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Embracing The Dark

The study of Western Esotericism is an
emerging academicfield with research mainly
being carried out on historic currents ranging
from the renaissance to early modern Europe,
and on "The New Age Movement" The mode
of spirituality called the Left Hand Path has,
however, not yet attracted the attention
of academia. The present study of the dark
magic order DRAGON ROUGE constitutes
an attempt to contribute thoroughly and
creatively to this line of research. Objects
of study are the organization, philosophy
and practices of the order, as well as the
complex discursive conventions involved
in the adherents' construction of coherent
world views. In an attempt to shed light on
the particularities of this contemporary, late
modern esoteric phenomenon, a historical
perspective on Western Esotericism has here
been combined with a discussion on the
impact of recent societal change.

Abo Akademi University Press
ISBN 951-765-251-8

Kennet Granholm

9 789517 652513

Embracing the Dark

The Magic Order of Dragon Roug

Its Practice in Dark Magic
Band Meaning Making

Kennet Granholm

born 1977

M.A. Abo Akademi University 2001 Researcher

Department of Comparative Religion,

Abo Akademi University

Cover: Tove Ahlback

Abo Akademi University Press

Tavastg. 30 C, FIN-20700 ABO, Finland
Tel. int. +358-2-215 3292
Fax int. +358-2-215 4490
E-mail: forlaget@abo.fi
http://www.abo.fi/stiftelsen/forlag/

Distribution: Oy Tibo-Trading Ab

P.O.Box 33, FIN-21601 PARGAS, Finland
Tel. int. +358-2-454 9200
Fax int. +358-2-454 9220
E-mail: tibo@tibo.net
http://www.tibo.net

Kennet Granholm

born 1977

M.A. Abo Akademi University 2001 Researcher

Department of Comparative Religion,

Abo Akademi University

Cover: Tove Ahlback

Abo Akademi University Press

Tavastg. 30 C, FIN-20700 ABO, Finland
Tel. int. +358-2-215 3292
Fax int. +358-2-215 4490
E-mail: forlaget@abo.fi
http://www.abo.fi/stiftelsen/forlag/

Distribution: Oy Tibo-Trading Ab

P.O.Box 33, FIN-21601 PARGAS, Finland
Tel. int. +358-2-454 9200
Fax int. +358-2-454 9220
E-mail: tibo@tibo.net
http://www.tibo.net

EMBRACING THE DARK

Embracing the Dark

The Magic Order of Dragon Rouge -
Its Practice in Dark Magic and Meaning Making

Kennet Granholm

ABO 2005

ABO AKADEMIS FORLAG - ABO AKADEMI UNIVERSITY PRESS

CIP-Cataloguing in Publication

Granholm, Kennet

Embracing the dark: the magic order of

Dragon Rouge - its practice in dark magic

and meaning making / Kennet Granholm -

Abo: Abo Akademi University Press, 2005.

Diss: Abo Akademi University.

ISBN 951-765-251-8

ISBN 951-765-252-6 (digital)

Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy

Saarijarvi 2005

Table of Contents

Illustrations x

Preface xii

Part I - Introduction, Materials and
Methods

1 Introduction 17

1 . 1 Aim and Purpose of the Study 18

1 .2 Terminology 21

1.2.1 Key Academic Concepts 21

1.2.2 Insider Terminology Relevant

for the Study 26

1 .3 Earlier Research 31

1 .3.1 Research on Dragon Rouge 31

1.3.2 Magic and Western Esotericism . 33

1 .3.3 Spirituality and

Meaning Making 36

1 .4 Presentation of Sources 40

1.4.1 The Interviews 40

1 .4.2 The Questionnaires 44

1 .4.3 Fieldworkand

Participant Observation 47

1 .4.4 The Official Dragon Rouge

Material 52

1 .4.5 Other Material 54

1 .5 Self-positioning 55

PART II - Description

2 Formative Background and Context
of Dragon Rouge 61

2 . 1 The Academic Study of

Western Esotericism 61

2.1.1 The History of

Western Esotericism 64

2.1.2 The Theosophical Society 70

2.1.3 The Hermetic Order of the
Golden Dawn 74

2.1. 4 Aleister Crowley 78

2. 1.5 The 'New Age' Movement 86

2.1 .6 Neopaganism 93

2.1 .7 Neopaganism and

l NewAge' 101

2.2 The Alternative Spiritual Milieu

of Sweden 104

2.3 Changing Society, Changing Religion 1 1 2

3 Philosophical Tenets 123

3.1 Dark Magic - Will, Power and Action . 1 23

3.1.1 The Principles of Dark Magic 135

3.1 .2 Feminine SymPolism in the Left
Hand Path and Dragon Rouge . 1 36

3.2 Philosophy 144

3.2.1 The Dragon as SymPol 145

3.3 Ethics and Morals 148

3.4 Dragon Rouge and Christianity 156

4 Organization 161

4.1.1 Thomas Karlsson 161

4.1 .2 The Founding and Development

of Dragon Rouge 1 64

4.2.1 Organizational Structure 169

4.2.2 Membership 171

4.2.2.1 Gender 175

4.2.3 The Inner Circle 177

4.2.4 Lodges and Ritual Groups 1 80

4.2.5 Finances 186

4.2.6 Initiatory Structure 187

5 Practice 191

5.1 Ethnographies 191

5.1.1 Dragon Rouge

Annual Meeting 191

5.1.2 Course on

Ceremonial Magic 205

5.1 .3 Ceremonial Opening of

Lodge Sinistra 220

5.1 .4 Initiation into Degree 2.0 -
Gamaliel 228

5.2 Discussion and Analysis 235

Part III - Meaning Making

6 Theoretical Perspectives 243

6.1 Social Constructionism 244

6.2 Discourse Analysis 249

7 Dragon Rouge and
Meaning Making 257

7.1 Discursive Strategies 257

7.1 .1 Magic is All-encompassing 262

7.1 .2 Self-evolvement 266

7.1.3 Individuality 271

7.1 .4 Magic is Demanding 276

7.1.5 Nature 281

7. 1.6 Women's Rights 285

7.2 The Web of Discourses 290

Part IV - Finale

8.1 Summary 299

8.2 Dragon Rouge in Context 306

8.3 Conclusions and Discussion 310

List of References 319

Illustrations

Picture 1: The Sephiroth 24

Picture 2: The Qliphoth 30

Picture 3: Alchemical Symbol of Dragon Rouge 142

Picture 4: Dragon Rouge Lilith symbol 143

Picture 5: Symbol of Dragon Rouge 147

Picture 6: Dragon Rouge Temple on Gotland 193

Picture 7: Window-painting at the Dragon Rouge

Temple on Gotland 194

Picture 8: The Clavicual Nox Symbol 195

Picture 9: Outside Altar at the Dragon Rouge

Temple on Gotland 196

Picture 10: Dragon Rouge Temple in Stockholm 206

Picture 11: Close-up of Altar at Dragon Rouge

Temple in Stockholm 207

Picture 12: Close-up of Altar at Dragon Rouge

Temple in Stockholm 208

Picture 13: Course on Ceremonial Magic:

Meditation 211

Picture 14: Course on Ceremonial Magic: Portal 212

Picture 15: Course on Ceremonial Magic: Altar 213

Picture 16: Opening of Lodge Sinistra: Altar 223

Picture 17: Opening of Lodge Sinistra:

Items on Altar 227

xii

Preface

While at high school I could never have imagined that I would end
up studying religion and spirituality. I was of the oppinion that
religion was something for extremely gullible people, and not
anything for a rational and informed individual as myself. I guess
my teenage naivety got the upper hand. It was my interest in ancient
mythologies that drove me to study Comparative Religion. The fact

that most of my friends were already living in the city of Abo,
coupled with a nagging feeling that at the age of 22 1 should probably
be studying something, cemented my decision to apply to Abo
Akademi University. That things went as well as they did is not the
accomplishment of me alone. I have the help, support, critique and
friendship of a whole lot of people to thank. This is my thanks to
them.

First and foremost I would like to thank the members of Dragon
Rouge who made my research possible. Without you and the time
and effort you invested in me, and my at times most certainly
annoying and stupid questions, this book would never have seen
the light of day. Thank you Thomas, Christofer, Tommie, Tobbe T,

Malin, Asa, Tobbe L, Kosta, Timo, Stefan, Camilla, Tina, Goran,
Mattias, Christiane, Holger, Andreas, Johan, and numerous others.
Working with you has been truly inspirational and fun.

During my field research I have often had to resort to kind people
to provide me with room and border. Thank you Camilla & Kicki,
Tiina, Tobbe, Johan & Gabriella, Bjorn and Bobbie. Without you
my research would at the very minimum have been much less
pleasant. Being arrested numerous times for sleeping in parks and
back-alleys would at least have slowed down the process.

My friends and colleagues at the department should of course not
be forgotten. My supervisor, professor Nils G. Holm, has been of

tremendous support to me during my studies at Abo Akademi.
Docent Siv Illman - your insights are astounding. I would never
have been able to finish this work without your help. Lecturer Jan
Svanberg - without you my M.A.-thesis would still exist only as a
brain-child, and I would never have considered pursuing a PhD.

xiii

With your fantastic openness coupled with vast knowledge and a
keen intellect you are the ideal to strive for. Lecturer Lena Marander-
Eklund - who introduced me to Discourse Analysis and got me
hooked on it. Your tutoring in the process, and different facets, of
fieldwork has also been of immeasurable importance. Professor
Ulrika Wolf-Knuts - whose thought-provoking and often tough
questions are at the same time both terrifying and welcome, and
always greatly appreciated. You just might be the most sharp-witted
human alive.

I would also like to thank friends, colleagues and peers who have
helped me during my studies. Hasse Welander and Christian Wulff

- my co-members in the Brotherhood of Desert-Penguins. Our
discussions have been very inspirational and helpful, and your
friendship cannot be overvalued. Hasse, as the resident Crowley-
expert at Abo Akademi University, did also help me with the section
on Aleister Crowley and leant me important literature. Marcus
Moberg - friend, colleague and fellow punk-rocker. You have been
a tremendous help, forcing me to better ground my argumentation

- through annoyingly pointing at weaknesses in my text. Tomas
Mansikka - who knows everything when it comes to 17 th century
alchemy. Your literature-pointers have been greatly appreciated.
Ruth Illman, Maria Leppakari, Mans Broo, Tuomas Martikainen,
Blanka Henriksson and numerous other participants in the
comparative religion/ foloristics research seminars. You have all
been of great help during seminars and courses - not to mention
various more or less (probably less) academic get-togethers.
Department secretary Anne Holmberg - who manages to stay calm
although the photocopier doesn't accept my copying card and
Ragnarok is imminent (she manages to postpone the end-of-the-
world-as-we-know-it another day as well!). Ingela Ollas guided
me in matters concerning computerized composition of text, and
spared me a lot of grief.

My colleagues away from my home at Abo Akademi. Titus Hjelm
from the University of Helsinki. Together we have managed to
convince foreign academics that all Finish religious scholars have
long black hair, dress in leather, are into hard rock and treat black
magic or Satanism in their research. Rock on man! Liselotte Frisk,
Fredrik Greogorius and Mattias Gardell - the discussions I have

xiv

had with you pertaining to my research and other things academic
have been very helpful.

My family at home - mom Leena, dad Goran, younger (although not
smaller) brother Niklas. You have supported me through some pretty
rough times and above all you have made me into the person I am
today. Hope you are proud of me, I am proud of you!

My bandmates and family away from home - Maik, Pinja, Skanky,
Mikko, Juzzi, Masa, Kisse. Your the best friends a bass player could
have (not to mention the best band to be in - and to listen to. . .). You
can be real bastards at times, but so can I and hey, that's family for
you. I would like to thank Skanky in particular, as he took time to
help me prepare my photographs for printing. Hey, sometimes even
drummers prove to be useful.

My many friends who have supported me in various ways during
my doctoral studies, mostly by simply being good friends. In fear of
leaving out somebody I will not mention any single person by name.
Just know that you are in my heart and that I am immensly greatful
for having you in my life.

Inger Hassel and Kristina Toivonen at Stiftelsen for Abo Akademis
forskningsinstitut; you have provided a truly inspiring atmosphere
to do research in (not to mention the fact that you have not expressed
one word of disapproval when seeing my utter chaos of a workspace).

I would also like to thank professor John Skinner who language-
checked my manuscript. Docent and lecturer Liselotte Frisk and PhD
Henrik Bogdan who were kind enough to check my manuscript and
comment on it. They both made me aware of obvious flaws in my
manuscript and gave me armfuls of inspiration and encouragement.

The Dormer Institute and Library. Bjorn, Monica, Marith and Anna.
You have made accessing rare literature an easy task, not to mention
the fact that you always provide a homely atmosphere.

I would like to thank 1968 ars jubileumsfond for providing me with
funds on several occasions, making it possible for me to do field

_ o

studies. Thank you Stiftelsen for Abo Akademis forskningsinstitut for
providing me with research grants - making it possible for me to
live, and covering my travel expenses to a number of conferences. I
would also like to thank Branderska fonden for providing me with a
literature grant, making it possible for me to get hold on litterature I
would otherwise have had difficulties in obtaining.

All of the abovementioned have helped me in my work, and without
them you, dear reader, would not be holding this book in your hands.
Of course I take full responsibility for any failings my study might
have.

Abo, May 2005

Part I - Introduction, Materials and Methods

1 Introduction

Dragon Rouge is a dark magical order, Dragon Rouge is a Left Hand
Path order, Dragon Rouge is an alternative spiritual movement.
What does all this mean? Not a lot to those unfamiliar with the
field of esotericism, except that negative associations are likely to
arise. Alternative spirituality then? Or the Left Hand Path? Again,
these terms may not signify anything much to the reader not
specifically fluent in the language of alternative religion. I use the
term alternative spirituality for modes of religious thought and
activity that differ pronouncedly from the forms of traditional
religion. In fact, the differences may be so significant that using the
word religion to describe the phenomenon might be ill suited. The
Left Hand Path is one strand of alternative spirituality and dark
magic is a form of Left Hand Path spirituality.

The present study focuses on Dragon Rouge and explores the
forms and functions of the order. Dragon Rouge was a topic of
discussion in the Swedish tabloid press in the mid 1990s, despite
its relatively small number of members in comparison to the
Swedish national church, and even to more formalized new religious
movements. This fact alone motivates a study of the order. This is
not, however, the only motivating factor for my research. Recent
societal transformations have greatly affected the modes of religious
life, and organizations such as Dragon Rouge are an expression of
this development. Late modernity has led to a shift of focus away
from authoritative institutions and directed it towards the
individual. The postmodern spiritual seeker finds authority in him-
/ herself, and finds his/her own spiritual path to follow. The path
of one individual is less and less likely to follow in the steps of
another. Furthermore, the path is far more winding than the paths
of the modern individual. Dragon Rouge provides material for a
case study of alternative spirituality at the dawn of the 21 st century.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1 . 1 Aim and Purpose of the Study

The main aim of the present study is to gain an insight into
contemporary Western neopagan-magic spiritualities in general,
and into Dragon Rouge in particular. The fundamental questions
have been 'What is Dragon Rouge?' 'How does Dragon Rouge
operate and function?' and 'What is specific to Dragon Rouge, and
in what way does this order fit into the Western alternative spiritual
milieu?'. Dragon Rouge is a rather new alternative spiritual
organization and very little study has been carried out on the group
(see section 1.3.1). This is why a thorough introduction to the order
is called for. In addition to this, very little research has been done
on magical movements similar to Dragon Rouge. In the area of
Western esotericism many forms of magico-occult spiritualities have
been researched, but even so, very few studies on movements
adhering to the Western Left Hand Path are to be found. Therefore
I consider it a meaningful task to give Dragon Rouge a
comprehensive presentation. A strictly descriptive account is not
enough, however, since Dragon Rouge as a movement operates with
concepts which might be unfamiliar to non-magicians, including
academics not well acquainted with the field of Western esotericism.
My investigation aims at providing a deeper analysis as well.

I wanted to study and try to explain how and in what way the
societally rather unorthodox concepts and philosophy of Dragon
Rouge could give birth to a spiritual organization that is quite well
integrated into the rest of society, without any real friction worthy
of the name to be found. When writing my B. A. paper in folkloristics
I had come across mass media-material which criticised the order
quite severely (see Nilsson 1995a; 1995b; Stugart 1995; 1996; SVT
1996; Goteborgsposten 1997; Tidningarnas telegrambyra 1997). Due
to this, I initially took a quite different approach from the one I
finished with. I wanted to explore how the negative media attention
had affected the order, and what possible problems there might be
because of this critique. My hypothesis was that such severe
attention surely must have had some effect on the organization and
its members. I even wrote a paper on the subject which I presented
at a conference (Granholm 2001b). Later on, when interviewing

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Dragon Rouge members, I discovered, however, that the negative
media attention did not really affect them all that much. Certainly,
they were annoyed by it and had no real confidence in the tabloid
press, but in the wider perspective it did not seem to be such 'a big
deal'. The negative mass media response was received mainly in
the mid 1990s and has not been much of an issue since then.
Nevertheless, this discovery led me to my present approach.

I wanted to investigate what it was in Dragon Rouge, and in
particular in the worldview fostered by the order, that in the view
of the members of the order made such disregard to criticism
possible. I came to the conclusion that I had to explore the worldview
and philosophy of Dragon Rouge in order to get to the bottom of
the issue. In combination with the first of my questions, which had
remained a constant, this resulted in the new question: 'What is
specific to Dragon Rouge?' and 'In what way does Dragon Rouge
fit into, and relate to, the cultic milieu?' In my view, these two
questions provide a more fruitful approach to the subject of the
study.

It should be emphasized that the thesis is divided into two
distinct sections. The first major section, comprising of chapters 2
through 5, constitute a historic-descriptive exposition on Dragon
Rouge and the context the order is imbedded in. The second major
section, consisting of chapters 6 and 7, is an in-depth analysis of the
ways people associated with the order make sense of life and
existence. In this analysis of meaning-making the focus of the study
is systematically narrowed down to dissect and shed light on
formative factors in Dragon Rouge.

My dissertation is, furthermore, divided into four parts each
of which deals with a specific content. Part one consists of an
introductory discussion about the subject of study as well as a
thorough presentation and reflection concerning source material
and methods of gathering the material. Also included is a self-
positioning in which I give an account of my standpoint in relation
to the subject of study, as well as a self -reflective report on factors
in my personal background which, according to my understanding,
have influenced the study and the gathering of source materials. I
also present a brief inventory of important terminology pertaining

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

to the present study. The terminology mainly consists of terms
relative to the source materials, but I have also included some key
academic concepts which are employed in the study.

Part two consists of chapters 2 through 5, which also constitutes
the first principal section of the work, as mentioned above. The
chapters all deal with the question 'What is Dragon Rouge?'.
Chapter 2 provides a brief contextual background focusing on
alternative spirituality in general, and the regions of Sweden and
Stockholm in particular. Major societal changes in recent time are
discussed, since such shifts in society may have a great impact on
religiosity and spirituality in the contemporary world. This chapter
situates Dragon Rouge within the overarching alternative spiritual
milieu and in the historical context of Western esoteric thought and
practice. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 treat Dragon Rouge as an order and an
organization. Chapter 3 deals more closely with the philosophical
characteristics of the order, providing a thorough presentation of
key philosophical and doctrinal concepts. Chapter 4 takes up
Dragon Rouge as an organization, providing information on the
actual structure, design and functioning of the order. Here, a brief
account of the historical origin of the order is presented. In chapter
5 1 give ethnographic accounts of some of my fieldwork and discuss
the practice of the order, on an individual as well as on a collective
level.

Part three of the work, which constitutes the second principal
section, includes chapters 6 and 7. In these chapters I discuss the
ways in which reality is perceived, communicated and given
meaning in the context of Dragon Rouge. The theoretical foundation
of the analysis of meaning-making within the order is presented in
chapter 6. This process of study is performed with the help of a
social constructionist approach and a discourse analytical method.
The focus in discourse analysis lies on communicative processes,
rather than on mental representations. The main tenet that the
method operates with is that social reality is produced and re-
produced in social-communicational settings. Chapter 7 is the
analytical portion of the study of meaning-making. I present six
major discourses which play a significant role in the Dragon Rouge
worldview. This is my way of dealing with the question 'What is

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

particular to Dragon Rouge' and of situating the order within the
milieu of alternative spirituality.

In addition to the final conclusions and a summarizing
discussion, chapter 8 will also include an in-depth contextualization.
I will consider the spiritual milieu in which the order is situated
and analyze how late modern societal transformations affect Dragon
Rouge. Then, on the grounds of these considerations, I will draw
my final conclusions.

1.2 Terminology

In this section I present some of the keywords and concepts which
are relevant to the study, and which are important in understanding
the text. I have divided the section into key academic concepts and
terms which are used in a Dragon Rouge insider setting.

1.2.1 Key Academic Concepts

Western Esotericism

Western esotericism denotes "a Western form of spirituality which
stresses the importance of the individual effort to gain spiritual
knowledge, or gnosis, whereby man is confronted with the divine
aspect of existence", and further emphasizes the holistic quality
which is so common to this specific form of spirituality (Bogdan
2003b: 8). Western esotericism per se is generally considered to have
come into existence, in the academic meaning of the term, during
the renaissance when various esoteric notions and currents came
together and where fitted into a common frame of reference (see
Bogdan 2003b: 8; Hanegraaff 1996: 386-388). Western esotericism
and its relevance for the present study is treated in section 2.1.

Occultism

Occultism has been defined as a series of practices grounded in the
theory of esotericism. This definition is based on the works of
Edward E. Tiryakian, in whose view occultism implies techniques

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

based on hidden and scientifically un-measurable forces in nature
or the cosmos and that result in empirical effects (see Ahlback 1998:
166; based on Tiryakian 1972: 498-499).

Wouter J. Hanegraaff has a different view on occultism. He
defines occultism as an etic term in the study of religion "which
comprises all attempts by esotericists to come to terms with a disenchanted
world or, alternatively, by people in general to make sense of esotericism
from the perspective of a disenchanted secular world" (Hanegraaff 1996:
422). In practice this means that occultism is to be seen as a form of
esotericism that emerged in the late 19 th century, and where the
idea of correspondences has given way to the idea of causality - in
accordance with a mechanistic scientific worldview. Hanegraaff
makes away with the distinction between theoretical esotericism
and practical occultism suggested by Tiryakian. (Hanegraaff 1996:
422-423).

Alchemy

Alchemy is an important current in Western esotericism (see Faivre
1994). In popular thought, alchemy is often viewed as pre-scientific
chemistry, with the purely materialistic goal of transforming lead
into gold. This is true, but it is not the only aspect of medieval
alchemy (Dobbs 1975; Shumaker 1972: 161), and certainly not in
contemporary utilization of the craft. A keyword in the discourse
of alchemy is transmutation, which signifies the refining rather than
the simple transformation of materials. The concept of transmuting
lead into gold, whilst also referring to the actual practice of
transforming a cheap metal into an more valuable one, is an allegory
of a spiritual alchemy signifying the alchemist transmuting his/
her soul to perfection (Dobbs 1975: 35-39; Thomas 1971: 269-271;
Shumaker 1972: 186-193).

Qliphoth

Qliphoth is the dark aspect, or shadow-side, of the Sephiroth of Jewish
qabalah. In qabalah the path to the Godhead leads through ten
increasingly pure worlds on the tree of life - the sephiroth. The
worlds on the sephiroth are, from the most material to the most
divine Ma Ikuth, Yesod, Hod, Netzach, Tipareth, Geburah, Chesed, Binah,

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Chokmah and Kether. Malkuth represents the material world. The
qabalist ascends through the ten worlds until finally finding union
with God in the sephira of Kether. According to Jewish mysticism,
in the beginning God, Ain Sof, was everything. In order to create
the world Ain Sof had to contract itself in order for an empty
nothingness to exist. Ain Sof then emanated through ten increasingly
material worlds, the sephiroth, in order to create our world. The
story of the qliphoth is that one or more of the containers or vessels
in which the divine sparks of God were contained broke and some
of the divine sparks, 288 in Lurian qabalah, were trapped in them
(Trautner-Kromann 1992: 11).

With the withdrawal of the divine light, which returned to the
creator, the vessels became the qliphoth, the tree of death or tree of
knowledge (see Giller 2001: 49; 148-149; Scholem 2001: 76-77). The
sparks, and Sitra Ahra - the Other Side, are impure as they have
become independent from God (Scholem 1991: 73); they are in
imbalance and form no part of the constructive forces of existence
(Halevi 1976: 39). Bernhard Pick writes of a Sephiroth of Darkness
or Evil which mirrors the Sephiroth of Good (Pick 1974: 77-78). The
qliphoth consist of the ten worlds, from the world closest to our
own to the world farthest away, Lilith, Gamaliel, Samael, A'arab Zaraq,
Thagirion, Golachab, Gha'agsheblah, Satariel, Ghagiel and Thaumiel.

Magic

Magic is obviously a key concept for the study at hand. Many
researchers in the field of religion have attempted to define magic
and make a clear distinction between it and religion. Although old,
James Frazer's definition of magic as an attempt to control the
supernatural forces, in contrast to submitting to them in religion
(Frazer 1987: 66-68), has shown itself to be very enduring. Rodney
Stark and William Bainbridge see both religion and magic as offering
compensation for experienced feelings of deprivation, and magic
as offering more specific compensation to the more general
compensation offered by religion (Stark & Bainbridge 1996: 36-42).

1 In the Pritzker edition Zohar Ain Sof (or Ein Sof) is translated as: "'There
is no end'; that which is boundless; the Infinite. The ultimate reality of God
beyond all specific qualities of sefirot; the God beyond God." (Matt 2004a: 459).

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Picture 1 . The sephiroth. The qabalistic
Tree of Life. From Karlson 2004: 26.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

In Emile Durkheim's view, magic and religion both work with
the same general premises, such as belief systems, rites, myths and
dogmas, but magic does not unite its practitioners in churches in
the same way as religion (Durkheim 1995: 41-42).

I consider the distinctions somewhat problematic as both magic
and religion in general work on the same premises and real
foundational differences can be hard to find (see Hammond 1970;
McDonalds 1995; Granholm 2000: 33-44, 56; Brodin 2001: 38-39). I
use the term magic since this is the term used by Dragon Rouge to
denote what the order does.

Cul tic Milieu, Alternative Spiritual Milieu

The term Cultic Milieu was coined by sociologist Colin Campbell
in the article The Cult, the Cultic Milieu and Secularization, published
in A Sociological Yearbook of Religion in Britain in 1972. Campbell
identified the 'Cultic Milieu' as the breeding ground from which
cults were born and as such a much more stable element in society
than the cults which spring out of it. (Campell 1972; see Hanegraaff
1996: 14-16).

I use the term Alternative Spiritual Milieu to denote the overall
atmosphere and context in which alternative spiritualities exist. The
field of alternative spiritualities can be seen as a sphere in which
specific movements, groups and practices co-exist and often cross
over into each other. For example, a person who is a member of a
Wiccan coven may participate in some 'New Age' practices, frequent
the bookstores and specialist shops that druids, Aura-Soma
therapists and Satanists also frequent, and be a member of a nation-
wide neopagan interest organization in which Wiccans, heathens
and neoshamans alike belong.

The term Alternative Spirituality is in turn defined as spiritual
movements, groups and practices that do not belong to the religious
mainstream, and that are not organized in traditional ways. In
Swedish society for example neopaganism, Satanism, and 'New Age'
could be seen as being alternative spiritualities.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1.2.2 Insider Terminology Relevant for the Study

Black, Dark, White and Light Magic, Magick

The art of magic is usually divided into black and white magic.
Black magic is said to be used for egoistic and often evil purposes,
whereas white magic is used for altruistic and benevolent purposes
(Cavendish 1977: 12; Paranormal.se 2004a). The distinction
sometimes appears as Dark (Mork) and Light (Ljus) magic. In Dragon
Rouge usage Black or Dark magic is magic where the magician
explores the hidden and unknown, thus dark, aspects of existence
and works with the transforming forces of chaos, whereas White or
Light magic is of a more religious nature and works with the existing
structures and the preserving forces of cosmos. No moral judgement
is attributed to the terms, and black magic is not seen as anything
either egoistic or evil. (Eriksson 2001: 2-9).

Magic is variously spelled as 'magic' or 'magick'. Magic spelled
with a 'ck' instead of with 'c'-only originates from the early 20 th
century occultist Aleister Crowley. 'Magick' is commonly used by
occultists to distinguish their art from the tricks of stage magicians
(Lewis 1999: 183). 'Magick' is also used to distinguish Crowlean-
based magic from other forms. Dragon Rouge members tend to use
both spellings, but since the form 'magic' appears on the English
version of the official Dragon Rouge homepage, I have chosen to
use this form.

Regarding occultism, Dragon Rouge defines it as the theory
whereas magic is occultism put into practice.

High magic, low magic

Magic is traditionally divided into high and low magic. High magic
is magic used in order to perfect oneself and attain one's full
potential. Low magic is magic used in order to reap material benefits,
to evoke demons etc., that is to say magic without the goal of self-
deification (Cavendish 1977: 12). The Dragon Rouge view is that
the distinction between high and low magic is not all that functional.
In the order's view so called low magic can be used with the goal of
perfecting oneself (If mgt 2001/50).

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Will, True Will, Higher Self, Daemon

Will is an important concept in contemporary magic. Will should
not be understood as the mundane, everyday wants and whims of
a person, but rather as the sum of the magician's true personality.
Through magic the magician identifies and comes into contact with
his/her True Will and refines his person. The term is written with a
capital 'W and is interchangeable with True Will. (Eriksson 2001:
120-123).

The magician's guardian spirit is identified in Dragon Rouge
as the manifestation of the magician's True Will. The guardian spirit
is also called the Daemon and the Higher Self. (Dragon Rouge 1996/
3: 1). Aleister Crowley is often identified as the magician who made
the concept of Will so important in contemporary magic, and, while
this is true, the concept was used in much the same far earlier by
the 16-17 th century esotericist, Jacob Bohme (Faivre 1994: 63).

Magical progress is often talked about in Dragon Rouge as an
alchemical process in which the magician compresses his essence
into an increasingly pure form. The result is the Black Diamond which
is the magician's compressed Higher Self, the magician having
become a god. (IF mgt 2001/11; 47; Eriksson 2001: 124-130).

The Left Hand Path (LHP), The Right Hand Path

The terms Left Hand Path 2 and Right Hand Path refer to two different

ways of relating to and approaching the numinous. According to

2 A somewhat trivial but still interesting issue is that of connotations of the
word left. The left side has in many cultures been regarded as the side of wrong
and evil. 'Varna' can be translated as woman or left (Cologne Sanskrit 2004). In
India the right hand was used when eating and the left hand when cleaning
oneself after visiting the toilet. Thus, the left hand symbolized impurity, in
physical as well as in spiritual matters and its connection to the female also
denotes that the woman is impure. In the Western world the left and left-handed
people have symbolized a broad range of undesirable qualities, such as
weakness, clumsiness and dishonesty. In the Bible the tribe of Benjamin
originated from the right hand side, whereas Ehud of the tribe was left-handed,
and a murderer. The word left in the English language originates from the Anglo-
Saxon 'lyft', which meant weak or worthless. The Italian word for left handed,
'mancino', also means treacherous. The Latin word 'sinister' translates into
English as left or wrong, perverse (Latin Dictionary 2004). Not to forget the fact
that we shake hands with our right hand, not our left. Earlier, Western
psychology did consider the left-handed person to be a bearer of all sorts of

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Dragon Rouge, the left side stands for "chaos, darkness and freedom"
and the right side stands for "order, light and restriction" (Dragon
Rouge 1996/3: 3). The biggest difference between the paths is to be
found in the view they represent of purity and morality. Left Hand
Path Tantra views everything as manifestations of the divine, and
thus even that which is traditionally viewed as impure and demonic
is holy (see Feuerstein 1998: 224-229). Therefore things such as sex
can be used in order to attain enlightenment. On the morality issue
ramblers on the Left Hand Path usually discard a once-and-for-all
outlined and valid-on-all-occasions ethical code for an individual
situational morality. The terms originate from India and are mainly
used in a Tantric context (see Harvey 1997: 97). Satanism is said to
be the Left Hand Path of the west (Paranormal.se 2004b). In the
west the Left Hand Path is usually used for the occultists whose
goal is self-deification with a maintained individuality, whereas
the Right Hand Path is used for the occultists striving for a union
with the divine with a resulting resolution of the magician's
individuality. The terms are generally abbreviated LHP and RHP.
(IF mgt 2001/50; Dragon Rouge 2004c).

Kundalini, Chakras

Kundalini is a concept originating from Indian Tantrism and stands for
the innate life-force of a person, also identified as Shakti. The Kundalini-
energy is represented as a snake rolled three and a half turns around a
Shiva-lingam, the phallic symbol of Shiva, and situated at the base of a
person's torso, in the Muladhara Chakra. The Kundalini-serpent is
thought to usually be in a dormant state, but through meditation it can
be awakened and thus it rises from the Shiva-lingam up towards
the head. In travelling through the body it passes through different
power-nexuses, Chakras, usually depicted as seven in number, and
this results in activation of occult powers. A particularly important
Chakra is the Ajna Chakra, situated in the forehead, and its activation

unwanted social behaviours and qualities, such as homosexuality, incestuous
desires, impotence, and mental disorders. See also Scholem 2001 and Idel 1988
for the view of the left in Jewish mysticism (Scholem 2001: 74-76; Idel 1988:
208). Margaret Stutley gives a short example of Left as the sinister and unwanted
side (Stutley 1980: 98). See section 2.2 for more information on the Left Hand
Path, feminine symbolism and antinomianism.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

gives powers of clairvoyance (see Feuerstein 1998: 152-154). When
the Kundalini rises through the seventh power nexus, the Sahasrara
Chakra, enlightenment is attained. (Woodroffe 1956: 11-17; 1959: 652-
674; Eliade 1958: 245-249; Feuerstein 1998) In Dragon Rouge the
practitioners also work with hidden, thus dark, chakras which are
not activated in regular Kundalini meditation (Dragon Rouge
2001g). (Dragon Rouge 2003b).

Runology, Runosophy, Rune Magic

Runology is the study of runes. This denotes the academic study of
runes as well as more esoteric speculation. In fact, these two aspects
are often mixed in runological works, (see Andersson 1997: 15-16).
Runosophy is the more esoteric study and application of runes, or
as Thomas Karlsson puts it, "the wisdom of the runes" (Karlsson
2002a: 8). Rune magic, then, is runology and runosophy put into
practice. Runosophy and Rune magic are much used in Dragon
Rouge, since they are among Thomas Karlsson' s main magical
interests. In Dragon Rouge rune magic is put into a system much
similar to the sephiroth or qliphoth in qabalah (Karlsson 2002a: 114-
120). Works by the Swedish runologists, Johannes Bureus (1568-1652)
and Sigurd Agrell (1881-1937), including Bureus' concept oiAdulruna
and Agrell's uthark-iheory are much used in the order (IF mgt 2001/
50; Karlsson 2002f. See Andersson 1997: 99-103, 241-246 for more
information on Bureus and Agrell. The uthark is discussed more in
section 2.1.1). The discarding of the f uthark, the common rune-row,
in favour of the more esoteric uthark is also a common feature of
the Swedish neoshamanic movement (See Hedlund & Gejel 1988;
Gejel 1988: 101; Grimsson 1990: 80-81).

