mrs. Teuxbury's deposition we
learn that she was born in 1679, the same year as Wm. Hilton,
and that she returned from her enforced absence among the
Indians and tbe French of Canada in 1700, or 1701, being then
21 or 22 years of age. Her marriage with Wm. Hilton took
place soon after this date, probably in Massachusetts; but they
ipimediately removed to this place, locating themselves first at
Round Pond, but afterwards at Broad Cove.
William and Margaret (Stilsou) Hilton had nine children, all
of whom, according to Mrs. Teuxbury, were born here before
they were driven ofi' by the Indians, and this last event she
shows, by a recital of several circumstances connected with the
life and death of her mother (a daughter of Stilson Hilton, and
granddaughter of Wm.), to have been in 1718.
The 9 children of Wm. and Margaret Hilton were
1. Elizabeth, who m. 1st John Kuowlton, and 2d, Famham.
2. Stilson, who married and had 6 children, among
whom was Hannah, who married Teuxbury
and left this very valuable and reliable deposition.
8. Joshua, who married and had 1 child named
William.
4. William, who married Lee and had several children
(four sons, James, Richard, John and William,') several
years after his father's death (which we have seen oc-
curred in 1723) he removed to this place, and occupied
the old homestead of his father.
It U very probable that this may have been about the time
the English rule was reestablished in this region by the rebuild*
ing of Pemaquid fort under Dunbar, in 1729 ; but no positive
evidence of the kind has been found.'
Wm. Hilton and family appear to have lived here, without
serious molestation by the Indians, ontil the time of the French
> Cbarlss y. HUton.
* Aoconiing to * tnditkm In Uie fiunUjr, 1m had eoms into possession of n dsia
to * large tract of land Id t1i6 present to¥m of Bfsmon and towns s4isoent. Yny
probabljr tlie daim maj have been to the eight miles square tiact, the hiatocj
of which wm be glTSA farther on In this woilL (Aats^ p. 8g7.)
■ w^ tii a ^ff^w*^
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248
HiSTOET ov Bristol ahd Besmin.
and ludiEn wet, whioh» es we know, termioEted with the CEp-
tare of Qaebec, in 1769.
He OEiried on hie fiurming operEtions chieflj Et BroEd Cove,
bat hie fiimilj, Et leest e pErt of the time daring this wef, re-
sided Et Moeoongas HErbor, the commaiiicEtioii between the
ptaoee being mostly by WEter. He hEd given his sons (or some
of tbem) farms herOi End they hEd mEde some progress in eloEr-
iog them, End hEd bnilt e smEll house.
When going op to the ihrro, if dEnger wes apprehended,
they nsQElly took their dogs with them, and mEde them swim
ashore before binding themselves ; so that if Eny IndiEns were
about the place they would be likely to be discovered. Going
up at one time with three of his sons, William, Richard
and John, the usual precaution was neglected, and they were
fired upon, just as they landed, by an Indian previously con-
cealed from view. The son William was shot dead ; and
subsequently his fiither was badly wounded in the knee by
another Indian, who had rushed forward and seized the
loaded gun the young man had dropped as he fell. One ac-
count says that Richard was wounded, but John escaped un-
hurt Richard discharged his fowling piece at one of the
Indians, wounding him badly in one knee, so that he was a
cripple for life. Many years afterwards, in one of the early
years of the present century, the same Indian, then an old man
and very lame, visited the place, and affirmed that his lameness
was occasioned by a shot fh>m a white man, at the very spot
where this fight occurred. He related other circumstances
which showed conclusively that he was the man that was
wounded by the shot from Richard Hilton, and probably the
man that fired the first gun, killing William Hilton jr.
The two sons with their fiither, badly wounded in one knee,
made their way back to their home at Mnscongus Harbor,
where he died of the wound a few days afterwards. Some per*
•one on Dutch Neck, hearing the firing, came over to the place,
bat the Indians had gone. Finding the body of William jr.,
in the place where he fell, they wrapped it in some bed clothing
obtained from the house, End buried it without e coffin on the
bank nesr by.
RichErd Hilton (brother of William, who wes thus buried),
died here, early in the present centuiy; End Ebout the same
time it WES observed tbEt the gmve of WilliEm wes in dEnger
HisTOBT Of Bkzstol uti) Bsmues.
249
of being cErried Eway by the ftlling of the bsnk; so the bones
were tsken up and reinterred in the SEme coffin with the re-
mains of RichErd.^
This party of IndiEns hEd come here from Wslpole, where
they committed other depredEtions, End we shEll hEve occEsion
to refer to them EgEin in Enother connection.
6. Benjfimin, who died in the service of the government, but
when or in whEt CEpEcity is not known. He left four
children.
6. SamueL
7. Amos, who mErried , End wes killed by eu
Indian, but under what circumstances is not known.
He had two children.
8^ Molly.
9. Margaret
From this family, it is believed, all of the name of Slton,
now in the place and the immediate vicinity, as well as many
others that have removed toother places, have descended; but
the limits prescribed for this work will not permit a further
coutinuEnce of the &mily pedigree.
' Charles V . Hilton, Esq.. of Bremen, grandson of James Hilton, abore mentioned,
wlio was bom and has always rosidrd on, or near hy, the old Hilton homoftcad.
RIcliard Hilton In his old age showed him, then a bojr. all the loealities eonnected
with the tranaaetion. He tomembers the risH of the lame old Indian, and was
proeent at the fnnenl of Riehard and leiatermoat of the beaetof Williaai Hiltoa.
82
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HmoftT ov Beistol amp Bftiimr.
CUAPTEB XXn.
€bidltk«or dlUrteuior tlM EenBebee, immadUtolj ftOer the aeftraetkm of
Foii WUlkmUeaiy—DlMgreeiiiMit between the British goTeniiieiit and that
el MMMch«Mttf» la legard to the lebvildiag of the fort— Reporter the lords
eftindeeai the eenditleii of ftflkin in these psrU ^Gonferenee between Indisn
chiebead agents of Qorernment ~ Capture of Port Rojal in Nora BeotSa, and
reduction el that prorinoe bjr the English— Close of the Uiiid Indian war,
sometimes called Qoeen Anne*s war— Rebuilding of the fort on George's rirer,
and also Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec —The Kennebec Indians begin the
fMTth Indian war —Indian Confereoee at Arrowsic In 1717— Fishing schooners
bj the Indinnn— The Penebeeot tribe peaceably dispoeed — Indian
I a* FatauMMh, in 17S7 —Tmsk honses to be established.
Th« dettructioD of the fort at Pemaquid, in 1696, pat an end
for the time being to any English influence in all this region ;
and tYWj English settlement east of the Kennebec was broken
up and abandoned. Patrick Rodgers, who was for a time
lieutenant of the fort, testified in 1778, that abont 1720 or 1721,
he lived in Georgetown, and there was not tlien a honse that
lie knew of between Georgetown and Annapolis Boyal in Nova
Scotia,' except a single fish house on Damariscove island. West
of the Kennebec, the settlements had snfiered badly, bnt they
were not, like those east of this river, so utterly devastated ; and
Tory soon, most or all of them began to recover; bnt for Pema*
quid, and its dependencies, there seemed to be no hope.
Many of the old settlers who had fled to the westward, as
the phrase then was, were still living and anxious to return to
their old possessions, but a new obstacle was now interposed in
the disagreement that sprung up botween the British govern-
ment and that of Massachusetts, in regard to the rebuilding of
the fort Both govemmenU earnestly desired to see the fort
rebuilt, but each preferred that it should be done at the expense
of the other.
•Jdmo^tnatf^mhl^m, Althe ttsmnentioMdCmOertlXit majhaTe
ilKafnllftnMthattherewetnno fluniUesliringen these shofes, or islands*
— tsnUJedbyBedget^bntsin UttleearilerpsfM, Wni.HUton and&mUj.ie-
i Osft^ as wn hnvs sma.
•V«^
: i
HisTORT Of Beistol axd B&auiv.
251
' Massachusetts, as we have seen, had for many years embraced
every favorable opportunity to extend her jurisdiction east*
ward ; but her people in doing it preferred not to incur too great
expense. Moreover all the settlements in the region liaving
been abandoned by the English, their restoration was a matter
for the consideration and efibrt of the British nation rather than the
people of the single colony of Massachusetts Bay. The French,
ever since the treaty of Breda, in 1668, had held undisputed
posseasion of Acadia, as the undefined territory east of Saga-
dahock, was called ; but the two governments of England and
France had never been able to agree upon the true dividing
line between these provinces. The English claimed for the
territory of Sagadahoc, all the country from the Kennebec as
far east as the St Croix, and were actually in possession as &r
east as the Penobscot ; while the French claimed for Acadia,
all the country as far west as the Kennebec, but were in actual
possession as far west as the Penobscot The bitter enmity
between the English and French was probably never more de*
cided, than in this age of which we are speaking ; and in their
respective colonies this feeling was rather intensified than others
wise. Among the people of the French colonies plans were
every year discussed for extending their own jurisdiction over
not Maine only, but the whole of New England; while the
people of tlie English colonies, on the other hand, were talking
of schemes for the utter expulsion of the French f^m the whole
eastern country.
The progress of events in that age was comparatively slow»
but no one could fitil to see that a crisis was approaching, when
the British nation would find it necessary by its mighty arm
to defend this territory, or else to relinquish their claim to it
altogether. The people of Massachusetts, being well assured
that the latter alternative would never be submitted to, were
content to adopt for themselves a course of ** masterly inac*
tivity," so judiciously recommended by a renowned statesman,
in regard to another matter at a later period in our country's
history.
By the treaty of Ryswick in 1697 a quasi peace was established
between England and France, but it lasted only a few years,
and its benefits were scarcely felt in these colonies of the two
nations. On the accession of Queen Anne^ in 1702, war again
broke out; and in the western part of Maine, and in New
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HiSTOET OF BbISTOL ▲!!]> BeSMIIT.
HxsTOET OF Beutol akd Beucev.
253
Hampshire, the Indians failed not to murder any straggling
Englishmen they might meet with, or to Ml upon and destroy
any unprotected English settlement
The last fort at Pemaquid having been erected at the expense
of the oolony, it might be expected that it would be rebuilt in
the same manner ; but no movement being made for this pur-
pose, the home government soon began to see the need of
tome action. January 10th, 1700, in obedience to an order from
the king, the lords of trade made a report upon the condition
of the several forts in his Majesty's Pbutations, in which is the
following recommendation for Pemaquid.
** About fifs lesguss to the Westward of St Georges Ijas Psmaquul a
Spsoioui River of grssi Consequenos ss eoveriog three other Rivers, Dam^
riseot, Sheepseot, sod KeBBebeo,aBd therefor deserves to be well Guarded.
At the Estnuieeef this River within two Leagues of the main Sea, formerly
stood a Fort whioh at the spproseh of two men of war with 100 French
k 600 Indiaas was ShasMfally Sarrsadered ia August, 1696, sod de*
ttolished.
For the Seearity of this Fort> & Harbour sad ail that Country, and to
eaeourage people to settle there as formerly, a good Fort ought to be built
ia the sams plaes, or thereabout, and for its better defense in Case of an
aUaok from the Sea a Battery auy be raised on the next point of Land Si
a redoubt or Round Tower on John's Island.*
Towards the mouth of the Kennebec River (seven Leagues fVom Psma*
quid) ars many littls IsUnds. On that of Damaras Cove there was before
tiie war a Pallisadoed Fort for the defenie of ye fishermen, and another
en Gape Nawagen where they used to sure their Fish. But to Guard the
Entranee of the River a Redoabt ought to be raised on the Island Saga-
dahock, sad a littls Fort at New Town in Rowseek ( Arrowsio) Islsnd two
Lsagttss up the River where there was formerly a somII square one Pallisa*
deed."*
It was wise in the ministers to begin operations in this general
way, but the object chiefly aimed at was the erection of the two
forts, the one at Pemaquid, and the other at Piscataqua. Joseph
Dudley, appointed governor of Massachusetts Bay, arrived in
Boston early in the summer of 1702, and immediately entered
*" PM** Is ths Jfsi» r«rft (ML i>f0i(SMii<f.
'TUsaams^appUedalsotothebajas woUas this IsUad, is derired veiy pro.
MOjrftomthsaams "04. Joha's Tower," giToo totha pUes la Smith's map^ iff.
AM.(ML[l]TsLiiL
• ites. ilfs*^ 70 ; 48M1K^ i^ M J3M.» ir. r, nr, 881.
W
v
I
upon the duties of his office. At the first session of the gene«
ral court,' in obedience to his instructions from the ministry, he
urged with much earnestness the rebuilding of the fort at Pema>
quid, as a means of retaining possession of the eastern country,
the loss of which was seriously threatened* But the repre-
sentatives of the people could not be persuaded, and nothing was
done.
The next spring Dudley invited a conference with the Indian
chiefs at Casco, and took occasion, with several of his council,
to make a visit to the ruins of Pemaquid. Several years before
this Governor Bctiomont had sent Ool. Bomar [Bomer,] a dis-
tinguished engineer, to the place ; and elaborate maps of the
locality, and accurate drawings of the ruins, were prepared by
him for the government.'
At the meeting of the general court, the committee of the
council, who had accompanied the governor to Pemaquid, pre-
sented a report in which they say: ^* we are humbly of Opinion,
that the Stones being already in place, the ground already
trenched, and the foundation probably still good, and lime to be
had near and easy, the General Assembly may, in obedience to
Her Ma^ pleasure and direction therein," make the necessary
appropriations ** for the raising of the walls,'' etc
This actually passed the council, but was rejected by the
house, upon whom all argument was utterly lost To the ur»
gency and chidings of the governor, they, by their committee
replied : ** For the Building a Fort at Pemaquid^ we humbly con*
ceive Her Miyesty has received Misrepresentations oonceruing
that Affair ; At least our Apprehensions of it do not Concur with
what hath been represented to Her Majesty; But was there no
other Impediment than the present TVar, we are of opinion that
would be Aigument enough for the not Erecting a Fort at Pema-
quid."*
> At this time, it will be remembered, the General Coart, oonaisted of a honae
of ropresentatiTOB, ehoeon b^ tlio people, and a ooundl, choaca I7 the houae of
reprettmtailvoe, bat enliloet to bo rotoed br the goTemor.
* Veiy probabljr thmo might now be found in the British Aithiras I7 snfideat «
reeoardi.
*AeoUeUionqf$AdproeeedMotrfthsGretUMdOeninUChurt0rAmmUy^
Her Itajeti/s Pradnce rf MaseaekueeUs Bag, eU^ printed kg erder ifthe k^^ee </
ItepreeenttUioa, 1738, poffee 10, IS. 18, SS. Thia rerjr rare rolume ia a collection
of all thedeingaor the honaeon thoae twoaabjectaof diepote, the irrantingaaxed
aahMytoihsirovemor andthereboildinf ofthePemaciQidfort See alfo HWeA.
meUrg, It, tZS, Where waa the lime obtained that was asedsd for the wmikt
-4»-*^
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264
HiraoET Of Beutol aitd BEiMxir.
Thas tbo matter retted antU the close of Dadley't administra-
tioD, bat was reeamed again io 1706, by hissacceesor, Ooremor
Shote. Bat all produced do effect, neitlier the argaments of the
go?eraor| nor the repeated commands from the throne could per-
suade the repreeentatiTes of the people to vote away the public
money, contrary to their convictions of doty. ** The low Cir-
camstances of the Province/' they say, ** and the heavy Debts
upon it are soch that His Majesty's subjects here are notable to
come into so great a charge, as the Bebuilding the Fort at PemO'
fuii would be ; and that in case of a Rupture a Fortification there
would be no security to the Lives and Estates of His Majesty's
Subjects here, as our past Experience, has abundantly convinced
us, by reason that FimaquU is at so great a distance from our
English Settlements.** At the same time they took occasion to
say they would always be ready, as good and loyal subjects,
to supply whatever means might be necessary for the proper
defbose and preservation of the government
What secret confeUdDce may have been held by the members
of the cabinet in London, or what subdued curses they may,
among themselves, have flung at Massachusetts, in this con-
JoDCture of affiiirs, we know not, but certain it is, it was
not deemed expedient to press the matter further; and the
British government silently retired discomfited from the field.
We shall soon see the new aspect the matter subsequently took.
In the year 1710 the position of affairs in this region was
eoosiderably changed by the capture of Port Boyal,* in Nova
8ootia,by the combined English and New England forces under
OoL Nicholson. •
This easy and inexpensive conquest prepared the way for
fbrther operadons under Nicholson, the next year (1711), for the
rednctioa of Canada, and the subjection of the whole north
ooQDtry to the Bnglidi crown ; but it resulted disastrously, and
requires mention here only because of its effects on the minds
of theLidians, who were always inclined to unite their interests
with the party, which for the time seemed most likely to win.
By the capture of Port Boyal, the English acquired such a
foothold in that region, that the French were obliged to retire;
Mid the retrocession of Acadia to England, by the treaty of
ITtrecht, in 1718, firflowed almost as a matter of course. The in-
• Ths Mas WM •MmwwH^ tbi^ii to A— pailt SojaI Ob Immt W Q s eaa
till
t
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HzsTOET 0? Bristol akd Bexhxv.
255
fluence of the French being thus withdrawn from the Indians,
they soon began to sue for peace ; and at their request a con-
ference was held at Portsmouth, in the month of July. Here,
after making humble confession of their misdoings towards the
English, they cast' themsejves upon the mercy of the British
government, and renewed their allegiance, promising, in the
most solemn manner, ever afterwards to conduct themselves
as good and loyal subjects of the queen. When news of the
new treaty was received by tlie eastern Indians, they r^oiced
exceedingly, agreeing on their part to fulfill faithfully all iU
stipulations.
Thus ended this Mrd Indian war, which has sometimes been
called Queen Ann^s war? lu disastrous effects in the loss of
life and property, were severely felt In all the settlemenU west
of the Kennebec; but those in this region having been pre*
viously depopulated and therefbre taking no part in the strife,
the details do not require to be given here. During the contest
of ten years, it is believed that Maine lost from a fourth to a
third of all her inhabitants.* The Indians also su&red great
loss, and the whole number of their fighting men in the tribes
east of the Kennebec did not probably now exceed 800.
Peace being again restored, nominally at least, and under
circumstances that seemed favorable to iU continuance, some
few of the former settlers began to return to their old places on
Arrowsic island, and other poinU near the mouth of the Ken-
nebec ; but as there still remained not a little fear of further
Indian outrages, littloprogress could benutde towards recovering
the former prosperity. The government derired to adopt a
policy altogether conciliatory towards the Indians, notwithstand-
ing their previous outrages, and even proposed to provide
religious instruction for them ; but It availed nothing. They
had no desire for Bibles, and were altogether satisfied with the
teachings of the Romish church, with which they had long been
connected.* This occurred at a conference held on Arrowric
island in 1717, between Governor Shute attended by some of
his council, and several Indian chieft of neighboring tribes.
• The wtf calUd tlio aeoond IndUn war was tbat WyKf nnlng under AadroiTi ad-
aintMTAtioA. Md ienninatliig with Um csptart of Fori WUliMa Emtj, In ISOS.
• Thow wew, bowevw. la tUeae |mrU a few |ifi^ng InaUae, •• tboee eonrert-
ed to tbe Protoetant faith were called, eororal of wkon, October S. 1717» eent a
petitkNi'*lotho UnaiaeMtalOowi al Bestoa.** *• that fQtmX OofMor aad
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HmoBT OF Bbistol aho BmsMfV.
The next important moyement in these parts was the rebuild^
ing of the fort on George's river^ in 1719, by the claimants of
the lands there. This fort was of wood, and stood near the spot
where the mansion of Gen. Henry Enox w^ erected near the
close of the last centnry. Fort Richmond, in the present town
of Kchmond, on the Kennebec, was also bnilt abont the same
time.