Qliphoth in Dragon Rouge Use

The qliphoth is an important theme in Dragon Rouge, as it stands as
the model for the order's initiatory system. In the Dragon Rouge
context the qliphoth consist of eleven worlds, in contrast to the ten
worlds of sephiroth. This is due to the world of Thaumiel being a
double world, representing separation and liberation from God and
his creation instead of total union with God in Kether on the sephiroth.
Whereas Malkuth is our world, Lilith is its nigth-side, actualised in

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

TRAD

Picture 1 . The qliphotic, also known as the
Tree of Knowledge. From Karlsson 2004: 70,

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

the night and in the chaos elements present in our world, possible to
access, for example, in the wild and untamed nature. The worlds of
the sephiroth are ruled by archangels and the worlds of the qliphoth
are ruled by demons. (IF mgt 2001/47; 49; Eriksson 2001: 10-22;
Karlsson 2002e; Karlsson 2004: 24-39, 53-58, 66-67).

The qliphotic qabalist, or the dark magician, descends through
the different qliphoth and becomes a god through the qlipha of
Thaumiel. There are several different ways of writing qliphoth, such
as Kliffoth, Kelippot etc. I have chosen to use qliphoth in the plural and
qlipha in the singular as these are the written forms used on the English
version of the official Dragon Rouge homepage (Dragon Rouge 2004b).

1 .3 Earlier Research

In this section I present the literature relevant for my topic and used in
the present study. I have divided the presentation into three parts;
literature on Dragon Rouge, literature on magic and Western esotericism
and literature on spirituality and meaning-making. In section 1.3.1 1 treat
the academic research on Dragon Rouge, as well as non-academic works,
that in some way refer to or deal with Dragon Rouge. Section 1.3.2 gathers
the relevant research in the field of Western esotericism and the history
of magic. In the same section I also introduce works on alchemy, occultism,
eastern esotericism and neopaganism, when the research in question is
of relevance for this study. In section 1.3.3 1 present literature dealing
with meanmg-making in relation to spirituality. I have also included more
general works on meaning-making where these works have relevance
for the present study.

1 .3.1 Research on Dragon Rouge

Research on Dragon Rouge is basically non-existent, at least when
it comes to higher academic research. The most comprehensive and

serious study of the organization is my master's thesis from Abo
Akademi University written in the fall of 2000 (Granholm 2000).
This work is, however, outdated and deals mostly with the

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

classification of Dragon Rouge, while still offering a basic insight
into the teachings and practice of the organization. Henrik Bogdan' s
article Vasterlandsk esoterism i svensk ungdomskultur [Western
Esotericism in Swedish Youth Culture] in the anthology Talande
Tro [Meaningful Faith] deals mainly with Dragon Rouge, although
it also gives a short presentation on the academic study of Western
esotericism and a brief description of Western esotericism in general
(Bogdan 2003a). Bogdan' s article is a good introductory description of
the order and its key characteristics, although, because of its length,
it is by necessity on a very basic level. Liselotte Frisk's work
Nyreligiositet i Sverige [New Religiosity in Sweden] contains a short
chapter on Dragon Rouge (Frisk 1998: 142-147). Although this text
is very short, it is still among the best published academic accounts
of Dragon Rouge. The article by Bogdan draws to a large extent on
Frisk's book but the author has also done an interview with the
founder of the order. Both of these works, although good pieces of
academic writing, are, because of the limited number of pages
available, general and cursory in character.

Other writers who have mentioned the organization are Karl-
Erik Nylund and Hakan Arlebrand (Nylund 1998: 239-242;
Arlebrand et al. 1995: 137; Arlebrand 1998: 112-113; Wallin &
Arlebrand 2001: 211). Both Nylund's and Arlebrand's accounts are
biased, however, and the authors' purposes, especially Nylund's,
seem to be to warn their readers about the order. Therefore, both
Nylund's and Arlebrand's contributions are more useful as a general
account of the more polemic attitudes towards Dragon Rouge, than
as actual accounts of the nature of the order. The writers make their
statements from a Christian, and anti-occultist, point of view.
Nylund's book includes quite a blatant attempt to discredit Thomas
Karlsson, the founder of the organization (see Nylund 1998: 239).
Arlebrand's works do however have merit with regard to
descriptions of phenomena and movements "further away from
home". His accounts of, for example, the Theosophical Society and
Anthroposophy are quite valid. Dragon Rouge is also mentioned in
a work by the Finnish anti-Satanist, Riku Rinne (Rinne 1998: 13-16).

Dragon Rouge is also briefly referred to in an article by Martin
Holmberg in the book Att se det dolda [To Perceive the Hidden]
(Holmberg 1998: 256), in Jan Svanberg's Master's Thesis (Svanberg
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1994: 33), in Olav Hammer's work on 'New Age', written prior to
his doctoral thesis (Hammer 1997: 128) and in Henrik Bogdan' s
doctoral thesis (Bogdan 2003b:238). In all these works Dragon Rouge
is only mentioned in passing in the context of other subjects
(neopagan magic in the case of Holmberg and Hammer,
Scandinavian neoshamanism in the case of Svanberg and Western
initiatory esotericism in the case of Bogdan). Due to the very short
and limited accounts of the order in these studies, it is very difficult
to base any assumptions on them. The vast amount of different
spiritual phenomena with which Dragon Rouge is associated in
these texts is, however, an interesting fact. It underlines the difficulty
of defining and classifying the order.

I have also acquired some unpublished academic
undergraduate papers dealing with Dragon Rouge. Andrei Marin's
paper The Dragon and the Northern Star: An Anthropological Insight of
a Magical Order in Northern Europe (Marin 2000) is an attempt to
formulate Dragon Rouge philosophy, practice and organizational
structure for an academic audience. The paper argues quite strongly
for the magico-pagan approach to the world and contains many
quotations from the Dragon Rouge homepage. One of the best pieces
of work dealing with the order and related subjects is Margareta
Nobell's paper, Den vanstrahandens vag: Om morkmagiker, satanister,
djavulsdyrkare och konstruktion av identitet och karisma pa natet (The
Left Hand Path: On Dark Magicians, Satanists, Devil Worshippers
and Construction of Identity on the Web) (Nobell 2002). Her work
deals with the Left Hand Path as manifested in Western, in particular
Swedish, magic orders, and discusses Dragon Rouge to some extent.
Nobell's work is insightful and treats subjects often neglected in
more established academic works. I have not used the
undergraduate studies dealing with the order to any larger extent.

1.3.2 Magic and Western Esotericism

The subject of magic orders in general, as well as in particular, is
also a largely neglected field of study in comparative religion and
religious studies. One may find some works dealing with the likes
of Eliphas Levi (Alphonse Louise Constant), Aleister Crowley and

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

the latter' s involvement in magical orders (The Golden Dawn, Or do
Templi Orientis and the Church of Thelema), but most of these
accounts are more or less written from an insider's perspective or
as polemics (see Howe 1972). With regard to Aleister Crowley, the
works more often than not focus on unwarranted details of the man's
personal life, most of which seem to have little relevance to an academic
study of his teachings and practice.

The works of Frances Yates from the 1960s onward are
considered to have instigated the birth of Western esotericism as a
field of academic study (Bogdan 2003b: 9). As Bogdan notes, the
research dealing with Western esotericism prior to this had mainly
focused on certain elements, not on Western esotericism as a specific
form of thought. Yates's book, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic
Tradition (Yates 1964), is a groundbreaking study, due to the fact
that it takes a new approach and attitude to the study of Western
esotericism (see Bogdan 2003b: 11-13), even though there are
problems with the study (see Hanegraaff 2001).

Another researcher who has contributed vastly to, and who in
some ways can even be seen as the founding father of, the academic
study of Western esotericism is Antoine Faivre. His book Access to
Western Esotericism (Faivre 1994) may be considered compulsory
reading for the researcher dealing with Western esotericism. In this
work he presents a framework for identifying and analysing esoteric
movements. Other works to which Faivre has contributed and that
are used in this study are Modern Esoteric Spirituality (Needleman
& Faivre 1993), Gnosis and Hermeticism from Antiquity to Modern Times
(Hanegraaff & van den Broek 1998) and Western Esotericism and the
Science of Religion (Hanegraaff & Faivre 1998).

Other important scholars in the field of Western Esotericism
are Wouter J. Hanegraaff, Olav Hammer and Jacob Needleman
(Hammer 1997; 1999; 2001; Hanegraaff 1996; 1998; 2001; 2004;
Hanegraaff & van den Broek 1998; Needleman & Faivre 1993).
Although Hanegraaff and Hammer follow in the footsteps of Faivre,
they deal mainly with the 'New Age Movement'. The Swedish
academic Henrik Bogdan' s research has focused on Western esoteric
initiatory movements and his studies have also been of use in this
work (Bogdan 2003a; 2003b; 2004).

The majority of the useful studies on magic focus on the history
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

of magical thought in the west. Authors such as Francis King,
Richard Cavendish and E.M. Butler have written extensively on
magic from medieval times to the early 20 th century (Butler 1949;
Cavendish 1968; 1975; 1977; King 1970; 1971; 1975). Although these
works are old, they are not outdated. With reference to my study
Ellic Howe's, The Magicians of the Golden Dawn (Howe 1972), has
also been insightful. The Hermetic order of the Golden Dawn has
influenced many of today's magical societies and was also the
incubator of many likewise influential magicians such as Aleister
Crowley, Dione Fortune, E. A. Waite and W.B. Keats. In the research
into magic and occultism many studies focusing on alchemy,
qabalah and mysticism have been carried out. Concerning alchemy,
Betty Jo Teeter Dobbs' The Foundation of Newton's Alchemy (Dobbs
1975) is a good study, giving a history, description and context of
the art as well as showing the connections between alchemy and
the emergence of the new materialist-scientific worldview.
Influential works on the Jewish qabalah have been written by
Gershom Scholem and Moshe Idel (Idel 1997; Scholem 1987; 1991).

'New Age' spirituality is a very interesting phenomenon, which
relates to my studies, and here Paul Heelas and Michael York, as
well as the abovementioned Wouter J. Hanegraaff and Olav
Hammer, have provided important insights (Heelas 1996; York
1995). Neopaganism and 'New Age' are often linked, and as Dragon
Rouge can be considered a part of the neopagan milieu, studies
dealing with 'New Age' and neopaganism are important. In addition
to the authors mentioned above, works by such scholars as Graham
Harvey, James R. Lewis, Ingvild Saelid Gilhus and Lisbeth
Mikaelsson have also been of use (Harvey 1997; Lewis 1996a; 1996b;
Mikaelsson 1996; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998; 2003).

As stated earlier, most of the research on esotericism focuses
on Western traditions, while Eastern esoteric currents are not really
dealt with to the same extent. Eastern esotericism, mainly Tantrism
and Tantric Yoga, have, however, become increasingly popular in
Western esoteric movements. Dragon Rouge is no exception to this.
Therefore, I have also read existent studies on these subjects. Left
Hand Path Tantrism is not really dealt with at length in purely
academic research and hence I have, at times, had to draw on works
that are more popular-scientific in character. I have studied the

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

works of the likes of Mircea Eliade, Georg Feuerstein, John
Woodroffe, Julius Evola and Benjamin Walker (Eliade 1958;
Woodroffe 1958; 1959; 1960; Walker 1982; Evola 1992;
Feuersteinl998). A good source of academic study on Tantrism is
Run Grondahl's PhD Thesis Den gudomliga kroppen [The Divine
Body], which deals specifically with Tantrism and Shaktism
(Grondahl 2000).

1 .3.3 Spirituality and Meaning Making

Studies on meaning-making, both in the religious sphere, and
outside it, are numerous. The theoretical frameworks range from
sociological through social-psychological to purely psychological,
and in all of these one can find a multitude of different approaches.
In the more humanistically oriented psychology of religion, depth-
psychology based on Freudian psychology and, in the Nordic
context, integrated role-theory and symbolic reality construction,
based on Hjalmar Sunden's work as presented by Nils G. Holm,
have had an important standing (Holm 1997; see also S. Illman 1992;
R. Illman 2004). The Jungian psychoanalytic approach has not had such a
strong position in the Psychology of Religion, but much more in the
interpretive frames of 'New Agers' and other neo-spiritually inclined
believers (see for example Hanegraaff 1998: 496, 496-513; Bogdan
2003b: 19). A more positivist approach is taken in the cognitive
science study of religious thought 3 .

3 The exponents of this view often base their work and theories on socio-
biological models and argue that the origin of religion can be sought in the
evolution of the human animal. Notable scholars in the Cognitive science school
are Dan Sperber and Pascal Boyer (Sperber 1996; 2000; Boyer 1993; 1994; 2001).
Another scholar worth mentioning is Stewart Guthrie who attempts to explain
the birth of religion with human anthropomorphic projections on natural objects
and subjects (Guthrie 1993). Thomas E. Lawson and Robert N. McCauley have
taken a slightly different approach and have studied the ritualistic elements of
religion (McCauley & Lawson 1990; 2002). The cognitive approach in the
psychology of religion has quite a strong standing in Finland, and here authors
such as Ilkka Pyysiainen and Tom Sjoblom have taken this approach (Pyysiainen
1996; 2001; Sjoblom 2000). Claudia Strauss's and Naomi Quinn's A Cognitive
Theory of Cultural Meaning is, although not explicitly dealing with religion, an

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

I have chosen to take a social constructionist approach to
meaning-making. My theoretical base draws mainly on the works
of Kenneth J. Gergen, as presented in his books An Invitation to Social
Construction and Social Construction in Context (Gergen 1999; 2001).
In addition to Gergen' s books I have also used Vivien Burr's An
Introduction to Social Constructionism (Burr 1995). These scholars have
a very similar view on social constructionism, but Gergen in
particular identifies many different forms of constructivism and
emphasizes the focus on language as a tool for reality construction
in Social Constructionism. I have also chosen to focus on language
and other symbol-systems as meaning-making systems, and
especially on discourse as reality-forming.

Few academic works dealing with Western esotericism and
meaning-making have been published. One major work is Olav
Hammer's Claiming Knowledge, in which he discusses the main
epistemological strategies employed by esotericists to legitimize
their worldviews (Hammer 2001). Hammer deals with esoteric
movements from Theosophy in the late 1800s to 'New Age' in our
day. While Hammer's work is important and very thorough, I am
rather unhappy with the underlying tone of the work. Hammer's
intent seems to be to discredit the movements he has studied and
to show that their foundations are based on historically incorrect
facts. As true as this often is, I fail to see the productive merits in
falsifying the claims and beliefs held by 'New Age' supporters. I
will give two examples from the conclusions of Hammer's thesis.
First, when discussing the origin of the esoteric tradition in
Enlightenment thought, and concluding that the tradition has left
out much of that which was essential to the era, Hammer comments:
"In a sense, the positions of the Esoteric Tradition studied here are
the results of the Enlightenment gone astray" (Hammer 2001: 507).
Furthermore Hammer points to the similarities between the
tradition and the ways of thought of the preceding Romantic era,
and goes on to state: "However, whereas the Romantic conception
was capable of producing works of the greatest beauty, the literary,

interesting work in the cognitive approach to meaning-making (Quinn & Strauss
1997). Michael Tomasello criticises what he views as a too biologically
determined cognitive science and points to the role of human culture in the
formation of cognitive agency (Tomasello 1999).

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

musical and artistic products of the New Age are sometimes
indistinguishable from religious kitsch" (Hammer 2001: 508). Of
course, these examples are just isolated excerpts uprooted from their
contexts, but this is the tone expressed throughout the work.

The works on religious reality construction by Peter Berger and
Thomas Luckmann (Luckmann & Berger 1966; Berger 1969) have
been very influential in the academic study of religion. Although
both works were originally written in the 1960s they are still relevant
studies in religious meaning-making. I have, however, chosen not
to use the works of Berger and Luckmann as much as the works of
more recent discourse analysts.

In the in-depth analytical section in chapter 7, my main
theoretical framework is based on discourse analytical theory and
method. Different theorists have different views on discourse and
therefore the method has been used in various ways. Marianne
Winther j0rgensen and Louise Phillips discuss three main schools
of discourse analysis: discourse theory, critical discourse analysis
and discursive psychology (Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:25-28).
Discourse theory was developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal
Mouffe and is not as practically based as the other two schools
(Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:31). The primary goal in critical discourse
analysis is to explore the relation between discursive practice and
socio-cultural change (Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:66). Important
critical discourse analysts are, among others, Norman Fairclough,
Lilie Chouliaraki and Teun van Dijk (Fairclough 1992; 1995a; 1995b;
Fairclough & Chouliaraki 1999; van Dijk 1987; 1997; 2001).
According to Phillips and j0rgensen, discursive psychology was
initially developed in social psychology as a critique of, and a
response to, cognitive science (Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:97).
Important discursive psychologists are Jonathan Potter, Margaret
Wetherell, Derek Edwards and John Shotter (Potter 1996; Potter &
Edwards 1992; Shotter 1993; Wetherell & Potter 1989; 1992;
Wetherell et al. 2001). Discursive psychology is very much
influenced by the philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein (Phillips &
j0rgensen 2000:97).

A major difference between the three schools concerns views
on the role of discourse in the constitution of reality. The views

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

range from the rather moderate social constructionism in critical
discourse analysis, where discourse is seen as both constituted by
non-discursive elements and as constituting the non-discursive; to
the radical social constructionism in discourse theory, where
discourse constitutes everything, that is to say everything is
discursive. Discursive psychology falls in between discourse theory
and critical discourse analysis (Phillips & J0rgensen 2000:97). I have
taken a discursive psychological approach but have tried, following
the example set by Phillips and j0rgensen (Phillips & j0rgensen
2000:131-154), to integrate the different views on discourse as much
as possible and have used works from both discursive psychology
and critical discourse analysis. The discourse theory of Laclau and
Mouffe is not a part of my theoretical framework.

Good general works on discourse analysis and examples of the
method in practice are provided by Louise Phillips and Marianne
Winther j0rgensen, Arja Jokinen, Kirsi Juhola, Eero Suoninen and
Barbara Johnstone (Phillips & J0rgensen 2000; Suoninen, Juhola &
Jokinen 1993; 1999; Suoninen 1997; Jokinen & Juhola 1996; Johnstone
2002).

In addition to works dealing with meaning-making in general,
I have also used works by social scientists and social philosophers,
dealing with recent social change and characteristics. Zygmunt
Bauman and Anthony Giddens have written extensively on the late-
modern, or postmodern, period of Western societies (Bauman 1992;
1994; 1997a; 1997b; 2000a; 2000b; Giddens 1990; 1996). I have also
used works dealing with identity construction written by Stuart
Hall, Anthony Giddens and Richard Jenkins (Hall 1996; 2002;
Giddens 1996; Jenkins 1996). Globalization theories represent a third
major trend in contemporary sociology and sociology of religion,
and I have mainly employed works by Roland Robertson, Malcolm
Waters and Ulf Hannerz (Robertson 1992; 1995; Waters 1995;
Hannerz 1996). In linking all of this to religion and spirituality, as
well as in dealing with the re-enchantment of the world, I have
used works by Paul Heelas (Heelas 1996; 2002).

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1 .4 Presentation of Sources

The material at the base of an academic study quite naturally consists
of a diverse range of different sources. Such is the case with the
present study as well. My main material is formed by the interviews
I conducted, and recorded, with several Dragon Rouge members in
2001 and 2002. In addition to the interviews, I have also gathered
responses to a questionnaire I handed out or sent to various Dragon
Rouge members, information collected during my fieldwork and
participant observation with the order in 2001-2004, official Dragon
Rouge documents, members' papers and texts as well as books and
other texts produced by Dragon Rouge members, and Internet
material in some way pertaining to the order, both the official
website with the members' discussion board and other Dragon
Rouge-related material found on the Internet.

All of the material collected has guided me in my analysis and
thus formed the present work. However, different segments of the
material have surfaced as key elements in different sections of the
study. The main sources in chapters 3 and 4 are the official material
of the order in combination with the questionnaires and the Internet
sources. The ethnographies in chapter 5 quite naturally rely on my
participant observation on the order. In the discourse analytical
section, where I study meaning-making mechanisms in Dragon
Rouge, the interview material is mainly used, with segments from
the rest of the material in a supportive role.

1.4.1 The Interviews

My main first-hand material consists of in-depth interviews with
various Dragon Rouge members. The members interviewed have
been active, and thus leading, Dragon Rouge members. The gender-
balance of the material is good, as I have interviewed a roughly
equal number of female and male members. Most of the interviews
were conducted with members of the mother-organization in Stockholm,
Sweden, but three additional interviews were conducted with members
active in lodges other than the Stockholm mother-organization. Two of

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

these interviews were done with members from the Gothenburg-
based lodge Helheim, and one of the interview subjects had been
active in Stockholm earlier. The third additional interview was done
with the leader of, the now defunct, lodge Thagirion, at that time
based in Hagen, Germany. Some of those interviewed also answered
the questionnaire. In this case the person first answered the
questionnaire and I then interviewed this person, basing my
questions on the answers received from the questionnaire. In the
list of references the informants are consistently identified as Male/
Female [letter], thus making it easier for the reader to check which
informants were both interviewed and answered the questionnaire.
The interviews were conducted in 2001-2002.

I conducted 11 interviews with Dragon Rouge members, in
total. Eleven people were interviewed. Some of the interviews were
completed with two or more interview subjects at a time, but most
of them were private occasions where only myself and the person
being interviewed were present. Locations for the interviews were
cafes, homes of the informant, the Dragon Rouge temple in
Stockholm and on one occasion, when the weather permitted, in a
park outside the Dragon Rouge temple. I interviewed seven male
members and four female members 4 .

The interviews were conducted with members who attended
the meetings and courses on a regular basis. All of them had been
initiated into at least the first degree, and several were initiated
into higher degrees. The majority of those interviewed were engaged
in some official capacity, like holding courses, producing internal
material for the order, working with administrative tasks etc. The
exceptions to this are two female members (Female B and C in the
list of references), who were part of the women's circle and
participated actively in Dragon Rouge courses and meetings, and a
male member (Male D), who only joined an interview at the very
end of it. Two of those interviewed are members who are responsible
for the ideological formation of the order on the whole.

The interviews were recorded onto MiniDisc or cassette and

4 In addition I also interviewed an outsider to the order, mainly to study
the view of Dragon Rouge conveyed by media coverage. This interview is
however not used in the present study.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

all of them where long and in-depth, about two hours per interview
occasion. I also conducted follow-up interviews at later dates with
three of the persons interviewed earlier.

Like all researchers who use technological aids when doing
interviews, I experienced a couple of instances when the technology
failed during the interview. When this happened, I had to rely on
my memory of the interview, as well as double-checking my notes
with the informant/ s in question.

A possible objection to my interview material and to my choice
of informants could be that the material is not representative of the
order as a whole, as I have not interviewed less active members.
However, I do not regard this as a problem. The choice of informants
was quite natural as these where the persons most deeply involved
in the order's activities and organization and who thus knew most
about the principles as well as the practical aspects of its work. On
the philosophical issue, I chose to treat my informants as individual
members stating their personal views and not as officials acting as
spokespersons for the order. During the interviews, several of my
key informants, especially those long-time members who had a
more prominent position in the order, pointed out that they were
speaking for themselves first and foremost, and not on behalf of
the order as a whole. However, as these persons organize the
majority of the order's activities and write most of the official Dragon
Rouge material, their views have a strong influence on other
members. Where there is uniformity between the accounts of my
informants and the official material, the interview material can be
seen as more than simply isolated expressions of individual
standpoints and views.

As my research methodology is based on ethnographic
fieldwork, interviews constituted an integral part of my research
(see Agar 1980: 107-110; Fagerborg 1999: 55; Rautiainen 2003: 29;
Granholm & Svanberg 2004: 82). The common type of interview in
fieldwork is a loosely structured interview where the interviewer
and the interviewee discuss certain themes that the researcher deems
important in order to understand the field. The interview-situation
is quite informal and both researcher and respondent or respondents
are as much on an equal level as possible. Of course the researcher
always has the upper hand as it is he/she who ultimately controls
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

the situation. Interviews such as these can be called "informal
ethnographic interviews" (Agar 1980: 90) or "flexibly structured
interviews" (Whyte 2001: 163). My method of interviewing was
more structured than the stereotype fieldwork interview, although
I still chose to keep a relatively loose structure. The concept of
Theme-interview (Teemahaastattelu), as presented by Helena Hurme
and Sirkka Hirsijarvi, gives a good characterization of my approach
to interviewing. In theme-interviews, the researcher focuses on
certain themes he/she has identified as relevant for the research
but the actual questions themselves are not conclusively created
beforehand (Hurme & Hirsijarvi 2000: 47-48; see Rautiainen 2003:
30). I have not transcribed my interviews, but have instead chosen
to simply write short summaries on content and context of each
interview.

In contemporary social sciences and the humanities, the people
studied are no longer viewed as passive parties in the research
process. The respondent is seen as a subject who actively takes part
in the research process and the creation of new knowledge. This is
especially the case in interviews, in which the researcher is said to
create his/her research material - in cooperation with the
interviewee (see Marander-Eklund 2000: 72; 2004: 93-95; Henriksson
2004: 23-25). In the case of my interviews, the interviewees can to
the highest degree be called active collaborators and co-workers.
As my interviews where loosely structured and my field of interest
was vast, the respondents where relatively free to steer the
conversation in the direction they felt was important in
understanding Dragon Rouge.

When using excerpts from the interviews, I use a form of
transcription by which I try to keep the language as close to the
original taped interviews as possible, whilst still making the excerpts
readable. I have kept intact passages of inconsistent speech where
the informant changes argumentative technique in mid sentence -
something which always happens in interview situations as spoken
language is not the same thing as a written text. Shorter pauses in
the speech are marked by a comma (,) whereas longer pauses -
signalling a new sentence are marked by a full stop (.). In situations
where I have chosen to leave out passages irrelevant for the analysis
this is marked out by three full stops inside square brackets ([...]).

CHAPTER 7 - INTRODUCTION

Passages, shorter than one sentence, left out are marked by three
full stops (...). Emphases made by the informant are marked by
underlining the emphasized word or part of a word (Emphasize).
When I have included my original question to the informant I have
marked this with square brackets, italics and with a question mark
([Question?]). On the few occasions where two informants are
present, I display the speech of one of the informants in bold font in
order to distinguish the two persons speaking (I Speak You spoke).
When no commas or full stops are included between passages by
the two speakers, they have interrupted each other or continued
the sentence started by the other informant present. The interviews
were mainly conducted in Swedish. I have translated them into
English, and present the Swedish original text in a footnote
following the English translation. The interviews are archived in
the Folkloristic Archive at Abo Akademi University.

1 .4.2 The Questionnaires

I started the gathering of my primary sources through sending and
handing out questionnaires to various Dragon Rouge members. The
questionnaires where handed out to persons who were members
of the order and whom I met at Dragon Rouge meetings. The
initiatory level, activity and official standing in the order varied
among the informants. I received answers from members
responsible for the order's ideological formation, as well as from
new members not yet initiated. It is likely that the answers received
were from more active members, as these were more prone to take
the time to answer the questionnaire.

In total, I received 13 answers to the questionnaires. This may
seem to be a fairly small number of answers but as I have a
qualitative approach and have chosen to treat my informants as
individuals, representing themselves first and foremost and Dragon
Rouge only secondly, I do not consider this to be a problem.
Furthermore, the answers I have received are very extensive,
ranging from three to over thirty A4 pages. Most of the answers are
5-10 pages long. The majority of the answers received are from

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Swedish members, but a couple are from members outside Sweden.
One answer is from a German member and another is from a Finnish
member. There is a strong imbalance in gender of the respondents
as only three answers are from female members. This is something
I cannot help. I handed out questionnaires to all Dragon Rouge
members I met, mostly during my fieldwork, and also sent
questionnaires to the different lodges and asked the lodge leaders
to distribute them to the lodge members. I also posted a presentation
of my study along with a request for Dragon Rouge members to
participate in my research on the order's internal web forum. As I
haven't had access to the Dragon Rouge members register I haven't
been able to contact members directly. Those members I received
answers from can be considered to be among the more active
members of the order. I would probably have received more answers
if my questionnaire had been a little less extensive. As the answers
I have received are very informative, I am satisfied with the results.

Besides getting responses from present members of the order I
also received answers from two former members. One of them was
an Internet chat-room contact of a colleague of mine and, when
asked, she was quite willing to answer my questions. The other
former member was actually still a member when I came into contact
with him. The whole situation was interesting as the person's
membership ended quite dramatically, followed by a heated dispute
on a message board on the Internet.

The questionnaire is not really standardised, as I changed the
questions over time, according to new information I received. I also
formed the questions differently for certain members I knew more
about, and from whom I thus did not need as much of the general
accounts as from some other members. Basically, however, the
questions centred on the following themes:

1) The informant's personal background, including family
background, upbringing, religious tradition in the
family and events identified as formative by the
informant.

2) The informant's view on society and different
ideologies in general, including views on religion,

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

spirituality, politics, democracy, socialism,
communism, liberalism, feminism, equality, homo/
bisexuality, racism, Nazism, ecology and
vegetarianism. I also asked the informant to define his/
her religious orientation.

3) Questions about Dragon Rouge as an organization,
including the informants assessment of the number of
members, number of active members in the lodge/
lodges he/she has experience of, gender balance, the
position of female members versus male members and
the informant's view on the leadership of Dragon Rouge.

4) The informant's view on how the order has been
portrayed in the mass media. This question was initially
important as I first intended to study how the negative
mass media attention had affected the order (see section
1.1 and Granholm 2001a).

5) The informant's view on different religions, worldviews
and life philosophies in relation to Dragon Rouge.

6) The informant' s account of how he/ she came into contact
with the order and of became a member.

7) The informant's account of his experiences in Dragon
Rouge and in magic, including questions on what
particular magical exercises the informant practices and
the informant's view of his/her own competence as a
magician.

8) An explicit question on possible experienced resistance
to the informant's membership in the order, as well as
questions on how the informant's family and friends have
reacted to his/her membership.

9) The informant' s definition and exposition of what Dragon
Rouge is and what magic is.

The questionnaires were handed or sent out, and the answers
received, in 2001-2002. The questions and answers are stored in the

Folkloristic Archive at Abo Akademi University.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1 .4.3 Fieldwork and Participant Observation

As stated earlier, no detailed study on Dragon Rouge had been
published when I began my research. Therefore I had to get first-
hand information on the order. In order to accomplish this I had to
do fieldwork on Dragon Rouge. My main fieldwork was conducted
in 2001 - 2002, with the more intensive and regular period in 2001.
In 2001 I made eight visits to Sweden. On each occasion the trip
lasted from about a week to ten days. My field trips in 2002 where
equal in length but fewer in number. I also made some occasional
field visits in 2003 and 2004.

During my fieldwork I participated in several different and
more extended courses in magic practice, as well as attending one
or more regular weekly meetings on each field trip. I participated
in courses on astral projection, the Vril and Od-forces, ceremonial
magic, Left Hand Path Tantrism and deep Draconian magic
workings, to only mention a few. I was also present at the opening
of Lodge Sinistra in Malmo, Sweden, in February, 2001, in which
leading magicians of the mother-organization in Stockholm
participated. Dragon Rouge has arranged a number of open lectures
in which outside experts, mostly academics studying the subject
matters, have been invited to speak about certain things pertaining
to magic, mysticism or occultism in some form or another. The order
has also held presentations of its practice and philosophy for non-
members. I participated in activities of both types on a few occasions.
Dragon Rouge in Stockholm organizes annual meetings each
summer, in which members from the different lodges from around
the world take part, as far as is possible. I attended the annual
meetings of 2001, 2002 and 2004. The 2001 and 2002 meetings were
held at the Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm. The meetings of
2003 and 2004 were held in a newly opened temple on Gotland, an
island situated southeast of Stockholm on which a great deal of
ancient Norse cultic remains can be found. Future annual meetings
will most likely be held at the Gotland temple.

Although most of my fieldwork was conducted in Stockholm,
I also made a few trips to the lodges in Malmo, as mentioned earlier,
and Gothenburg. On my trip to Gothenburg I was unfortunately

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

not able to participate in any of the lodge activities or visit the temple
of Lodge Helheim. However I interviewed and spent a considerable
length of time with some members of the lodge.

During my fieldwork I conducted the interviews referred to in
section 1.4.1, handed out and discussed the questionnaires discussed
in section 1.4.2, and carried out in-depth participant observation. I
also spent time with Dragon Rouge members in more informal
settings. According to Alan Bryman's collected definitions, the
process of ethnography includes participant observation and the
researcher 'immersing him-/ herself in a society in order to collect
descriptive facts about its culture. This is accomplished through
analysis of the cultural symbols and meanings the members of the
culture possess. In the end the researcher is able to produce a field
report in which he/ she communicates the findings to other scholars,
as well as to other interested readers in general. (Bryman 2001: ix-
x; Granholm & Svanberg 2004: 74-75).

In my case, the community under study was Dragon Rouge,
and the participators in the culture studied, the members of the
order. According to Michael Agar (Agar 1980: 9) anthropologists
have often set out with an interest in the field itself, not with a
foundation in theory, which is the way sociologists and the like
operate as a rule. The field is also commonly approached in a very
open and general way, without the anthropologist focusing
explicitly on specific aspects of it in the beginning. Thomas Hylland
Eriksen underscores the importance of narrowing down the field
of interest before one goes out to the field, otherwise one ends up
"knowing all to little about everything, instead of enough about
something" (Eriksen 2000: 29-30).

In my case, the narrowing down was of a different sort and
easily done, as I was not studying a whole society, but a group, and
had a specific focus on the worldview of the members of the group.
In many ways, however, I functioned as the stereotypical
anthropologist described in the reference from Michael Agar above.
Even though this approach has been a great asset to me and my
knowledge of the field, there are also several drawbacks to this way
of proceeding. The time spent in the field tends to be a lot longer
than if one started out with a more specific interest, the mass of
material tends to grow to gargantuan proportions and the research
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

process easily becomes time-consuming, expensive and exhausting.
Not to mention the fact that sorting out the material after the
fieldwork is finished and analysing it becomes a tremendous task.
Pertaining to the narrowing down of the field, one has to remember
that any study of social phenomena, anthropological research being
no exception, involves choices of points of focus. The researcher
decides what is interesting and relevant for the study, and, thus,
what is to be dealt with in depth. Thus, the ethnographic account is
not an objective account of the factual situation concerning the group
or society, independent of the researcher who has done the study
(see Suojanen 1996: 6-7; Eriksen 2000: 34-35). This is a reason why
self-positioning is of particular importance in fieldwork-based
research, and needs to be accounted for.

In spite of all the problems concerning method, I am glad to
have carried out fieldwork in the way I did. I had the good fortune
to obtain research grants to cover the costs of my fieldwork and the
time spent in the field provided deeper insights, making it possible
for me to analyse things in a thorough, reflected, well-grounded
and competent way. On a personal note, I also enjoyed doing
fieldwork and the field as such.