The so called proprietors of land in several other places
in this vicinity also made some movements to regain possession
of their claims.
In 1719 or 1720, Kev. Christopher Tappan of Newbury, who
claimed to own a large tract of land on both sides of the Dama-
riscotta river, sent down Michael Thomas, as a tenant, with two
hired men, Samuel Gatchell and Benjamin Cheney, who spent
a summer in cultivating three or four acres near the lower or
salt water ialls. They were not molested in any way; and
the object being simply to make a show of actual possession, in
due time evidence of these facts was put on record, in the shape
of depositions from the individuals named.'
The fittcts in regard to Wm. Hilton and family, who from the
first or second year of the last century to the year 1718 resided
at Broad Cove, will be recollected in this connection. The fact
of their residence here seems to be well established, though it
has been entirely overlooked by preceding writers. Itow they
managed to maintain amicable relations with so treacherous
neighbors as the native savages, at such a time, and for so long
a period is a mystery.
The peace that followed after the treaty of 1717, was con-
stantly violated by straggling Indians, and occasionally, it must
be confessed, by the English; but several years elapsed before
open hostilities again broke out between the parties.
The Indians had good reason for alarm, as tiiey witnessed the
oontinued expansion of the English settiements, and correspond-
ing; diminution of their own hunting grounds ; and if some
of them were at times driven almost to frensy as they saw and
OmiaaUl wovld Older ft iman Pr^laff
imA ▼■ to meet Ib M SftbUUi daTi."
fWt Oeofft t* Bnmiwkk,
Cot 7«S, 1717.
lomi Qihm, la la pw iw r .
to Iw Mtt MW tbs flbrt thtBocUth
SABATii (nutfli)
WAaSKOWBS ( " )
HamquB ( * )
(liMi.iJ«ll.,Sl,^S4.)
^»
HiSTOBT Of BbISTOL AKD BBBlfEir.
257
felt their own utter helplessness iu the matter, it is not to be
wondered at Such seems to have been the feeling which
actuated many of the Kennebeo Indians in the movement now
to be narrated. That an educated and intelligent Frenchman^
as Father Basle was, should be found uiging them on in a
movement by which there was nothing to be gained by them
and everything to l>e lost, is more a matter of surprise.
At length it was resolved by the Kennebec Indians, to make
a formal demand upon the Euglish. In August, 1721, some 200
in number, in 90 canoes, made their appearance in the mouth
of the Eennel)ec, attended by Father Rosle, ^ a Bomau Catholic
priest, and several other Frenchmen, and bearing a French flag.
Landing on one of the islands, a lai^ party of them presented
themselves before Capt Penhallow, who commanded the garrison
on Arrowsic island, l^ldly declaring that ** if the settlers did not
remove in three weeks, the Indians would come and kill them
- all, destroy their cattle and bum their houses," giving as their
reason ^ Uiat the Englishmen had taken away the lands which
the Great God had given their fathers and themselves." '
Tliis, of course, occasioned much alarm in all the settiements ;
the governor convened a special session of the general court in
Boston, and measures were taken to seixe and punish all of-
fenders against the laws. An expedition was sent against the
Norridgewock Indians with the particular object to seize Father
Basle, and take him to Boston ^ either dead or alive ; " but the
wily missionary, having hoard of their approach, took himself
out of their way. Some damage was done to the Indian vil-
lage, Basle's house was plundered, and his papers seized, which
were found to implicate him, as having been engaged in exdt*
ing the Indians, to their recent outrages upon the citizens.
* R«il« (Rale, IUIm, IU11«) wm long a mlMlonarj among the Nonidgimodca,
bjr whom he was kiglil^ esteemed. He had great influence with them, and, aa
the Engllth beJiered, waa the erU counaellor bjr whom thej had been nrged on to
eommit manj of their leoent oatragca. Hia hiatorjr ia too well known to need
repetition here. After a roaidence in Norridgewock aa a mierionaiy to the Indiana
for more than thirtj jeara, he waa alain in the memomUo attadt upon that Tillaga
bj the New E ng l and IbroM under Moitlton,on]y throe ycaw after thia traniacttoa.
• N, IT. ni$t. CoU., 1. 90; Tm. HiH, Me, u,106 ; Oarmmt^$ EUt. <^ Canada,
tranaUted bjr Boll, i, 431. From the laat anthor we learn thai belbre aeadiog thia
•apeditioo to make so formal a <femand upon the £nirUab,aoeampaaied bjr aoch aa
awfal threat, the matter waa fuUj diecueeed and tba eonne agreed npon betweam
Iht Indiana and the French prioau among them.
38
i'»^ R iT' ^ w mni ■Pii m
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HmoBT OF Beibtol ahd Bbsmsn.
Thus WM began Another fight with the Indians in New Eng«
land, which has sometimes been called the Fourth Indian War.
The people of Massacbnsetts were Tory relnctaut to engage
again in war, bat as the Indians were in actual hostilities it was
forced upon them; and Oov. Shate after some delay issued
his proclamation to this effect It was dated July 25, 1722.^
AsPemaqoid still lay desolate, it of course had no part to act
in the bloody tragedy which followed, but which requires men-
tion here as it serves to explain the reasons why it so long re-
mained in this condition. Several conferences with the Indian
ohieft were held by the proper authorities, in which the difii-
onlties between the parties were clearly seen and discussed, but
no satis&ctory adjustment could be made. This in the nature
of the case was clearly impossible. Whatever other causes of
complaint the natives may have had, the one overshadowing all
others, was the constant enlargement and increasing numbers
of the English setdements on the coast, and on the navigable
rivers. For this there was no remedy but for the English to
abandon the country.
Of the Indian conferences referred to, the most important were
that at Portsmouth, in 1718, that at Arrowsic, in 1717, already
mentioned, and those at Falmouth, in 1686 and 1687. At each
of these the chief topic of complaint was the continued encroach-
ments of the English settiements upon their chosen hunting
grounds; and some extracts of what was said may be interesting.
At the Arrowsic conference. Gov. Shnte and suite being pre-
sent, the speaker for the Indians was Wiwwmoy of one of the
Kennebec tribes; in the course of his remarks he said.
** This plaos was fonierly sstUed sod is aow Mttliag it oar reqasst;
and ws now rstara ihaoks that tEo English are oobm to setUs hers, sad
will embnes then in oar bosoms that eoaie to aottlo oar knds.
flW. (to the interpreter). They most not call it their land, for the
Sa^h have bought it of theai aajd their ancestors.
WL We pray leave to proeeed in oar answer, and talk of this OMtter
afUnrsfd. We deeirs there may be ao aH>re settlemenU made. We
shsa'tboable to hold them all ia oar bosoBM, and to Uke care and shelter
them, if U be like to be bad weather, aad misehief is threateaed.
^M.Kmd.QaL.i.%L
w^
HiSTOBT 0? Bbistol a5i> Bbbkxv.
259
We are willing to cat off oar Unds as far as the mills,i aad the coasts
to Pcmaquid,
0o9. Tell them we desire only what is oar owa, and that we will hafe.
We will not wrong them, but what is our own we will be masters ot
IF*. It was said at Ca$eo Treaty, that no more forU should be made.
Gov, Tell them that the forU are not made for their hurt, and that
I wonder thej should speak against them, when they are for the seonrity
of both, we being all sabjeoU of King Qeorge. King George builds what
forts he pleases in his own dominions, and has given me power to do it
here, aad thej are for their secori^ as well ss oairs, aad the French do
the like. Thej bntld what forU thej please, aad all kiap have thai
power, end the governors thej sppoint do the same.
Wi We can't understand how oar kads have beea parehased, what
has beea alienated was bj oar gift."
Here an old deed of lauds on the Kennebec, made by six In-
dian Sagtimores to Rkhard Wharton^ was brought out and read,
and the whole thing explained to them, but with what effect
the record does not say.
•« m. As for the west side of the KoinAecriotr I have aothiag to say,
but I am sure aothing hss been sold on the cut side.
Go9, I eapeet their positifo answer and compliance in this matter, that
the English bmj be qaiet ia the possessioa of ths Uads thsy ha?e par*
WL We don't know whstte think of the new forte built. * * *
We should be plessed with King George if Ukcre wss never a/ort ia
the eutera part."t
Much more than this was said, the Indians at times express-
ing much dissatisfaction ; and the conference was closed without
efiecting anything of importance, unless the treaty agreed upon,
only to be immediately broken, may be considered such.
If after this treaty was formed between the parties there was
some cessation of actual hostilities for a very few years, there
was no real peace. Soon the murderous atucks upon the set-
tlers were renewed whenever opportunity occurred; and they
in turn retaliated by bloody and ruinous attacks upon the In-
* PiobabljmUls aie meant oo aome stream emptjiag into the Ksnaebee^ not
flirftomthe place where the eonlerenee wm held. Thej wootd not allow the
XaglUh to Ibna aettlemeato farther op the Keaaebee thaa the mUla lefciied to,
nor farther eaat on the coaat than Pemaqiid,
• iTafoe KM. iS^ (ML, m. Mi.
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HI8T0ET Of Beistol AVD BBBIin.
diaos, AS in Lovewell's terrifio figbt, atLorewell's pond, in the
present town of Fryeburg, and the destruction of tbe Indian
Tillage at Norridgewock, in 1724.
Some two years before this the fishermen on the coast had
been made tbe special objects of vengeance by tbe Indians, and
more than twenty schooners had been seized by them, and
many of the men killed. Most of the vessels were afterwards
recaptured, and some redeemed. One was taken as she lay at
Damariscove island, and the captain and a brother who was
with him badly beaten, and otherwise abused. The men
were kept on board firmly tied; but one of them, with great
efibrt, succeeded in releasing himself unobserved, and then
proceeded to release his brother; the two together, then fell
upon their captors, threw one overboard, and killed or mortally
wounded one or two more, and thus made their escape.