Magnus Ohlander discusses three different levels of
observation and participation in the context of participant
observation. These are: the researcher as a passive observer, the
researcher as simultaneously observing and participating, to various
degrees of course, and the researcher as fully participating
(Ohlander 1999; 74-77). Usually, most researchers doing participant
observation are simultaneously participating and observing. In my
research I started out with more participating and less observing;
this in order to gain knowledge of the experiences Dragon Rouge
members possibly had during the magic exercises, and thus gaining
something of a common ground with them. In anthropological
research this is commonly called to grasp "the Native's point of
view", and concerns experiencing the world as the informants do
(see Geertz 1993: 55-70). It is often stated that this is impossible to
do fully, as the anthropologist is always an outsider due to the nature
of his profession (Eriksen 2000: 38-39). Would the researcher succeed
in "going native", totally becoming as his/her informants, the
research would be seriously compromised (Stebbins & Shaffir 1991:

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

14). The researcher is able to do fieldwork because he/she is an
outsider involved in a process of investigation.

As time progressed I leaned more and more towards
observation, although still participating actively. On a course I
attended late in 2002 I decided to only passively observe, taking
notes and not participating at all in the exercises. As I see it, this
approach had several benefits. If I had conducted my participant
observation in the opposite way I could easily have been considered
a disturbing outsider, and the meetings could have been less relaxed
and natural. The way I conducted my research made the other
participants accept my presence easier, and made me something of
a peer. On the occasion when I did not partake in the practice, my
presence was nothing peculiar and the other participants had no
problem with me observing them. I was no longer a stranger. The
possible ethical problem with this approach is that the informants
may basically 'forget' that the researcher is in fact doing research,
and they may therefore divulge information that they would not
normally be comfortable in revealing to an outsider. I consider it
the responsibility of the researcher to be aware of this fact, and to
the highest possible degree avoid exploiting his/her informants.

Michael Agar identifies the process of starting fieldwork as
fivefold (Agar 1980: 21, 30-39). First you have to choose the field,
and in the field you choose your informants. Having done this, you
review the existing literature that in some way pertains to the
research at hand. Fourth, you identify your network into the field
or, simply stated, your way of getting into the field and being able
to do research in it effectively. Finally you have to obtain some sort
of project financing in order to be able to realize your fieldwork.
For me all of this was fairly simple. I knew what my field of study
was: Dragon Rouge and its arenas of activity and ways of perceiving
and communicating reality. The mother-organization, important as
such and relatively close geographically, was a given focusing point.
Who my main informants were was a matter stipulated by my field.

I had already reviewed the scarce amount of literature on the
order when writing my master's thesis (see Granholm 2000). And
now it was my intention to gain access to the field. This is usually
not the easiest task. Many new ethnographers seem to take this
procedure too lightly, and older more experienced ethnographers
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

deal with it as if it was a simple and straightforward process (see
Agar 1980: 27-30; Burgess 1991: 43; Kaijser 1999: 29, 30-31).
According to Agar, the researcher has to find his/her "network"
into the field (Agar 1980: 27), meaning that one has to secure an
access point to the field and not simply 'appear on the scene ready
to do some participant observation'. According to Robert G. Burgess
"access [to the field] is negotiated and renegotiated throughout the
research process" (Burgess 1991: 43).

I started by sending my master's thesis (Granholm 2000) to the
mother-organization in Stockholm, along with an accompanying
letter in which I expressed my wish to do a more thorough study of
Dragon Rouge. The period I waited for some form of answer was
excruciating, as I had contacted the order earlier when doing my
M.A. research, and had not received any answer that time.
Fortunately the thesis was accepted by the leading members of the
order and I was welcomed to do more in-depth research on Dragon
Rouge. My master's thesis became my key to the field and my
network in was formed by the leading magicians of Dragon Rouge
in Stockholm, who had read my thesis and decided to allow me to
participate as a researcher. Burgess is right in assuming that
relationships in the field highly influence the process of research
and the knowledge produced, and in stating that the question of
how the researcher has gained access to the field is in no way a
minor factor in this equation (Burgess 1991: 45, 45-52). My master's
thesis, and the picture of me as a serious researcher this piece of
research conveyed to the leading Dragon Rouge members, helped
pave the way. I was assigned the dual role of magic initiate and
researcher, as discussed in section 1.5, and this had an impact on
the way my fieldwork came to be conducted.

Traditionally, field notes have been viewed as pivotal to
anthropological research, even to the extent that the published
research has often been characterized as the field notes re-written
in a form acceptable for publishing (see Agar 1980: 111). Personally,
however, I do not find the actual field notes to be quite that
important. If I had concentrated all my effort in taking notes I would
have missed a lot of what was going on (compare Ohlander 1999:
83). I decided to do MiniDisc-recordings of the meetings and courses
attended, with the approval of those present naturally, and then

CHAPTER 7 - INTRODUCTION

write short summaries of what had transpired, mainly focusing on
my reflections on the events I had experienced. I chose to view field
notes as a tool for analysis and interpretation, and not as the primary
objective of fieldwork. The most important tool the researcher doing
fieldwork has at his/her disposal is him-/ herself (Fetterman 1991:
92-93; Eriksen 2000: 27). The anthropologist does indeed constantly
fine-tune this main instrument, but there is always the problem of
relying too heavily on its flawless operation. The instrument must
at all times work in synchronization with the agency of self-
reflexivity, in order for the result to be the best possible.

In all research, but especially in fieldwork where the researcher
is in close contact to his/her informants, the question of research
ethics comes to the fore. I could perhaps have gone into the field
'undercover', not identifying myself as a researcher studying
Dragon Rouge. Besides the obvious ethical dilemmas, however, this
would have made my research less fruitful (Richardson 1991: 64-
70; see Stebbins & Shaffir 1991: 2-3, 16-17). Doing open research
allowed me to approach the field in a completely different way,
and gave me access to material that new members generally do not
get to see. (see Granholm & Svanberg 2004: 80-82). As discussed
earlier, ethical dilemmas might also occur in situations in which
the field researcher has been on the field for such an extended period
that the informants start to view the researcher as a complete peer,
effectively forgetting about the researcher's academic aims (Stebbins
& Shaffir 1991: 16-17). Here I consider it the researcher's obligation
to conduct his/her research with moral integrity, so that he/she
does not exploit his/her informants' vulnerabilities, whilst
simultaneously remaining true to the research in progress (see Pripp
1999: 45, 47-51; Kommitten om forskningsetik 1998: 35).

1 .4.4 The Official Dragon Rouge Material

The official Dragon Rouge material I have had access to comprises a
major part of my source material. The material is vast, and I have not
had the possibility to give all of it full attention. I have mainly focused
on the questionnaires, the interviews and the participant observation.
The official Dragon Rouge material has provided points of reference,
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

and served as context and as a perspective on the group as a whole,
giving elucidation and support to the rest of the material.
Nevertheless, certain portions of the official material have been more
important than others and have been referred to more extensively.
These are the official website of the order (Dragon Rouge 2004a; 2004b;
2004c; 2004d; 2004g), the two correspondence courses in magic that I
had access to (Dragon Rouge 1996; 2001 j) and the rules for starting a
magic group or lodge in Dragon Rouge (Dragon Rouge 2001e).

The rest of the material consists of the websites of the different
lodges (Dragon Rouge 2001c; 2001d; 2004h-s), the Dragon Rouge
members' papers from 2000 to 2004 5 (Dragon Rouge 2000a-c; 2001f-
i; 2002a-d; 2003a-d; 2004e-f), a welcoming letter to new members of
the order (Dragon Rouge 2000d), the discussion board on the Dragon
Rouge website available for members only (Dragon Rouge 2001b.
In addition to this, I also accessed the members' discussion board
after 2001), as well as the public discussion board on the homepage,
which has been unavailable for some time. I also got hold of several
members-only publications that Dragon Rouge keeps available for,
or sells to, its members. These include texts on the Left Hand Path,
esoteric runology and qliphotic qabalah (Karlsson 2002b; 2002c 6 ),
and several other subjects. The Dragon Rouge magic group in Italy,
which became an official lodge in 2003, has published a 'Magickal
Bulletin' called 'Fiat Nox' since 2002. I have the first issue of this
bulletin (2002g). Besides the above mentioned material I have in
my possession several documents that in some way pertain to the
official activities or philosophies represented by the order.

I also chose to include books published by Dragon Rouge
members, and books where the subject matter relates closely to the
order, not necessarily being sanctioned, but certainly at least
approved by Dragon Rouge as an organization. These are the works
Uthark. Nightside of the Runes 7 and Kabbala, kliffot och den goetiska

5 I started receiving the member's paper from issue 2/2000 onwards and
have hitherto received issues up 3-4/2004. All of the issues are in Swedish,
except for issue 4/2001 which is in English.

6 I have chosen to only include works by members who have published
something also available to non-Dragon Rouge members.

7 The book is also available in German from the publishing house Arun
Verlag with the title Uthark: Im Schattenreich der Runen. Apparently, the book is
a bestseller on the German Amazon online book dealer.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

magin by the order's founding member, Thomas Karlsson, Mork Magi
by Tommie Eriksson and Morkrets stig by Christofer Johnsson
(Karlsson 2002; 2004; Eriksson 2001; Johnsson 1996). Thomas
Karlsson has also written the introduction to Tommie Eriksson's
book (Karlsson 2001).

I have referred explicitly to the official material mostly by
relating to the website of the mother-organization, the
correspondence courses in magic and the rules governing the
starting of a magic group or lodge in Dragon Rouge. Nonetheless,
the rest of the official material plays an important role. I went
through all of the material in my possession and my conclusions
draw from all of it. The body of material is vast and cannot be treated
with the same precision throughout.

1 .4.5 Other Material

During my studies I have tried to collect as much material as possible
on aspects pertaining in some way to Dragon Rouge, either directly
or indirectly, or simply dealing with similar phenomena from an
insider's point of view. Of course, my material is not exhaustive,
but I was still able to collect a remarkable mass of text and various
kinds of documents. I shall briefly present some of the more
important pieces of material.

I collected material which is related to Dragon Rouge, written
by people positive to, but not necessarily members of, the order
and which is not officially sanctioned by Dragon Rouge. In this
category I have access to, amongst others, a few academic
undergraduate papers on the order and various website-entries
which deal with the order, or with some aspects of the order's
activities. Additionally, some members of the order are artists, and
have in this capacity published material representing magico-occult
worldviews, and who have spoken of the subject in interviews and
on similar occasions. In accordance with explicit requests by the
persons in question I have, however, chosen not to expose these
individuals' names or artistic projects. Furthermore, the above
material is not used very extensively, since I do not regard it to be
as relevant as my primary sources.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Secondly, there are a number of published non-academic works
which deal with, or mention Dragon Rouge, in a quite polemically
critical way. These include books by Hakan Arlebrand, Karl-Erik
Nylund as well as press or television material. These were discussed
more in detail in section 1.3.1 and, as stated there, when they concern
Dragon Rouge specifically, I chose to use this material as examples
of more subjective and critically polemic views on the order and
magic in general.

The third category consists of material which does not treat
Dragon Rouge, but deals with similar subjects. Worth mentioning
are the websites The Mutation Parlour: Chaos Magick (http://
www.crossroads.wild.net.au/index.html) which provides extensive
material on chaos magic and is maintained by people practicing
this form of the art, Paranormal.se (http://paranormal.se) which is
a Swedish online encyclopaedia and resource for things occult, and
Templi-Serpens (http://www.templi-serpens.com), which is a
Satanist site but has lots of material on the Left Hand Path and
qliphoth. There are many more websites worth mentioning but these
are the ones I found most helpful and relevant from a comparative
perspective.

1 .5 Self-positioning

I am aware of critique of over-exerting one's own person in
ethnographic writing, and I sympathize with this standpoint to some
extent (see Skoldberg & Alvesson 1994: 322; Davies 1999: 15-16). It is of
no interest whatsoever to the reader that I was a huge fan of the animated
Transformers TV-series when I was a child, that I had a poster of the rock
band W.A.S.P/s Blackie Lawless and Chris Holmes accompanied
by a boa restrictor on my wall when I was seven years old, or that I
have a close relationship with my younger brother. I do not,
however, view self-positioning as irrelevant and simply as a means
of self -promotion, or an expression of narcissism, as some exponents
of the more radical critique tend to suggest. Self-reflectivity is
needed in all kinds of human efforts in understanding. It should be
used to treat the things relevant for academic study, and is of great

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

importance, especially in fieldwork-based research (see Davies 1999:
3-4). I share Mikko Saastamoinen's view that the aim of reflexivity
is to bring the researcher and his/her informants to a more equal
level, to make explicit the human limitations and prior
understandings of the researcher (Saastamoinen 2003: 21-22).

I can identify several factors in my life-history, personality and
range of interests which made an order such as Dragon Rouge an
interesting object of study for me. Since I was a child I have always
had a deep interest in, and appreciation of, horror movies, especially
those that deal with supernatural phenomena and dark forces, as
well as different popular works on the occult and on unidentified
phenomena. Anything which includes vampires in any way
instantly catches my attention. This interest is also evident in my
preferences for music, literature and aesthetics. I enjoy rock and
heavy metal music where the artists employ dark horror movie
symbolism and include mythological elements in their lyrics. This
interest in the dark and unknown is probably what drove me to
study comparative religion in the first place. My fascination for the
occult never resulted in efforts to explore it in any practical way.
My attraction has always been on the fictional side and, only in
theory. This exposition may seem trivial but it explains my initial
interest in Dragon Rouge as an object of study. When I came into
contact with the order through Liselotte Frisk's book Nyreligiositet i
Sverige (Frisk 1998: 142-147), I was looking for a subject to treat in
my master's thesis. In that situation Dragon Rouge immediately
emerged as a suitable and interesting topic. In the pre-cons true ted
picture I had formed in my mind, the symbol-language, subject
matter and activities of the order appealed to my preference for
horror movie aesthetics. Doing actual research gradually changed
and deepened my view on Dragon Rouge and its members.

In my late teens and early twenties I was an active participant
in leftist animal rights, ecological and anti-racist subcultural
movements. My activism stretched from purely legal actions, such
as the organization of and participation in demonstrations and the
distribution of leaflets, to a few instances of civil disobedience. As I
lived in Ostrobothnia at the time, the capital of fur farming in
Scandinavia, my activities were not considered very agreeable. I
was personally harassed a few times, and some of my friends, who
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

were active in the same subculture, were openly threatened. The
whole movement as such was harshly reprimanded in the press
and in public debate. My experiences from this period of my life
greatly affected my view of the mass media. In the mid 1990s Dragon
Rouge was the recipient of much negative mass media attention in
Sweden (see Nilsson 1995a; 1995b; Stuttgart 1995; 1996; SVT 1 1996).
My negative experiences of mass media, as well as my earlier
participation in a criticized subculture, led me to sympathize with
Dragon Rouge and to find a frame of identification.

My subcultural connections and my advocation of ecological
living and animal rights provided a further element of mutual
interest with many Dragon Rouge members. Ecology is an important
aspect of the Dragon Rouge view of life, as I show in section 7.1.5.
Most of the active members of the mother-organization in Stockholm
are vegetarian for ecological, animal rights and magical reasons,
all of which are usually linked in discourse on magic. I also share
many of the views on ethics and morality of several Dragon Rouge
members I have talked to. This view on morality is in itself not
something specific to Dragon Rouge, but rather a symptomatic
aspect of late modern society (see Bauman 1997a; 1998).

I consider myself a feminist, and this has most certainly had
some impact on my research. For me feminism implies an ideology
and a Utopia in which people are not seen solely as, or judged on
the basis of, sex or gender. Unfortunately, societal circumstances
being what they are, certain extra light must be shed on the situation
of women in order to provide an unbiased position on gender, ironic
as it may seem. As most feminist awakening stories tend to go, my
feminism was initially both unreflected and unconscious. This was
the case when I started my doctoral studies. Having grown more
conscious in my feminist awareness, I have recognised how some
of the questions I have asked my informants have sprung from this
pro to-feministic state of mind. However, I do not consider this to
be too much of a problem as all researchers have the load of earlier
experiences, prejudices and prior understandings in their baggage.
An effort should be made to identify this load and to reflect over its
influence on analysis and interpretation, in the endeavour to
produce as unbiased and as neutral an account as possible of the
phenomenon studied.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

Because of doing participant observation among Dragon Rouge
members and at Dragon Rouge meetings I have frequently been
asked how I can remain objective in my research. I respond by
quoting Michael Agar's words: "it is hard to 'do science' with people
you like; it is also hard to 'do science' with people you do not like;
if you do not care one way or the other, it is hard to 'do science'
because you do not understand enough about the people you do
science with" (Agar 1980:18). In quoting this I aim to express the
sentiment that personal relationships and emotional attachments
of some sort are bound to develop in an environment of such
extended and close contact as participant observation represents.
They are in fact more than bound to develop; they are a necessity in
this form of research (see Stebbins & Shaffir 1991: 4). If personal
contacts do not develop the researcher has most likely not involved
him/ herself enough in his/her area of research to get any results
worth mentioning, or the researcher is socially incompetent and
not suitable for fieldwork amongst living people.

I do regard many of my informants as friends and I share
mutual interests in music, arts and hobbies with several of them.
During my fieldwork I also managed to get into one hostile situation
involving myself and an informant, although this was an isolated
incident soon resolved. Such experiences of both kinship and
alienation do not render me incapable of doing good research, quite
the opposite. Through experiencing my informants as real persons,
and the whole field of research as a real arena of social interaction,
instead of abstract phenomena and objects dislocated from my life,
I have come to understand Dragon Rouge and its members better.
This, I would say, is quite essential in any good research.

Of course the relationships the researcher shares with his/her
informants affect the research being conducted, and raises issues
concerning the validity of the study (see Stebbins & Shaffir 1991: 4,
12-16). According to Stebbins and Shaffir three major problems may
limit the validity of the study. In my sentiment, interpersonal
relationships arising during research influence all of these. Firstly,
and perhaps most noticeably stemming from interpersonal relations,
are the reactive effects, that is to say the atypical reactions and
responses the informants have due to the presence of the researcher
(Stebbins & Shaffir 1991: 13-14). Problems may also arise because
CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

of the researcher's responses in certain situations, or due to his/her
failure to respond. The researcher doing participant observation
must thus have good social skills and know how to be objective
without affecting the research in a negative way.

The second and third types of problems discussed by Stebbins
and Shaffir stem from the researcher observing matters all too
selectively, as well as not being able to observe everything of
significance (Stebbins & Shaffir 1991: 13-16). The latter of the issues
is relevant when discussing social relationships during fieldwork.
In short one could say that the roles assigned to the researcher by
the informants, and by the researcher him-/ herself, greatly steer
the researcher's access to different social situations. Gender,
normally a factor which greatly influences the progress of fieldwork,
did not pose a problem for me because of the nature of Dragon
Rouge.

I was assigned the dual role of magic initiate and researcher.
This suited the questions I was looking to answer well, and offered
me as much mobility in the field as possible. Due to my role as
researcher I was given more attention than the average newcomer,
although I still had to abide by the same rules as all members. An
example of this is the fact that I was not allowed to access the second
correspondence course in magic before I had finished the first one,
all in the nature of magic initiation.

I am a member of the organization, mainly in order to access
'members only' material. My informants are aware of this and I
have also posted a message identifying myself as a researcher
studying Dragon Rouge on the Internet message board of the order.
I am initiated into the second degree of the order (see section 5.1.4),
again mainly to gain access to material which is only available for
initiated members, with the over-all aim of obtaining a deeper
insight into the order. I cannot however deny my personal interest
in the forms, functions and workings of the order. I would not call
myself a magician, but the worldview and the people I have come
across during my research represent something compelling to me.
During my fieldwork, and in working with the initiation courses, I
have performed the same magical exercises practiced by other
members. I am intrigued by the practice and philosophy of the order,
as would be expected of any good researcher doing this kind of

CHAPTER 7 - INTRODUCTION

research in any spiritual movement. I have no intention of taking a
stand for or against the possible truth or falsity of the statements
made by Dragon Rouge members and represented in the official
Dragon Rouge material. I consider questions of this nature irrelevant
for the present study. In my fieldwork I have taken an open attitude
and regarded the stated experiences of the various members as true
from a phenomenological view.

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

PART II - Description

2 Formative Background and Context of Dragon
Rouge

The following chapter gives a brief summary of the history of
Western esotericism, as an illustration of the background and
context of Dragon Rouge. I start by giving a brief, and by necessity
simplified, account of esoteric currents from antiquity to the early
20 th century. Special focus is laid on the late 19 th and early 20 th century
phenomena of the Theosophical Society, the Hermetic Order of the
Golden Dawn and the mage Aleister Crowley. I will provide more
detailed accounts of the 'New Age' movement and neopaganism,
including a discussion of their relation to each other. Lastly, I will
endeavour to go into the specifics of the cultic milieu of Sweden in
general, and the Stockholm region in particular, in the late twentieth
century. The aim of the chapter is to place Dragon Rouge in the
context of the historical roots of esoteric thought and practice, and
also to point out possible sources of inspiration and influence.

2.1 The Academic Study of Western Esotericism

Before discussing Western esotericism in any length, it is important
to remember that it is a scholarly construct, much in the same way
'religion' is (Hanegraaff 1998c: 11; 2004: 489-490). As a scholarly
construct there are, of course, several different constructions of
esotericism (see Hanegraaff 1998c for examples). I will focus on
Wouter J. Hanegraaff s and Antoine Faivre's discussions on the
subject, as I feel that these are the most fruitful. It should also be
remembered that there does not exist one coherent esoteric tradition,
but rather that Western esotericism is a conglomerate of various
different, and often quite distinct, traditions (Hanegraaff 2001: 13-
16). For the sake of analysis, however, the approach of
Wittgensteinian family-resemblances can be assumed.

Antoine Faivre calls the Western esotericism of contemporary

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

research into the field "an ensemble of spiritual currents in modern
and contemporary Western history which share a certain air de
famille, as well as the form of thought which is its common
denominator" (Faivre 1998b: 2). Western esotericism sensu Faivre
can be seen as emerging during the renaissance, when the currents
'crossed paths' and were fitted into this 'common form of thought'
(see Bogdan 2003b: 8; Hanegraaff 1996: 386-388; 2004: 493).

Faivre further distinguishes between currents, corresponding
to movements, schools or traditions (for example Hermetism,
Christian Kabbalah and Rosicrucianism), and notions,
corresponding to spiritual attitudes or practice (for example,
Hermeticism and Gnosis). Some phenomena are both currents and
notions (as for example alchemy, astrology and magic). (Faivre
1998b: 3-10).

According to Faivre these spiritual currents and the mode of
thought can be recognized by four intrinsic and two secondary
characteristics. These are:

1) Correspondences. Meaning that there are invisible
linkages between everything in existence.

2) Living Nature. Existence is permeated by a living force,
and nature may be seen as a manifestation of the living
God.

3) Imagination and meditations. Imagination and
meditation are used to access the divine spheres, which
are not directly accessible through the common senses
and reasoning. Hanegraaff names imagination an
"organ of the soul" (Hanegraaff 1996: 398).

4) Transmutation. The three former characteristics form
the foundation for the esotericist's practice, in which
he strives to transmute his/her soul into a more
perfected form.

5) Concordance. A secondary characteristic. There is a
common basis, a true esoteric core, behind exoteric
religious traditions.

6) Transmission. Also a secondary characteristic. Esoteric
teachings must be transmitted from legitimated teacher
to pupil. (Faivre 1994; 10-15; see also Hanegraaff 1996:
397-400; Bogdan 2003b: 14-16).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Wouter J. Hanegraaff criticises Faivre's characteristics as being too
static, they do not leave room for change and transformation of
esotericism. As he writes, Faivre's schemata should not be taken as
stipulative (see Hanegraaff 2004: 508). Hanegraaff also notes that
Faivre's characteristics mainly refer to Christian traditions of a
certain period, namely the renaissance (Hanegraaff 1998b: 46-47).
He does, however, also point to the fact that Western esotericism
was deeply linked to Christianity a long way into the 18 th century,
and the emergence of non-Christian variants is due to the process
of secularization, making way for alternative interpretations.
(Hanegraaff 2004: 490).

Hanegraaff demonstrates the inherent problems in Faivre's
characteristic by the example of occultism, or secular esotericism
(Hanegraaff 1996: 406-410, 421-442; 2003; 2004: 497-499; 508). With
the emergence of a scientific materialistic imperative during the
enlightenment, the esoteric idea of correspondences, as well as that
of a living nature to some degree, was difficult to uphold. The idea
of the microcosm corresponding to the macrocosm was more or
less abandoned for a more mechanistic view, in which impersonal
forces permeating everything could be manipulated for he desired
results. Nature was generally not seen as a manifestation of a living,
personal God anymore, but rather as an arena for the
aforementioned invisible and causal forces. Thus, esotericism came
to terms with the modern worldview, and adapted to its
requirements. Other formative elements of 19 th century, and later,
secular esotericism were the expansion of the scope of source-
material to include oriental traditions, the emergence and esoteric
adoption of psychology, and, later, the " impact of capitalist market
economy on the domain of spirituality" (Hanegraaff 2004: 497-498).

The concept of the transformation of traditional esotericism into
occultism should, however, not be taken to imply that all esotericism
from the enlightenment onward has traded its idea of
correspondences for an instrumental causality-approach. Hanegraff
gives the Eranos meetings, organized for the first time in Ascona,
Switzerland, in 1933, as an example. The attendants, including the
influential scholars Mircea Eliade, Gershom Scholem and Carl
Gustav Jung, had a more esoteric approach to spirituality than an
occult. The approach by Jung and Eliade, along with Julius Evola,

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

can be termed perennialist - in the sense that they sought similarities
in religious phenomena in an ahistorical. The aforementioned
people have become very influential in the alternative spiritual
milieu. (Hanegraaff 2001: 7-13; 2004: 501).

Another critique of Faivre' s works is that his 'definition' can
too easily be implemented in a futile effort to objectively and
definitively mark something as esoteric or non-esoteric (Hanegraaff
1998c: 45-46; 2004: 508). A further problem Hanegraaff sees in
Faivre' s work is that it operates with something of an evolutionary
assumption; For Faivre esotericism per se emerged in the late 15 th
century, while there nevertheless existed some form of esotericism
or pre-esotericism before that. A natural implication of this approach
is that there must be a beginning or origin of esotericism and that it
would be productive to pursuit this line of research. (Hanegraaff
1998c: 46-47).

Both Faivre's and Hanegraaff s research is of importance for
the present study. While Faivre provides a useful base-theory of
esotericism, Hanegraaff expands on this to provide analysis on the
transformation of esotericism through time. The secularization of
esotericism, as presented by Hanegraaff, is clear in the tenets of the
Theosophical Society, and even more so in the case of the Hermetic
Order of the Golden Dawn and Aleister Crowley. Combined with
this is the emergence of the orient as the principal source of new
religious ideas.

2.1 .1 The History of Western Esotericism

The present section is based on Antoine Faivre' s account of the
history of Western esotericism, and thus it contains some of the
problems identified by Hanegraaff (see previous section). I do, for
example, aknowledge the problem defining esotericism as a
historical phenomenon centred around the renaissance and still with
calling phenomena occurent before this period esoteric. I have
chosen to do this nonetheless, as it is the most convenient solution
in the present context. 'Pre-esoteric' phenomena called esoteric
should be understood as esoteric in their relation to esotericism.

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Early sources of Western esotericism can be found in the
Mediterranean region in the first centuries C.E., especially focusing
on the region around Alexandria. The Hermetica, a miscellaneous
body of texts dealing with natural philosophy, alchemy, astrology
and the likes, has had a huge impact on later esoteric thought (see
Faivre 1994: 51-110). The Corpus Hermeticum is a conglomerate of
hermetic texts by various authors, compiled during the 2 nd and 3 rd
centuries C.E. and later thought to have been the work of Hermes
Trismegistus - an imaginary contemporary of the Biblical Moses
(Faivre 1994: 51). It became an important source of esoteric
knowledge during the Renaissance (Hanegraaff 2004: 493).
Alchemy, which had been more of a mundane tool of goldsmiths,
started increasingly to take the form of a revealed science from the
2 nd century B.C.E. onwards. (Faivre 1993: 3-7; 1994: 51-52; 1998: 112-
114; van den Broek 1998: 5; Leijenhorst 1998: 128).

Other early and important sources of Western esotericism were
Neopythagoreanism, which was at its peak during the two first
centuries C.E., Stoicism, Neoplatonism, at its apex from about the
3 rd to the 5 th centuries C.E., the Jewish qabalah, as well as Arabic
esoteric influences, much of which were originally inspired by
earlier Mediterranean sources. More Christian sources can be found
in Gnosticism and Manicheanism from the beginning of the first
millennium. Characteristic to these was the highly dualistic notion
of the constant conflict between the forces of good and evil. (Faivre
1993: 1-3, 7-8, 22-25; 1994: 52-53; 1998: 110-113; van Oort 1998).

The influence of Arab thought, which in its initial stages gave
an impulse to reflection on esoteric subjects, can clearly be seen in
the west from the 12 th century onward, and inspired a revival of
esoteric thought and practice. With the Muslim conquest of Spain,
alchemy was introduced into Europe. Another key source of
Western esotericism, the Jewish qabalah, also found its way into
Western thought through the Muslim influence in Spain. Important
works in the qabalah, Sepher ha Zohar - the Book of Splendour, and
Bahir - a compilation of qabalistic texts, had been conceived by the
Jews in Spain and found their way into European thought with the
1492 exile of the Jews from Spain. Influential European thinkers
worth mentioning are the mystic Hildegard af Bingen (1099-1180)
and the visionaries of the Oxford school, such as Robert Grosseteste

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

and Robert Bacon, who dealt with astrology and alchemy (Faivre
1993: 22-26; 1994: 53-56, 59; 1998: 112).

The Renaissance is generally seen as the period when Western
esotericism, as understood by contemporary scholars, emerged, in
the syncretistic combination of different esoteric practices and ideas
(see Bogdan 2003b: 8). The Corpus Hermeticum was rediscovered
and translated into Latin in 1471 by Marsilio Ficino and was the
subject of much interest especially in the following two centuries.
The Jewish qabalah was issued in Christian versions in the works
of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494) and Henricus
Cornelius Agrippa (1486-1535). Agrippa's De Occulta Philosophia,
published in 1533 but written sometime after 1510, combined the
ideas of qabalah, magic, hermetism and alchemy. A later work,
Cabala Denudata, written by Knorr von Rosenroth (1636-1689) in
1677/1684, contained translated segments of the Zohar. (Masters
1993: 140-145; Faivre 1994: 58-67; 1998: 112-115).

A key concept of the esotericism of the Renaissance was
Philosophia Perennis. Much effort was put into the search for, and
construction of, a unifying and ancient origin and idea in the
different esoteric teachings and philosophies (Faivre 1998: 114-115).
The source most often traced as the ultimate origin of the 'eternal
philosophy' was Hermes Trismegistus, who was thought of as the
creator of the Corpus Hermeticum, as mentioned earlier. Long-lived
notions in the history of Western esotericism were stipulated by
Paracelsus (Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, 1493-1541)
and Jacob Bohme (1575-1624). (Versluis 1998: 218; Schipperges 1993:
154-155, 167-168; Deghaye 1993). Paracelsus broke with earlier,
neoplatonic and qabalistic, notions of nature as distant from the
divine and viewed nature as directly emanated from the Godhead.
Bohme identified Will, a determining concept of contemporary
magic, as the reason for being. He also spoke of a primordial
existence in freedom, an ungrund, before being, as well as a sort of
immanent divinity. (Faivre 1994: 58-70; 1998: 115).

The dawning of esoteric initiatory movements occurred with
three short pieces of fictional writing, the three proto-Rosicrucian
texts as defined by Antoine Faivre. The texts, Fama Fraternitatis,
Confessio Fraternitatis and Chymische Hochzeit Christiani Rosencreutz
Anno 1459, dealing with a secret initiatory society founded by an
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

imaginary and legendary Christian Rosencreutz, were published
between 1614 and 1616. Tobias Hess and Johann Valentin Andreae
are generally considered to be the originators of at least two of the
texts. The imaginary Rosicrucian order spawned countless actual
Rosicrucian orders, most of which argued for a lineage to the order
of Christian Rosencreutz. The order of Freemasons, amongst others,
is the outcome of the Rosicrucian eruption. (Faivre 1994: 64-66; 1998:
115-116; Edighoffer 1993: 186-202; 1998: 197).

All of the abovementioned Renaissance currents are generally
identified as Philosophia Occulta, where the common denominator
is the idea of correspondences and analogical relations between
everything. Magia naturalis influenced a great deal of the thought
of the time, especially in its more inclusive form. In this form, which
saw analogies in nature without incorporating the divinity in it,
Magia naturalis has been seen as a sort of predecessor to modern
natural scientific thinking. In the other, more esoteric, form, Magia
naturalis was about uniting nature and religion. (Faivre 1994: 66-
68; 1998: 113-115).

The year 1717 saw the birth of modern Freemasonry in London,
England. Although Freemasonry as we know it has thrived in
Britain, the more esoteric forms of the craft were mainly conceived
in mainland Europe from the 1730s onward. Freemasonry
developed from a system with two initial degrees to include a third
degree around 1730. In mainland Europe, higher degrees soon
entered the stage, and different Masonic orders competed for the
status of having the Masonic secrets. In addition to this, the boom
in Egyptology started to influence esotericism, also bringing its
influence to Masonic societies. Societies which sought their roots in
ancient Egypt, instead of in the legend of Christian Rosencreutz,
were formed. Esoteric Egyptianism also influenced the arts, as in
the case of Mozart's opera, Die Zauberflote [The Magic Flute]
(Godwin 1998: 189). (Mazet 1993: 257-260, 266; Faivre 1993: 51; 1994:
71-74, 78-19; Bogdan 2003b: 131, 139).

A hugely influential esotericist of the Enlightenment period is
the Swede Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772). Swedenborg's esoteric
carrier started in 1745 when, as the result of a dream, he began to
write his Arcana Coelestia (published 1747/1758). He attempted to
create a sort of map, or systematic description, of the spiritual

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

worlds. Another influential work was The Magus by Frances Bacon,
published in 1801. It was about at the same time that the Tarot deck
came to be used for divinatory and other esoteric purposes, although
not all scholars agree on this subject (see Gudmundsson 2001: 30-
31). (Faivre 1994: 72, 75).

Chemistry had advanced to the stage of being a 'real science',
and thus the meaning and use of alchemy came to take on different
connotations. Faivre differentiates between operative alchemy, in
which the main goal was - or was thought to be - the manufacturing
of gold, and spiritual alchemy, in which the goal was the spiritual
transmutation of the alchemist. Operative alchemy quite naturally
became less and less popular, while spiritual alchemy continued to
flourish. (Voss 1998). The new invention of the time was animal
magnetism. Franz Anton Mesmer, who had earned his doctorate in
medicine in 1766, developed a theory of an invisible fluid
permeating everything. This fluid was the organ through which
everything was interconnected, and through its mediating effect
one could thus influence everything else. Settling in Paris in 1778,
he developed a practice in which he, through the use of a special
machine and healthy people, could heal sick patients. Mesmer' s
animal magnetism was later, in 1783, put into an initiatory system
in the Society of Harmony, which bore many similarities to
Freemasonry. The teachings of Mesmer, as well as those of
Swedenborg, were the forerunners of spiritualism and spiritism,
which have more clearly expressed belief systems (Arlebrand 1995:
74-75; Hammer 1999: 60-63). (Faivre 1994: 75-76).

The example of Mesmer clearly shows the consequences the
enlightenment ideals had on esoteric thought, the emergence of what
he calls occultism or secular esotericism. Mesmer's 'Animal
Magentism' is presented as a purely scientific factor, and no
reference is made to any divine realm or an immanent God.
(Hanegraaff 1996: 424-435). What Mesmer perceived as the ultimate
cause of the phenomenon was not the divine plan or purpose of
God, but the fully impersonal aspects of natural law. Consequently
'Animal Magnetism' was approach in a different matter than would
have been the case in a renaissance, traditional esoteric, setting.