This condition of things was too dreadful to be endured ; and
both parties could not but be anxious to be released from its
horrors; but bow to eifect it was no easy matter. Treaty after
treaty entered into, apparently in good faith, and under the
most solemn sanctions, had proved of little avail ; and if still
another should be formed what benefit could be expected to
result from it The Penobscot tribeat this time, manifesting
less hostility than any of the others, early in the summer of 1725,
commissioners were sent down to St. George's river, by Lieut.
Gov. Dummer, to learn whether anything could be done fbr
the restoration of peace; and they found the Indians there alto-
gether favorably disposed. As a result of their efforts, in the
autumn of this year, four distinguished chiefs of tbe eastern tribes
made their appearance in Boston, to negotiate with the Massa-
chusetts authorities a permanent treaty of peace.
The discussion that followed was long and earnest, as the In*
dians insisted that the English should abandon Fort Richmond, in
the present town of Richmond, and also the block bouse at St.
Oeorgw; propositions to which of course the English could not
assent At length a kind of compromise was agreed upon, and a
treaty formed, which however required to be subsequently rati-
fied by the various tribes conccnmed ; and a conference for this
purpose was appointed to be held at Falmouth in May of the
next year, 17S6. When the time for the conference arrived, Lieut
Gov. Bummer, of Massachusetts, Gev. Wentworth, of New
Hitmpsbire, and Ool. Paul Masoerene, as representative of Nova
T
I
HiSTORT Of Bristol akd Brbven.
261
Scotia, repaired to Falmouth, but no Indians made their appear-
ance. After a delay of several days, a message was received from
the Indian chiefs at St Georges requesting that the conference
might be held at Pemaquid, as it was the busy season with them,
and they desired not to go so far. This however was declined^
and a sloop sent to St. Georges, with instructions to offer them
a free passage to Falmouth. This invitation was accepted ; and
in due time some forty Indians, representatives of all the eastern
tribes except the Norridgewocks, made their appearance, and
July 10th, the conference began.
Lieui. Gov. Dummer^ on the part of the English, conducted
the conference, and Loron^ (alias Saguarum) of the Penobscot
tribe, was the chief speaker for the Indians.
" Loram, As tq the first motioot of pesos when wo heard of it from tbe
goTeraor we were very glnd of ic, sod was ready to join io tbe peace, and
made proposals in order to efifect it, and partiealarlj about the lands, and
the English quitting the two houses, vis^ Richmond, and St. Qtorgfia,
which the government did not see cause to some into ; if they bad we, with
tbe other Indians, should all have come into a peace before now, and there
would be no difficulty with others ; not that tbe bouses should be removed
at a great disUnce, but that tbe bouse at Sl Owrgei should be removed
te Pemaquidf and that at Richmond to Arrowtic^ for tbe trading bouses.**
Lieut Gov. Dummer reminded them that the conference
was held simply to ratify the Boston treaty, bnt still they (the
English) had come prepared on their part to prove thd rights
the English had to the lands at St Georges, if they insisted on it
** Loron, J^nm we proceed to make answer to the second part of yester-
day's discourse. Everything of the treaty is very plain to us, and there
is nothing in the way excepting tbe two bouses ; in ease they could be
remored a little further in, as we mentioned yesterday. Tbe governor
was mentioning that be would settle no lands* but what good rights and
titles might be set forth to, and in ease tbe lands were sold, we have a
number of young people growing up who never were acquainted of the
lands being sold. Tbe government is a great and rich government, and
if tbo lands were sold, they wore sold for a small matter, and cost but little,
snd it would be but s small matter fbr tbe government to make ollowanes
for them, and give them up.
Li, Go9. What do you mean by making allowance for tbe lands.
Loron^ We desire that no bouses or settlements may bo made to the
eastward of Pemaquid, or above Arrow$ie. As for the Fcnohtcoi tribe,
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HiSTOET or BuraoL ahd BESMSir.
is ptftirabr, w«4m'I kotw thU •▼« Om j aoia mj laodt. That li all
wt 1mt« to MJ.''
This ftppeal wao manlj and to the pointi and onder other oir-
onmstaneet vroald hare been irreeietible ; bat the lande were
needed by the BoglUh for settlement, and they were determined
to have themi so the same reply was given as before. ** Their
fkthers at some former time bad sold these lands to the
Engrish.**
*« LoroK * * * Ws iniisl apon lbs rsMOfsl ef tboM two hooMS
wbisb WM BSAlioiMd bst winter, ws tgiin mtks mestioo of thsoi now,
and if thsy wsre fsmoTed there would be no diffioaltj tmong the tribes.
We ean'tfind tay reoord in ear memory, nor in the memory of our grand
Ikthsrs that the Peoobseot tribe hsTS sold any Und. As to the doeda
meatioBsd kat winter, made by JUadoehawando and SheejMcoi John^ they
were not Penobseot Indiana, one, Madoekamando, belonging to Maobiaa,
and the other towarda Boston. If we ooold find in realitj that the Unda
were pnrehaaed of the right owaera, we ahould not have inaiated on it,
nor haTO opened oar mootha, we weald not pretend to tell a lie aboat it,
for we know tbat Ood will be angry with the man that tells a lie. We
4o not remember of any aettlemenU at &. Georgeit we remember a preUy
while, aad aa leag aa we remember, the pUee where the garrison ataada
tiled with great, leaf, grewa tress.'' * * *
Then they prooeeded with the force* by reading the deeds
by which the English claimed the lands on St. Georges River.
Theee of oonrse were the deeds obtained by Governor, Sir.
Wm. Phipe, on the occasion of his visit to the place, May 9th,
1604, before mentioned, (anu, p. 208.)
After the reading of the deeds the Indians desired time to
consider the matter, and the conference adjourned for the day.
The next morning, on the assembling of the conference, Lifron^
in behalf of the Indian^ made a dignified, bat rather moumfal
speech, giving a relocUnt assent to the ratification of the treaty
as it was, but expreesing the hope that the English might con-
aider their wishee, and not obtrude themselvee farther npon
« Aft tUa TWj tlma tht kwa oT MamaohoMtta dedarod aU aaoh daeda to ba la-
Talkt aad nolMidj luMW It battar than Uaia. Gov. Dwnmar, aad thoao aandatad
with him, Aad, In pilnl of flMtythoaaalalmlag aodor thia daad aoTW gained
potrnmlM of tha laada In diapnta, In Tirma of the dead, bat aal/ hj anitlag tha
eUlm wHh'thaft of the giaal to Beaaohamp aad Lavaiaftl bj tha CeaMtt of PI/*
History of Bristol Aim Brkmrv.
26S
their neighbora, the Indians, who desired, as brothers, to have
a good understanding with them. The English, at the same
time, gave some farther assurances in regard to the goods which
were to be supplied to the Indians at foir prioes. Druekhouta^
which had been promieed long before, were to be established
at Fort Richmond and 8t Georges river, for the special benefit
of the Indians. In them supplies of goods, suitable for the
Lidians, were kept for sale, and exchanged at foir prices for furs
and skins, and such other articles as they might have to dispose
o£ At each house the business was transacted under the direo*
tion of an oflicer called a truck master. -The business was done
at the pdblic expense ; but the goods being purchased at whole*
sale prices, and sold at a moderate profit, the net loss to the
' government was not great. These houses were maintained
many years.
Though the Indians, in negotiating this treaty, did not sue*
ceed, as they desired, in securing themselves from the farther
encroachments of the English settlements, they sincerely rejoiced
in the return of peace; and many kind and even grateful letters
were subsequently written or dictated to Governor Dummer by
prominent individuals. Sometimes a word of advice or request
would be inserted. Among others our distinguished acquaint*
ance, Loron^ wrote, *' Never let the trading houses deal in much
rum. It wastes the health of our young men, it unfits them to
attend prayers. It makes them cariy ill both to your people
and their own brethren. This is the mind of our chief men."
For some reason, not now understood, the Norridgewocks
were not represented in this conference, and to give them op*
portunity to identify themserves with this movement for peace,
another conference was appointed at Falmouth, to be held in
the summer of 1727. This was attended by about 100 Indians,
who, with apparent good foith, ratified on their part the treaty
of the preceding year, with an additional article, providing for
a union of their forces with those of the English in case any re*
fractory Indians sbooldt in spite of the treaty, presume to die*
turb the peace*
^U
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HuTOET or Bmstol iKD Beimiv.
CHAPTEB XXilL
Bbbuilddto or the Pemaquid Foet bt.Col Durbae, axd Cie^
OUlfSTAEOBS COHMSCTSD TUBEKIflTH.
OoL David iJoaUr, bj 4ifMtk« Md al the expenM of tU Britlik GoT«ni-
mmi, warn to rebidld P«iUM|iiid Fdrt^Bj iDiinicUoii (It to tapiioMd)
of lito gorenmoiit bo Mtmnet that tho fee of oU tlio land bero to in the
Otwa, aad aakot giaata wHIiovt regard to fbnnor owneraor oecnpaato—
Duabar atoo appoialed •anrojor of tbo Kiag't wooda— The tan calUsd Fori
Fredoric^Hoii^TOi tbonamot Townwad, Walpoto aad Harringtoa to tbroo
lowMbipokldoiUbjblm— DepotltionaofSamool H. Cobb. Wm. Moore and
Joba Boatb— Oppo dtto ato Danbar't proeeediai^, and bto opponents at lengtb
eflbetbtoraMval— TbeAttomejGeaeialdeeideaagainettbo aorommeat at
to tbt owMitbip of tbo aoU— Kaaoi of toBM tbat aettled aader Danbar.
The time for the rebuilding of tbe fort at Pemaquid was now
drawing near ; the Britieh government having failed in their
efforts to' eoeree the provinee of Massachusetts Bay into the
performanee of this duty, at length resolved to do it themselves ;
but it was to be under a new theory of the ownership of the
•oil in the territory of Sagadahoc.
At tbe first settlement of the place, as we have seen, there
were only two' sets of claimants to the lands here, Elbridge and
Aldsworth, or thmr representatives, and those deriving their
title from the Indian deed to John Brown ; but when the Duke
of Toric assumed tbe government in 1077, no attention was
paid to any of these claimants. His government continued
only until tbe Spring of 1689; but during this time his repre-
aeoUtives, by deed or perpetual lease, had reconveyed to actual
settlers and others much of the soil, who held it for a time un-
disturbed. Wbeo tbe Duke of York, on the death of Charles
n, succeeded to the throne as James II, Sagadahoc of course
became a royal province, dependant solely on the crown ; and
if his title, as the Duke of York, was valid, it would seem that
the same title was now vested in the crown.
On the abdication of James, and the imprisonment of his
representative, Gov. Audros, in Boston, in 1689, Massachu*
Mtta peacefully resumed his former jorisdietion not only witb-
HzsTOBT or BaisTOL axj> Besmbv.
266
out opposition from the government, but with its assent. By
tbe new charter, received in 1692, her jurisdiction was extended
over the whole of the present state of Maine, and also Nova
Scotia; but the government of the latter province, was, a few
years later, voluntarily resigned to the crown.
MassachusetU, it must be admiUed, was in this treated with
much kindly consideration by tbe home government; but
if any expected that the puritanical province could thus be in*
duced to yield jot or tittle, of her own righto or liberties they
were not a little mistuken. For some years after the accession
of William and itary to the English throne, and the reception
of the new charter by MassachusetU, there was a tolerable
accord between tbe two governments ; but now a serious dis-
agreement occurred on two pointo having no connection with
each other, and brought together only in the arbitrary char-
actor of the government which the British nation was seeking
to establish over her colonies. These two pointo of ditference
were the rebuilding of the fort at Pemaquid, of which some*
thing has already (p. 252-264) been said, and settling a fixed
salary upon the governor of the colony, a matter which does
not now conoeni us.
We cannot but admire the pluck of the Massachusetto people
in refusing to be coerced into the adoption of measures their
deliberate judgment did not approve ; but, having recovered
their ancient jurisdiction hereby the special fevor of the British
government, it does not seem strange that the latter expected
them to provide for the safety and protection of the territory
thus submitted to their care. The controversy which ensued
on this point has already been sufficiently discussed.
It being cleariy seen that Massachusetto could not be brought
to terms in regard to the rebuilding of the fort, the British gov*
emment at length determined to do it themselves, and at their
own expense. What may have been the deliberations of the
ministers we do not know, nor, so far as we can now find, was
any notice given of their change of policy, but early in the
spring of 1729, David Dunbar made his appearance here, with
a royal commission, appointing him governor of the territory of
Sagadahock, and authorising him to rebuild the fort at Pema*
quid« He is said to have been a native of Ireland, and for a
time colonel of the army, but was now out of employment,
poor and proud. Many years before this, laws bad been passed
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266
HiaTOET or BftnroL avd Bbimih.
in England to protect the timber, in these regions, deemed
enitable for masts, and other purposes in the royal navy, and an
officer appointed to hare chaige of the business, called surveyor
general of the king's woods*
This office was then held by a Mr. Bridger; but Dunbar,
with the aid of Mends, found means to effect his removal, and
bis own appointment to the place. Some time before this, cer-
tain politicians and others in England, had started a scheme
for detaching the whole Bagadahock territory from Massachn^
setts, and annexing it to Kova Scotia. There was at the same
time a parly who claimed that, in all this territory, ownership
of the soil was legally vested in the crown, in opposition to all
other claimants ; their argument was that the capture of Pern-
aquid fort in 1696, by the French, was really a conquest of the
whole territory of Sagadahock, which now became legally the
property of France, and remained so until 1710, when by the
capture of Port Royal by the English, the whole territory, as
well as that of Kova Scotia, by the right of war, was recovered
to the English, and the ownership of the soil thereafter vested in
the crown.* This right of the crown was confirmed by the
treaty of Utrecht in 1718, in which all this territory was form-
ally retroceded to Great Britain. It was in this view that the
general court was restrained from making any grants of these
lands without the consent of the crown.
As we have seen, under the administration of the Duke of
York, the government claimed ownership in the soil as well as
dvil jurisdiction, and made grants of land accordingly ; but
why that ground of claim should now be given up, and a new
theory sta^rted, does not clearly appear.
Dunbar arrived in this country in the spring of 1729, ond
very soon proceeded to the erection or repair of the Pemaquid
fort, which however in all probability was not finished until
the following year. Very probably the stone walls of the pre-
Tious fort may have been in tolerably good condition, and re-
quired but few repairs. The work was done at the expense of
the British government, to whom of couree Dunbar made re-
tam of his doings, giving some description of the works ; but
so such papers have been found.'
' i rm d M iww , BkL, n,sos, sss.
*ThMt i»pm !■ all prokabUitjr sre fUU praarrvd •mmg the British arehiTw
iaLQaSM,MiSarithtWbm«^toUffatwHhmrtv«i7»MhriiiMt^ Thmf
HisTOET or BanxoL ahd Bebmxm.
267
T
Having put the fort in good condition, he named it Fort Fr^
derickf in honor of the young prince of Wales, and removed his
family here. Next a royal proclamation appeared, (April 27,
1780), addressed to Col. Philips, governor of Nova Scotia, au*
thorizing him to take possession of all the lands between the
Eouuebec and St Croiz rivers, and especiaUy to set off 800,000
acres of good mast and timber land for the benefit of the royal
navy, A detachment of thirty men under proper ofiicers was
sent from Nova Scotia by him to garrison the fort, who held
possession of it some tirae.^ Philips evidently was very will*
ing to aid the schemes and fortune of Dunbar, perhaps expect*
ing in some way to be benefited himself in return.
The repairs on tiie fort were begun in 1729, but probably were
not completed until tiie next year. ECaving completed this
work Duubar formed a magnificent plan of operations for the
improvement of the place, and began work upon it with great
energy. Aided by a surveyor from Nova Scotia, by the name
of Mitchell, he laid out the territory between the Muscongus
and Sheepscott rivers into three townships, which he named
after three English noblemen of the day, Ttwnsend^ Hamngtan
and ^Ya^pd^. Townsend included the present town of Boothbay,
Harrington, the southern part of Bristolj and Walpole, the
northwestern part of Bristol and a part of Nobkbaro.*
In the meantime he caused prockmation to be made, in the
king's name, of his magnificent intentions in regard to the
place, inviting settlers from any part of the countiy, promising
to supply them with lands on easy terms, and in some cases, at
least, support for their families for a limited time.'
In the vicinity of Fort Frederick he laid out the plan of a city,
and caused a considerable part of the territory in the three
towns mentioned to be divided into lots of convenient sixe,
which were to be appropriated to actual settiers. These drew
wtnild now he of niieh intontt* •• would alto Doabsr** i
wLooB, If thtj eoald bo found.
^J)0ug.8um.,i,2S^; WilL Hid, 2faine, n, 196,
* According to a deposition of Wm. Moore, given Oet S3, 1779^ Dnnbnr kid ont
fonr towne, Jhwtmnd, NtwatUe, WatppU and Mtmringtot^, wUeh were eo eltunted
that " thejr wete to moot at a noted ledge of loeke In Damarieootta liTer.***—
fUsi, 8UU$ i^NiMfBoeton.
' Tlioie weioat thia tlino onljr two newapapeie pabliahed In New England, and
aome aeaidi liaa boen made In tlAom for Diinbar*s piodaniatioa, bat witboat
Digitized bv ^
■^a wt w *
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268
HuTOET or BmisTOL ahb Behcbit.
H18TOBT or Bristol akd Bebusn.
269
for their lots, each one having assigned to him a city lot, as it
was called, of two acres, and another lot, at a distance of forty
acres. In some cases it would appear that still another hundred
acres was promised, '' where thej might choose." In Townsend
the lands fronting on the water were divided into two acre lots,
each twelve rods wide, and those fardier back in lots of 100
acres. PatrickRodgers and McGobb received a large grant
in this town upon condition of procuring a certain number of
settlers. Here also, on the beautiful harbor, Dunbar proposed
to build a city.
In Harrington and Walpole the land on the river was divided
into lots of 12 acres, but further back lots of 100 acres were laid
out According to Williamson,^ a large part of Harrington and
Walpole, not immediately taken up, was granted to two specu-
lators by the names of Mcnigommy and Oumpbelt ; but little more
is known of them.
The following document, though rather lengthy, is too inter-
esttng to be omitted. It is a deposition of Samuel McCobb of
Boothbay, sworn to Oct 28, 1772.'
SsBiisl MeOobb, sged 64 yesra, teatifieth and saifch, that in the year
1729, GoL Danbar earns with a comtniaBioD from his most ezosllent
Bfijasty, George the leoond, with initnictioDS to take potaession and set-
tle with the iahabitaats, in behalfof the orown, the Uads lying to the
eastward of the Keaaebee River ia said proTinoe, that with a number of
meo and aeeeasaries he arrived at Pemaqaid in the said year, and forth-
with proeeeded to smnrey and settle several towns aronnd, pablioly iavit-
ing His Majes^s liege sabjeets to some and settle thereon, promising them
ample enooaragement, ia Uie name of the King, his master. In conse*
qaenee of whieh enooaragement the Deponent, with more than 40 others,
applied to the said Dunbar and by him were brought to and settled on a
eertaia aedc of land bounded on the sea, and lying between the Shoepscot
and Damarisootta Bivers, the whieh lands the said Dunbar had laid out
hi parallel lots, twelve rods broad, oontaining two aeres apieoe, and ordered
the settlers to east lots for their respective places, which being done, the
said Dunbar did, in the King's name and behalf, put them in possession of
the lots they had respectively drawn, and promised that on condition of
their building one house eighteen feet long and clearing two acres within
the space of three years he could give them an addition of forty aeres in
one, and oac huadred in another division, as contiguous to the first two
leres as possible, in fee rimple forever, aod likewise to add ihereto aaother
Afisiea devisiag to each settler aay aamber of acres besides, less ihaa
4
•jakLMaim$,n,tm.