The novel concept of Romanticism (1790-1815) was that of a
Naturphilosophie, which was basically a new approach to
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

investigating nature. Christianity began to lose its total dominance
for the esotericists, and the focus on nature came as a response to
this, and vice versa. (Hanegraaff 1998: 256-258). Antoine Faivre
describes the essential characteristics of the romanticist
naturphilosophie as follows (Faivre 1994: 82-83):

1) Nature is filled with symbolic significances which when
deciphered point to causes and factors outside nature.

2) The effort is made to grasp nature in its plural totality,
not in disconnected parts.

3) Spirit and Nature are not separated, but rather stem
from the sameultimate origin. Consequently
knowledge of nature is knowledge of oneself.

The idea of a Philosophia Perennis, of such importance during the
Renaissance, acquired new meaning in Romanticism. The world
had grown smaller. No longer did it suffice to only include traditions
of Mediterranean origin in the eternal philosophy. Especially India
and its traditions stimulated the Western imagination, but here the
path to a global universalism was set. The seed of neopaganism
was also sown, as ancient druidism was treated as the original
religion of humanity. (Hanegraaff 1993: 377; Faivre 1994: 86-87).

Modern magic appeared on the scene in and through the works
of Papus (Dr Gerard Encause, 1865-1915) and Eliphas Levi
(Alphonse-Louise Constant, 1810-1875). Especially the works of
Levi, Dogme et ritual de Haute magie from 1854-1856, Historie de la
magie from 1860 and La Clef des Grands My s teres from 1861 have
been influential for later magicians. (Faivre 1994: 87-90).

Esoteric runology has played an important part in the Nordic
context since the early seventeenth century. The academic study of
runes was from the very beginning linked to the esoteric study and
practice of rune magic. In 1599 the first serious work on the runes,
Johannes Bureus' (1568-1652) Runokenslanes larospan, was published
in Sweden. Bureus was successful in deciphering the runes and was
of the opinion, as were many important Swedish officials of the
time, that the runic characters should be taught in school. In
accordance with the time, Bureus practiced the occult sciences
ranging from alchemy to Neoplatonism, with a special and long-
lasting interest in qabalah. It was however in esoteric runology,

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

and the concept of Adulruna, that he found his true calling. Adulruna,
the concept of which found its ultimate treatment in the work
Adulruna, published in 1640, was the esoteric use of the runes.
Bureus coupled the runic characters to the qabalah and created a
sort of Scandinavian version of the latter. (Andersson 1997: 96, 99-
102).

Another influential Swedish runologist is Sigurd Agrell (1881-
1937). Agrell was an active academic at the University of Lund,
Sweden, having first been appointed senior lecturer of Slavic
languages in 1909, and later professor of the same discipline in 1921.
Having been appointed professor he switched interests from Slavic
languages to the world of runes, and especially rune magic. In his
numerological speculations concerning the rune alphabet, the
Futhark - named after the sounds of the first six runes, Agrell had
an esoteric enlightenment. He concluded that the Futhark should
actually be an Uthark, as the first letter in the traditional rune
alphabet was actually a decoy planted by rune-magicians. With the
Uthark Agrell was able to fit in the runes much more smoothly with
numerological correspondences. The Uthark is popular amongst
contemporary rune magicians and shamanic neopagans (see
Grimsson 1990: 80-82; Hedlund & Gejel 1988; Karlsson 2002: 27-
44). (Andersson 1997: 209-210, 240-246).

2.1 .2 The Theosophical Society

The Theosophical Society was founded by Helena Petrovna Blavatsky
(1831-1891), Henry Steel Olcott (1832-1907) and William Quan Judge (1851-
1896), in New York in September, 1875. The society is considered to
be the first new religious movement of the first wave, and has
undoubtedly inspired much of the later alternative spiritual scene
(Ahlback 1995: 12; see Hammer 2001: 81-82). From the very outset
the society was to be a non-initiatory and non-dogmatic nodal point
for people interested in spirituality, although research shows that
there were aspirations to form a Masonic order out of the society
(Johnson 1994: 5). The goal of the Theosophical Society was stated
as threefold:

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

1) to form the core of an universal brotherhood of man,
independent of faith, race, gender or social position

2) to encourage the study of all religions, philosophy and
science

3) to study the laws of Nature and the psychic and
spiritual powers of man (Faivre 1994: 92; Arlebrand
1995: 145).

Spiritism, as well as the more religious Spiritualism born out of it
(see Faivre 1994: 87; Arlebrand 1995: 74-79), were very much the
spiritual trends of the time and when the society was formed a stance in
opposition to them was taken. Madame Blavatsky had herself earlier been
a spiritist medium and this was probably another reason for the
stand-point taken. At the first meeting of the society Olcott, who
was elected president, expressed the blatant deceptions of many
spiritist mediums as the reason for the newly founded organization
distancing itself from it (see Ahlback 1995: 13). The Theosophical
Society itself, however, would come to employ trickery in appealing
to would-be members very soon afterwards. The movement seemed
to be a failure as member after member left the society and new
ones were hard to recruit. Blavatsky started to 'entertain' the
participants through typically spiritist means, such as by
materializing objects mysteriously and causing bells to ring as if
rung by invisible forces. The order was a success, and these kinds
of tricks came to be utilized throughout Blavatsky's active
participation in the society. (Ahlback 1995: 13-15).

Blavatsky's first work, Isis Unveiled (1877), was to a high degree
influenced by Gnostic and qabalistic sources, and described the
human being as partly a divine spark and partly as body and reason.
Not that much difference to earlier esoteric traditions thus far. The
real innovation came with the movement of the centre of the society
to India in 1878. Blavatsky and Olcott became deeply influenced
by, and involved in, Indian religiosity and incorporated much of it
in the teachings of the society, to the extent that Faivre calls the
movement "largely an offshoot of Oriental spiritualities, especially
Hindu" (Faivre 1994: 92). This served the renewed interest in
searching for the Philosophia Perennis well, and probably explains
the massive interest the Theosophical Society awoke and the huge

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

impact it came to have on the esoteric milieu. The adaptation of
Indian spiritual themes is clearly seen in the differences between
Isis Unveiled and Blavatsky' s later work, The Secret Doctrine (1888).
In this latter piece of writing the principles of reincarnation and
karma are incorporated into the teachings. (Ahlback 1995: 13-19).

Blavatsky's interesting personality and charismatic leadership
was behind much of the success of the society. With Blavatsky
leaving India in 1885 after being exposed as a spiritual charlatan by
Richard Hodgson of the Society for Psychical Research, and with her
death in 1891, the society came to experience times of trouble and
decline. Judge, who had stayed behind when Olcott and Blavatsky
had travelled to the Orient, tried to take over the society after
Blavatsky's death. This in turn led to a splintering of the society
into two distinct groups, the Judge-led group in the United States
and the group led by Olcott in Adyar, India. The American society
finally settled on a headquarters in Pasadena, California. (Campbell
1980: 103-111). The third major theosophical group, the United
Lodge of Theosophists, was formed by Robert Crosbie in 1909 as a
reaction to the conflicts between the American and the Adyar
theosophists (Campbell 1980: 143).

After Olcott' s death the charismatic Annie Besant (1847-1933),
and her controversial co-leader Charles Webster Leadbeater (1847/
1854-1934), were successful in keeping the public interested in the
Society and also revitalized it in many ways. Especially Leadbeater
is attributed as an important figure introducing concepts, such as
the Chakras and the Kundalini, from the Indian spiritual scene to
Western audiences (Arlebrand 1995: 58-59; Hammer 2001: 62).

In 1909/1910 Besant and Leadbeater identified a young Indian
boy, Jiddu Krishnamurti (1895-1986), as the new 'world-teacher',
or Messiah, and this kept members interested. With Krishnamurti
relinquishing the title in 1929, however, the days of the Theosophical
Society's greatness were over. (Ahlback 1995: 12-20; Faivre 1994:
92-93). The society does, however, still exist today, although with
less members than in the movement's heyday. The most important
contemporary fractions are, arranged according to number of
members, the Theosophical Society (Adyar), the Theosophical
Society - International Headquarters at Point Loma, and the United
Lodge of Theosophy (ULT).
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

The Theosophical Society spawned many interesting and
influential individuals in the esoteric scene of the late 1800s and
early 1900s. Jiddu Krishnamurti, mentioned above, gathered a huge
following when he moved to California after denouncing his
Messiah-role (Hammer 1997: 69-70), and became an even more
influential spiritual teacher. Rudolf Steiner (1861-1925), who had
been appointed General Secretary of the German section of the
society in 1902, and constantly researched different esoteric
traditions - supposedly even founding a branch of the ritual magical
order Ordo Templi Orientis called Mystica Aeterna, left the
Theosophical Society in opposition to installing Krishnamurti as
the new Messiah. Steiner founded the Anthroposophical Society in
1912/1913, and took with him about 2500 of the German
Theosophists. Steiner's, and by extension the Theosophical Society's,
influence extends farther than merely to esoteric movements. This
can be seen in the popularity of, for example, Waldorf-pedagogy
and Bio-Dynamic cultivation.

The last influential individual springing out of the Theosophical
Society that I will mention is Alice Bailey (Alice LaTrobe Bateman,
1880-1949). Bailey joined the society around 1910, but was expelled
in 1920 when she began to receive messages from the Masters, and
thus came into conflict with Annie Besant. Bailey started the Arcane
School in 1923, and wrote extensively on esoteric subjects. She is
widely referred to in 'New Age' spirituality. (Faivre 1994: 89-90;
Arlebrand 1995: 147-148, 153-157, 167; Hammer 1997: 39-40; 2001:
62-66).

Simply stated, the doctrine of the Theosophical Society revolves
around the idea of a secret core of universal truth as the basis of all
religions. This Secret Doctrine is passed on by the Mahatmas, the
Masters of the Great White Brotherhood, who, according to
Leadbeater, lived in the mythical city of Shamballa in the Himalayas.
Important Theosophical leaders, such as Blavatsky and Besant, were
in direct contact with these masters and could, in turn, pass on this
secret knowledge to the rest of the society. The origin of all is an
eternal and infinite prime foundation, impossible for us to fathom
or describe with our limited human resources, and everything has
emanated from this. Since all things, matter as well as spirit, are of
this prime foundation, the divine spark is imbedded in all things.

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Everything in existence is "impregnated with Consciousness" (TS-
Adyar 2004), meaning that everything has a purpose and a direction.

Theosophy operates with a cyclical view of time, in which the
world goes through creation, evolution and destruction, just like
man himself. Man evolves spiritually, through reincarnation and
the law of karma. The universal cycle goes through seven
incarnations, and man is divided into seven root-races, with seven
under-races in each. The first root-race was purely spiritual, without
a material body, but each succeeding root-race becomes more and
more material. With the Arian root-race, which is the current one,
man begins anew to be more spiritual. After the final under-race in
the seventh root-race, the life-principle is withdrawn from the world
and another universal cycle starts.

Man has seven bodies, from the material body through the
astral body, the life principle and the animal soul, to the more
spiritual souls of Manas, Buddhi and Atman. This is a concept based
on Paracelsus' writings (see Ahlback 1995: 30). At death, the material
body decomposes and the lower souls start to disintegrate more
slowly, while the higher souls are purified and spend a time of rest
and reflection in heaven before reincarnating in a new material body.
(Ahlback 1995: 30-31; Arlebrand 1995: 149-152; Hammer 1997: 40-
44; TS-Adyar 2004).

2.1 .3 The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn

The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, a highly influential magic
order functioning as a model for many later magical orders, was
founded on February 12 th , 1888. The order was formed by William
Wynn Westcott (1848-1925), who invited Samuel Liddell Mathers (1854-
1918) and William Robert Woodman (1828-1891) to join him in its
leadership (Kaczynski 2002: 47). The inspiration for forming the
order came when Westcott received an esoteric manuscript written
in cipher from Reverend A.F.A. Woodford, on August 8 th , 1887
(Owen 2004: 53).

According to Richard Kaczynski, Westcott found the
manuscript in the archives of Societas Rosicruciana in Anglica, of

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

which he had been a member since 1880 (Kaczynski 2002: 47). The
text was probably written by Kenneth Mackenzie, a leading Masonic
figure who had died the year before (Bogdan 2003b: 175-176).
Westcott, who was familiar with the type of cipher the text was
written in, deciphered it and was aided by Mathers in putting it
down on paper in comprehensible form. (Howe 1972: 1-27; Bogdan
2003b: 174-175; Golden Dawn 2004a; 2004b; 2004c).

Part of the Golden Dawn founding legend is that the ciphered
manuscript contained information on a Fraulein Anna Sprengel,
who was supposedly a member of a German Golden Dawn (Owen
2004: 54-55). Westcott contacted her, and was given the right to open
a Temple of the Golden Dawn in London, with Mathers and
Woodman as his co-leaders. The correspondence with Fraulein
Sprengel, chiefly a rhetorical means to give an aura of authenticity
to the order, in a time when tradition and legitimate succession in
esoteric societies was of great importance, was later disputed by
Mathers and eventually led to the closing of the order. Mathers,
Westcott and Woodman were all Freemasons, as well as members
of the Societas Rosicruciana in Anglia, founded in 1866, and founded
the Golden Dawn due to the impossibility of studying certain
aspects of esoteric traditions in S.R.I. A. There was much
interconnection between esoteric movements of the time, as is the
case today, and at least Westcott and Mathers were members of the
Theosophical Society. (Howe 1972: 1-27; Bogdan 2003b: 174-175;
Kaczynski 2002: 47-48; Golden Dawn 2004a; 2004b; 2004c).

On March l st/ , 1888, the Isis-Urania Temple No. 3 was officially
opened and within a year the order had attracted about sixty
members. Temples elsewhere in Britain and beyond were soon to
follow, such as the Osiris Temple in Weston-super-Mare, the Horus
Temple in Bradford, the Amen-Ra Temple in Edinburgh and the
Ahathoor Temple in Paris. At the peak of its success, in 1896, the
order had initiated 315 members.

In the 1890s Mathers had become the sole chief of the order,
with the death of Woodman and with Mathers outmanoeuvring
Westcott. It was, in fact, Mathers' aspiration to become the sole chief
of the order, downplaying the importance Westcott had had in
founding the Golden Dawn, which led to its decline. Since Mathers
had lived in Paris, France, since 1892, running the London based

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

order was a bit difficult. When rebellious sentiments arose in
London, Mathers demanded an oath of loyalty of all members. Those
who refused were expelled, and this, of course, only fuelled the
rebellious sentiments. (Howe 1972: 34-60, 92, 219-232; Bogdan 2003b:
176-179; Kaczynski 2002: 47-49; Owen 2004: 62).

With the resignation of his representative as the head of the
Isis-Urania Temple, Florence Farr, Mathers feared a coup by Westcott.
He sent a letter to her, in which he stated that Westcott had never
been in any contact with the alleged Secret Leaders of the order. He
thus indirectly, and most certainly inadvertently, confessed to the
fraudulent basis of the order. Westcott could, of course, not defend
himself properly. Mathers tried to exert his power and end the
investigation into the case; he was unsuccessful. (Kaczynski 2002:
47-68; Owen 2004: 78-79).

Aleister Crowley, recently initiated into the inner order by
Mathers himself, was in London refused recognition of his initiation.
He thus informed Mathers that he was willing to help him. Crowley
and Mathers devised a plan in which Crowley would confront the
members of the second order, masked in order to conceal his
identity, and request them to plead loyalty to the order. The plan
was ultimately a failure, and Mathers lost what little authority he
had left. The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn declined severely
after the events in 1900. In 1903 Arthur Edward Waite laid claim to
the Isis-Urania Temple, and its teachings and practices were altered.
The original order changed its name to Stella Matutina, and operated
from the new Amoun Temple. The head of the Amen-Ra Temple, J. W.
Brodie-Innes, assumed control over the British Branches of Mathers
Alpha and Omega order. Today there exist several orders which lay
claim to being true representatives of the original Golden Dawn.
(Howe 1972: 34-60, 92, 219-232; Bogdan 2003b: 176-179; Kaczynski
2002: 47-68; Owen 2004: 80-83).

Novel to the Golden Dawn, according to Henrik Bogdan, was
the highly deliberate syncretistic approach to the study of
esotericism, and the orderly fashion in which it was executed. The
initiatory structure of the Golden Dawn was based on the qabalistic
tree of life, and each initiation was on a hierarchical plane on
subsequent sephiroth on the tree. The initiatory structure of Golden
Dawn was as follows:
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Neophyte, 0°=0° which was a introductory initiation
admitting a person into the order
Zelator 1°=10° / the first real initiation and
corresponding to the sephira of Malkuth
Theoreticus 2°=9°, the second degree and
corresponding to the sephira of Yesod
Practicus 3°=8°, the third degree and corresponding
to the sephira of Hod

Philosophus 4° = 7°, the fourth degree and
corresponding to the sephira of Netzach
Adeptus Minor 5°=6, the fifth degree, corresponding
to the sephira of Tipareth and the first degree of the
Second Order

Adeptus Major 6°=5°, the sixth degree and
corresponding to the sephira of Geburah
Adeptus Exemptus 7°=4°, the seventh degree and
corresponding to the sephira of Chesed
Magister Templi 8°=3°, the eight degree,
corresponding to the sephira of Binah and the first
degree of the Third Order

Magus 9°=2°, the ninth degree and corresponding to
the sephira of Chokmah

Ipsissimus 10°=1°, the tenth and final degree,
corresponding to the sephira of Kether. (Bogdan 2003b:
169-171).

Also innovative was the order's acceptance of female members,
which cannot be said to be the case for other initiatory orders of the
time. In fact, over one-third of the order's members where female
at the eighth year of its existence, and during its first years more
female members were initiated than male. Female members also
held high ranks in the order, both in an organizational and initiatory
capacity. (Owen 2004: 62-65).

Prior to 1892, the order had focused on theoretical study of
esotericism, but with the creation of an inner order this came to
change. In the inner order, the existence of which was held secret to
members of the outer order, the focus was on practice, although
not neglecting the theoretical study. The inner order was much more

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Rosicrucian-inspired. (Howe 1972: 75-77). Female members also
held high ranks in the order, both in an organizational and initiatory
capacity. (Owen 2004: 62-65).

With the initiation into the grade of Adeptus Minor the adept
was initiated into the Second Order. The degrees of the Third Order
were viewed as fundamentally unattainable for normal humans
(Owen 2004: 58). Crowley's Ar gentium Astrum (see section 2.1.4)
was subsequently devised as the Third Order of the Golden Dawn
(Kaczynski 2002: 138-139).(Howe 1972: 75-77; Bogdan 2003b: 177).

Besides novel ideas and approaches to the practical study of
magic and an influential model for future magic orders, the
Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn also spawned several
culturally and spiritually very influential individuals. Among the
members of the order were, only to mention a few, the poet William
Butler Yeats (1865-1939), Aleister Crowley (1875-1947), Allan
Bennett (1872-1923), Florence Farr (1860-1917), Annie Horniman
(1860-1937) and Arthur Edward Waite (1857-1942). Dion Fortune
(Violet Mary Firth, 1891-1946) was member of a Golden Dawn
temple active after the tumult around 1900. (Lewis 1999: 138-142).

2. 1.4 Aleister Crowley

Aleister Crowley (1875-1947) was without doubt one of the most, if
not the most, influential occultists of the 20 th century. His influence
can be seen in his direct affiliation with magic orders such as the
Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and the Ordo Templi Orientis,
and in magico-religions started by him, such as Argentum Astrum
(A:. A;.) and Thelema. He has also had a huge impact on the origin
of neopaganism and has been called the forefather of contemporary
Satanism (see Arlebrand 1995: 129; Rodenborg 1998, on this
sentiment), although Crowley distanced himself from Satanism and
black magic (see Kaczynski 2002: 460).

Aleister Crowley was born as Edward Alexander Crowley on
October 8 th , 1875, at Leamington spa, England. His father Edward
(1834-1887) had made himself a fortune in the family brewery
business, and had, after retiring at age 26, devoted his life to religion.
Well before the birth of his son, he had converted to the Plymouth

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Brethren, a Christian movement, founded around 1830, which
considered itself as the only true Christian congregation and
adhered to a literal interpretation of the Bible. During his youth
Edward Alexander was a devout Christian, idolizing his father and
reading the Bible conscientiously. This changed when his father
died in 1887, as the grief coupled with his mothers (Emily, maiden
name Bishop) increasing religious zeal made him distance himself
from religion. His up until now happy childhood was rendered
unhappy, as his increasing bad behaviour got him into trouble in
the Christian schools he studied at. At about age 15, Edward
Alexander discovered the sins of tobacco, alcohol and sex. At age
20, he was enrolled at the Trinity College, and received his
inheritance of £ 50.000 since he had come of age. At the same time
he changed his name to Aleister, a Gaelic rendering of his middle
name Alexander. By the early 1910s Crowley had spent most of his
wealth on the publication of his poetry and other books, as well as
on his mountaineering enterprises (see Kaczynski 2002: 222-223).
(Kaczynski 2002: 13-30).

Having given up on Christianity Crowley bought A.E. Waite's
The Book of Black Magic and Pacts in 1898, thinking that the alternative
could be found in the opposite to his childhood religion. Although
not being what he expected, he was taken with the book and found
a new form of spirituality in its pages. At about this same time
Crowley's poetry, which he had begun to produce in 1886, began
to take on a more sexualized language. In August, 1898, Crowley
met and befriended Julian L. Baker through their mutual interest in
mountain-climbing, and was later that year introduced to George
Cecil Jones by Baker. Baker and Jones were both alchemists (and
chemists), and introduced Crowley to The Book of the Sacred Magic
of Abra-Melin the Mage, translated by Samuel Liddell Mathers. Baker
and Jones were also members of the Hermetic Order of the Golden
Dawn, and they invited Crowley to join. He did so in October 1898.
Alan Bennett, an eccentric but accomplished magician, became
Crowley's tutor in exchange for room and board. With Bennett's
tuition Crowley advanced rapidly through the different grades,
taking the outer Zelator to Philosophus degrees between December,
1898, and May, 1899. Late in 1899 he applied for admission into the
inner order of the Golden Dawn, and was refused entry. Crowley

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

travelled to Paris and sought out Mathers, whom he had befriended
through Bennett. Mathers initiated Crowley into the inner order in
January, 1900. Mathers had an ulterior motive for initiating Crowley.
Mathers had begun to lose his grip on the order, and the initiation
was also an over-ruling of the decision made by the order in London.
His use of Crowley in an attempt to secure his authority within the
order did not bode well, as noted in section 2.1.3 (see Lewis 1999:
141; Booth 2000: 3-4, 15-16, 93-95, 117-124; Symonds & Grant 1979:
14, 35, 53, 176-178). (Kaczynski 2002: 40-67).

Crowley left England to travel the world, experiencing both
the New World and the Orient. In USA, Crowley experimented with
individual magic practice and developed a system of self -practice
and self-initiation, doubtlessly important parts of contemporary
magic orders and neopagan groups. In Ceylon he met with Alan
Bennett, and through him Crowley came into contact with Yoga, as
well as with more general aspects of Hinduism and Buddhism.
(Booth 2000: 126-132, 138-157; Kaczynski 2002: 69-82).

Back in England, Crowley met and almost instantly married
Rose Kelly, the sister to Gerald Kelly, whom Crowley had
befriended through his poetry in 1898 and who was a fellow member
of Golden Dawn (see Kaczynski 2002: 40-41, 57, 94-96). Rose came
to be Crowley's first Scarlet Woman. For Crowley the Scarlet
Woman, the designation being appropriated from the biblical myth
of the Whore of Babylon accompanying the Great Beast 8 - that
Crowley identified himself with (see Kaczynski 2002: 17),
represented contact with a powerful feminine spiritual force (see
Crowley 1996: 35, verse 1:15-16).

The newlyweds travelled east for their honeymoon and
eventually ended up in Cairo, Egypt, in early 1904. It was in Egypt
that Crowley's really influential magical work began, as he
channelled Liber AL vel Legis, the Book of the Law, which was to
become the cornerstone of Crowley's magic. Rose Kelly had, while
pregnant, begun to manifest occult abilities and advised, in an
altered state of consciousness, her husband to perform a certain

8 Important to note is that Crowley did not regard the beast of the Book of
Revelations as the Christian Satan. Instead he saw the beast as the prophet of
the New Aeon, the Aeon of Horus (Kaczynski 2002: 465).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

ritual. Crowley did so, and came into contact with an entity called
Aiwass (or Aiwaz), which he interpreted as his Holy Guardian Angel
- his True Self. Included in the book are such key phrases as 'Do
what thou wilt shall be the whole of the law' and 'Love is the law,
love under Will' (Crowley 1996). Although Crowley was not initially
enthusiastic about the message of the dictate, it later came to be the
foundation of his view of life and magic. The governing idea of the
book is that of Thelema - Will, as in the ultimate authority of the
True Will of the magician as opposed to the adherence to any
external spiritual force. (Kaczynski 2002: 98-105; see Equinox 1998b,
no. 7: 359-386 for an account on how Liber AL vel Legis was conceived,
and Equinox 1998b, no. 7: 387-400 for an early commentary of the
book by Crowley. The pages in between the aforementioned
writings provide facsimiles of the original handwritten Liber AL).

The Book of the Law introduced the idea of three ages that the
world has passed through. First, the Aeon of Isis, with the
trademarks of matriarchy and the worship of the Great Goddess.
Secondly, the Aeon of Osiris, which began approximately around
500 B.C., and is recognized through strong patriarchal and rule-
governed religiosity. With the 1904 channelling, the third Age, the
Aeon of Horus - the Son, began 9 . The Aeon of Horus is identified
by the religion of the True Self, (see Crowley 1996: 47, 89-92; Booth
2000: 171-173, 182-186; Symonds & Grant 1979: 19-22).

Rose and Crowley separated in 1908, and divorced in 1909,
due to the severe alcoholism of Rose (Kaczynski 2002: 143), probably
a result of the death of Rose's and Aleister's daughter Lilith in the
summer of 1906 (Kaczynski 2002: 126-127). In 1910 he met Leila
Waddell (1880-1932), and she came to be Crowley's new Scarlet
Woman (Kaczynski 2002: 171).

Crowley founded the order of the Silver Star (A:. A:., Ar gentium
Astrum), as the third and highest order of the Golden Dawn, in 1907,
with himself, George Cecil Jones and J.F.C. Fuller as the ruling
triumvirate (Kaczynski 2002: 138-139). The occult journal called

9 This Aeon thinking was expanded on later with Michael Aquino of the
Temple of Seth, who recognized 1966 as the starting point of the Aeon of Satan
(Anton Szandor LaVey, founder of the Church of Satan which Aquino was earlier
a member of, had earlier declared 1966 as the starting point of the New Satanic
Aeon or the New Aeon of Fire) (Arlebrand 1995: 134-135).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Equinox was published in ten volumes from. 1909 to 1913, and
although it sold well Crowley lost money on it due to under-pricing
the publication (Kaczynski 2002: 148-149). The second issue of the
journal printed the first order rituals of the Hermetic Order of the
Golden Dawn, which had previously been kept secret (Kaczynski
2002: 153; Equinox 1998a, no. 2: 239-294). The Adeptus Minor ritual
of the Inner order was printed in the third issue of Equinox (Equinox
1998a, no. 3: 207-238). Liber 777, an extensive table of
correspondences, was published anonymously in 1909 (Kaczynski
2002: 132, 147).

With Mary Dempsey Crowley started to work on Book Four, in
a process much similar to the work on The Book of the Law (Kaczynski
2002: 193-199). Book Four consisted of four volumes published
between 1912 and 1936. It was in this work, later published in one
volume called Magick, that the use of Magic with a 'ck' instead of a
simple 'c' first came into use. By 'Magick' Crowley wished to
differentiate himself from stage magicians (see Crowley 1977: 45,
footnote) as well as convey an esoteric meaning, since the 'k' stood
for the female sexual organ. (Booth 2000: 194-195, 247, 263-265, 285,
301, 321). Nowadays, the writing form stipulated by Crowley is the
one favoured by most neopagan magicians.

With the publication of Book of Lies in 1912 Crowley was visited
by Theodor Reuss (1855-1923), Outer Head of Ordo Templi Orientis.
Reuss interpreted the book as a revelation of the innermost secrets
of the order, and the ensuing discussion resulted in Reuss granting
Crowley degree IX, the highest degree, not counting the
administrational degree X, of O.T.O. Reuss also authorized Crowley
to open up a British branch of O.T.O. Crowley did this in forming
Mysteria Mystica Maxima. (Kaczynski 2002: 202-203).

The history of Ordo Templi Orientis is complicated. Some sources
state that the order was founded in Germany around 1900 by Reuss,
Franz Hartman (1838-1912) and Karl Kellner (1851-1905) (Kaczynski
2002: 203; Booth 2000: 304-313, 423; Lewis 1999: 215-222). Peter R.
Koenig gives a more convoluted picture of the origin of the order.
According to Koenig, Theodor Reuss was something of an
entrepreneur focusing on the formation of Masonic orders and
issuing Masonic degrees. Karl Kellner was a spiritual seeker
interested in Tantra and Hatha Yoga. Sometime around 1904 Kellner
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

and Reuss decided to involve one of Reuss' orders with Kellner's
Yoga-circle, in order to recruit suitable practitioners to the circle.

When Kellner became ill in 1904, Reuss decided to expand his
ring of recruitment to his other orders, and thus O.T.O. came into
existence, as some form of collective consisting of members from a
number of other orders. The later history of O.T.O. is not any
simpler. While some sources state that Crowley had probably been
appointed leader of O.T.O. by Reuss in 1922 (see Booth 2000: 304-
313, 423; Lewis 1999: 215-222), Koenig writes that Crowley had most
likely been expelled by Reuss in 1921, and that Crowley had declared
himself Outer Head of the Order without any such sanction by
Reuss. Koenig also writes that it is doubtful if any of the current
O.T.O. groups stem from Reuss' original order, and that it is more
likely that they are in the lineage of the Crowley instigated break-
away O.T.O. (Koenig 1999: 13-26). Crowley did rewrite the O.T.O.
rituals around 1914-1917 (see Kaczynski 2002: 203-204; Koenig 1999:
13-26).

The order was initiatory and focused much on sex as a way of
expressing and working magic. Since this was one of Crowley's
main magical inclinations, the O.T.O. suited the English mage well.
In 1914, Crowley added an 11 th , anal sexual, initiation as an addition
to the 9 th , purely heterosexual, initiation. The 11 th initiation is often
seen as a homosexual initiation, but in reality it only made
homosexuality in the ceremonial setting possible (see footnote 110).

In 1918, whilst living in New York, Crowley met the woman
who became his new Scarlet Woman, Leah Hirshig (Kaczynski 2002:
263-265). Together they planned the opening of a temple and
community where Crowleyan magic and religion could be practised.
Quite naturally, as Crowley's teachings were unorthodox, and due
to Crowley's bad reputation, the temple would have to be in a
remote and secluded location. In Cefalu, Sicily, the appropriate place
was found and on April 2nd, 1920, the Abbey ofThelema was opened
(Kaczynski 2002: 277-281). The community was very much an
antecedent of 'New Age' and other countercultural communes of
the 1960s and focused on sexual freedom, mainly as an aspect of
the sex magic so important for the Crowleyan way of magical
practice. The Abbey experienced difficult times as the British press
reported the death of Raoul Loveday, together with accounts of

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

drug use and sexual permissiveness at the location. The last member
remaining at the Abbey, actress Jane Wolfe, left on October 1 st , 1927
(Kaczynski 2002: 307-340). After 1927 Crowley spent his time in
correspondence with his pupil and published a number of books.
Worth to mention are Moonchild (1928), Magick in Theory and Practice
(1929), the Book of Thoth (1944) and the posthumously published
Magick Without Tears (1973).

Aleister Crowley died of myocardial degeneration and chronic
bronchitis in Hastings, England, December 1 st , 1947 (Kaczynski 2002:
452). (Booth 2000: 346-364, 483).

Crowley considered himself to be a reincarnation of prominent
magicians throughout the history of Western magic. The most recent
of these was Eliphas Levi, who had died in 1875, six months before
Crowley's birth. Earlier incarnations were Cagliostro, Edward Kelly
and Pope Alexander VI. (Kaczynski 2002: 261; Symonds & Grant
1979: 16-17). Crowley was a poet of moderate success, and published
several works of fiction, mostly as self-financed publications (see
Kazcynski 2002). In alternative spiritual and neopagan circles,
Aleister Crowley is probably known by virtually everybody,
although views on him differ. The concept of the Will, as it is
understood by contemporary magicians and neopagans, can largely
be attributed to Crowley, as can the importance of sex magic and
Tantric practices (see Crowley 1998), which were introduced to the
west in large parts through Crowley. Crowley's definition of magick
as "the Science and Art of causing Change to occur in conformity
with Will" (Crowley 1977: 131), as well as his mechanistic view on
how and why magic works, is commonly used by contemporary
magicians when defining the art. In the 1940s Crowley issued a
Tarot Card pack painted by Frieda Harris and wrote an
accompanying book on the Tarot (Kaczynski 2002: 411). Crowley's
Thot Tarot is one of the more popular Tarot decks and
interpretations today (Gudmundsson 2001: 46-47).

Two students of Crowley in particular are important to mention
in the scope of the present study. Israel Regardie (1907-1985) was
Crowley's secretary from 1928 to the early 1930s (Kaczynski 2002:
343). He published several works treating the qabalah (see Regardie
1945; 1973) and also published the collected rituals of the Hermetic
Order of the Golden Dawn in four volumes (Regardie 1937; 1938;
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

1939; 1940).

Kennet Grant (b. 1924) became a pupil and secretary of Crowley
for a short while in 1945 (Kaczynski 2002: 440-441). In addition to
producing works on magic in which he expands on Crowley's work
(see Grant 1994a; 1994b), the most important of which is Grant's
three Typhonian Trilogies (see Bogdan 2003c), Grant has also
participated in several works dealing with Crowley (see Symmonds
& Grant 1979; Crowley 1977; Grant 1991).

Continuing his studies in Crowleyana, Grant had applied to
work with O.T.O. initiations in England. With his opening of the
New Isis Lodge in the 1950s (Grant 1991: 145, n5), combined with
him beginning to reorganize the O.T.O. instructions, he was expelled
by Karl Germer. Grant took on the title of Outer Head of the Order
(OHO), without any official sanction. (Kaczynski 2002: 459-461).
He formed the Typhonian O.T.O. in 1970 (Koenig 1999: 25-26).

There has surfaced documents which seem to support Grant's
claims of being the O.H.O. In these documents Crowley expresses
the wish for Grant to succeed him (Crowley 1947a; 1947b), although
one must remember that Crowley himself had been expelled by
Reuss. It does however seem that Crowley had intended for Germer
to be OHO of O.T.O. (Kaczynski 2002: 459).

Grant incorporates the qliphoth, the dark shadow-side of the
light sephiroth in the qabalah, in his magic system, while Crowley
generally considered the qliphoth purely evil. Regarding the Tree
of Life Grant writes:

"Occultism in the West, however, has been dominated by
interpretations that take into account only the positive aspect
of this great symbol. The other side, the negative or averse of
the Tree has been kept out of sight and sedulously ignored.
But there is no day without night, and Being itself cannot be
without reference to Non-Being of which it is the inevitable
manifestation" (Grant 1994b: 1).