*WUt$f Stid4 jETsMiit
1000, which they should request A number having complied with these
terms, and said Dunbar offered to give them deeds of said lands, but the
execution thereof was deUyed, and in the year 1738 he was removed to
Now Hampshire. The lands being naturally broken and poor, and more
especially then, in their wild uncultivated state, and the settlors coming
there generally in low circumstances, and most of them (as being from
Britain aod Ireland) utterly unacquainted with the mode of managing
lands in that state, little of the necessaries of life was raised from the
soil, their whole living depended on cutting firewood and carrying it to
Boston and other towns more (ban one hundred and fifty miles from them ;
hence the settlers lived, from the first, exposed to the utmost extremities
of indigence and distress, and at the same time in almost continual alarms
' from the savages all around, till in the year 1745, when the murders and
depredations iu their borders forced them from their habitations to seek
shelter in the westward, where they were scattered in a strange country,
at nearly 200 miles distance from their homes, ibr tiy^ years. In October,
1749, as soon ss the news of peace reached them, this deponent with many
of his former neighbors ventured back to their said seUlements where they
had scarce finished the repairs of their wasted cottages and improvemenu,
when in a year or thereabouts, the Indians tho' in a time of peace fell oa
their neighborhood, burnt barns, killed many cattle, attacked the little
garrison kept by the people, and carried away a number of men, women
and children into captivity. By this the deponeniand his neighbors were
obliged to flee to the little fortress they had raised for themselves where
they lived and defended themselves as they might, not daring to look afUr
their plantations, by which means the little provisions then growing for
their support the next winter, were chiefly destroyed ; whereby, when they
returned to their pUces, little better than the horrors of famine were in
prospect ; many were obliged to live by cUms, only, which they dug out of
the mud when the tides were down ; thus they subsisted in general till the
late war with France broke out, when tho' their cries were sent up to the
government for some protection on this settlement, ^hich they still held
in the King's behalf, and from which should they again be driven they
knew not where to seek a place of abode, yet no defence or assistance went
to or a morsel of bread was allowed them, but such as they found for theas-
selves, by garrisons and guards of their own where their families lived in
continual terror and alarm from the savages who ranged the wilderness all
around, till the late peace was oonoluded, when their settlements increased
much by new oomers from the western parts. Thus happily rid of French
and Indians they were not long suffbreMi to rest for three or four opposite
setts of elaimors, part claiming by Indian deeds never approved according
to law, and part by pretended ancient occupation and other pretexts never
Justifled in law, at divers times came among them denunding the posses-
sion of these said lands, or reqairiag a purohais for them. These impe-
% ig»» I ■
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vjOQ^ '^
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270
HuTORT or Bbutol and BRlMBir.
tiDg 00 Ui« oredaloos timplioUj of loiiio of tho iohtbitaoU bj fair
promiMs, and tarrifying ofthen with throats of lawtuitft for whioh tho
poor Mttlan woro ill providod, to far prorailod that the genoralitj were
fain to ooDtraot with and boj their Uoda iroiD one or another of them,
and iome of them all ineoeeeifelj, and snoh at have not done to are itill
hami8<|d bj the said elaimers and threatened bj eaoh, in hb turn, with
lawsnils, ejeetmeots, if not imprisonments and rnin, whilst those of whom
thej have bought have nerer done anything to defend them from oompe*
tbg elaimers, and all haTo left them to become a prej to whom comes
next HowcTer, bj the help of God, they continued on their said possos-
, sioos till the /ear 1764, when desirous of obtaining the benefit of order
and the enjoyment of the gospel, thej applied to the Geni. Court of the
Profinoe and were legally incorporated into a town by the name of Booth* *
bay * * * in the year 1765, without any help from the public [from
abroad] erected a ehnroh, and in the year 1766 settled a gospel minis*
ter. * * * These things the deponent testifyeth as facts within his own
proper knowledge haring had occasion to be personally and intimately
interested therein, and he deckreth that this deposition is not giren with
any injnritni in.tent toward any persoo whate?er.
This acooantof the condition of the inhabitftnta in the neigh-
boring town of Boothbay, for some 20 years after the rebuild-
ing of Port Frederic, would probably apply equally well for
Bristol at the same period. Other affidavits, sworn to at the
same time, are on file in Boston, but only some short extracts
can be given here*
At the same date as the abore, Wm. Moore, aged 72, af^er confirming
the above, deposed as follows : That at Townsend the said Dunbar said ho
lAsant to found a city. That the two acre lots were laid out by order of
one Mitchell, said to be one of the King's Surveyors sent from Annapolis
in Nova Scotia for that parpose, and afler him by one Newman sent by
aaid Dunbar Arom Peataquid. That the reason why this deponent, and
thd other settlers who had fulfilled the conditions required, did not receive
deeds from said Dunbar was by him decUred to be because they must
Bsads be sent to a certain Governor Armstrong at Annapolis to be sealed,
wbioh being a hardship on the settlers, and disagreeable to said Dunbar,
h^ advised them to defer the execution of their deeds till he should have
^a answer from the Court of Great Britain to an application he bad made
tbea requesting the seal should be committed by himself. That [from
Tariotts causes, as already related,] provisions were so scarce among them,
the cmly sustenance this deponent could find for himself and family was
elaas aad water for several weeks together, and he knows not of any of
Ite setslers that wars net then in the saoM state, se that when the first
U
f<^»
HisTORT OF BaistOL AUD Brbiuv.
271
child was born in the settlement not more than throe quarts of meal was
to be found amongst them alL
John Death aged sixty-two years testifyeth that he lived with his father
who dwelt at Lunenburgh in tho western part of said Provinee (of Mass.
Bay) when the news was published over New England that His Most Ex-
cellent Majesty, King George the second had oommissioned and sent to
Pemaquid in the eastern parts of said Province a certain CoL David Dun-
bar, as his agent to take possession and begin the settlement of the land
eastward of Kenncboc River in His Majesty's name & behalf. Si that said
Duobar was arrived and had published large encouragements to sny of
his Majesty's Protestant liege subjects who should settle on said Unds.
In pursusnce of which this deponent, together with his father & family, in
June, 1731, left their plantation, k at no small expense transplanted
themselvos, their stock k eficots to said Pemaquid, when after treating
with said Dunbar this deponent, with his father &, as he supposes, above
six^ others, were by the said Dunbar settled [on a piece sf land at Booth-
bay Harbour where he proposed to build a dty.] That on the 19th of
August in the year 1749, this deponent with seventeen others was taken
captive by the Indians, that they were detained till November, that said
Indians took from him a sloop of sixty tons burthen with the cargo {.which
they took to St Peters & sold.]
No copy of a deed or lease given by Dunbar is now knotm
to be in existence, bat Williamson says *Ube assurances of title
he gave the settlers were leasehold indentures, with the an-
tiquated reservatipn of a ' pepper corn * if demanded.'' What
became of these deeds or leaseholds is not certainly known,
but it has been said they were committed by Dunbar to Mont-
gomery and Campbell, before named, and by Campbell, after *
the <teath of Montgomery, to Wm. Vanghan, who lived at
Damariscotta Mills. Vaugban built a house there about 1740,
whioh, not long afterwards was consumed byfire^aud probably
also the documents in question.^
Whatever may be said of Dunbar's character as a man,' it is
certain he conducted the affairs of bis office with great vigor,
and success. And it is probable that in all his arbitraiy con*
duct towards the inhabitants he only acted in accordance with
his instructions, which however he refused to show. He dis-
regarded alike the claims of the great proprietors, whether
holding under royal grants fff Indian deeds, and those of the
> ma. JMne, II, IOC.
* Uneoln Seport, 1811. p. 145, Testimony of Col. Wol Jonea.
M^^
^ i g i- t j gee l- by
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272
HxROET or Bmstol AiTD Beuout.
poorest tottlersy holding their small fiume UDder these propria
etors. On the theory Jost Alluded to the whole had become
the property of the orown whose agent he was.
Such a oourse as this eoald not bat wake up a formidable op«
position on every hand, and Bnnbar soon fonnd himself in dif-
"ficnlty. Disregarding alike all former titlesi from whatever
sooree derived, he soon fonnd'that all persons representing the
old claims were arrayed as one man against him. At first he
affected to despise this opposition^ but at length he found, much
to his disappointment, that it possessed a strength he had not
anticipated. Petitions and remonstrances crowded the tables
of the general court in Boston, and agents of some of the larger
claimants even went to England to bring the matter before
the proper authorities there. The remonstrances and petitions
addressed to the general court were referred to a committee
who speedily reported, presenting the facts in the case, 'and de«
nouncingthe course of Dunbar; but the provincial government
wais poweriess in the matter, except merely to bring it before the
British authorities. This they did in earnest, and with effect
' Belcher, at this time governor, though in the midst of a bitter
quarrel with the house in regard to his salary, united with them
in this mattter, out of hatred to Dunbar.
Political parties in the colonies at this time were as decided
and bitter fs they have ever been since; and Dunbar had given
mortal offence to Belcher by Joining the party opposed to him.
When therefore all the proprietary interests were combined to
tSbct Dunbar's removal. Gov. Belcher was ready without hesi*
tation to afibrd all the aid which his official position might en*
able him to give. He evidentiy had the dispodtion to proceed
to more decisive measures, but for his foar ^ to enoounter a
man armed with a royal oommission.^'
About this time Dunbar, having occasion to visit Boston,
was surprised to find that governor, legislature and the people
were aUke opposed to his course, which they considered
axcessively arbitrary and unjust Beingthwarted in some of his
plans, and some of his views of public afiUrs being violently
opposed, he foil into a passion, and in strong languagedenounced
governor, legislature and people together.
Scarcely two years had elapsed, after Dunbar's arrival in the
oountry, before the complaints preferred against him in Eng-
land became so loud and earnest, that the government was
HisTOBT ov Bristol akd Bbsmsv,
273
obliged to notice thorn. Shem Drowne, of Boston, in behalf of
the proprietors of the Pemaqoid patent, petitioned the crowm
for his removal ; and Samuel Waldo, sent over as agent for the
claimants under the Muscongus patent, with other friends they
found in England, was present in person to urge the same thing.
The whole matter was referred to the Board of Trade, who call*
ed the province agent, Francis WUkes before them and ordei^
a full statement of the matter in controversy, to be made up
and referred to the attorney and solicitor general for their opin*
ion. The foots, as heretofore related (pages 264, 266), of the
conquest by the French in 1696,* and the reconquest by the £u*
glish in 1710, wore to be particularly referred to, and the two
following queries submitted, viz :
** 1. Whether the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, if they
ever had any right to the government of the tract of land lying
between the St Croix and Kennebec, have not, by their neglect,
and even refusal, to defend and take care of and improve the
same, forfeited tiiose suid rights to the government, and what
right they had, under the charter, and now have to the lands.
** 2. Whether by the said tracts being conquered by theFronch,
and afterwards reconquered by General Nicholson, in the
late queen's time, and yielded up by France to Great Britain,
by the treaty of Utrecht, that part of the charter relating thereto,
became vacated, and whether the government of that tract,
and the lands thereof, are not absolutely revested in the owner,
and whether the owner has not thereby sufficient power to ap*
point governors, and assign lands to such fomilies as shall be
desirous to settle there." ^
These officers, after patieuUy listening to the aiguments of
counsel on both sides, made a report which entirely settled the
question. They decided that by the royal charter* to Massa*
chusetts Bay, this territory was granted to her, both as to civil
jurisdiction and right of soil, and that she had not at any time
so neglected it as to forfeit the rights. They decided further
that the conquest by the French, by the hiws of nations did
not annul, but only suspended, the rights of the crown and
people of the province, and that upon the reconquest by the
English, all the ancient rights, whether of the orown or the
> Sul. ma,. Ue., p. 803. Wm. nut,, Ue., n.. 174.
• TiM ehArtar of WnUarn and Mai7, Uil6aS> mcMit
S6
-^^.■1 .1 . 1 p. 11
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>gle
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274
HinoET Of BuCTOL AHD Beimht.
p6opIey being British sobjeotti immediately reverted to thoir
former holders ; that the charter remained ralid and in fall force,
and that the crown.did not have any right to appobt a governor,
or to make assignments of the land. ^
This report was made in August, 1781* and adopted by the
government; and there remained no reason for the long con-
tinuance of Dunbar in his office at Pemaquid ;* but his dismissal
did not take place until the following year, August, 10, 1782.
The same royal order tiiat dismissed Dunbar, also revoked the
authority previously given to Governor Phillips of (Nova Scotia)
over this territory, and recalled the soldiers from Fort Frederic.
Afterwards the fort at Winter Harbor was dismantled, and the
troops, arms and stores removed to Fort Frederic, where a gar*
rison was to be maintained.
Dunbar still retained his office as surveyor of the king's woods,
and also lieut governor of New Hampshire, to which he was
appointed in 1781, but continued his residence at Pemaquid
until 1784. Itemoving at this time to Portsmouth, be was for
a time very sealous and active in his efforts as surveyor to pro-
tect ** the king's timber", which frequently brought him into
violent collision with trespassers upon the royal woods. By a
law of parliament, passed at an early period, no pine trees 24
inches or more in diameter a foot from the ground, were to be
felled, as they were to be preserved for masts for the royal
navy, and trespassers were punished by severe penalties. Logs,
out without license, were liable to be seised by the surveyor
wherever found, and Dunbar with his servants, in several in-
stances, went to the saw mills in search of contraband lumber,
where serious wars of words and threateuings occurred between
him and the trespassers, which greatly lowered his dignity. At
length becoming exceedingly unpopular in New Hampshire, he
returned to Pemaquid, and subsequently built a house at a
place be named Belvidera, on the Damariscotta river, a little
below the fresh water falls.
He was a man of energy and good capacity for business, but,
at the same time, a scheming politician, and ready by any
intrigue to promote his own selfish ends. Though unpopular
• Tks Nsdw win bMT Is Mliid tkil thit«'Mfif«Mir of the «MiBtff7 eoMistcd ia
|h««pt«isorPtnaqttldbjIblwrrille,lBl6SS,aiid the " fcvM^iMtris Um cap-
iww of Psrt Bsyal by WIAolswi,fai ma. TImss Imm of stmo cts W «m4
oaljbjwsjof kgsli
HisTOBT Of Bbistol avd Bancnr.
275
with the multitude in New Hampshire, he had some warm
friends, who seemed to think that influence enough could be
raised in his &vor, to secure for him the oiRce of governor of
that province ; and with the view of obtaining this he went to.
England in 1787, but was not successful.
Some of his old creditors, in the hope of obtaining their dues,
caused his arrest, and he was thrown into prison, but was soon
liberated, by what means is not known, by some of his friends.
All this time, though in Europe, he continued to hold his office
in New England as surveyor of the woods, but at length, for
£2000 steriiug, was persuaded to resign, and was appointed
governor of the Island of St Helena by the Royal East India
Company. This was in 1748.^
Whether Dunbar ever returned to this country is not known,
nor is it known when or where he died, but his widow, after his
death, returned to this country and married Thomas Henderson^
of Gushing, and was living in 1776, as was proven before the
commissioners for settling the difficulties in Lincoln Co., ia
1811."
Some of the &milies introduced by Dunbar, became residents
at Pemaquid, but it is believed, that most of them settled in
Boothbay, where they are still represented. When the British
government decided on the removal of Dunbar they of course
by their acts, if not by words, repudiated the theory as to the
ownership of the soil, on which he had been acting in their
name ; but no attention was given to the settlers, now left with«
out any titie whatever to the lauds he had assigned theuL A
grosser piece of injustice, on the part of .any government to-
wards its subjects, has seldom been heard of; but there was no
remedy. Dunbar, after bis removal, told the people that the
governor of Nova Scotia would give them deeds of their lands;
but how could he give deeds after the confession of his supe-
riors, that those lands belonged of right to other parties 7 The
whole thing was a mean fraud having its origin and animus in
the violent political partizausbip of the day. If the hind offi-
> JMknap, Hut. K. H„ it, OS. Tk$ author dou notgidehii auiMoHtg: htitibl.
lowed imi^dUj hj WillUmaon {Uitt. Mi,, n, 179)> wIm takes ao noOoe of the lacts
es ewora to bgr Mr. Plummer.
* lAm^ik Bip,, 1811 , IK 15S ; Be^jimln Plammer'e teetlmoox. Eaton, Ilid. 7X*
n.8S3. HeadenoQ lived for a time At Boond Pond, bat lemored to Warren and
ihes to Ploasaat PuUt ia Cuakiiig. At om time ke ked eommaad ef tks fott os
Bt. Georges' rlTor.
-^,-».w— ^P W. T*
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276
HuTORT or Bristol ahb Brimbn.
HisTORT or Brutol Ain» Brbmsit.
277
//
cers of the erowu« to whom the question woe referred, had beea
no more honest than the government itself, an opposite opinion
might have been obtained and this, in all probability, would
have been followed by the formal detachment from Mnssachu-
•etts of all the territory of Maine, east of the Kennebec, and
its annexation to Nova Scotia. As a possible result of this the
same territory might at this day form a part of die neighboring
British province of New Brunswick.
With all his faults Dunbar was an energetic officer, and by
his efforts a rery good beginning was made for the new settle-
meiit. How many families were introduced by him, on the
territory within his assumed jurisdiction, we cannot now know
with certainty, but probably as many as fifty or sixty. Several
ftmilies as well as single men came from Boston and vicinity,
many of them were persons who had but recently arrived from
the old country, and were poorly prepared for the hardships
for which they had volunteered, and much suffering was the
necessary consequence.
Of those that settled in Harrington, or perhaps some in Wal*
pole, were Moses Toung, — — Kent, James Sproul, and — —
Beed, who received lots of land, on the west side of Pemaquid
river, lying side by side, in the order of the names ; Young's
lot being at the north, and Heed's at the south. The lots were
intended each to be 16 rods wide. Sprout's lot was the same
occupied by the late Capt. John Sproul who was his grandson.
The latter was accustomed to show in his field, some distance
east of his house, the foundations of a stone house, and also a
stable, erected and occupied by his grandfather, who died some
time before the close of the last century. He was bom in Ire-
land, probably near Belfast, and came with his fiimily and also
a brother, John, to Boston, not long before the arrival of Dun-
bar* Induced probably by Dunbar's offers he came here the
T6fy first year of his [Dunbar's] operations, and spent here the
reat of his life. From him have descended, it is believed, all
persons of this name in New England.
John Sproul, brother of James, lived in Stowe, Mass., and it
it not known whether he was ever in these parts. Wm. Sproul,
of the Meadows, whom many of the older people now living
will remember, was a son or grandson of his.^
* Ckpt Johs SpRwl, Mrs. Ih, Howo, Mis. Utj (Sproat) Johnttoa. TIm Isttor
Bbeiod JaiMt Spioal, Um ifH eT thp asaois tkosMiBlnr. Ho WMihor
South of the four families resided others, on similar lots, bnt
their names are not known.
On the east side, probably, were William and (Joseph 7) Bums,
ancestors of all persons of this name in this region. They
came under Dunbar ; and the former received from him a lot
of land, but, being dissatisfied with the location, be left it and
removed to Broad Bay, at the invitation of Waldo. Being
driven away by the Indians, he took his family to Scituate,
Mass., but afterwards, about 1748, returned to Pemaquid, and
finally settled at Afuscongus, receiving a deed of his farm there
from Waldo. He was present as captain of a transport at the
taking of Louisburg. Ho died at Muscongus, Dec., 1750.