Grant views balancing the negative and positive aspects of existence
as very important, and as a prerequisite for high level magic
progress (see Grant 1994b: 1-10, 31).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

2.1.5 The v New Age' Movement

The 'New Age movement' is the academic umbrella-term given to
several loosely organized spiritual movements and ideas (Frisk 1998:
163). Many academics define 'New Age' as self-spirituality, focusing
on the primacy of self-evolvement in the here-and-now instead of
the God- and after-world- centeredness of most traditional religions
and many other esoteric movements (See Heelas 1996; 2002; York
1995). The term derives from the alternative spiritual milieu of the
1960s and 1970s, when the central optimistic idea revolved around
the coming of the 'New Age', often called the 'Age of Aquarius',
which was expected to bring an era of peace, harmony and spiritual
wellbeing. Christianity was generally thought to belong to the prior
'Age of Pisces', and was a thing of the past. Whereas Christianity is
characterised by dogmas and structured authority, 'New Age' is
generally characterised by the lack of the same. (Chryssides 1999:
316). According to Paul Heelas, the 'New Age' involved a shift from
Religion, in which authority is placed on outer-personal doctrines,
to Spirituality, in which authority was placed on the individual and
his/her experiences. 'New Age' spiritualities involve the
sacralization of life rather than the preparation for afterlife. (Heelas
2002). The advent of 'the New Age' as well as the popularity of this
type of spirituality can be traced to late modern societal changes,
as dealt with in section 2.3.

York traces 'New Age' to the American metaphysical tradition,
originally stemming from the New England transcendentalists such
as Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882), Henry David Thoreau (1817-
1862) and Margaret Fuller (1810-1850), and finding its modes of
practice in the likes of Spiritualism, the Theosophical Society and
Christian Science (York 1995: 33). The transcendentalists saw inner
spirituality as the core of true religion and institutional religion was
disavowed. Nature, with divine forces permeating it, was seen as a
model for spiritual harmony (Hammer 1997: 32). The basic
foundation which the form of spirituality coined as the American
metaphysical tradition was the innate potential of the human being
to access the divine sphere, without the mediating hand of the
institutional Church. Man was seen to have tremendous potential

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

within himself and only the inner, true spirituality could unlock
this potential (see Hammer 1997: 35; Aadnanes 1997: 201).

Many scholars link the birth of the 'New Age movement' with
the countercultural setting of the 1960s and 1970s (see Ahlin 2001:
16-19; Melton & Lewis 1992: xi). The counterculture was born
through the post-second world war generation of middle-class
Americans who had been brought up in material prosperity and a
relatively secure society. The education of the new middle-class
youth was higher than that of the previous generation and they
were living in a society where the individual had been put at the
centre. Two main groups of the counterculture are often under
discussion, the hippie-movement and the leftist-movement, both
of them converging on the strong anti-war sentiments during the
war in Vietnam. The goal of both movements was to free the
individual in some way, either from the oppressing influence of
the parent generation, as for the Hippies, or from the oppression of
capitalist society as for the New Left. In the search for freedom, the
result was often the appropriation of unorthodox beliefs and
practices condemned by society at large.

Hammer discusses the alternative spiritual milieu of the 1950s
onwards, which in combination with the counterculture gave rise
to the 'New Age movement' (Hammer 1997: 69-79). Jiddu
Krishnamurti (discussed in section 2.1.2) moved to California in
the 1930s after having denounced his status as World Teacher and
rapidly began to attract a following. Indian Vedanta-philosophy
found a breeding ground in California in the late 1930s, and along
with Krishnamurti, the Guru Prabhavananda was popular among
the rich and famous of the South-western USA. With the start of
the Second World War the majority of the important European
authors influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism, including Aldous
Huxley, moved to California. The interests of the immigrated Indian
spiritual teachers and the alternative intellectuals converged and a
new spiritual underground influenced by eastern religiosity was
born. During the late 1940s the interest in psychedelic drugs was
growing and in 1953 Aldous Huxley, who despite great efforts had
not managed to attain deep spiritual experiences, volunteered to
take part in an experiment involving mescaline. The results were

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

immediate and Huxley praised the drug as a fast means of attaining
the spiritual plane. A spiritual drug-subculture was born.

As a reaction to the dominant schools of psychology,
Behaviourism and Freudian Psychoanalysis, Humanistic
Psychology was developed by among others Abraham Maslow. It
was felt that Freudian Psychoanalysis was too pessimistic and
Behaviourism was criticized for its mechanical view of human
behaviour. Humanistic Psychology stressed the potential of each
individual instead of the focus on pathology in psychoanalysis. The
school came to be appropriated much more by the alternative
spiritual milieu than by academic psychology. (Hammer 1997: 72-
76).

The alternative spiritual milieu mixed with the counterculture
in the late 1950s through the meeting of the beat culture and neo-
Hinduism. Influential authors such as Jack Kerouac were very
interested in Buddhism and Hinduism (see Heelas 1996: 49-50;
Aadnanes 1997: 202) and others such as Allen Ginsberg were
involved in the psychedelic drug scene. Through authors such as
these, the alternative spiritual milieu spread to a large number of
alienated American youths. With the illegalization of psychedelic
drugs in the 1970s, people were forced to find new ways to express
their spiritual aspirations and an alternative spirituality emerged
from the Western appropriation of Eastern religiosity, late modern
individuality and the goal to attain the enormous potential of the
individual, as inspired by Humanistic Psychology. (Hammer 1997:
71, 76-79).

Different timeframes have been given for the birth of the 'New
Age movement'. Based on the emergence of the first American
networks that used the term New Age as a self-designation J.
Gordon Melton situates the emergence of the movement in 1971
(see Hammer 1997: 80). The popular emergence of 'New Age' is
most often located to the 1980s. Marilyn Ferguson's influential The
Aquarian Conspiracy was published in 1980 and the actor Shirley
MacLaine's Out on a Limb in 1983. 1987 is usually seen as the year in
which 'New Age' reached mass-audiences and thus became an
element in mainstream religiosity. This was the year when Out on a
Limb was televised, a massive festival for 'New Age' types of
spirituality was organized in the United States for the first time,
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

and the hugely influential Time magazine published an article on
New Age. (see Hammer 1997: 82-84; Melton & Lewis 1992: ix).

In the early 21 st century few of the movements and practices
generally defined as belonging to the 'New Age' focus on, or even
discuss, the coming of the Age of Aquarius or view the societally
transformative aspects as particularly important (see for example
Hammer 1997: 285-286; Lewis 1992: 1-2). Some academics, such as
J. Gordon Melton, view the 'New Age' as being passe as a movement
and find that these different currents and groups instead belong to
the more inclusive category of what is most often called Western
Esotericism (see Melton 2004). The general ideas that were present
have not, however, disappeared anywhere, although the way in
which the coming universal enlightenment is discussed has
changed.

Hanegraaff discusses New Age sensu stricto and New Age sensu
lato (Hanegraaff 1996: 94-110, 356-361). New Age sensu stricto is
spirituality with millenarian characteristics, occupied with the idea
of the 'Coming of the Age of Aquarius'. New Age sensu lato on the
other hand is a more inclusive category and the subject of
Hanegraaff's scrutiny. In part correctly, Sutcliffe criticizes
Hanegraaff s view of New Age sensu lato as the Campbellian cultic
milieu, having consciously formed a movement in itself at some point
in time (Hanegraaff 1996: 97), as providing more questions than
answers (Sutcliffe 2003: 24). However, if treating the 'New Age' as
some sort of unified form of spirituality this view is functional.

Hanegraaff further defines 'New Age' as a "manifestation of
popular culture-criticism, defining itself primarily by its opposition
to the values of the 'old' culture" (Hanegraaff 1996: 331) and in this
he captures an important ingredient of 'New Age'. In addition to
the concern with the Self, 'New Age' is largely critical of mainstream
medicine, education, science etc. This is probably a remnant of the
countercultural roots of the phenomenon. 'New Age' has, however,
adopted a positive evaluation of a large number of contemporary
mainstream culture values, two key examples of which would be
individualism and capitalist economy. A number of other values
held in common with much of the rest of contemporary society,
such as ecology and the positivity of multiculturalism, may in part
stem from 'New Age' itself. The cultural critique of 'New Age' is

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

not, however, particularly aggressive or subversive, as the form of
spirituality is very world-affirming (Chryssides 1999), extending
to the affirmation of mainstream culture on a large scale. The critique
of mainstream science is also equivocal. Whereas mainstream
medical science is often criticized for its mechanical approach novel
scientific theories are frequently adopted and reinterpreted (see
Hammer 2001: 502-503).

Steven J. Sutcliffe highly criticizes the academic construct of a
'New Age movement' (Sutcliffe 2003: 21-25). He points to examples
from the works of York (1995), Heelas (1996), Hanegraaff (1996)
and others and correctly points out that there are no real,
fundamental essentials of a 'New Age movement' that the
researchers are able to find. George Chryssides acknowledges this
difficulty in defining 'New Age' and attributes this to the diversity
of the form of spirituality (Chryssides 1999: 315).

The 'New Age' is a vast phenomenon and a seemingly limitless
number of practices and ideas fit into it 10 . As Chryssides notes: "Its
variety and eclecticism are as much part of its inherent nature as
they are a part of its appeal" (Chryssides 1999: 315). The common
denominators are usually, as mentioned above, the objectives of
self-evolvement, self -fulfilment and self-realisation in various ways
(see Frisk 1998: 163-164; Heelas 1996; York 1995; Chryssides 1999:
317-318). Recognizing the difficulties in defining the subject many
scholars treat 'New Age' spirituality in terms of Wittgensteinian
family resemblance. In the words of Eileen Barker (quoted in Lewis
1992: 6): "the 'movement' is not so much a movement as a number
of groups and individuals that have a number of beliefs and
orientations that have what the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein
has called a 'family resemblance' - two members of the family may

10 One could mention alternative medicine, such as Reiki and Zone-therapy;
borrowed and reinterpreted religious practices of tribal people, such as shamanic
practices; foretelling techniques, such as astrology, Tarot-reading and I Ching;
Channelling; beliefs and practices pertaining to UFO's and Parapsychology;
Business training, such as Erhard Seminars Training based Transformational
Technologies; alternative science and a general spiritual approach to various
fields in life, such as diets (for example macro-biotic food), education, art (such
as various New Age music and the novels of James Redfield) and home-
furnishing (for example Feng Shui), just to name a few (see Chryssides 1999:
315; Heelas 1996).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

bear almost no resemblance to each other, although they both
resemble a third member" . Olav Hammer recognises, again in a
Wittgensteinian fashion, the following features not as necessary
characteristics of 'New Age' spirituality but as often recurring
themes.

A view of the entire cosmos as an interconnected whole

A direction in existence - indicating that humans create

their circumstances not vice versa

Everything is permeated by a divine force or energy

Humans have mismanaged their existence but the

present condition is possible to repair

The earth is a living thing which has been abused by

humanity

Every human has his/her own unique part in existence

A belief in reincarnation combined with a belief in

spiritual evolution through the different reincarnations

There are better ways to attain knowledge than the way

science provides

Eastern and traditional nature religion contain

universal and ancient wisdom

Humanity is on the verge of a spiritual and societal

revolution. (Hammer 1997: 18-19).

Hammer also stresses that 'New Age' religiosity is essentially
eclectic. Expressed with the help of the Smorgasbord metaphor, the
individual picks those specific beliefs and practices which he/she
likes and combines them in a way that suits him/her. No two
persons' comprehension of 'New Age' spirituality is identical. Even
though there are no central authorities dictating the rights and
wrongs of 'New Age', and considering the seemingly limitless
number of dishes on the smorgasbord, certain characteristics seem
to be more or less universal. One such item is the belief in
reincarnation, with an optimistic evolutionary framework (Hammer
1997: 18-21).

James R. Lewis discusses the following of Robert Ellwood's
general characteristics of new religious groups as relevant for 'New
Age' (Lewis 1992: 7):

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

• An emphasis on healing

• The use of scientific language as a means to be in sync
with contemporary society

• Eclecticism and syncretism

• Monistic and impersonal worldview and view on the
divine

• Optimism manifest in success orientation and an
evolutionary approach to spirituality

• Emphasis on psychic powers

Lewis further points at the importance of the idea of transformation,
both individual and societal, in 'New Age' (Lewis 1992: 8).

Both Hammer's and Ellwood's characterizations display the
problem with the 'New Age' designate. In the Wittgensteinian
'family likeness' metaphor almost anything could be identified as
'New Age'. In Hammer's list five of the characteristics are true for
Dragon Rouge, as well as many other esoteric movements,
intrinsically and at least three others hold true for many members
of the order. In Lewis' pick of Ellwood's characteristics at least two
characteristics are intrinsic. I would not, however, categorize Dragon
Rouge as belonging to the 'New Age' movement and I believe that
this opinion is held by most other academics and laypeople in some
way familiar with the order. I have not to date encountered one
Dragon Rouge member who would identify the order as 'New Age'.
It suffices to say that both 'New Age' and Dragon Rouge are part of
the alternative spiritual milieu, and as such there are both
connections and likenesses between them. 'New Age' spirituality
and Dragon Rouge do however emphasize different aspects of the
esoteric tradition.

The number of people attracted to 'New Age' spirituality is
impossible to determine, as people active in the field are often not
organized in groups, and may in fact disagree quite strongly with
the identification of themselves as religious (although most would
probably agree on being spiritual on some level). A statistical survey
from 1994 shows that a large percentage of the Swedish adult
population believe more or less strongly in the paranormal in ways
which do not fit in with traditional Christianity (see Sjodin 1998:
66-67).
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

2.1 .6 Neopaganism

The word 'pagan', used as a self-identification by most adherents
of contemporary Western nature religion, derives from the Latin
Paganus, pejoratively denoting people in Roman times living outside
the cities and thus not a part of the city-culture of the time.
Neopagans of today use the term as a positive self-designation in
contrasting themselves to Christianity which is experienced to be
hostile towards nature, women and life in the here-and-now.
(Chryssides 1999: 336; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 99-100). The
prehistory of the positive evaluation of the word can be traced back
to the middle of the 19 th century, when many British intellectuals
had become increasingly dissatisfied with the Christian view of
nature. The term neopaganism was coined in 1891 by Christian
apologist W.F. Barry as a pejorative term for the romanticising of
ancient non-Christian religiosity and as a critique towards those
advocating it. (Hutton 1999b: 19-20).

In the early days of neopaganism it was common to discuss
this form of religion as the 'Old Religion' in the sense of an original
and true pre-Christian religion having been revived by the modern
inheritors of the religion. Margaret Murray (1863-1963) argued in
her works The Witch-Cult in Western Europe (1921) and The God of
the Witches (1931) that the people tried in the medieval witch trials
where actually members of a secret pagan religion 11 (Mikaelsson &
Gilhus 1998: 102; Bogdan 2003b: 203). Murray's work was later
discredited, but was in its time able to spawn renewed interest in
non-Christian religion. (Hutton 1999b: 31-34; Chryssides 1999: 225-
336).

Although the term 'the Old Religion' is still in use, it is much
less common among the neopagans of today to claim an ancient
origin (Harvey 1997: 52). It is commonly accepted among
participants that contemporary Western nature religions are largely

11 Murray based her arguments on the works of scholars Karl-Ernst Jarcke
and Franz-Josef Mone, as well as well as on the writings of the American
adventurer, Charles Godfrey Leland, most notably Aradia (1899) which Leland
claimed was the gospel of an Italian based branch of the pagan religion and
which had been passed on to him by one of the last remaining members of this
tradition. It was Leland who had characterized the alleged pre-Christian religion
as 'the Old Religion. (Hutton 1999b: 31-34).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

reconstructions, not survivals (Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 102-103).
This is much due to the harsh critique of the works of the important
founding authors of Wicca delivered by American esoteric scholars
from the 1970s onwards (Hutton 1999b: 65; Kelly 1992: 148).

There are many forms of neopaganism today, but Wicca is the
largest variant (Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 102), and I will therefore
treat it in more detail than the other variants. Other large fractions
are Goddess spirituality, which is closely connected to Wicca,
Druidry, Asatru and neoshamanism. It was with Gerald Gardner's
Witchcraft Today, published in 1954, that neopaganism per se, in the
form of Wicca, was born 12 . In the book, to which the aforementioned
Margaret Murray provided the preface, it was argued that 'the Old
Religion' had survived into modern times. The Witchcraft Act of
1736, which had made witchcraft illegal, was repealed in 1951 and
it was thus possible for neopagans to publicly profess to witchcraft
(Hammer 1997: 129). In his biography, published in 1960, Gardner
wrote that he had been initiated into one of the last remaining
witchcraft covens.

Gardner had been involved in Masonic and Rosicrucian
societies and had had some dealings with Aleister Crowley 13 (see

12 Some reports state that Wicca was founded by Gardner in 1939
(Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 102; Kelly 1992: 136) while other reports state that
Wicca started with the abolishment of the Witchcraft Act (Hammer 1997: 129).
What is sure is however that Gardner instigated an interest in practiced
witchcraft with a series of fictional works depicting witchcraft from 1939
onwards (Hammer 1997: 129; Hutton 1999a) and later claimed to having been
initiated into a coven in the same year (Bogdan 2003b: 203).

13 According to Gardner he had actually been initiated into Crowley's Ordo
Templi Orientis in 1946 but had decided not to play an active part in the order
(Hutton 1999a: 205-207; 1999b: 34, 43-55). Elsewhere it has been stated that the
early Gardnerian initiations and rituals owe much to Aleister Crowley, even to
the extent of being written by him for Gardner (see Bogdan 2003b: 207-208).
Research by Aidan Kelly has shown that Gardner's early texts are based on direct
quotations from works by Aleister Crowley and Charles Leland, from Samuel
Mathers' translation of the grimoire The Greater Key of Solomon the King, and of
Margaret Murray's descriptions of the witches' cult. The Golden Dawn and
Freemasonic ceremonial texts provided the base for the rituals (Hutton 1999b:
49). Aleister Crowley was, as demonstrated in sections 2.1.3 and 2.1.4, one of the
most influential occultists to appear from the Golden Dawn. The word Wicca,
derived from the old English word for Witch, was used by Gardner to denote a
practitioner of 'the Old Religion', albeit in the spelling 'Wica' later changed to
the more correct 'Wicca' by adherents of the movement (Hutton 1999b: 44).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

section 2.1.4) (Hutton 1999a: 205-207; 1999b: 34, 43-55). Ronald
Hutton attributes great importance to the Hermetic Order of the
Golden Dawn (se section 2.1.3) as a forerunner, or an inspiration,
for the modern neopagan religions. It was in the Golden Dawn that
Western initiatory esotericism, which until then had more or less
solely been dominated by Christian influences, was mixed with non-
Christian elements. (Hutton 1999b: 12-13).

Important offshoots of Gardnerian Wicca are Alexandrian
Wicca (started by Alex Sanders in the 1960s and gaining popularity
in the 1970s) and American Feminist Wicca. Alexandrian Wicca,
with the name deriving both from the first name of its founder but
also from allusions to the great Egyptian city Alexandria, included
high magic in the form of qabalah and elaborated Golden Dawn
rituals on its program. Alexandrian Wicca is also more open to
homosexuality than the more heteronormative Gardnerian variant,
although there are Gardnerian Wicca-groups for all-male
homosexuals (see Kelly 1992: 149). (Hutton 1999b: 58-60).

The birth of American Feminist Wicca can be traced to the
founding of WITCH (Women's International Conspiracy from Hell)
in 1968. A defining characteristic was the critique of the witchcraft
trials as an open war waged by the Christians against the pagan
witch-women, a war not only on the religion but on the whole of
womankind. Dianic Wicca, born out of America, is a particular form
of Wicca which admits only women and focuses largely on feminist
religious issues (Hammer 1997: 133-134). (Hutton 1999b: 60-65).

Wiccans are normally organized in small covens ideally with
thirteen members. As sex-polarity is an important theme in the
practice of the religion the coven should traditionally have an equal
amount of men and women, although there are covens that accept
only female members and those that do not attach any importance
to the ratio of men to women. (Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 103).
According to Graham Harvey, the growing trend today is that of
individual practitioners who do not meet in groups (Harvey 1997:
50). Wicca, at least in the more traditional forms, offers initiation
into three degrees (see Bogdan 2003b: 218-233). Normally one should
be initiated by a High Priest/ Priestess of the opposite sex, although
this is naturally not the case with covens with strictly same-sex
members.

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

The practice centres on seasonal celebrations at the following
occasions:

• Samhain, on October 31 st , when the start of the winter,
and the death of nature, is celebrated

• Yule, Midwinter or the winter solstice, when the return
of the sun is celebrated

• Imbolc or Brigid, on February 1 st or 2 nd , when the coming
of spring is celebrated

• Eostre/Ostara or the Spring Equinox, which also
celebrates spring

• Beltaine, on April 30 th or May 1 st , when the coming of
the summer is celebrated

• Summer solstice, at midsummer, celebrating the vitality
of nature

• Lammas or Lughnasadh, on July 31 st , which celebrates
the fertility of nature, as this is the traditional time of
harvest

• Autumn Equinox, which, similarly to the spring
equinox, is a celebration of the balance of nature.

The seasonal cycle is called the Wheel of Life, as it follows the seasonal
rhythm of nature (Harvey 1997: 3-13; Hammer 1997: 131-132). Most
neopagans celebrate these seasonal festivals, and the timing is
usually connected to the seasons of the northern hemisphere, even
when the neopagans in question are living in the southern
hemisphere (Harvey 1997: 3). While the other festivals derive from
old northern European traditions the celebration of the equinoxes
is of modern heritage (Harvey 1997: 9). A key Wiccan ritual is
Drawing Down the Moon, which is included as a part in most other
rituals. Drawing Down of the Moon involves invoking the power of
the Goddess, represented by the moon, into the practitioner (see
Harvey 1997: 39-40; Bogdan 2003b: 218-219).

Goddess Worship, or Goddess Spirituality, stems directly from
Wicca. Whereas in traditional Wicca two divinities, the masculine
Horned God and the feminine Great Goddess, are worshipped,
Goddess Spirituality keeps only the feminine divinity, as the
designate implies. Feminism, which is a recurrent theme in most
neopaganisms, is most pronounced in Goddess Spirituality, and
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

the goddess is seen as manifest in every woman. A prevalent myth
employed is that of an original matriarchy in which humans were
closer to nature and which was suppressed by patriarchal Indo-
European invaders. Common to both Wicca and Goddess
Spirituality is the view that women are closer to the realm of magic
and nature than men. (Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 100-104; Harvey
1997: 69-86).

The roots of Druidry go back as far as the 18 th century. The
early modern druids were not pagan but rather Christian, simply
highlighting the ancestral roots of their Celtic origin. Orders of
druids, these largely Christian as well, where also formed basically
as versions of Freemasonic orders. It was during the 1960s and the
1970s that Druidry as a form of neopagan self-identification was
born, and when neopagan druid orders were founded. The historical
remains of ancient Celtic druids are as good as non-existent, and
therefore the neopagan Druidry is more of a recreation than, for
example, Asatru. Reverence for nature, especially for oak trees, is
very important to Druidry, as are the seasonal celebrations. Druids
have an initiation system consisting of the three classes of Bards -
involved in music and poetry, Ovates - focusing on communication
with nature and the Otherworld and Druids - who are the public
face of Druidry and manage the organizational tasks. It is however
often stressed that none of the classes is more important than the
others, and that a Bard should not be considered a novice Druid.
Whereas Wicca and Goddess Spirituality mainly draw female
practitioners, Druidry is more popular amongst males. (Mikaelsson
& Gilhus 1998: 107-110; Harvey 1997: 17-34; Hammer 1997: 134-135).

Asatru, also called Heathenism or Odinism, is the recreation
of the worship of the ancient Germanic and Scandinavian divinities.
In contrast to the other branches of neopaganism, Asatru operates
with more traditional gender roles, in which man and woman are
seen to have their own tasks and roles in worship and society.
Traditional male ideals, such as strength and honour, are revered.
Although race, and more pronouncedly ancestry, has at times been
an issue in Druidry this is not generally the case today (Hammer
1997: 135). In Asatru race generally plays a significant part, although
there are exceptions. It is often stated that each race or cultural group
has its own distinguishing features and religions which suite them

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

best, and Asatru is the religion of the Germanic and Scandinavian
people. Asatru is also popular among right-wing political groups,
although the conclusion that Asatru equals racism should not be
drawn. In fact many Heathens strongly relinquish any racist
sympathies and state that these have no part in Asatru. Heathenism
is the most distinctly polytheistic of the types of neopaganism,
incorporating the vast pantheon of Norse divinities whereas, for
example, Wicca only operates with the god and the goddess. The
seasonal celebrations of the Heathens also take a slightly different
form. On Iceland Asatru has, since 1973, been an officially
recognized religion with granted rights of providing legalized life
rituals, such as marriage, burial and baptism. The religion had 172
registered members in the mid 1990s. (Harvey 1997: 53-68; Hammer
1997: 135-136; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 104-107).

Neoshamanism, defined by Lisbeth Mikaelsson and Ingvild
Gilhus as the Western application of traditional shamanic techniques
(Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 100), is the last neopagan branch I will
treat in the present context. Neoshamanism became an alternative
spiritual fad in the 1960s with the publication of Carlos Castaneda' s
The Teachings of Don Juan, and the subsequent publication of a series
of books by him focusing on the same themes. A contributing factor,
due to the popular countercultural fixation on hallucinogenic drugs,
was Castaneda' s descriptions of drug-induced spiritual experiences.
Castaneda was a PhD-student in anthropology at the University of
California. He claimed that he had done field work with a Yaqui-
Indian medicine man called Don Juan. Although his claims were
later discredited, he was awarded a PhD in 1973 for a manuscript
based on his third book, Journey to Ixtlan, published in 1972 (see
Svanberg 2003: 84-88). In addition, the academic discrediting of
Castaneda' s works has had little if any effect on modern day
neoshamans, 'New Agers' and magicians, who still read Castaneda' s
books. Today the fad has become a fixture in the alternative spiritual
mainstream.

In 1980, Michael Harner published a handbook on shamanic
practices called The Way of the Shaman. In this book Harner, who
was an anthropologist gone native, introduced the concept of Core
Shamanism. Core Shamanism was presented as a general shamanism
based on what was fundamental to the shamanism of different
CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

native people around the world. Academics do not, however, accept
Harner's Core Shamanism and prefer to speak of shamanisms, since
the differences between shamanic-like practices in different tribal
societies are greater than the similarities. (Hammer 1997: 110-113,
116-118; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 110-111).

There are a few major differences between neoshamanism and
the shamanisms of traditional people. Among traditional people
becoming a shaman is not something one chooses, or even regards
as a choice occupation. The shaman generally becomes a religious
professional through an experience of grave illness which he (as
the shaman is almost without exception a male) recovers from
through contact with the spirit world. The shaman's main
occupation is to function as a healer and a protector of the people,
retrieving the souls of the sick from the spirit world and guarding
the village against otherworldly harm. The neoshaman chooses his
occupation, although narratives of 'a dark night of the soul' are
common, and anyone willing has the possibility of becoming one.
In contrast to traditional shamans, the Western neoshaman is one
who works in a group of fellow neoshamans. Generally neoshamans
draw inspiration from the tribal peoples of South, Central and North
America, but Nordic influences, such as the Sami and the Old Norse
traditions, are also prominent. Although neoshamanism can be
considered a distinct branch of neopaganism, it is also a practice
which overlaps with all of the other branches. Most neopagan
variants practice some form of shamanic technique. (Harvey 1997:
107-122; Hammer 1997: 118-119, 122-123; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998:
110-112). Old Norse and Sami inspired neoshamanism is quite
prominent in Sweden and will be dealt with in-depth in section 2.2.

A distinct form of neoshamanism is so-called
technoshamanism, in which dancing to techno-music at rave parties
is used as a technique to come into contact with the spiritual plane.
Technoshamanism is generally considered to belong more closely
to the 'New Age' milieu and not as much to neopaganism. (Hammer
1997: 119; Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 112; Harvey 1997: 122-124).

The following characteristics are common to all movements
and groups identified as neopagan:

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100

The reverence of nature and life is a distinguishing trait.
Neopagans celebrate life in the here-and-now instead
of focusing their spiritual aspirations on a future
afterlife. Nature represents the immanent divine force
permeating everything and ecological activism is the
natural outcome of this view. Consequently soul and
body are not seen as separated but rather as one.
There are no authoritative dogmas and no central
authority governing the neopagan groups. Neopagans
can freely choose their preferred ways of belief and
practice, and one's own experiences are considered to
be the most important authority. The only rule is that
one should not harm others: " Eight words the Wiccan
Rede fulfil; An' it harm none, do what ye will"
(Hammer 1997: 133). A common belief is that whatever
you do, both good and bad, comes back to you
threefold.

Neopagan practices are very similar amongst the
different branches. Seasonal celebrations are more or
less a rule and shamanic practices are very common.
The practice of magic, in a combination of high ritual
magic and popular folk magic, is also a common
denominator. Initiations occur in many forms of
paganism, Druidry and Wicca representing the clearest
examples of this.

The view of Christianity is generally negative.
Christianity is often seen as the antithesis of
neopaganism, in regard to spiritual aspirations and the
attitude towards nature. Not seldom, Christianity is
seen as the main offender when it comes to the sources
of unsound ecology and the persecution of people with
dissident beliefs. It is however important to point out
that many pagans strive towards a sound dialogue with
Christians, and that the dislike of Christianity, as a rule,
never takes on aggressive qualities.
Sex-polarity is an important factor in neopagan magic.
The male and the female complement each other,

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101

representing what is seen as the male and female forces
in existence. In magical rituals it is usually important
that individuals of both sexes are present and initiations
are usually provided by a person of the opposite sex.
In some traditions of Wicca this goes as far as stating
that the practice of magic is impossible for homosexuals.
There are however groups that do not place as much
importance on actual sex-polarity in the ritual context
and groups that work exclusively with women and
feminine forces.
• Feminism is a recurrent theme. Most neopagan groups
actively work to improve the situation of women and
do not accept different gender roles for the sexes. An
exception is Asatru, where traditional gender roles are
assigned, although this does not hold true for all
Heathen groups. (Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 100-101;
Harvey 1997; Hammer 1997: 124-126).

The adherents of neopagan subgroups generally assemble in joint
networks so that Wiccans have common Wiccan federations, Druids
common Druidic organizations etc. The practitioners of the different
head branches of neopaganism are also commonly united under
national and international associations and interest groups, among
which the Pagan Federation is the largest one. (Mikaelsson & Gilhus
1998: 100-101).

Beside the purely religious variants of neopaganism the
popularity of things pagan is also visible in the increased tourism
to ancient cult sites, the huge interest in mythology and fantasy
literature and the widespread use of pagan symbols (Mikaelsson &
Gilhus 1998: 117-122).

2.1 .7 Neopaganism and x New Age'

Works dealing with 'New Age' spirituality usually also treat
neopaganism (see Hammer 1997; Hanegraaff 1996; York 1995;
Heelas 1996). Views differ on whether neopaganism should be

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102

treated as a part of 'New Age' or as something distinct. According
to George Chryssides, neopaganism should be "sharply
distinguished" from 'New Age'. Whereas 'New Age' is highly
eclectic and lacks strict boundaries, neopaganism, and especially
Wicca, is a clearly defined religion. It is a spiritual path for "'finders'
rather than 'seekers'". (Chryssides 1999: 332). Other scholars see
neopaganism as a part, although perhaps more or less clearly
demarcable, of 'New Age' (see Hammer 1997: 124-125).

There are many similarities between what is seen as 'New Age'
spirituality and what is considered to belong to neopaganism, but
there are also many differences. According to Michael York, the
similarities between 'New Age' and neopaganism amount to "eco-
humanism in some variant, the belief in the intrinsic divinity of the
individual, epistemological individualism, and exploratory use of
theonymic metaphors not traditionally associated with the Judeo-
Christian mainstream" (York 1995: 145). Both neopaganism and
'New Age' have the same anti-authoritarian structure, discarding
official authority in favour of the authority of experiences and the
self.

Ecology and sacralization of life (see Heelas 2002) and the
individual are common characteristics of both 'New Age' and
neopaganism. Nature is seen as something to be revered and the
individual is divine. However, the ecology of 'New Age' spirituality
is usually more focused on the individual than on nature itself. The
'healing of Mother Earth' is fundamentally a healing of the self and
contact with nature is sought in order to 'find oneself. This is also
a part of neopagan ecology, but the focus is more on nature itself.
Regarding the divinity of the individual, neopagans do not
experience a distinction between body and soul, whereas 'New
Agers' tend to view spirit as truer than matter, sometimes going to
the lengths of denying any reality of the material, (see York 1995:
146-147). Connected to this is the sharp distinction between 'the
light' and 'the dark' in 'New Age' spirituality in contrast to the more
'in-balance' view of neopaganism. 'New Agers' reject the dark as
something purely evil and are focused on reaching and embracing
the light, which is good and spiritual, whereas neopagans usually
see the light and the dark as mutually dependent. The dark, as
represented by, for example, death, is a necessary component of
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103

life (York 1995: 159-160). There are however neopagans, mainly
Wiccans, who condemn the dark and have a more dualistic take on
reality.

Religious practice is another area of difference. Neopagans
usually construct elaborate ritualistic elements for their practices,
based on ceremonial magic patterns. 'New Age' meetings are mostly
based on the lecture model, and where practice is involved it usually
assumes a more mundane form than in neopaganism. In addition,
'New Agers' do not engage in initiations to the same extent as
neopagans, at least not in the same complex forms, (see York 1995:
147). Where organization is concerned 'New Age' is much more
loosely based than neopaganism. 'New Agers' move from one
practice to another as individuals and are seldom organized as
groups for long periods of time. The majority of neopagans are
members of some group or organization and often view the group
as important. Even individual practitioners of neopagan crafts may
be members of some of the head organizations such as Pagan
Federation. 'New Age' has no head organization. One could say
that it is possible to delimit neopaganism whereas the 'New Age'
tends to elude all attempts to define it (see section 2.1.4).

Another difference can be seen in the chronological focus of
the two types of spirituality. Rhetorically, neopagans are focused
on 'before', as in a more nature-oriented and harmonious time before
Christianity. 'New Agers', on the other hand, are focused on the
future, as in spiritual evolution of the self and perhaps of society,
(see Kelly 1992: 138). Important to note, however, is that these are
mainly discursive strategies. 'New Agers' regularly discuss
'universal truth to be found in ancient religion' and neopagans strive
to live in the here and now, expressing ecological concerns for the
future.

Linkages between 'New Age' and neopaganism are closest and
most apparent in the practice of neoshamanic techniques, with
witchcraft as a good runner-up. Neoshamanic practices cross the
whole milieu of alternative spirituality, but whereas neopagans
often gather in neoshaman groups with clear ideological and
practice-related delimitations, 'New Agers' do not.

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104

2.2 The Alternative Spiritual Milieu of Sweden

In the present section I will deal with the alternative spiritual milieu
of Sweden in general and Stockholm in particular, focusing on the
1970s onwards. I will not treat the more organized New Religious
Movements in any greater detail, but will instead concentrate on
alternative spiritualities such as 'New Age', neopaganism and occult
currents.

The older and more established alternative spirituality is in
Sweden, as in most other countries, represented by various
Spiritualist associations. Spiritualism took root in Swedish society
in 1878 with the forming of the first spiritualist association. Sveriges
Spiritualisters Riksforbund (SSR), a Swedish national association for
spiritualists, was formed in 1949, and still remains active, although
a split occurred in the mid 1980s and the rival Spiritualistiska
Riksforbundet for Andlig Utveckling (SRAU) was formed (Frisk 1998:
33). Sallskapet Sanningssokarna [the Seekers of Truth], also mentioned
by Thomas Karlsson (see section 4.1.1), was formed in 1904 and is
the oldest Swedish spiritualist association still active today. In the
beginning, the association was called Frenologiska Sallskapet and was
primarily involved in phrenology 14 . In 1920, the name was changed
to Spiritualistiska Sallskapet, as spiritualism had become more
prominent in the association than Phrenology and in 1956 the
current name was adopted, to indicate openness to different spiritual
paths. (Sanningsokarna 2004).

Another spiritualist association also mentioned by Karlsson,
Stockholms Spiritualistiska Forening (SSF), is active in the Stockholm
region and has some kind of activity at least once a week (SSF 2004).
SRAU and SSR are reported to have had up to 1000 members in
1998 (Frisk 1998: 34), and the reported number of professional
mediums was likewise around 1000 in the early 1990s (Arlebrand
1995: 80).

The interest in Old Norse cultic sites and symbolism is great in

14 Phrenology was a school of science popular in the 19 th and early 20 th
centuries which proposed that it was possible to draw conclusions about the
characteristics of a human being on the basis of the shape of that person's skull.
Phrenology worked on blatantly racist premises.

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105

Sweden, although practised neopaganism is probably concentrated
more to the southern regions of the country. Liselotte Frisk notes
that there are several Asatru organizations in Sweden, most of them
only numbering a handful of members (Frisk 1998: 149). As
discussed in section 2.1.6, there are both racist and anti-racist
Heathen organizations. Frisk describes Sveriges Asatrosamfund [the
Swedish Asatru Society], which requires its members to adopt a
non-racist and democratic stance. The society was founded in 1994,
based on an interest in Old Norse customs, beliefs and religion and
is mainly an umbrella-organization for a number of smaller
independent groups. The society had an estimated 250 members,
of whom 40 percent were women, in 1998. (Frisk 1998: 149-150).

Fredrik Skott describes a number of other Heathen groups
active in Sverige (Skott 2000: 50-57). Breidablikk-Gildet, founded in
1975, is the oldest existing Heathen organization in Sweden. The
regulations of the guild state that the end-goal is the revival of
Asatru as a religion, in a form suitable for the modern world. The
guild has had a diminishing membership since its heyday in the
late 1980s, when it had about 130 members, and now only involves
a handful of active members.

An interesting chapter in the 'life-and-times' of Swedish
Heathenism is Svitjods Asa-Gilde, founded in 1990, and later
fashioned into Frojslunds Varldshus. In contrast to other neopagan
organizations, this one is ruled by one central authority -figure.
Frojslunds Varldshus is also not strictly Asatru, as it is not the Aesir
race of gods that are at the centre of worship, but rather the fertility
gods, the Vanir, among whom Frey is especially revered.

Samfalligheten for Nor disk Sed was founded in 1997 as a national
organization for those practising Old Norse customs or religion,
and was accepted as a registered religious body in March, 2000.
Doing his research, Skott found few Asatru organizations which
are openly racist. He gives one as an example, Svensk Hednisk Front
[Swedish Heathen Front]. The homepage of the organization
conveys a somewhat aggressive impression, although it is stated
that the organization is not militant and that what is important is
the Nordic heritage in spirit and soul as well as nature (see Heathen
Front 2004). Skott estimates that there are 600-700 Swedes who are
members of Heathen organizations and a still greater number of

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106

people who identify themselves as Heathen but who are not
members of any organization (Skott 2000: 49).

Wicca, as noted earlier, is the most popular form of
neopaganism. Recourse to the popular search-engine, Google, gave
963.000 hits, whereas in comparison searches such as Christianity
gave 5.670.000 hits, Islam 9.270.000 hits, Catholicism 801.000 hits,
Satanism 232.000 hits, Asatru 63.000 hits, Magick 909.000 hits and
a pop music icon like Kylie Minogue 982.000 hits 15 . Of course, figures
such as these give no real indication of the number of people actually
involved in a phenomenon, but do indeed give some pointers as to
how much public interest the phenomenon in question invokes. As
the Internet is global, since there is no real functional way to restrict
one's web-searches on a national plane, similar figures are nigh
impossible to provide for Sweden. A guiding example could be the
Swedish link-collection Fjalar, which in the category of Religion and
Philosophy lists 66 major websites, out of which 20 deal with Wicca
or Witchcraft in some way or another (" Fjalar" 2004).

In an inquiry instigated by the Swedish Ministry of Health and
Social Affairs the following Wicca or Witchcraft groups are
mentioned: Court of Joy Coven with 52 members; Haxagon with about
40 members, Svenska Vitkaforbundet with about 80 members and 21
Swedish members of the Pagan Federation (SOU 1998: 61). This would
amount to less than 200 Swedish Wiccans and witches. There are
however other witchcraft organizations, and many witches are not
members of any organization whatsoever.

Neoshamanism is very popular in the Swedish alternative
spiritual milieu. As mentioned earlier, neoshamanism crosses the
boundaries between 'New Age' and neopaganism, and functions
as a religious activity employed by adherents within both fields.
Galina Lindquist identifies Jorgen I. Eriksson and Mikael Gejel as
two founding figures of neoshamanism in Sweden (Lindquist 1997:
28-29). The Yggdrasil guild, an association with the goal of developing
a Nordic type of shamanism, was founded by Gejel amongst others
in the mid 1970s. At around the same time, in 1976, the first issue of
the magazine Gimle, also dealing with shamanic issues, was
published (see Gejel 1996). Mikael Gejel, along with Jorgen I.

15 The search was done on the 6 th of November 2004.

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107

Eriksson, was among those behind the publication. The first four
issues of Gimle had the subtitle "the magazine for the wisdom of
Edda", and it was not until issue five that the subtitle "a magazine
for shamanism" appeared. Another group called Yggdrasil was
founded by Eriksson in 1982 and this time the group was more
formalized. The activities and goals of the group were positively
valued by the Swedish mass media. The main theme of the magazine
Gimle was "the Nordic Heritage" but subjects such as Hinduism
and Tan tr ism were also dealt with. (Lindquist 1997: 28-52). Yggdrasil
was incorporated into the Merlin Order in 1994 (Gejel 1996).

In an article in the 20 th anniversary-issue of Gimle, Jorgen I
Eriksson presents four phases in the history of the magazine
(Eriksson 1996: 7-9). Phase one consisted of issues one through four
and focused on Ancient Norse myths, runes and, to a small extent,
shamanism. Phase two, consisting of issues five through eleven, is
characterized as the "Shaman issues" and indicated a shift to
practised neoshamanism. This was also the period when Jorgen
Eriksson and Mikael Hedlund became part of the editorial board.
Eriksson calls stage three, issues 12-16, the "Miscellaneous phase"
indicating a more directionless time. The scientific phase of the
magazine, issues 17-22, marked a new creative direction and an
attempt to publish a more professional magazine. Issue number 1/
2004 of the magazine includes articles on Sufism, Nordic spirituality,
the connection between music and ecstasy, a presentation of the
new religious body Moder Jord [Mother Earth] - in which the Vanir
family of fertility gods are worshipped, and reviews of two books -
one dealing with Druidry and the other with Carlos Castaneda
(Gimle 2004).

There are few studies on the history of 'New Age' spirituality
in Sweden. I will therefore have to confine my presentation to a
very short account by Owe Wikstrom (Wikstrom 1998: 34-35). In
1966, Klubb Kamelen, a club organizing diverse alternative religious
happenings, was opened in the Old City of Stockholm.

The 1960s also saw the start of the 'New Age' magazine, Sokaren,
and the early 1970s the opening of the alternative spiritual book
shop, Vattumannen. In 1974, the major Swedish newspaper Svenska
Dagbladet issued a section called Idagsidan, which has been called
the "New Age-page" (Ahlin 2001: 146-147). A magazine called

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108

Nexus, which had some connection with the Human Potential
Movement, was started in 1976 (Wikstrom 1998: 34).

Several centres for alternative spiritual topics were opened in
Stockholm in the early 1980s. Tomas Frankell has been an important
figure in the alternative spiritual milieu of Stockholm and he is the
instigator behind two of the more important of the above mentioned
centres, Cafe Vega - opened in 1980, and Cafe Pan - opened in 1983
(Frankell 2004). In 1990, Frankell started Deva Center, a centre and
meeting-point for alternative spiritual matters - with courses and
lectures on the programme schedule (Frankell 2004). Another
important meeting-point is Waxthuset Vaddo, opened in 1976, a
centre for personal development according to the official homepage
(Waxthuset 2004).

'New Age' spirituality is spread to a high degree through the
printed medium. Jenny-Ann Brodin identifies four 'New Age'
magazines which she deems to be of importance, although she does
aknowledge the existence of several others. Sokaren is the oldest of
the Swedish 'New Age' magazines, published since 1964 16 . The focus
of the magazine is wide, and it had a circulation of about 1700 copies
per issue in 1998. Alpha Omega has been published since 1995. The
magazine struggled with economic difficulties in the late 1990s and
was amalgamated with the magazine, Quintessens, in 2001, in order
to secure the future of the aforementioned. Energivagen is a free
magazine, financed by advertisement revenues, published since
1982 and with a circulation of 20.000-22.000 copies per issue,
according to the editorial board. Nexus Nya Tider, a Swedish variant
of the Australian Nexus New Times, was published from 1998 to
2000. (Brodin 2001: 73-74).

Articles in issues of Alpha Omega published from 1999 to 2002
deal with various subjects. Among them are interviews with pop
artists who profess to a 'New Age' lifestyle, articles on healing and
alternative medicine - as well as a critique of institutional medical
science, alternative economic science, relationships and sexuality,

16 According to Owe Wikstrom the first issue of Sokaren was published in
1969 (see Wikstrom 1998: 34). Although Brodin places the start of Sokaren at
1964, she also names the year 1969 as the starting point in another section of her
PhD thesis (see Brodin 2001: 27, 73). The website of the magazine, http://
www.sokaren.se, does display an index of issues published since 1964.

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109

animals as sacred agents, and articles on key alternative spiritual
figures (Alpha Omega 1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2000c; 2001a; 2001b). With
the merging of the magazines Alpha Omega and Qumtessens in issue
4/5 2000 of Alpha Omega, articles focusing on magic, witchcraft and
nature religion were included (Alpha Omega 2000c; 2001a; 2001b;
2002a; 2002b). The magazine Quintessens was more focused on magic
and mythology (Quintessens 2000a; 2000b). The great range of 'New
Age' becomes clear when one reads the advertisements in Alpha
Omega. Issue 5/1999 has about 27 pages of advertisements, in a
magazine with 84 pages in total 17 (see Alpha Omega 1999).

The alternative spiritual bookstore, Vattumannen (Aquarius),
is a focal point for Swedish esoteric spirituality. Vattumannen was
originally opened in 1972 in the city of Uppsala, 75 kilometres north
of Stockholm, but moved to the country's capital in 1973 (Hammer
1997: 81). Accounts by Wikstrom and Brodin give the opening year
of the bookshop as 1969 (Wikstrom 1998: 34; Brodin 2001: 27), but
the homepage of the bookstore states that 1972 is indeed the correct
year (Vattumannen 2004). Many of the key Swedish neoshamans
have been active in the bookshop in one way or another (see
Lindquist 1997: 10, 29), including the publication of several
neoshaman works under the label of Vattumannen publishing (see
Hedlund, Gejel, Eriksson & Eriksson 1988; Eriksson 1988; S0rsenssen
1990; Grimsson 1990). There are several other alternative spiritual
bookshops in the Stockholm region but Vattumannen is the most
prominent. With its mail-order service the bookshop effectively
reaches out to the whole of the Swedish alternative spiritual milieu,
instead of being limited to the Stockholm region. Of course the
bookshop caters to the interests of 'New Agers' as well, in addition
to being highly involved in the neoshaman movement.

There are several orders in Sweden, most of which are modelled

17 Among the advertisements are invitations to seminars, courses, retreats
and fairs; information about various spiritual groups and organizations;
information on books and music for meditation; the advertisements of different
healing- and self-development professionals and information on Tarot specialists
and Astrologists (Alpha Omega 1999). Different ways of energizing water was
apparently a 'New Age' trend in Sweden during this time. Issue 5/1999 has
several advertisements for energized water or technological aids for energizing
water (see Alpha Omega 1999: 4, 61-63, 66, 78-79).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

after Freemasonic societies and which do not engage in religious or
magical activities. I will only discuss a few of the magically oriented
briefly. AMORC (Antiquus Mysticusque Ordo Rosae [Rubeae et
Aureae] Crucis) is a Rosicrucian 18 order founded in the United States
of America in 1915 by Harvey Spencer Lewis (Arlebrand 1995: 188).
The order was established in Sweden in 1933 (Arnell 2004), and is
reported to have had about 100 Swedish members in the mid 1990s
(SOU 1998: 62; Arlebrand 1995: 189). Members of AMORC are
engaged in the study of esoteric natural laws and work through
correspondence courses as well as in lodges, which exist in Onsala,
Stockholm, Jonkoping and Lund (Arlebrand 1995: 189-190; Arnell
2004).

Ordo Templi Orientis, briefly discussed in section 2.1.4, has
Swedish sections as well 19 . The order has official lodges in
Stockholm, Gothenburg, Malmo and Roslagen. No official
information on the number of members is given on the Swedish
website of the order (see OTO 2004). The Hermetic Order of the
Golden Dawn (see section 2.1.3) consists of several different fractions
which all claim to be the true inheritors of the original order. Golden
Dawn is represented in Stockholm and Gothenburg (Arnell 2004)
as the outer order of the Rosicrucian Order of Alpha+Omega, which
claims to be the original Golden Dawn restored in 1999 (see A+O
2004a). The order has an Internet-based initiation system, which
makes it possible for members who do not have a temple in their
region to advance through the degrees (see A+O 2004b).

Svenska Satanistkyrkan (Swedish Satanist Church) is one of the
more Satanicallly oriented magic orders. The order was founded as
the Satanic Order by a Tommie Eriksson in 1996 (Arnell 2004), and
was renamed, and possibly reformed, in 1998 (Svenska
Satanistkyrkan 2004). Important to note is that the founder of this
church is not the same Tommie Eriksson who is mentioned
elsewhere in the present work. The goal of the church, as given on
the official website, is to be an interest-organization for Satanists
and to explore the hidden aspects of existence in order to effect

18 See chapter 2.1.1 for more information on Rosicrucianism.

19 Ordo Templi Orientis was established in Sweden in 1990 according to the
timeline given on the website for Fraternal Orders in Sweden (Arnell 2004).

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

Ill

self-evolvement (Svenska Satanistkyrkan 2004). The order is
reported to have 370 members (Arnell 2004), but I am very sceptical
about accounts of such a high number of members.

The Left Hand Path-order Temple of Set 20 is represented in
Sweden by a few members (according to Arlebrand 1995: 117; SOU
1998: 65). The homepage of the Swedish section of this organization
states that the first Swedish member joined in 1993 and that the
first Swedish Pylon was founded in 1997 (Temple of Set 2004). The
homepage does not, however, seem to have been updated for several
years and I can therefore not make any comments on recent
developments of Temple of Set in Sweden.

20 Temple of Set was founded in 1975 by Michael Aquino, who had earlier
been an influential member of the Church of Satan. Aquino identified Set as the
entity that dictated the Book of the Law for Aleister Crowley (see chapter 2.1.3)
and the year 1966 as the start of the Aeon of Satan. (Arlebrand 1995: 134-135).

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112

2.3 Changing Society, Changing Religion

Contemporary social theorists stand more or less united behind the
view that Western societies are experiencing major transformations.
These social transformations affect the way we approach several
key factors in our lives, such as the economy, culture, other societies
and other people, religion, and indeed our very selves. In the
following section I will briefly discuss a few key terms in the study
of societal transformation, focusing on late modernity, globalization,
glocalization and transnational connections, secularization and the
transformation of religiosity, as well as on identity and
individuality.

What the theorists do not agree on are the exact characteristics
of this present condition and how the situation should be designated.
Some theorists, following the view of Jean-Francois Lyotard and
Francis Fukuyama, are of the opinion that we have moved beyond
the age of modernity into something which can be called
postmodernity (see Giddens 1990: 2-3; 1997: 528-529). Others,
following the trend set by Anthony Giddens, see this condition as
modernity taken to its extremes and call it Late, High or Accentuated
modernity (Giddens 1990: 45-53; 1996; 1997: 528-529). Yet others
have arrived at a middle ground, such as Zygmunt Bauman, who
calls the present condition postmodernity but still views it as a phase
of modernity 21 (Bauman 1997b: 3; see also 1992: viii, xvii-xviii). On
could perhaps say that postmodernity is modernity viewing itself
critically (see for example Brakenhielm 2004: 1). What is agreed upon
to a large extent are the particularities of modernity.

Anthony Giddens defines modernity as the " modes of social
life or organisation which emerged in Europe from about the
seventeenth century onwards and which subsequently became more
or less worldwide in their influence" (Giddens 1990: 1). What gave
rise to modernity were the enlightenment ideals and the industrial
revolution, leading to an utterly different form of social order with
large-scale global implications (Giddens 1997: 55; 1990: 4).
Industrialization and the new means for livelihood provided by

21 Bauman earlier had a more radical view on postmodernity, as shown by
Waters et al. (Waters, Pakulski & Crook 1992: 2).

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113

this development resulted in urbanization. The cities grew vastly
larger and the countryside was to a large degree depopulated.
Modern society gave rise to a different political system as well. The
monarchs and emperors of old were replaced by parliamentary and
governmental institutions (Waters, Pakulski & Crook 1992: 18-19).
The idea of the Nation State was born in the amassment of the
population in centralized regions under the rule of a more rationally
organized political system. (Giddens 1997: 55-56; see Giddens 1990:
14). The modern project was above all one of creating order, rather
than abiding by traditional society's acceptance of the disorderly
(Bauman 2000b: 63).

The term postmodernity was formulated by Jean-Francois
Lyotard in his The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge
(Lyotard 1984), in which he argues for the rejection of the 'Grand
Narrative', often discussed as the 'End of History' by other scholars,
such as Francis Fukuyama (Giddens 1990: 2; 1997: 528-529). 'Grand
Narrative' as a concept refers to the modern project of assigning a
teleological aspect to history, evolution and other large-scale
theoretical ways to view and interpret both the human and the
natural world. In simple terms, the modern 'Grand Narrative' -
perspective ascribed a beginning (and an end) to things worldly,
moving through processes of cultural, moral and natural (etc.)
evolution towards a perfect state. Progress in itself is a most modern
way of interpreting things and events.

Other than viewing the present period as part of modernity or
as something succeeding it, moderate accounts of postmodernity
and of late modernity are to a high degree similar. The main
differences between theorizing postmodernity and late modernity
have to do with the epistemological basis of each view, regarding
the possibilities of gaining systematic knowledge about social
organization (see Giddens 1990: 2). High modernity is, according
to Anthony Giddens, characterized by an ambivalent attitude
towards the institutions and self-evidents of modernity (Giddens
1996: 27-28). The earlier hegemonic ideologies of reason,
technological progress and institutional order are seen to have failed
to fulfil their promises (see Giddens 1990: 10). The rule of reason
and rationality has largely disenchanted the modern world and,
according to some opinions, made life more dull, uninspiring and,

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114

with the removal of the possibility of an afterlife, more desperate
(see Bauman 1992: x-xi; Bauman 2000b: 58).

Technological progress has made life easier and has increased
the relative wealth of the average person. At the same time it is
however felt that there are a great number of people who have not
been reached by the prospects of technological advancement. The
negative aspects of technological progress have become apparent
in ecological catastrophes and modern warfare. Whilst being
successful in making the juridical system fairer and life more
ordered, institutions have also been afflicted by excessive
bureaucracy. In addition, all humans are still not equal under the
law. The capitalist economic system has brought with it a general
commodification of all of life, resulting in a situation where all and
everything is for sale for the right price, ranging from emotions
through material goods to people. In fact, shopping has become
the pattern which the totality of our life is modelled on. (Bauman
2000a: 73-80). The disillusionment with the modern grand narrative
of progress has led to a general rejection of the absolute authoritative
status of the modern institutions of science, medicine and moral
jurisdiction. These formerly hegemonic institutions have had to
settle on being alternatives amongst many others, (see Bauman 1992:
viii-x, xvii-xxii).

Following Ulrich Beck, Giddens identifies modernity, especially
in its late phase, as a risk culture (Giddens 1996: 3-5, 28-30; 1990:
34-36). Life in a late modern society is not more dangerous than in
pre-modern society but the multiple choices and their unpredictable
consequences propose that virtually every human effort is to be
seen as a risk taken. From this it follows that the characteristics of
life in a late modern society are greatly different from life in a
traditional society, where people just did not have as much leeway
with regard to their life-choices.

Waters et al. identify the processes of differentiation,
rationalization and commodification as those which gave rise to
modernity (Waters, Pakulski & Crook 1992: 16-18). Differentiation
and rationalization on a political, economic and cultural level
produced specialized expertise, a situation in which the common
citizen no longer had insight into the fields of life which affected
him/her. The above two processes in turn fuelled the
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115

commodification of culture. Waters et al. are careful in pointing
out that these processes, and societal change, did not stop with
modernity (Waters, Pakulski & Crook 1992: 16). In postmodern! ty
these processes have intensified to the level of cultural, economic
and political fragmentation. The postmodern hyper-differentiation
has given rise to a sort of de-differentiation where different cultural
forms co-exist and flow into each other (Waters, Pakulski & Crook
1992: 36-37).

Globalization is a major trend of late modernity. Common to
the different theories in the field is the view that the phenomenon
of globalization has started to accelerate recently. (Waters 1995: 4;
Martikainen 2004: 41). Globalization is defined by Roland Robertson
as a 'compression of the world' combined with the increasing view
of the world as one interconnected place (see Robertson 1992: 8;
Waters 1995: 3). As clarified by Jonathan Friedman, this refers both
to increased global interdependency and an awareness of this
interdependency (Friedman 1995: 70). The compression of the world
stems from the immediacy of connections between people, ideas
and objects made possible through technological progress (see
Friedman 1995: 70). Important technologies in this regard are, for
example, communication technology, such as Internet-relayed
communication, and advanced transportation technology, such as
more affordable and faster travel and transportation (see Waters
1995: 33-36). These technological advancements have made the
mobility of people, objects and ideas both fast and easy as the
limitations brought on by distance in space and time have been
greatly diminished.

The awareness of the world as one place is directly linked to
the immediacy of human communication and contact. With the
increasingly transnational character of interpersonal relations comes
the realization that our actions have far-reaching consequences,
much more than just affecting our immediate physical vicinity (see
Friedman 1995: 70). For example, ecological catastrophes are no
longer viewed simply as regional or national issues but rather as
global concerns 22 . Experiencing the world as one big interconnected

22 The Tsunami-catastrophe which occurred in South-East Asia on 26 th
December, 2004, is a very illuminating example of the globalizing dimensions

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND

116

place has also come to erode the hegemonic idea of the nation state,
at least to some degree (see Waters 1995: 27).

In analyses of globalization the phenomenon is usually divided
into three major categories: the globalization of economy, culture
and politics (see Waters 1995: 7-8). These three areas are of course
deeply interwoven. Global economy refers to the expansion of
capitalist business ventures beyond the nation state as well as to
the state of transnational corporations and economic networks not
being bound to any specific nation state at all. Globalization of
politics refers to the way in which international politics start to treat
the world as the major arena of political life, instead of focusing on
the national. For example, whereas earlier wars have largely been
the issue of those nations directly involved in them, the recent wars
in Iraq and Afghanistan, waged mostly by the United States,
politically involved the whole of the Western World. The
globalization of culture refers to the expansion of national cultural
influence to a global scale. Ways of life, literature, music and art
etc. originated in one cultural sphere come to affect other far-off
cultural spheres and vice versa. Malcolm Waters approaches these
three dimensions through various concepts of exchange. Material
exchanges, referring to the dimension of economics, have a
localizing tendency in that the manufacture of material goods
mainly unites people on a local production-based arena. Political
exchanges have an internationalizing tendency inasmuch as they
stem from the demarcation of extended regions into nation states
and result in dealings between different nation states. Symbolic
exchanges, referring to the cultural dimension, have a globalizing
tendency in that they are not bound by space and time and deal
with products that may easily claim and invoke universal
significance (Waters 1995: 9).

National focus was important in modernity, replacing the

of contemporary natural catastrophes. Reports of the incident, which by 17 th
January, 2005, was estimated to have claimed at least 175.000 lives (MTV 3 2005),
reached Western Europe within moments of the actual incident. Massive mass
media coverage erupted, and people very geographically distant to the event
felt deeply affected by it. This was partly due to people's own experiences of
the locations affected, and partly due to the immediacy and closeness the media
coverage conveyed.

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117

regional focus of traditional society. With the focus on the global at
the expense of the national, regionality has become important again.
In Friedman's words, one can identify the 'universalization of
particularism' and the 'particularization of universalism' as two
connected processes in globalization (Friedman 1995: 72). In the
world of alternative spirituality shamanism is a good example of
indigenous regionally limited religious practices having been
elevated to a global and universal plane. The creation of strictly
nationalized variants of world religion is an example of the universal
being made unique. Roland Robertson has introduced the term
glocalization, a concept originating largely in Japanese business
culture (Robertson 1995: 28-32). Glocalization could be defined as
the globalization of localities, and is something which Robertson
sees as a key notion in the process of globalization. Instead of a
homogenous global world-culture, we have a mass of heterogeneous
interconnected localities, not necessarily but possibly disembedded
from their original localities of conception.

Transnational connections is another key term in globalization
theories. Ulf Hannerz criticizes the common use of the term
globalization for "just about any process or relationship that
somehow crosses state boundaries" (Hannerz 1996: 6; see also Smith
2001: 3-5). Transnational refers to connections which are not
necessarily global in extent, and which are not international in the
meaning of involving nations as agents. Certain musical and
religious subcultures as well as grassroots political activism offer
good examples of transnational connections. Musical subgenres may
often unite its members so that a heavy metal fan in Sweden may
have like-minded acquaintances in South America, Italy and Russia
who he/she communicates with via Internet relayed chat and
perhaps meets in person if an interesting concert makes the paths
of all four converge.

Secularization was discussed at length in the context of
sociology and the sociology of religion from the late 1970s onwards
and became a major issue in the 1980s 23 . Although still being
discussed, the issue of secularization has largely given way to

23 The death of religion was prophesized by one of the founding fathers of
sociology, Max Weber.

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118

treatments of religion and spirituality after secularization. The
theories of secularization deal with the diminishing influence of
religion on a societal and individual plane. This development stems
from the characteristics imbued in the late modern condition, with
the decline of institutional religious authority along with other
institutional authorities. Secularization does not, however, entail
the decline of religiosity per se, as early theorists in the subject area
thought.

Anthony Giddens identifies three dimensions of secularization,
to be regarded as three different ways of indexing and treating the
phenomenon. First, there is the level of official commitment and
attendance to institutional religion. Approaching the issue at hand
through these spectacles one arrives at the conclusion that religiosity
has declined. On the second level, the social influence of institutional
religion, the conclusions are similar. In most Western countries
church officials no longer have political power or increased social
prestige on the basis of their church affiliation. The third and final
dimension, which Giddens calls "the dimension of religiosity" , is
the most relevant one for the present study. What is under
investigation is not so much institutional, or in other words
traditional, religion as people's views on spiritual matters and their
religious investment, both privately and in religious organizations.
(Giddens 1997: 465-466).

According to Giddens, religiosity has diminished in all three
dimensions of religiosity. I do not agree totally. While institutional
religion has experienced a general decline in adherence, attendance
and social influence, spiritual matters are still of importance to most
Western people. Wouter Hanegraaff treats secularization not as a
decline or marginalization of religion, but rather as a transformation
of religion (Hanegraaff 2003: 358-359), much akin to Heelas' concept
of 'religion-cum-spirituality' (see Heelas 2002).

In discussing the shift from religion to spirituality, Paul Heelas
notes that religion is "life informed by 'supra-self tradition",
meaning traditions conveyed and authorised by dogmatic sources
independent of the religious individual. Spirituality is the
sacralization of life itself, and is not dependent on any specific
authoritative dogmas beyond the individual. (Heelas 2002: 358-359,
375). Alternative spirituality, with its characteristics most apparent
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119

in what is called the 'New Age movement' (see section 2.1.5), is
thriving (see Heelas 2002: 361-364), whereas the traditional national
churches are not (see Sundback 2000: 47-48). In addition to
alternative spirituality, 'Theistic Spiritualities of Life', as defined
by Heelas, are also flourishing. Theistic spiritualities of life are set
in traditional religious contexts, mostly in protestant churches, and
are outwardly no different from other traditional religiosity. What
differs is where the religious individual as a rule places authority.
Biblical authority is still important, but, as in 'New Age'
spiritualities, personal experiences of the divine are important as
well. As Heelas puts it, 'purity of heart' is felt to be more important
than 'purity of doctrine'. (Heelas 2002: 366-369).

The final key issue of recent sociological theory that I discuss
in the present context is the question of identity. Late modern society
creates new possibilities, as well as difficulties, in regard to identity
when compared to early modern and traditional societies. Late
modern society is a 'risk-society', as discussed earlier, where
multiple choices are to be made in every field of life. Identity is no
different. Late modern individuals are involved in a task of identity
construction which lacks real precedence in traditional society (see
Bauman 2000b: 145-147). Anthony Giddens calls this reflexive self-
identity, which means processes where individuals more or less
consciously make choices regarding their own identity (Giddens
1996). Giddens' account of a reflexive identity construction has been
criticized on the grounds that it places too much emphasis on the
conscious decision-making of the individual (see Lovheim 2003).
Other identity theorists, such as Stuart Hall, do not lay as much
emphasis on conscious choices regarding identity construction (see
Hall 1996; 2002; see also Jenkins 1996). The common view on identity
in late modern society is that of identity as a process. Identity is not
acquired as the resultant combination of biological factors and early
socialization, thereafter remaining unchanged under the
individual's adult life. Instead, identity changes in the course of a
person's progress and experiences throughout life (see Bauman
2000b: 144). It would perhaps be more correct to talk of identities
rather than of identity, as the individual is not defined by one
identity only. In the view of identity as a process, the individual
has many identities, corresponding to the different fields of his/

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120

her life. (Bauman 2000b: 147).

A topic which has not yet received its own theoretical
elaboration, but which has been under discussion in all the above
treated theory-building, is the question of individuality.
Individuality is a thoroughly modern issue, and one which has only
been accentuated in late modern times (see Bauman 1997b: 2-3).
Whereas the social group was the main category in traditional
society, the individual is the main category in modern and late
modern societies. To illustrate this difference one could say that in
traditional society the social group consisted of persons who were
assigned identity first and foremost on the grounds of the social
group, whereas in modern society social groups consist of
individuals who first and foremost are individuals and collectively
define the social group. Following in the footsteps of Max Weber
and Louis Dumont, Andreas Buss regards protestant Christianity
as a key element in bringing the individual to the front (Buss 2000).

All of the tendencies discussed above give rise to large-scale
changes for religious life. Modernity entailed a desacralization of
the world, replacing enchantment with reason and rationality.
Protestant Christianity, having according to Max Weber given rise
to capitalism (Weber 1965), adapted to the ideals and trends of the
time. Approaching the late modern period, faith in modern
institutions began to fade and this was the case with traditional
religious institutions as well. While official church membership may
not have dropped drastically in the Scandinavian countries, church
attendance, and with it the social and moral influence of the church,
certainly has 24 . With the shifting of focus from the community to
the individual, and from the afterlife to the here-and-now, religion
focusing on impersonal authoritative dogmas became less popular.
Self-spirituality with a focus on life itself and with a direct
experiencing of the divine came to thrive. Spirituality, instead of
religion, became a means for the individual to progress through
the difficult process of identity construction. With the risks inherent
in the plurality of choices in late modern life the re-enchantment of

24 In a study carried out in the Nordic countries in 1997-1998, 87 percent of
the Swedish informants were members of the Lutheran national church,
although only 14,5 percent of them attend church at least once a month and 27
percent never attend church (Sundback 2000: 47-48).

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121

the world provided a welcomed escape from the clutches of a finite
material existence.

Globalizing and glocalizing tendencies have made the source
material for the construction of one's own spiritual path compelling,
easily accessible and indeed both bewildering and rewarding for
many Western individuals. With the advancement of
communication technologies the spiritual individual is no longer
bound to his/her geographical locality in the search of like-minded
people. The Internet is flooded with information and spiritual
alternatives for those willing to seek. Internet chat-rooms provide
ample feedback and response to those who wish to communicate
their experiences. For those attracted to the security of tradition
this alternative has gained new ground in the late modern period.
The Christian individual may belong to a church of his choice and
still be allowed, and able, to access personal experiences of the
divine. The authoritative scriptures are still authoritative, but not
at the expense of a personal connection to the divine sphere.

As Dragon Rouge came into existence in late modern times the
abovementioned societal factors have naturally affected the
formation, organization and development of the order. I will treat
the effects of societal change on Dragon Rouge in section 8.2. Here
I also take up Dragon Rouge in the context of the movements and
individuals discussed earlier in sections 2.1 and 2.2.

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123

3 Philosophical Tenets

This chapter will deal with the philosophical fundamentals of the
Dragon Rouge type of magic, as well as with the consequences this
kind of thinking has on the world view and life outlook of adherents.
After discussing more general tenets I will deal more thoroughly
with the themes of feminine symbolism, the Dragon as a key motif
and the question of how Dragon Rouge relates to monotheistic
religion, especially mainstream Christianity. I also take a look at
possible implications of dark magical philosophy on morality and
ethics. Characteristic traits of the basic overview provided within
Dragon Rouge will be dealt with specifically later on in the discourse
analytical section in chapter 7. The philosophical considerations
stem from Dragon Rouge material and express the Dragon Rouge
view on things.

3.1 Dark Magic - Will, Power and Action

Magic is the name given to the methods by which a human can
approach and control the unknown. The unknown is dark from our
perspective. To call magic dark indicates that it is about researching
and awakening things that lie outside the structure we are situated
in. (Eriksson 2001: 2).

The most common term applied by the members to the kind of magic
practiced in Dragon Rouge is Dark Magic. Other frequent terms are
Draconian 25 Magic or just plainly and simply Magic. The situational
use of the terms varies slightly. When the term Dark Magic is used,
the focus is usually on the " exploration of the unknown", in one's
own psyche as well as in the manifest cosmos and in the unmanifest
chaos (see Eriksson 2001: 2). The Light - Dark dichotomy plays an
important role in Dragon Rouge. According to Dragon Rouge
members the embracing of "the dark" by no means involves any
form of moral judgment. The terms light and dark are simply used
to indicate the focus on the known parts of our universe and on the

25 "The Draconian Current" is presented by Kenneth Grant (see section
2.1.4) as the ancient, true form of spirituality (Grant 1994a; 1994b).