Wm. Burns brother of Joseph (?) just named, and uncle of
Deacon Wm., in the time of the Indian wars, raised a volunteer
company of militia, and did good service for his country.^
James Bailey and fiimily came to Bound Pond in 1729 or
1T80, but whether under Dunbar or not is not known. His
house was near the shore, at the southwest part of Bound
Pond, where he cultivated a field. Atler living here eight or
nine years, at the beginning of the Spanish war, he removed
with his family to the westward, but returned again, many years
afterwards, and took possession of his former old field. His
subsequent history is not known.
Thomas Henderson ** lived on a point of land to the south-
ward of Bailey's house, and joining them, and on the northerly
side of a small brook, near to where said Bailey lived, and now
improved by John Randell."' Henderson subsequently re-
moved to Gushing or St. Georges ; where one or two relatives of
the same name also lived. At a later period he married the .
widow of Gov. Dunbar, as before related. —Moore who
lived on the lot owned and occupied by the late Wm. Me-
Cobb, may have been the same as mentioned previously
as belonging to Boothbay. His house was some distance east
of the present road ; aud some stones showing the position of
* Un, Rep,, 1811, 163. Tho Banu UmXXj during the UdUa Uonbleft wtf
three timoe driven from Uiolr lioinee.
• Dopoeltlon of Patrick Uodgors in Urn, Rep., 1811, p. 61. Tliit d«poeiUoa wm
giTen ia 1773. Rodgors wm lOTorai jeart an oiBoer in tht fort, and anoeetor of
tiioae of tlie name who lived at Pemaquid in recent timet. Tiie name has b»>
eome extinct in this lino. WliettuNr tlie exact location of Bailee and Hendeiw
aon't lota can now lie determined the writer i« nnable to mj. £<tton*« UuL Tkam.,
11,863.
Ill Wi I 11 I I J
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278
HonroET ov Beistol avd Buxbh.
the chimnoj, wrt to be teen a few years ago. There were
also iDdioatioDS of a small cultivated field. Mr. MoOobb was
aocQstomed to show the place, and claimed that Moore was an
ancestor of his on his mother's side.
John North came from Ireland with his son John jr., aged
16, and two danghters, Blizabeth and Lydia» abont 1719, or
1720, and settled first at North Yarmouth. He came in a vessel
owned by himself with his family and servants. About 1781,
he removed with his fiamily to Pemaquid, and died here, about
the year 1740.* His son John, was afterwards captain of the
fort and surveyor of land, having been employed by Shorn
Drowne in making a survey of the claims he represented, and
also a regular division of it into lots, for distribution among the
different persons claiming under this right He subsequently
removed to St Gkorge, and was for a time captain of the fort
there. He died in 1768.
Lydia North, sister of the above, married Boyce Cooper, as his
second wife, and lived in Tbomaston.
Descendants of the fiunily now live in Augusta, and vicinity,
and in the hoose of one of them are still preserved articles of
household furniture onoe used in the family of Oaptain North,
in Pemaquid.
Oapt John North* was on excellent terms with Shem and
Thomas Drowne, who employed him as surveyor. The farm
he occupied was given to him by Thomas Drowne ; it was situ*
ated at the head of the western branch of John's river, and was
sold by him to James Young, and by the latter to Merrill.
Some remuns of the cellar of his house near the shore, it is
aidd, are still to be found, and also some shrubs and plants that
were cultivated in his garden.
The settlement of the place, thus commenced under Dunbar,
eontiuned after his removal, but its progress was not rapid.
The fishing business was prosecuted with a good degree of
success; but the hard, unproductive soil, without plenty of
manure, whieh oonld not then be obtained, yielded but a mis-
•rably poor return for its cultivation. Timber was abundant,
of almost every kind, and the cutting and eiportation of it soon
became a leading business, not of Pemaquid only, but of all
the settiements on the coast and navigable streams. Boston and
• MlM H. & Hofflti, sb4 Hm. J«
iW.Nortk.
f
V
HisTORT or Beistol Aim Bexsisv.
279
other places in Massachusetts had long before this furnished a
market for large quantities of wood for fuel ; and probably at
this time more persons in the eastern settlements obtained a
livelihood bygettingout** cord wood'' than by anyotber business.
The native savages always roaming along the coast were fre*
quent visitors; and though sometimes friendly required always
to be watched. At times they were dangerous; and on their
approach all had to leave their business, however urgent, and
seek safety in the forts or other less imposing fortifications pre*
viously provided. It is not strange therefore that most of the
settiers were miserably poor and, at times, even destitute of
the meanest comforts, as described by affidavits on a preceding
page. They brought littie with them, and for many years the
acquisition of anything more than was absolutely required for
the support of themselves and families was impossible.
Another circumstance which retarded the settlement of the
place was the singular uncertainty of land titles in all this
region. Most of the settlers at this time held their possessions
under Dunbar; but, as before stated, they had received firom
him neither deeds or leases; and besides, the British govern-
ment, whose agent he was, had relinquished the feeble pretence
of titie upon which they had sent him here. Whatever titie
actual possession and reoccupation might give they had, but
nothing more. If the settlers under Dongan, or their repre*
sentatives, had returned and occupied their former possessions,
they would have had a strong argument in their iavor; but
only a few came, and they seem not to have urged their claims
with earnestness.
The two sets of claimants, one under the Indian deed of
Brown, and the other under the Pemaquid patent to Elbridge
and Aldsworth, very soon began some activity ; and at different
times, caused surveys to be made of the territories severally
claimed by them. Both of these claims covered all the present
townships of Bristol, Bremen, and Damariscotta, and a part
of Waldoboro, and Jefferson. ^
Besides these, other claimants to portions of the same terri-
■Bj tthning to Brown's dttd (p. 54) it will be seea tUt it did not include
Pemaquid point, and perhtpt not Rntberfoid't ItUnd and a portion of the nc^
of land between John'a riTer and the I>amarfaootu ; bnt thoae knving
sioa of the dsim did net besitnto for sneh trifles as these.
^C
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280
IZisTOBT OF Bristol ahd Bbemsv.
HisiOET 07 Bristol akd BRSMEir.
281
torj mado thoir appearance who will be noticed bereaftcr.
These unfavorable circumstances, by preventing immigration,
tended strongly to retard the growth of the settlement
1 Cooper, with his family and servants, came to Pema-
qaid some time before 1740. He came ** from Ireland, in a brig
of his own, with a numerous train of dependents, bound to
him, for a certain number of years, to pay for their passage
over. He resided first at Portsmouth, and afterwards at Pema-
quid, coasting in his own vessel; his wife and family sometimes
making their home on boanL" He afterwards moved to Broad
Bay, where he died.
Boice (or Boyce) Cooper, son of the preceding, came with his
father to Pemaquid, when a mere lad, Ho was *^ a humorous,
eccentric character; a genuine son of the Emerald Islo, fearless
and reckless, passionate and profane, but generous and hospitable,
prodigal of his money, his time, and convivial hilarity." It is
related, that when the family lived at Pemaquid, and the vessel
they came in, was found to need repairs, they '* hauled her up
there for the purpose, and the father went to iioston to procure
workmen. During his absence, some of the people, influenced
by motives of mischief or profit, persuaded Boice that it would
be better to build a new one, with the iron of the old. He
seised upon the idea at once, set the brig on fire, and on the
old gentleman's return, nothing remained but the ashes.''
Being an only child, he inherited the property of his fiither, and
continued to reside on his father's place at Broad Bay, until the
coming of the Qerman settlers there, with whom ho never could
agree. *'His habits, temper and recklessness, brought him in
perpetual collision with them, their fists being more than a
match for his tongne, especially as the latter was not under-
stood." Disgusted with the Dutchmen, he removed from Broad
Bay to the present town of Warren, having exchanged his lots
in the former, for others in the latter place. After the death of
his fiither, he made a voyage to Ireland, and disposed of consi-
derable property that fell to him, bringing with him, on his re-
turn, several men and women, who had engaged to work for
him seven years in payment for their passage. "Not long aft;er
bis removal from Broad Bay, going with another man some dis-
tance down the river 8t George, for the purpose of gathering
roek weed for manure, they were both captured by a company
pt Indians, and taken to Canada. Cooper, in his captivity^
^r^
maintained his usual cheerfulness, and more than his usual good
humor, which greatly pleased his captors, and secured for him
good treatment While in prison in Canada, a fellow prisoner,
like himself a native of Ireland, died, bequeathing to him a
violin, on "which instrument he was a skillful player. He made
such excellent use of the instrument, that be received mucb
attention fi*om the governor and others, until an exchange of
prisoners took place, and he was set at liberty. He died in
1705, aged 75. He married, 1st, Eatherine Eellyhom, and 2d,
Lydia North, as before mentioned. He left several daugbtersi
but no sons,^ and the name is not perpetuated.
Wm. Starrett, a Scotchman, in 1785, with his family removed
from Pemaquid to Geoi^ge's river, but it is not known how long
he had been here. The family afterwards removed to Massa-
chusetts, where he died, but subsequently his widow and family
returned to Warren. The name is still perpetuated there by a
numerous and respectable posterity. Two grandsons of his
graduated at Bowdoin College in the class of 1818.*
John Shibles and wife, Elizabeth (Killpatrick) Shibles, came
hero before 1732, as their son John was bom here that year.
Mrs. Shibles with her infant son removed to George's river
(Thomaston) in 1786 ; and it is inferred that her husband bad
died at Pemaquid. John jr., married in Thomaston; and from
him have descended all of the name now in that place. He
died in 1777.
*E(Uon*t An, Warren, SS, 63, 71 and 284. This tfUOf of tb« Coopen liariag'
come OTor, with tbdr AttendasU, iti their own Tevel, dooelj reoemUet that of
the Norths before giron. Considering the conneetion between the two famlliee,
and the lact Uiat they both came to this country about the same time, may sof-
gest a doubt wliether tlie story, reiy probably true of one, may not also kaTO been
Attributed to the other.
* £iUon*t AnnaU Warren, p. 4SS. Triennial Catalogue,
^De, JBUt, Thomatten, ii, p. 8S1. Otliera of the settlvra who came hero nnder
Dunbar wiU be noticed beveaft«r in connectioa with evwata la which iheif boM n
86
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