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

124

unknown parts. Magicians of Dragon Rouge also stress that working
with the dark does not entail leaving out the light. In fact, many of
my informants consider this to be something almost impossible, or
if possible, then very dangerous and not very productive (see IF
mgt 2001/13; 47). The common view is that the dark magician
strenghtens his/her existing structures, the light aspects of his/her
existence, in order to cope with approaching the hidden,
unconscious and dark aspects.

When asked to give a definition of magic, most of my
informants have resorted to some variation of Aleister Crowley's
famous definition "Magick is the Science and Art of causing Change
to occur in conformity with Will" (Crowley 1977: 131). Different
variations on this definition given by members of Dragon Rouge
are: "Magic is the ability to influence things in accordance with
one's will" (IF 2001/ 1:9) 26 , "[Magic is] the technique to change reality
in accordance to my will, by other-worldly means" (IF 2001 /1:7) 27
and "[Magic is] to get things to happen in accordance with one's
wishes, by using the Will" (IF 2001/1:2) 28 .

In the members' paper the following quotation from Richard
Wagner's Revolution is regarded as the "guiding principle of the
new age": "Personal will should be man's master, personal lust his
only law, personal power his sole possession, for only the free
human is holy and nothing is above him" (Dragon Rouge 2000a 29 ) .
This quotation does indeed sum up Dragon Rouge and its brand of
dark magic very well. As emerges from the extract the will (in this
case the individual's True or Higher Will), lust (the libido or life-
lust of man, mostly referred to as the Kundalini) and power (magical

26 "Magi ar formagan att paver ka saker i enlighet med sin vilja." (also IF
2001/1:4).

27 "[Magi ar] Tekniken att forandra verkligheten i enlighet med min vilja,
med icke-varldsliga medel.".

28 "[Magi ar] Att med viljan fa handelser att ske enligt ens onskningar".
These definitions of magic demonstrate Hanegraaff's notion of secular
esotericism, or occultism (see section 2.1). Although the view on magic is not
mechanistic in any extensive way in Dragon Rouge, mechanistic definitions are
nonetheless used here.

29 The original quotation in Swedish reads as follows: "Den egna viljan bor
vara manniskans herre, den egna lusten hennes enda lag, egen kraft hela hennes
egendom, ty endast den fria manniskan ar helig och ingenting ar hogre an hon" .

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power as a quality making the magician able to lead his or her life
in accordance with his/her Will, as well as giving him opportunity
to seek the knowledge he or she needs and desires) are central
themes. Not explicitly stated, but clearly included in the implicit
message of the quotation, is the importance of controlling one's own
life. The article includes the following statement: " . . . magic can give
us the power to become creators of the future, instead of being
creations of the past" (Dragon Rouge 2000a 30 ).

Dragon Rouge also frequently utilizes a passage from the Egyptian
Book of the Dead in which Khepera is identified as the "self-created" or
"the great god who created himself" (see Budge 1960: 72, 93, 150;
referred to in Karlsson 2001: xi). These quotations reflect the purpose
of Draconian, or dark, magic to 'transmute the practitioner in an
alchemical process'. The Dragon Rouge magic-system is, in fact,
viewed as an alchemical path of progress leading the practitioner to
identify his higher self or true Will, polish/ grind his person and thus
eventually ending up with the pure essence of himself (often described
as the "Black Diamond"), thus becoming one with his or her true Will
(Karlsson 2001: xi).

The Will is, as one can see, a central theme. Thomas Karlsson
and others define magic as the art or philosophy of Will (IF mgt
2001: 11; 13; see Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2). Like Crowley, however,
Dragon Rouge makes a distinction between the ordinary, more
mundane will, and a magic, inner, and True Will. The true Will is
seen to be the essence of the magician, sometimes also likened to
the Daemon or the magician's Higher Self. The Daemon is also likened
to the person's power animal, in accordance with North American
tribal religions.

In order to attain a clearer view regarding what Dragon Rouge
means by the term Dark Magic it is useful to first take into
consideration what the organization means by light, or white, magic.
Light magic is seen as working with the known structures of the
cosmos, as well as with the magician's consciousness. The white
magician's aim is interpreted to be, in Dragon Rouge use of Judeo-
Christian symbolism, to repair and re-establish the original divine

30 "... kan magin ge oss kraft att bli skapare av framtiden, istallet for att
vara skapelser av det forgangna".

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order lost in the fall of man, or to quote Thomas Karlsson "to
strengthen or re-establish an imagined ideal original order"
(Karlsson 2001: x 31 ). One way of putting it, using the same
monotheistic references as above, would be that the white magician
tries to find his or her way back to God. The dark magician of Dragon
Rouge has a different goal. He or she wants to, again in symbolic
Judeo-Christian terminology, continue on the road pointed out by
the serpent in the Garden of Eden. In Dragon Rouge the myth of
the fall of man is intrepreted differently than in traditional Judaism
and Christianity. The Serpent in the Garden of Eden is understood
to be a culture-bringer, similar to, for example, Prometheus. Like
Prometheus, the Serpent's symbolic significance is in showing man
his potential of becoming like God, by letting him eat of the fruit of
knowledge (see Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 4). Thus, symbolically, man
took the first steps towards becoming a god when he stepped out
of the Garden.

In the Dragon Rouge view, the white magician works with the
created world, God's world, not wanting to touch, or deal with, the
unmanifest chaos, or his/her own unconsciousness for that matter.
He/she strengthens the existing structures and values in the world
as well as in his/her mind. The Dragon Rouge dark magician also
works with existing structures - in fact it is quite difficult if not
impossible to do without them, my informants say, since they build
up our world as we perceive it - but he/she also works with chaos,
the unmanifest, from which - according to this view - our manifest
universe was crafted (IF mgt 2001/47). He/ she wants to "break
borders and find new unique paths in which the magician does not
serve the plans of some god, but becomes a god and creator himself"
(Karlsson 2001: x 32 ). The truly unknown is regarded to exist in our
minds as well, as the subconscious parts of our psyche. By utilizing
chaos, seen as the destructive or fragmentary forces in the universe,
the magician edeavours to take things apart, including him-/ herself,
in order to be able to build something new of the parts, this time by
using the creative forces of existence.

31 "att starka eller ateretablera en tankt idealisk ursprungsordning" .

32 "bryta granser och finna nya unika vagar dar magikern inte tjanar en
guds planer, utan sjalv blir en gud och skapare".

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Chaos is viewed as containing all the possibilities of existence,
as elements not yet manifested. The dark magician is supposed to
be able to utilize this potential and manifest what he/ she wants to
manifest, by tapping into the forces of chaos. The order views Chaos
as the origin of everything, in the pre-form of potential not yet
manifested. To illustrate this, Dragon Rouge uses the mythologies
of a vast number of religions. An example, taken from the
Babylonian creation-saga, identifies Tiamat and Apsu with the
primordial chaos and Marduk with the bringer of order. In the
Babylonian epic the manifest universe is created out of Tiamat' s
body, that is to say, out of chaos. Dragon Rouge also identifies
Tiamat as the red dragon, along with many other primordial beasts
of various mythologies, such as Leviathan, the serpent, and in some
aspects, Satan in the Bible. All these primordial beasts have the
function of existing before order was brought into the universe, in
fact, before the universe as we know it was created at all. They all
represent chaos and, in the view of Dragon Rouge, immense power
and potential one can tap into. The fact that the primordial dragons
have been so feared is thought to be the doing of "life-denying
religions" focused on an afterlife in another world, as well as of the
sheer power and potential attributed to the draconian force.

The term dark magic is not meant to convey any moral
judgment, as stated earlier. Magic in itself, it is said, can be used for
both good and evil ends, and the practitioner is almost certainly
unable to comprehend the full consequences of his/her actions. For
example, a ritual meant to be beneficial can have disastrous
consequences in a distant, and why not near, future (see Dragon
Rouge 1996/2: 2). My informants do not seem to be particularly
interested in using their magic for effecting changes in the mundane
world. Dark magic is seen as a path of progress, best utilized to
evolve the initiate into higher states of being, for gaining knowledge
in order to be able to do this, and for gaining magical and
psychological power to become capable of proceeding with the
process. As stated in the first correspondence course in magic:

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Not seldom do people with a recent interest in magic want to
obtain help with something trivial in everyday life, for example
a money-ritual, curses or - perhaps most often - a love spell. It
is certainly possible to realize all these wishes with the help of
rituals and magic. [...] If one seeks magic in order to escape
into a false world of rituals and all sorts of hocus pocus because
one is too weak to deal with the ordinary world, one should
definitely avoid the worlds of magic. [. . .] If one does not have
the will necessary to contact the person one desires, one will
not be able to win the person with the help of magic, other
than possibly for a very short period and very disharmoniously.
(Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 33 ).

This passage displays the Dragon Rouge attitude towards using
magic in mundane settings. The attitude is that magic can be used
to obtain money, promotion at work or a relationship with the object
of one's desires, but the more regular methods of attaining these
goals are, if not easier, at least as easy as attaining them through
magic. A common rhetoric utilized in the order is that magic is
highly demanding on the adept, displayed, for example, in the
following passage from the first correspondence course:

The magnitude and gigantic potential of existence and the
universe is demanding. It is exhausting to become aware.
It takes power to gain power and to have power (like
regular [sports-] training sessions!). To Will is demanding
and requires responsibility. (Dragon Rouge 1996/1:
2 34 ).

33 "Inte sallan vill nya magiintresserade fa hjalp med nagot trivialt i
vardagen, t.ex. en penningritual, forbannelser eller - kanske oftast - en
karleksbesvarjelse. Visst gar det att forverkliga alia dessa onskemal med hjalp
av ritualer och magi. [. . .] Soker man magi for att fly in i en skenvarld av ritualer
och allehanda hokus pokus for att man ar for svag att ta itu med den vanliga
varlden, bor man definitivt undvika magins varldar. [...] Har man inte den
vilja som kravs for att ta kontakt med den man atrar kommer man ej heller
kunna vinna derma med magins hjalp, annat an mojligtvis hogst kortvarigt och
disharmoniskt" .

34 "Tillvarons och universums storhet och gigantiska potential ar kravande.
Det ar anstrangande att bli medveten. Det tar kraft att fa kraft och att ha kraft
(likt vanliga traningspass!). Att vilja ar kravande och kraver ansvar.".

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This view of magic as a demanding endeavour is combined with
the view of dark magic as something possibly dangerous if the adept
does not approach his or her practice with the insight and patience
required (see Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 1). With this attitude towards
magic practice, it would be quite peculiar to use magic in order to
attain mundane benefits, benefits possible to attain with more
worldly methods which do not place such stringent demands on
the practitioner, and which above all are not as dangerous as magic
practice.

The view in Dragon Rouge is that the mgaician, by gaining
more and more knowledge about the universe the magician exists
in, as well as about the various astral planes and qliphotic levels,
and about the hidden parts of him-/ herself, his/her shadow, evolves
until he/she finally becomes a god.

When using the term Draconian Magic the focus is on the
utilization of the draconian force. The Draconian force is seen as
twofold, consisting of the "inner dragon and the " outer dragon".
The Inner Dragon is identified as the innate life-force in man, the
Kundalini, to borrow the terminology of Hindu Tantrism - as is
frequently done in Dragon Rouge. The Outer Dragon is the overall
universal life-force or energy immanent in every aspect of nature,
linking everything together. An alternative term to outer dragon
employed in Dragon Rouge is Vril, a term used by occultists such
as H. P. Blavatsky and Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton (Blavatsky 1895:
651; Bulwer-Lytton 1886). The inner and outer dragons are linked,
so that each is an aspect of the other, neither of them existing in
isolation from the other. As noted earlier, the term Draconian magic
is more frequently used when the focus is placed on the utilization
of this Draconian force. If dark magic is used in the exploration of
the unknown, Draconian magic is used in raising energy for this
task. This is, however, an oversimplification, and the terms are not
always used clearly in the contexts presented here. The terms
basically represent the same magic-system and ideas, while
highlighting somewhat different aspects.

Magicians, especially those dealing with darker forms of magic
and with individual goals, are often accused of promoting an elitist
agenda. When one reads Dragon Rouge material selectively, this
judgment indeed lies near at hand. To give a few examples: "Most

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people sleep. They live their lives in a lethargy and lack any coherent
will" (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 35 ), "Magic is for the strong, or for
those who sincerely aim at becoming strong" (Dragon Rouge 1996/
1: 3 36 ), "To take the step and join an occult organization is a unique
choice. It is made by avant-garde people who have understood that
the world is run by mechanisms and forces which can not be seen
or explained by the great masses, but nevertheless affect your life"
(Dragon Rouge 2000d 37 ).

Occult organizations are generally elitist, as are religious
groups, teachings and traditions on a grand scale. For example,
salvation-offering religions tend to rhetorically represent the
believers as 'the chosen people', having earned a place in an afterlife-
paradise, while non-believers are called heretics and will suffer in
an afterlife-inferno. The word elitism does, however, ring with a
pejorative tone. The Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary gives
definitions of elite as "the socially superior part of society", "a group
of persons who by virtue of position or education exercise much
power or influence" and "the best of class", and elitism as
"leadership or rule by an elite", "the selectivity of the elite; especially:
SNOBBERY" and "a consciousness of being or belonging to an elite" .
Occultist movements are more often than traditionally religious ones
regarded with a certain suspicion, linking the elitism of the former
to socially questionable agendas. This is particularly apparent in
regard to movements and groups termed as 'Satanist' by outsiders
(see Nylund 1998: 239-242; SVT 1 1996; Goteborgsposten 1997;
Nilsson 1995a; 1995b for sentiments of this kind concerning Dragon
Rouge, and Granholm 2001b concerning the issue).

To refer back to the above quotations, it is not the individual
magician per se who is regarded as better than other people; it is the
choice of entering an esoteric order which is regarded as an elite
choice. Likewise, the practice of magic is not something which in

35 "De fiesta manniskor sover. De lever sina liv i en dvala och saknar nagon
enhetlig vilja".

36 "Magin ar for de starka, eller de som uppriktigt efterstravar att bli starka".

37 "Att ta steget och ga med i en ockult organization ar ett unikt val. Det
gors av avant-garde manniskor som forstatt att varlden styrs av mekanismer
och krafter som inte kan ses eller forklaras av den stora massan, men som likval
paverkar ditt liv".

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itself deems persons to be superior; it is the choice to practice it which
is viewed as noble. One of my informants approached the issue in
an interesting way. He likened the art of magic to playing the piano,
concluded that both are something that everyone can practice but
at the same time something that not all become good at. He asked
me the rhetoric question "is that elitism?" (IF mgt 2001/47-48).

Perhaps the term elitism would best be supplemented with
another, more neutral term. I suggest the term 'Uniqueism', from
'unique' - signifying something unusual. Uniqueism does not contain
the implicit assumption that 'the unique' are in an essential way
better than others, but does include the key assumptions relevant
for the matter. This allows for a more fruitful approach to the
phenomenon.

Aware of the pejorative character of elitism, as well as the
socially sinister schemes often attributed to occult movements,
Dragon Rouge strives to downplay elitist statements:

This should not be understood in some collective political
meaning or in connection with thoughts about the right of the
strong, which is often advanced in some occult circles in a
vulgar-elitist way. Magic power is the power of one's own
spirit, the power over one self. (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 3 38 ).

Thomas Karlsson and others are also very keen to point out that
magic power has nothing whatsoever to do with having power in a
collective, societal way (IF mgt 2001/50; 47). It could also be pointed
out that Dragon Rouge does not, like fundamentalist salvation-based
religions, entertain a decisive distinction between believer and non-
believer.

A further distinct theme in Dragon Rouge, which I discuss in
more detail in chapter 7, is the rhetoric of magic as an empirical
science. The view is that the magician is not involved in a blind
faith-based endeavour in which his/her rational agency is left aside,
but instead he/she actively seeks to verify his/her findings and
experiences through empirical means. As one member says:

38 "Detta bor inte forstas i nagon kollektiv politisk mening eller kring tankar
om den starkes ratt, vilket ofta fors fram i vissa ockulta kretsar pa ett
vulgarelitistiskt satt. Den magiska styrkan ar den egna andens kraft, makten
over sig sjalv".

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For my part magic is about understanding what we don't often
see or think about in everyday life. No human being can
understand or grasp the real world, what we experience as
the real world is a 'model'. ... At the 'periphery' of the model
we meet things that we don't know and do not think exist,
sometimes they can even manifest themselves in our model as
'unexplained occurrences '. By studying these 'peripheral
phenomena', the concealed, the occult, we broaden our model,
we see how the occult affects the mundane, we can develop in
the direction we want and acquire greater knowledge. ... The
characteristic of good knowledge is knowledge which can be
verified in practice. . . . When an occultist uses practical magic
he verifies (by analogy with scientific experiments) that his
model is of use and that he has learnt something of value. (IF
2001/1:6 39 ).

That is to say: the magician is not involved in a blind pursuit of
rewards, clinging onto the words and reassurances of others. In
this view, the magician actively seeks out the truths of existence,
and is not content with relying on somebody else to provide answers
for him/her. Another member expresses this in a technological
analogy: "[Magic is] the technique of changing the world in
accordance with my will, by non-worldly means/' (IF 2001/ 1:7 40 ).
A member with a natural science oriented education expresses the
view that there is no real conflict between the worldviews of natural
science and magic, although many scientists experience a conflict.
It is simply about two sides of reality. (IF 2001/1:7). A long-time
member connects knowledge attained through magic with a specific

39 "Magi for min del handlar om att forsta det vi i vardagen inte ofta ser
eller tanker pa. Ingen manniska kan forsta eller greppa den verkliga varlden,
det vi upplever som verklighet ar en 'modell'. . . . Ute i modellens 'periferi' moter
vi saker som vi inte kanner och tror existerar, ibland kan de till och med
manifestera sig i var modell som 'oforklarliga handelser'. Genom att studera
dessa 'periferi-fenomen', det fordolda, det ockulta, sa breddar vi var modell,
ser hur det ockulta paverkar det mundana, vi kan utvecklas i den riktning vi
vill och far storre kunskap. ... Det som kannetecknar god kunskap ar kunskap
som praktiskt kan verifieras. ... Nar en ockultist anvander praktisk magi
verifierar han (i analogi med vetenskapliga experiment) att hans modell ar
anvandbar och att han har lart sig nagot av varde."

40 "[Magi ar] Tekniken att forandra verkligheten i enlighet med min vilja,
med icke-varldsliga medel."

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human intention, arguing for a meaning of life. This meaning is,
according to him, possible to discern through magic.

If we live solely for breeding, why would there be any point
in us having intellect and a capacity for abstract thought? [...]
There has to be a point to our being distinct from the rest of
nature (even if some apes have been shown to have the capacity
for certain forms of abstract thought) and questions
surrounding this have plagued many thinkers through many
millennia. ... Magic is a science around this, which, in
distinction to religions (which mainly build on theoretical
philosophies and a few prophets' practical experiences/
revelations), builds on empirical experiences both from a large
number of predecessors and contemporary colleagues as on
one's own. (IF 2001/1:8 41 ).

I refer here to what I wrote earlier: the magician is active in seeking
out his/her answers for him/ herself. The same member goes on to
explain how a magician operating with many different forms of
magic can cope with the often very different answers the various
systems provide. " Since magic is a sort of science one does not view
these [answers] as static or as dogmas, but simply as explanatory
models which describe the same phenomenon" (IF 2001/ 1:8 42 ).

The analogies between the Dragon Rouge strategy and science
are not only used in interviews, they also appear frequently on the
official Dragon Rouge homepage. In describing various courses and
seminars offered, the words investigate, examine and study are
commonly used (see Dragon Rouge 2004a). Words such as concepts
and theories also appear. In the presentation of the order, the
members of Dragon Rouge are said to " study magic and occultism

41 "Om vi lever bara for att foroka oss, sa varfor skulle det finnas mening
med att vi har intelligens och formagan till abstrakt tankande? [...] Det maste
finnas en mening med att vi skiljer oss fran ovriga naturen (avert om vissa apor
ocksa bevisats aga formagan till vissa former av abstrakt tankande) och
fragetecken kring detta har plagat manga tankare genom flera artusenden. . . .
Magin ar en vetenskap kring detta som till skillnad fran religioner (som framst
bygger pa teoretiska filosofier och ett fatal profeters praktiska upplevelser/
uppenbarelser) bygger pa empiriska erfarenheter bade fran ett stort antal
foregangare och samtida kollegor som ens egna."

42 "Eftersom magin ar en sorts vetenskap sa ser man inte dessa som statiska
eller dogmer, utan helt enkelt olika forklaringsmodeller som beskriver samma
f enomen" .

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in both theory and practice" and to be involved in " exploring the
nightside tradition" (Dragon Rouge 2004b; see also Karlsson 2001:
ix).

The presentation further sets the aim of the order as being the
"education and development of the occult" and a "meeting point
for knowledge and experiences". The focus is on "empirical
occultism and a knowledge of the unknown based on experience".
Words such as faith or conviction are conspicuous by their absence.
According to Olav Hammer, the language of science, along with
dis- and reembedded terms, theories and concepts, are often
employed in esoteric spiritualities (Hammer 2001: 203-205).
Hammer sees this as a form of scientism, which he defines as follows:
"the active positioning of one's own claims in relation to the
manifestations of any academic scientific discipline..." (Hammer
2001: 206). In my view, this description does not express what is
actually going on when members of Dragon Rouge formulate and
interpret experiences. As the example with the member trained in
the natural sciences shows, the view is that natural sciences and
magic do not rule each other out. However, they both use their own
language, and do not strive towards the same goals, and therefore
they do not reach the same conclusion either.

The first steps in magic progress are taken with a first
correspondence course in magic, and here the individual adept's
contact person is not identified as a guru, master or mage, but rather
as his/her tutor. At least on a structural level this rhetoric establishes
Dragon Rouge as a research-based order, in contrast to a faith-based
movement. Among the members of the order there are said to be
many academics. These are grouped together with musicians,
painters and writers, who more commonly become linked with
magic. In tracing the origin of the word 'magic', links to the Greek
word 'megas', meaning great, are sought. This is further defined to
mean the 'great science'. Again, magic is defined as "the art and
science of working with the transcendental". (Dragon Rouge 2004b).

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3.1 .1 The Principles of Dark Magic

Draconian magic has three basic principles (Dragon Rouge 2004c;
Eriksson 2001: 141-144). These are vision, power and action, and they
can be placed in a continuum of events. First comes vision, the
magician obtains insight by seeing the "other side" - the chaos
outside our manifest universe. According to Dragon Rouge this
"other side" is the whole of existence, whereas the existence we
experience and perceive as everything is in fact only a very small
part, a part whose image is distorted by our three main categories
used to make the world comprehensible: time, space and causality.
The view is that our culturally determined knowledge makes us
blind to existence outside our limited world. The first principle can
also be understood as visualization, meaning that the magician
focuses his/her mind and will on something to achieve. (Dragon
Rouge 2004c).

The second principle, power, builds on the first principle. The
prosepct is that the magician gains knowledge of the world, real
knowledge of the whole of existence while 'wearing a pair of non-
distorting spectacles'. As stated in Tommie Eriksson's book,
"knowledge is power" (Eriksson 2001: 142). The magician is
considered to gain power by attaining this knowledge. Dragon
Rouge states that our human and bound existence can be seen as a
small part of the world enclosed in a glass cover. In Dragon Rouge
words: We cannot see the outside world because our breath mists
over the glass. The magician must, however, use a part of his/her
own power or energy in order to gain access to the unlimited energy
outside the glass cover, and the unlimited energy and power inside
himself as well. He uses his power and the limited power/ energy
in the glass cover in order to see the "other side". By seeing this
"other side", the magician is thought to gain access to the energy
outside, and can use this energy to gain better and deeper insight,
as well as more power to do so. (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

The third principle, action, is the finalizing aspect of the three
principles. The magician has a vision, insight into how he or she
wants something to be, as well as insight into the true state of reality.
Through knowledge of the real the magician has gained power and

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136

has further multiplied this power in accessing the world outside
our limited perception. The final stage of magic is to act out the
changes one wishes to occur. The magician canalizes the power
gained and focuses it on the vision. As one can read on the Dragon
Rouge homepage: "Action is the expression of magic. Through the
force of actions the magician can make his visions real" (Dragon
Rouge 2004c).

The three principles of Draconian magic are deeply interwoven.
With one or more of the principles missing magic is not really magic
at all. Without the principle of vision the magician has no insight
into the state of existence, and thus cannot effect any real changes
in world. Without the knowledge gained from the insight, from the
magician's vision, he/she has no real magical power to effect any
changes. The principles of vision and action lack potency without
the principle of power. Without power the magician lacks the
capacity to exercise change in accordance to his/her vision. The
premise of the vision-principle also implies that if the magician lacks
power, then his organ of vision is faulty as well. The magician should
gain power in and through his/her vision. In some way the power-
principle is always inherent in magical activity, considering that
the magician gains power through his vision. The presentation of
the three principles on the Dragon Rouge homepage states that the
magician who does not canalize his magical power in concrete action
"will become burned out" (Dragon Rouge 2004c). As stated earlier,
the principle of action is also the "expression of magic".

3.1 .2 Feminine Symbolism in the Left Hand Path and
Dragon Rouge

Feminine symbolism is fundamental in all forms of spirituality
defined as Left Hand Path. The Varna Marga, the 'perverse path' or
'unfriendly way' (Gupta 1981: 195), school of Tantrism is in some
legends said to have been instigated by a low-caste woman,
something quite unusual in the Indian male-dominated spiritual
milieu. Whether or not this in fact is true is of lesser importance
than the fact that this statement is noted in important founding

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

137

legends. The idea of Varna Marga, or Varna Car a, Tantrism having
been founded by a low caste woman is an important factor indicating
how important feminine symbolism is for the Left Hand Path.

In order to understand the importance of feminine symbolism
for LHP it is necessary to understand the importance of
antinomianism to the same. Antinomian is defined as "one who
rejects a socially established morality" in the Merrian-Webster
online Dictionary (Merriam-Webster 2004a). The antinomian stance
in LHP is about embracing the acts and things thought of as impure
in traditional spirituality 43 . In Tantrism this is about truly
understanding the unity of everything. Even the things considered
impure are as much part of the divine as those things considered
pure. To cite Georg Feuerstein' s Tantra: The Path of Ecstasy: "The
Tantric masters even sanctioned practices that are considered sinful
from within a conventional moral and spiritual framework. This
feature of Tantra has been termed antinomianism..." (Feuerstein
1998: 9). In accordance to this, Tantra includes the Pafica Tattva ritual,
sometimes called the 'five-M' ritual due to the five elements of the
ritual starting with the letter 'M'. In the ritual the participants eat
meat (mamsa) and fish (matsya), drink alcohol (madya or madira),
take aphrodisiacs (mudra) and have sex (maithuna), preferably with
someone other than one's wife - a woman of low caste is considered
extra beneficial.

The extent to which the ritual is realized varies among different
Tantric traditions. The more right-hand oriented traditions tend to
realize the ritual on a more allegorical and symbolic plane, whereas
those more on the left tend to realize the ritual in a more concrete
way. (Feuerstein 1998: 134, 239-241; see Woodroffe 1956: 112-122).

One should note that the above examples come from an
extremely male-dominated culture, and that they therefore
constitute a strictly male perspective. The woman is seen more as a
tool than a living subject. Still the appraisal of the positive use of
the 'woman-tool', instead of the traditional dismissal of everything
feminine, is an interesting, and possibly empowering factor. In

43 A particular Left Hand Path stands in relation to a particular Right Hand
Path. In this way for example eating meat and drinking alcohol are ways of
Indian LHP - where the dominant religious tradition state that these are impure
activities, and would not be antinomian in a Western context.

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Dragon Rouge such a strictly male perspective is not taken. See
section 7.1.6 for more on the discourse of Women's Rights, which
connects closely to the rhetoric of feminine symbolism.

Dragon Rouge defines magical antinomianism as a "violation
of the laws of cultural and religious tradition" 44 , which gives the
magician" a freedom to create his/her own traditions, conventions
and rules that correspond with the magical development" 45 (Dragon
Rouge 2001J/1: 4). In this way psychic energy is considered to be
freed; energy that the magician can use in his magic. It is further
said that the "antinomianism normally takes place on a mental
plane. It is about breaking psychological taboos in order to free
psychic energy." 46 , and it is also stated that "if one is to break
traditions and laws it is required that one maintains a very high
personal moral and discipline" 47 (Dragon Rouge 2001J/1: 4).

The feminine and women have traditionally been considered
impure, worldly, and thus separated from the divine, and even evil
in both Western and Eastern spiritual culture. Seen from the
perspective of dichotomies, she has often been looked upon as closer
to nature - thus more material, whereas man has been seen as closer
to culture and the spiritual plane (see Greenwood 2000: 138).

In Jewish mysticism the character of Lilith is identified as the
first woman - the 'first Eve', created equal with Adam, the first
man (Patai 1967: 218; Giller 2001: 65; see Jansson 1992: 36; Dan 1995:
156). Lilith was not willing to submit to the will of Adam, and was
therefore cast out of, or fled from, the Garden of Eden (Ginzberg
1909: 65-66; 1925: 87-88; Patai 1967: 210; Dan 1995: 157). She then
copulated with Satan/ Samael and bore him a mass of different
demonic children (see Jansson 1992: 30). Lilith has also been
identified as a Succubus who seduced Adam and bore a number of
demonic offspring to him (Ginzberg 1909: 118; Patai 1967: 220-221;
Jansson 1992: 30). Liliths in the plural, and other female demons

44 "lagbrott mot den kulturella och den religiosa traditionen".

45 "en frihet att skapa egna traditioner, konventioner och regler som
overensstammer med den magiska utvecklingen" .

46 "Vanligtvis ror sig antinomianismen pa ett mentalt plan. Det handlar
om att bryta psykologiska tabun for att frigora psykisk energi".

47 "Om man ska bryta traditioner och lagar kravs att man uppratthaller en
mycket hog personlig moral och disciplin".

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such as Naamah, are said to seduce men at night time (Ginzberg
1925: 143, 147-148; see Ginzberg 1928: 284; Patai 1967: 220-224, 230).

In other accounts Lilith is said to be the wife of Samael/ Satan,
the in same way that Eve is the wife of Adam (Scholem 1987: 296;
Dan 1995: 155), and furthermore that there is an older and a younger
Lilith (Scholem 1987: 295; Dan 1995: 159) who wage war on each
other (Patai 1967: 233-239). Sometimes Lilith and Samael are said
to have been born in the same hour intertwined in each other (Dan
1995: 159). The younger Lilith, consort of the demon Asmodeus, is
said to evoke jealousy in Samael, the mate of the old Lilith, and
thus instigates war in the demonic regions (Dan 1995: 170).

Qabalah describes the Shekhinah, the feminine force of the
Godhead, variously as an active or a passive force. At times, the
Shekhinah is said to be passively impregnated by the masculine
forces, and at others to be a force of active stimulation of the
masculine forces. Ger shorn Scholem points out, however, that "the
dialectics of femininity is primarily concerned - and this is worth
emphasizing - not with its activity within creation, but rather within
the context of the divine life itself (Scholem 1991: 188). The feminine
forces are thus still not as important as the masculine. The Shekhinah
is also linked to Sitra Ahra, the demonic, evil and destructive other
side - the qliphoth. Penetrated by the evil of the qliphoth, the
Shekhinah becomes a destructive force. (Scholem 1991: 187-190).

In the west, woman has come to symbolize lust, and as lust is
sin she has also come to represent sin - specifically in the meaning
of enticing man to sin, and impurity. This is clearly noted in Mosaic
views on menstruation, as well as in the importance of male
dominance over female sexuality, extending to the normative
"missionary position" during sexual intercourse, in which the
woman is to surrender to the superior man (see Romney Wegner
1999: 82-83; Klawans 2000: 29, 39-40, 104-108). Woman representing
sexual lust, and the awakening of sexual lust in men and angels, is
illustrated in the angels being "lured by the beauty of women",
and accordingly falling victims to them and having demonic
offspring by them (Ginzberg 1925: 154).

In qabalistic symbolism 'male' usually represents the spiritual
and pure, whereas 'female' represents the material and the demonic
(Weissler 1995: 525-526). In Isaac Luria's commentaries to the bible

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140

the male, the masculine forces, are identified with beauty, the day
and the impregnating force which seeds the feminine, dry land. In
cosmic dichotomy, the feminine represents the dark, negative and
passive aspects of the universe while at the same time representing
the enticing and alluring aspects of the divine, in the form of the
forces of chaos and evil actively leading mankind, as in mostly
males, to sin (Spring & Hoch-Smith 1978: 12; Radford Ruether 1983:
76-79). The actual human woman is furthermore not as holy as man,
as it is said that God has spoken directly to only one woman, Sarah
(Ginzberg 1909: 78).

In Indian religious tradition the feminine has not come to
represent quite so negative aspects as those suggested within the
Jewish tradition, but even here the female is considered spiritually
impure, especially during menstruation. Margaret Stutley gives an
account of how the male foetus was thought to reside in the right
side of the womb and the female foetus in the left side, the evil and
unlucky side, in Indian, as well as Greek, Roman, Slavic, Ancient
German and Jewish, culture (Stutley 1980: 55). Penny van Esterik
shows quite clearly how the traditional religious sphere of life is
more or less closed to the Theravada Buddhist woman (van Esterik
1996). If she is to remain a functioning and accepted part of society
a religious vocation is out of the question for her. Indian female
deities include the frightening, violent and dangerous Kali, Durga,
Tara, Chinnamasta and such. The divine female principle is Shakti,
the active creating and destroying force, as well as Prakriti, the prime
mater and the material foundation of the world - the representative
of Maya, something which is viewed negatively in mainstream
Hinduism (Hellman 1998: 54-56).

In many ways the feminine in the Left Hand Path represents
the same as the feminine in many forms of traditional spirituality;
the difference lies in how these aspects are valued. In Tantra, for
example, woman still stands for lust but as there is no such thing as
sin for the Tantric, she represents the worldly pleasures which can
be used for transcendent purposes. As nature and this-worldly things
are viewed as part of the divine, the woman acquires a different
status. According to Benjamin Walker some sources of Tantrism state
that that which is natural cannot be wrong, and that the natural is

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thus sacred (Walker 1982: 31). In extension, moral judgments of good
and bad cannot be applied to the natural, such as sex.

The woman represents Shakti, the active power in existence,
and is as such regarded as holy. Shakti can in fact be translated as
power (Online Sanskrit 2004). Shakti is the active principle whereas
Shiva, the male principle, is passive (Woodroffe 1957: 46-47; Evola
1992: 5; Feuerstein 1998: 82; Grondahl 2000: 5).

Influenced in many aspects by LHP Tantra, Dragon Rouge has
taken the same approach. Lilith, a much invoked demoness, is
likened to Shakti and is seen as both a creator and destroyer. She is
also, as the demon ruler of the qliphotic plane Gamaliel, seen as a
seducer and as the feminine aspect of the divine driven into exile,
(see Dragon Rouge 2001J/6: 2-4). Dragon Rouge also states that the
feminine has been restrained for far too long in our society and
culture, and that we now need to focus on the feminine and bring it
up to the front. In his book, Mork Magi, Tommie Eriksson writes
that "the feminine primal force has been banished to darkness and
the dark goddess has become nothing more than a symbol of death
and decay" (Eriksson 2001: 6 48 ).

Another important factor affecting the appraisal of femininity
is the belief in a closer link between woman and nature (see above).
Consequently, as woman is seen to be closer to nature, femininity
is often valued high in contemporary Western nature religion (see
Greenwood 2000: 138). The same gender polarization, in which man
and woman are essentially different - and in extension necessarily
complementary, may however lead to restricting gender roles.
Assigning essentialized qualities to man and woman, and ascribing
to these 'forces' a mutual dependence, leads to an extremely
heteronormative imperative. As Susan Greenwood shows, this may
even lead to homosexuals being discriminated against due to their
inability to fit into this heterosexist gender polarity requisite
(Greenwood 2000: 147-148).

The gender polarity issue exists in the Dragon Rouge context
as well, although the view is that the feminine and the masculine
forces exist within each individual magician. When asking a member

48 "Den kvinnliga urkraften har forpassats till morkret och den morka
gudinnan har blivit endast en symbol for dod och f orf all" .

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142

if sexual orientation plays a role in the
practice of sex magic the answer was
straightforward. Sexual orientation is not
important. The dark magician focuses
more on autosexuality - meaning that he/
she focuses on what happens within him-
/herself (IF mgt 2001/11). Thus, the
practice of sex magic can be performed
alone, with a same-sex partner, with a
different-sex partner, as abstinence from
sex, and perhaps a limitless number of
other alternatives. It is further pointed out
that sexuality as a force is principally the
same as the life-force, or the Libido in
Freudian terms, and thus it can be focused
in very many different ways. For example
Kundalini-meditation is a way of focusing
these forces. (IF mgt 2001/11).

The symbolic language of Dragon
Rouge has much feminine reference. For
example, the road into the qliphoth goes
through the qlipha of Lilith. The magician
is to symbolically step into Lilith's womb
(see Dragon Rouge 2001J/6: 2-3). The
magician's development reaches a climax
in the qlipha of Thaumiel, in which the
womb is represented as the staring eye of
chaos (Eriksson 2001: 12). In stepping
through Lilith' s cave, the womb of Lilith,
the magician gives birth to himself. In the
alchemical symbol of Dragon Rouge (see
Picture 3), Lilith' s womb (see Picture 4 for
the Lilith symbol) plays an important
_ T1 . part. Included in the symbol is also a

Picture 3. The alchemi- , , , , . , , u i *

goblet, which can be seen as a symbol or
' ,, - .. the womb. The key element of the symbol

Rouge from Eriksson . , u A \ A c , u u c

onm iQi d t v 1S second portrayal or the womb of

'" ' Lilith, this time with horns on it. Inside

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

143

this symbol is the Eye of Lucifer, which
is in fact a stylized representation of the
Tan trie Shiva-Linga symbol: Shiva in the
form of an erect penis standing inside
the vulva of Shakti.

Tommie Eriksson writes that the
light side of existence, the sephiroth, is
dominated by male principles whereas
female principles can be found on the
dark side, the qliphoth (Eriksson 2001:
11). The second corres-pondence course
in magic, dealing for the most part with
witchcraft, also maintains that the darker
aspects of spirituality are feminine:

She represents the gate to the
dimensions of magic. She is
Mother Earth and through
her womb life is born and
dies. She is the gate to the
underworld and the goddess
that the witch and the
warlock step down into in
order to be initiated. She is the
realm of death and the
mother to all life. (Dragon
Rouge 2001J/3: 3 49 ).

Picture 4. The Lilith sym-
bol of Dragon Rouge
(from Eriksson 2001 : 104).
ByT. Ketola.

The female aspects of the divine are as important as they are to
most of the LHP partly because this female part of spirituality is
left out by the dominant religions in both the Western and the Indian
cultural spheres, Christianity and Hinduism. In a way the inclusion
of the feminine divine, and alternative spirituality in general, could
be seen as a rebellion against dominant religious traditions. In some
sense this is true. Alternative spiritualities are born from the

49 "Hon representerar porten till magins dimensioner. Hon ar Moder Jord
och genom hennes skote fods och dor livet. Hon ar underjordens port och
gudinna som haxan och trollkarlen stiger ned i for att invigas. Hon ar dodsriket
och modern till allt liv."

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

144

observation that the majority religion does not provide all that the
seeker wishes to have. When a group of people with similar spiritual
ideas meet, an alternative form of spirituality, providing that which
was seen as missing in the existing alternatives, can be crafted. Being
born out of dissatisfaction with the majority religion does not mean
that rebellion is the only thing of importance on the agenda of the
alternative. There might be, and surely most often are, motivating
forces and far-reaching needs to find meaningful answers and
creative ways of looking at life.

3.2 Philosophy

The declared philosophical core of Dragon Rouge is constituted by
the goal of the evolution of the individual magician into a god, to
go from being a creation to being a creator (see Dragon Rouge 1996;
2004b; 2004c; Eriksson 2001:130). As written in the first
correspondence course in magic: "Ordinary human existence is only
the surface of an enormous sea of powers. Most people float around
in the ocean of existence without knowing why, or what they are
doing and what affects them/' (Dragon Rouge 1996/1:1 50 ). In this
metaphor, the magician dives into the ocean, learning more about
the totality of existence and forging him-/ herself a meaning with it
all. The magician learns how to control his/her destiny and gains
power through this.

Control is an important theme in Dragon Rouge. The magician
should be aware of what affects him/her and be in total control of
his life and existence. This is one of the key requirements, and indeed
part of the definition of dark magic. Part of the discourse is stating
that the process of gaining control through magic is a difficult,
demanding and often dangerous enterprise (Dragon Rouge 1996/
1:1). Consequently, the individual who chooses to partake in this
effort is viewed as a courageous and unique person. As one can
read in the course: "To will is demanding and requires

50 "Den vanliga manskliga tillvaron ar bara ytan pa ett enormt hav av
krafter. De fiesta manniskor flyter omkring i tillvarons ocean utan att veta varf or,
eller vad de gor och vad som paverkar dem".

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

145

responsibility. Everyone can become a magician, but few can
manage becoming one" (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 51 ).

Another key theme in Dragon Rouge is the concept of a living
nature. According to the order, the ideological structures of
monotheism, materialism and modernism have killed nature and
taken away its soul. Nature has been removed from the divine
sphere and made into something inanimate. The magician
reanimates nature and sees the interconnections between all things.
The city, civilization, stands for the static and the restricting
structures, whereas nature stands for the active and dynamic parts
of existence, chaos. (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

Key discursive themes are discussed in length in chapter 7.

3.2.1 The Dragon as Symbol

The Dragon is, as the name of the order implies, the single most
important symbol for Dragon Rouge. In the words of the
organization, the dragon represents an " original and limitless force"
(Dragon Rouge 1996/1:2. A latent inner force according to the
official Dragon Rouge website, see Dragon Rouge 2004b). According
to Dragon Rouge, the dragon is "both the inner and the outer power
personified" (Dragon Rouge 1996/1:3), meaning that the dragon
force is the prime foundation of everything (see also the 'Five
Elementary Draconian Principles', Dragon Rouge 2004c).

The 'Draconian Aphorisms' on the Dragon Rouge homepage
shed some light on the symbol of the Dragon.

The Dragon is the winged serpent. The Dragon unites
the serpent with the eagle, what is below with what is above.

The Dragon is the four elements. The wings are Air. The
reptile body is Earth. The scales is [sic!] Water and the burning
breath is Fire. Thus the Dragon is the fifth element - Spirit.

The Dragon is, in the form of Ouroboros, the serpent
that bites its own tail. The dragon is the beginning of the end
and the end of the beginning.

51 "Att vilja ar kravande och kraver ansvar. Alia kan bli magiker, men fa
kan klara av att bli det".

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

146

The Dragon is beyond good and evil, night and day,
female and male, plus and minus. The Dragon arises through
the meeting of opposites. The Dragon is the polarity between
plus and minus.

The Dragon is the symbol of Tao - the Journey - and the
Journey is the goal. The Dragon is dynamic eternity. (Dragon
Rouge 2004c).

In short, the dragon is everything, and at the same time beyond
everything. The dragon symbolizes the all-encompassing energy
of existence and beyond existence. By connecting with this force,
the magician awakens power and energy latent in him-/ herself, as
well as gains access to the power and energy existent in the potential
of chaos.

The Dragon is also rhetorically identified as the serpent who
gave the fruit of knowledge to Eve in the Garden of Eden, and the
serpent in turn as Satan (see Ginzberg 1925: 121). It is the Dragon
who sets the magician out on his path to self-deification (see Dragon
Rouge 2004b). The Dragon, Satan and the Serpent all represent the
Kundalini-f orce, 'the inner dragon', and its role in the magical process.
The Dragon also represents 'the outer dragon', the primordial chaos
from which everything was created, in the form of the likes of
Leviathan and Tiamat (compared in Ginzberg 1925: 41), who are
subdued, and out of whom the cosmos is created, by the forces of
structure and order, represented by God, Marduk etc. (see Ginzberg
1925: 3, 16, 42). The 'outer dragon' is thus the potential resident in
chaos, the potential of the dark magician to create on his-/ her own
(see Dragon Rouge 2004b). The combination of the outer and inner
dragons, which are really one and the same, points to the ultimate
union of all and everything.

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

147

Picture 5. The Dragon Rouge symbol (from Eriksson
2001 ). The winged serpent representing the kundalini-
serpent becomming a Dragon when rising. Atthe mid-
dle of the symbol is a Lilith symbol with a Shiva-Linga
at the centre.

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148

3.3 Ethics and Morals

Zygmunt Bauman criticizes common accounts of postmodern views
on morality. He regards them as "all too often the celebration of the
'demise of the ethical', of the substitution of aesthetics for ethics,
and of the 'ultimate emancipation' that follows" (Bauman 1994: 2).
He sees the postmodern approach to ethics not as abandoning moral
questions altogether, but rather as approaching them in a new and
different fashion. Postmodern approaches to ethics basically deal
with the same questions as modern approaches, but have abandoned
the modern way of treating them, trying to regulate moral questions
in law-like ethical codes (Bauman 1994: 3-4; see also Bauman 1997a:
9-18).

Bauman proposes the following characteristics as distinctive
of postmodern approaches to morality and moral questions.

1. Humans are morally ambivalent, and therefore no logically
coherent ethical codes can be imposed on morality. The
ambivalence of moral concerns requires solutions based on
each specific situation.

2. Morality is non-rational and thus not possible to regulate
in rigid rule-based ethical codes.

3. The ambivalence of moral concerns is further displayed in
the fact that few, if any, choices are plainly and simply good
in a clear-cut way. Most moral choices have at least some
negative consequences in the long run. An example could
be the ethical choice not to eat meat, ultimately leading to a
decreased demand for meat-products making meat-
producers lose income.

4. It is not possible to universalise morality. By this, it is not
meant that all morality is relative, but that morality is not
to be regulated in a system with clear rules about moral
conduct without taking each individual situation into
consideration.

5. From the regulative and administrative perspective
morality is irrational, and thus requires administrative
forces to constantly "trim" moral rules in order to "keep
them in desired shape" (Bauman 1994: 13). This means,

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149

simply put, that governmental administration, based on
rational thinking, needs to regulate and constantly control
the morality of its subjects, in order to transform irrational,
and uncontrollable, morality into rational, and more easily
controllable, ethical rules of conduct.

6. Moral responsibility is something existing prior to society,
and is in fact the prerequisite for the existence of society. In
a modern view society is prior to morality and it is society
that gave birth to morality. Bauman states as follows: "...
moral responsibility - being for the Other before one can be
with the Other - is the first reality of the self, a starting point
rather than a product of society" (Bauman 1994: 13. See also
Bauman 1994: 32).

7. Ethical codes are relative, not morality in it self. This refers
back to point 4, stating that a universal morality may in
fact be possible, or exist as a common factor in all humanity.
Ethical rules, almost always enforced by actors in possession
of more power than their subjects, are not universal as they
are always an attempt to rationalize ultimately non-
rationalizable issues. (Bauman 1994:10-15).

Bauman recognizes the fact that postmodern approaches to morality
do not in any way make moral life any easier, and that the freedom
of choice inherent in the postmodern condition in fact introduces a
strong feeling of insecurity (Bauman 1994: 15, 20-21). He does,
however, think that the abandoning of clear-cut ethical codes may
make moral life more moral. The postmodern approach to morality
is basically a re-personalization of morality, and is in Bauman' s
view a "returning [of] moral responsibility ... to the starting point
of the ethical process" (Bauman 1994: 34).

Characteristic number six in Bauman' s model seems to fit badly
with a social constructionist stance. If one takes a closer look at
what he claims, however, this does not necessarily have to be the
case. According to Bauman, we face a 'situation of moral choice'
from 'day one', before we have had the opportunity to learn and
appropriate the socially constructed rules of ethical conduct.
Morality, in a way, is deep down the way we relate to the Other. In
Bauman's view, this is the prerequisite for human social life and

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

150

not the outcome of it. Ethical codes and moral rules are the socially
constructed regulations born out of the necessity to find functional
ways of relating to the other. (Bauman 1997a: 9-10). This definition
of morality does not contradict the socially constructed nature of
our views on right and wrong conduct. Whereas the base-morality
of Bauman's concept is largely unreflected and of a highly
ambivalent nature, reflected morality and ethical code systems are
created in a social context. With Bauman's concepts it is possible to
illuminate the characteristic views on ethics and morality held in
Dragon Rouge.

Despite its unwillingness to dictate moral rules, Dragon Rouge
actually advocates a certain kind of ethics, namely individual,
situation-based morality. Each member should acquire a deep
knowledge of his or her preferences and values, including the ones
rooted deeply in one's subconscious, and make his or her own moral
judgements when the situation so demands. This strategy begs for
the abandoning of static, rule-like ethical codes found in for example
many traditional forms of Christianity. Bauman identifies such
closed formulations as the modern approach to morality (Bauman
1994:3-4). In Dragon Rouge a strong critique of the ethics of
Christianity, in a Dragon Rouge interpretation, is combined with
the following argumentation included in the first correspondence
course in magic:

It is not possible to generalize every act as either good or evil.
How is, for example, a so-called evil act to be viewed if the
results are good? [...] For a black magician there exists only a
subjective moral code. (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 10 52 ).

The exposition is followed by argumentation for a subjective
morality, pointing at the downsides of rigid moral-laws.

The Christians thought that they would be able to force man
to love by morality. A forced love is unnatural and without
value. [...] A black magician has rooted out all the 'Thou shalt!'

52 "Det ar inte mojligt att generalisera alia handlingar som antingen goda
eller onda. Hur skall t.ex. en s.k. ond handling betraktas om resultatet blir gott?
[...] For en svart magiker finns bara en subjektiv morallara".

CHAPTER 3 - PHILOSOPHICAL TENETS

151

and released 'I want to!'. If man is successful in breaking free
of imposed morality he can start loving honestly - a love for
the living and not for the meek and dying. (Dragon Rouge
1996/1: 10 53 ).

The Dragon Rouge view is, much in concordance with Bauman's
outline of the postmodern approach to ethics, that a morality
regulated by a rigid ethical code is fundamentally false, and as such,
basically destructive to humanity. The above quotation states that
a rule-governed approach to what one should do is in conflict with
the innate nature of human beings and their morality, and is thus
dishonest, leading to destructive tendencies in the long run (as
argued in the quotations above).

The assertion "I want to!" as preferable to "Thou shalt!" is easily
interpreted as complete indulgence in total freedom and lack of
responsibility on the part of the individual. This concern is voiced
in an interview made by Swedish television with Thomas Karlsson.
The interviewer asked Karlsson what rules the magician, in this
context said to be his or her own god, lives by. Karlsson answered
that there are no objective rules, only individual rules which one
finds for oneself (SVT 1 1996).

The magician in the instance of Dragon Rouge is indeed guided
by morality, but this does not conform to the view on morality and
ethics of all outside observers. Dragon Rouge is also careful to point
out that the individual and situation-based morality is not about
indulgence in all that one for the moment wishes to indulge in. The
view is that the practice of magic, and the possession of magic
power, demands great responsibility of the magician, as the first
correspondence course in magic states (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 1-

2).

Thomas Karlsson sums up the moral development of the dark

magician as a process where "Collective and unconscious morality

is substituted by an individual and conscious [morality]" (Karlsson

53 "De kristna trodde att de skulle kunna tvinga manniskan till karlek genom
moralen. En patvingad karlek ar onaturlig och utan varde. [...] En svartmagiker
har rensat bort allt 'Du skall!' och slappt fram 'Jag vill!'. Om manniskan lyckas
bryta sig loss fran den patvingade moralen sa kan hon borja alska arligt - en
karlek till det levande och inte till det veka och doende".

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2001: xi 54 ). It is apparent from Karlsson' s view of the dark magician's
morality that he sees it as the better alternative.

The following quotation from the same source shows that the
Dragon Rouge approach to morality fits Bauman's account (or my
understanding of it) well: "The dark magician knows that there is
not anything true or false, right or wrong" (Karlsson 2001: xi 55 ). As
there does not exist anyhing true or false, right or wrong, the
magician has to find his/her own rules of conduct and, as the rules
are made by him/her, he/she is free to change them if they do not
fit the situation. The magician should be responsible in making his/
her choices (Karlsson 2001: x) and his situation-based morality
should be in alignment with his true, or higher, Will.

Even with the lack of a common law-like ethical code, combined
with anti-authoritarianism and the concept of each individual
finding his or her own morality, certain moral traits seem to be
common to most Dragon Rouge members. The strongest of these
ethical standpoints seems to be the quest for ecology. When asked
about their views on certain topics such as politics, equality, ecology
and religion/ spirituality, all of my informants have answered that
ecology is very important. In the official material, nature and
naturalism play very important parts. Since one of the 'Five
Elementary Draconian Principles', the five doctrinal key concepts
for the organization, is "all is one", meaning the total unity of
everything, encompassing the total unity of man and nature as well,
this is not that surprising (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

In the mother-organization in Stockholm many members,
especially the inner circle and other very active members, are
vegetarians or vegans. This is variously motivated by concerns for
animal rights, by ecological reasons, by health reasons and by
magical reasons. In fact, the different motivates are somewhat
difficult to distinguish clearly from each other as they are all
intertwined. The sentiment is that the choice of a vegetarian diet is
good ecologically (and for the animals) and thus good for magic
practice, and thus good for spiritual wellbeing. Furthermore, the
choice of a vegetarian diet is in itself good for the practice of magic
(it is, for example, lighter than a meat-based diet). Thomas Karlsson

54 "Kollektiv och omedveten moral ersatts med en individuell och medveten".

55 "Morkmagikern vet att det inte finns nagot sant eller falskt, ratt eller fel".

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identifies the choice of vegetarian diet as one of the ethical choices
surfacing in Dragon Rouge as an organization (in a presentation of
Dragon Rouge for docent Liselotte Frisk and her students). He points
out, however, that the choice is not something dictated to anyone
on the behalf of Dragon Rouge, it has simply seemed to surface as
common to many Stockholm-based members. Indeed vegetarianism
does not seem to be as important to members outside the mother-
organization in Stockholm.

Ecological thinking and vegetarianism are recurrent themes in
contemporary alternative spirituality, specifically in 'New Age'
spirituality and neopaganism. Both of these generally foster an
immanent view of the divine. Neopaganism is very nature-oriented,
often seeing Mother Nature as the most important deity of all (not
counting the divinity of individuals themselves). 'New Age'
spirituality has a similar approach, although often focusing more
openly on the individual practitioner and less on nature as such
(see for example Mikaelsson & Gilhus 1998: 161-166; Frisk 1998:
172; Heelas 1996: 33, 89, 203).

Equality, extending beyond the human race, and the freedom
of the individual to have his own views on politics, sexuality, society,
religion etc., without the organization or other members infringing
on this basic right, is important in the organization. Thomas Karlsson
writes: "Everything is equal, all humans, all animals etc" (IF 2001/
1:3 56 ), and other members agree with him: "Now I respect all kinds
of religious people, but not necessarily the religions" (IF 2001 /1:4 57 ).
Concerning the magical activities of each individual member, he/
she is free to experiment with what he/she wants and choose those
specific methods that suit him/her best. As stated in the first
correspondence course in magic:

One can furthermore have different aptitudes for magic and
different forms of magic. As a student of magic it is therefore
good to experiment. Therefore we have many different types
of magic in our magic course. It is then up to the individual to
find what works for him/her. (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 58 ).

56 "Allt ar jamlikt, alia manniskor, alia djur etc.".

57 "Respekterar nu alia slags religiosa manniskor, men nodvandigtvis inte
religionerna".

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Taking personal responsibility for one's acts is important. The
magician gains total freedom through his/her magic and it is
therefore of key importance to take equal responsibility for one's
acts, decisions and choices. Dragon Rouge does not advocate an
objective and once-and-for-all fixed moral or ethical code. "For the
black magician there exists only a subjective moral code" (Dragon
Rouge 1996/1: 10 59 ). This does not mean, however, that the magician
is free to do exactly as he/she wishes, to follow each spontaneous
whim. The magician should explore his True Will, his higher self,
and, through the harmony born in the embracing of the True Will,
the magician attains a true morality, free from artificial conventions.
(Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 10-11). This is similar to Aleister Crowley's
view on abiding to the Will in the Book of the Law. In Crowley's
view The magician who follows his/her Will cannot do wrong to
his/her morals (see Crowley 1996: 41-46, verses 1: 40-44).

Spirituality and the reanimation of nature are of great
importance in the order. On the Dragon Rouge homepage, the
ideology of materialism is strongly criticized.

The nature and the animals are made for man to use. Man can
do what he likes with animals and nature. [...] Dark magic is
theriocentric and views man as an animal and a part of nature.
Man can become god by entering outside the human limits
and by recognizing the importance of the beast. This is not to
be interpreted as if one is giving in to all lower instincts. It is
rather a way to value nature and the animals. The draconian
philosophy is a pantheism where the divine is present in
nature. [. . .] Nature has become dead and man and the animals
have become soulless organisms being compared to cars or
computers. This leads to people seeking fast satisfaction of the
basic instincts instead of striving to reach divinity. [...] By
invoking the old spirits the world is re-enchanted and man
and nature win back their soul. A fellowship in a magical order
should mean that the individuals become more than
themselves. (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

58 "Man kan dessutom ha olika fallenhet for magi och olika typer av magi.
Som magistudent ar det darfor bra att testa sig fram. I var magikurs har vi
darfor manga typer av magi. Det ar sedan upp till individen att hitta det som
fungerar for denne".

59 "For en svartmagiker finns bara en subjektiv morallara".

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The dark magician should feel a connection to, and respect for, all
things living, and act in a compassionate and responsible manner.
As the magician is part of nature, injuring or harming nature in any
way would be harming oneself. In experiencing the totality of
existence and the interconnections between oneself and other living
beings, the magician is supposed to gain an empathic understanding
of sentient beings as well as the living, non-sentient, parts of
existence.

During the time I have been researching Dragon Rouge, 2001-
2004, the order has become more outspoken in some of its societal
critique. In 2001, the frequently asked questions section of the official
homepage answered the question of the political alignment of the
order by simply stating that different members have different
political views and that these have no bearing whatsoever on the
order or the practice of magic (Dragon Rouge 2001a). In 2004 it was
still stated that Dragon Rouge is a non-political organization, but
the experienced one-sidedness of official political parties is criticized
and voting for some alternative political party is recommended
(Dragon Rouge 2004b).

This relates to morality is via the obvious societal interests of
the leading core of the order. Although Dragon Rouge in no way
has a political activist or socially revolutionary agenda, it still is a
spiritual organization which is world-affirming and not world-
rejecting as, for example, many millennial movements. Members
of Dragon Rouge regard themselves, and the order, as a part of the
society they exist in - and are thus affected by what goes on in the
rest of society. As stated in the first correspondence course in magic,
"The magician has to think of his social role in the community. He
has to stand with both feet on the ground, and not float in the clouds.
He has to keep up-to-date with what is happening around him"
(Dragon Rouge 1996/2: 4 60 ).

The issue of good and evil is often under some form of
discussion when LHP and dark, or black, magic is treated (see SVT
1 1996). In the Dragon Rouge context, it is stressed that dark magic

60 "Magikern maste tanka pa sin sociala roll i samhallet. Han maste sta
med bada fotterna pa jorden, och inte svava ut bland molnen. Han maste halla
sig ajour med vad som hander omkring honom".

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does not revolve around acts of evil, such as sacrificing children or
animals in a ritual setting, or in any form of socially sinister scheme
(Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 10; Karlsson 2004: 17). In an article about
the 'New Age' answer to evil, Olav Hammer criticizes the movement
for its unsuccessful dealing with evil of, for example, natural
catastrophes (Hammer 2000). Thomas Karlsson describes the evil
of dark magic as a metaphysical evil, not the 'grey evil' of human
conduct. From a qabalistic starting point, Karlsson discusses
metaphysical evil as the evil of the dark forces, the forces of chaos
which are an antithesis to the cosmic forces of God and creation. In
Karlsson' s view, human evil is something completely distinct from
this metaphysical evil. Human 'grey evil' is the result of humans
committing atrocities on each other, and often stems from good
intentions or from arguably good goals and aims 61 . Metaphysical
evil in the dark magical context is evil as its aim is separation and
liberation from God and his creation. (Karlsson 2004: 14-18). Human
'grey evil' thus plays no real part in metaphysical evil.

3.4 Dragon Rouge and Christianity

We have also seen tendencies which show the struggle of the old
monotheistic religions to hold people in their grip. [...] The key
preachings and sales-tricks of the monotheists, that is to say the Jews,
the Muslims and the Christians, seem to be working through feelings

of guilt. (Dragon Rouge 2000a: 2 62 )

Where Christian authorities have traditionally taken a very negative
approach to magic and magic orders, the attitude of the
organizations themselves towards Christianity as a whole, or
towards specific churches as representatives for mainstream
Christianity, has varied. Magicians and esotericists living in times
dominated by Christian religion often professed themselves
Christians. The question of whether the proclamation of Christianity
was a strategy for survival, as Christianity had such a strong and
undisputed position in Western societies earlier, or whether the

61 One example could be radical opponents of abortion, who in the name
of the greater good kill doctors who perform abortions.

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magicians truly saw themselves as Christians, is very difficult to
answer, and falls beyond the scope of the present study.

The overall attitude towards mainstream Christianity started
to change with the increasing secularization of the 19 th and 20 th
centuries. Organizations such as the Hermetic Order of the Golden
Dawn, with such prominent characters as Aleister Crowley, William
Butler Yeats, Dione Fortune and Arthur Edward Waite as members,
chose to adopt quite a positive approach to Christianity as a whole,
even if some of the members of the order eventually adopted a much
more negative approach to the Christian religion. Certain members,
such as A.E. Waite, saw themselves as devoted Christians, in some
cases even on a mission from God. Aleister Crowley adopted a
different approach. He saw Christianity, in the words of Friedrich
Nietzsche, as a slave-religion (variously interpreted to mean either
"the religion of the slaves", that is to say, in elitist terms the religion
for the part of humanity viewed as less evolved or simply less
worthy, or as a religion fashioned to keep humanity enslaved) and
offered his Thelema as a more sane and active replacement. Helena
Petrovna Blavatsky's Theosophical Society, although not a directly
magical organization still a part of the esoteric scene of the late 19 th
and early 20 th century, had for the most part a negative approach
towards Christianity. While all religions where viewed as having a
common core of esoteric truth, Christianity was generally not very
popular amongst the theosophists (Ahlback 1995: 13).

Contemporary neopaganism is another form of spirituality,
with strong ties to a magical worldview as well as with similarities
to the worldview and approach of Dragon Rouge, which stresses
the negative aspects of Christianity. In this form of spirituality it is
common to see the dualism of monotheistic religions as the source
of the Western negative attitude towards nature 63 , and, thus,

62 "Vi har ocksa kunnat se tendenser som visar de gamla monoteistiska
religionernas kamp att halla kvar manniskan i sitt grepp. [...] Monoteisternas,
d.v.s. judarnas, muslimernas och de kristnas framsta forkunnelse och
forsaljningsknep ar att verka genom skuldkanslor".

63 This is also a common view amongst radical animal rights advocates, in
this context expressed mainly as the subjugation of animals (see for example
Eriksson 2003: 209).

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Christianity as the source and motivation behind the " raping of
Mother Earth", (see Harvey 1997: 222-224; York 1995: 128-129).

Religious traditions of the Left Hand Path have traditionally
adopted a highly negative stance towards mainstream Christianity.
Christianity is seen as the very antithesis to what is worth striving
for. The attitude towards Christianity found in Dragon Rouge is
somewhat ambivalent. On the one hand, the order places strong
emphasis on Dragon Rouge being open to people with all kinds of
religious etc. worldviews in its official standing, Christianity being
no exception. On the other hand, there are seen to be certain
fundamental differences between the dark magical worldview of
Dragon Rouge and monotheistic religion in its traditional forms.
When asked to name the most detestable form of religiosity known
to them, fundamentalist Christianity and Islam count high in most
members' answers, due to the oppressive character of these
religions, according to my informants. Thomas Karlsson himself
says that:

...most interpretations of the monotheistic religions go very badly
together with our ideology [...] Submission, the need for salvation,
the linear conception of time, the static understanding of paradise,
the collectivism, objective morals and duty-ethics, the separation of
body and spirit, the negative view of humans and the human body
etc. fit badly with opinions in Dragon Rouge. (IF 2001/1:3 64 ).

He goes on to point out that people with Christian, Jewish or
Muslim worldviews are naturally very welcome to join the order:
Dragon Rouge does not discriminate anybody on the basis of their
religion. (IF 2001/1:3).

The introductory quotation of the present section is part of an
article in the members' paper called "Tendencies 2000" (Dragon
Rouge 2000a). The article appears to deal with world tendencies in
the year 2000 which in some way affect the dark magician, and is

64 "... de fiesta tolkningar av de monoteistiska religionerna passar extremt
ilia ihop med var ideologi. [...] Underkastelsen, fralsningsbehovet, den linjara
tidsuppfattningen, det statiska paradistillstandet, kollektivismen, objektiv
moraluppfattning och pliktetik, separation mellan ande och materia, negativ
syn pa manniskan och hennes kropp etc rimmar ilia med uppfattningar inom
Dragon Rouge".

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quite explicitly a critique of Christianity and what is seen as secular
tendencies highly influenced by Christianity. Monotheistic religion
is criticized as being hypocritical - in the overt act of tearfully
apologizing for past atrocities whilst at the same time conducting
new acts of horror, for depriving man of his/her divinity and thus
enslaving him/her to the 'one god'. It is also rhetorically asked why
the Catholic Church has never felt the need to apologize for burning
witches in medieval times. Secular authorities today are shown to
be highly infused with these same tendencies.

One member identifies himself as a "spiritual anarchist", and
feels that it is very important to "listen to oneself", that is to say, to
be one's own authority (IF 2001/1:6). This same informant is one of
the few members I have met who have not taken an overall negative
approach to Christianity. He says:

Many DR members seem to feel a deep hatred towards Christianity,
but I do not think that is sound. If one lets oneself be inspired by other
religions without following them literally one should not reject
Christianity either. It, too, has many interesting features. (IF 2001/1:6 65 ).

There does indeed seem to be a deep dislike for at least certain
aspects of monotheistic religion within the order, on both the
individual and the collective levels. This does not, however, entail
a hatred of Christian, Muslim or Jewish people. I point to an earlier
quotation: "Now I respect all kinds of religious people, but not
necessarily the religions" (IF 2001/ 1:4 66 ). Monotheistic ideology and
its consequences are criticized. Monotheism is said to stand for the
subjugation of humans in general, and women and nature in
particular, including many acts of violence towards the
aforementioned. Monotheism is seen as the original idea behind
materialism and modernism, both imposing severe restrictions on
thought, choices and an individual morality. Furthermore,
monotheism, materialism and modernism are experienced as very

65 "Manga DR medlemmar verkar hysa ett djupt hat mot Kristendomen,
men jag tror inte det ar sunt. Om man later sig inspireras av andra religioner
utan att [folja] dem bokstavligen skall man inte forkasta kristendomen ocksa.
Den innehaller en hel del intressant den ocksa/'.

66 "Respekterar nu alia slags religiosa manniskor, men nodvandigtvis inte
religionerna".

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160

much alive, even in a secular society like Sweden. (Dragon Rouge
1996/1: 10; 2004c).

A further reason for the difficulty of incorporating the magic
of Dragon Rouge in a Christian worldview is the fact that Dragon
Rouge " explores the forbidden parts of the creation of God" (Dragon
Rouge 1996/1: 4). The Christian magic adept would therefore be
better served by choosing a path which leads to becoming one with
God, instead of becoming like God - the goal of the Dragon Rouge
magician.

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4 Organization
4.1 History

The following account of the history of Dragon Rouge is based on,
and compiled from, information provided to me by various Dragon
Rouge members, as well as what can be read on the order's
homepage, URL http://www.dragonrouge.net. I am well aware of the
problems involved in having my recount based on the retellings of
Dragon Rouge adherents ten years on, but as there are no other
sources I see no alternative to using this method. The retrospective
account of Dragon Rouge history consists of both facts and filtered
accounts, and functions partly as a founding legend providing an
air of mystique and authenticity to the order.

4.1 .1 Thomas Karlsson

The history of Dragon Rouge begins with the order's founder
Thomas Karlsson. Karlsson, born 1972 in Stockholm, Sweden,
reports having had extra-corporeal experiences from the age of three
onwards. As a result of this, Karlsson did not experience a clear
border between waking perception and sleep, something of
importance for his later magic development. Because these
experiences manifested themselves at such an early age, they never
seemed all that strange. It was not until the age of 12 67 that Karlsson
realized his experiences could be regarded as occult. (IF mgt 2001/
49). He recounts having been fascinated with myths, religion and
symbols, by the operas of Richard Wagner and by surrealist artists
such as Salvador Dali, as well as having been encouraged in the
two last-mentioned indulgences by his parents. (IF 2001/1:3).

At the age of 12, Karlsson started experimenting with the occult
together with a friend of about the same age. The experimenting
included trying to evoke demons by using grimoires 68 , using a quija

67 On an intriguing, though trivial, note Jesus Christ is stated to have
been the same age when he drove the merchants out of the temple.

68 Medieval handbooks on magic, usually containing spells, incantations
and descriptions of demonic entities.

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board (IF mgt 2001/49), as well as visiting cemeteries and pre-
Christian sites of worship. By this time Karlsson and his friend had
been joined by other people, forming a loose group. According to
Karlsson, he himself was the most active of them all, even having
contact with much older magicians. The first occult organizations
Karlsson contacted were two spiritualist associations in the
Stockholm region, Sanningssokarna [The Seekers of Truth] and
Stockholms Spiritualistiska Forening (SSF) [Stockholm Spiritualist
Association] . He discovered early on that the border between serious
spirituality and utter nonsense could be quite hazy in occult circles
(IF mgt 2001/49). Karlsson did not try to channel spirits in the
Spiritualist fashion and was drawn early on to darker forms of
spirituality (IF mgt 2001/49). (IF 2001/1:3)

Among the earliest written accounts of the occult which
Karlsson absorbed were books by Eliphas Levi (Alphonse Constant
Louis), Helena Petrovna Blavatsky and Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton,
as well as folklore-black magic books and some general works on
the occult (IF mgt 2001/49). Literature by Aleister Crowley and
Anton Szandor LaVey entered the picture somewhat later. Crowley
proved inspiring as his texts were so multifaceted, whereas LaVey's
worldview seemed all too materialistic. (IF mgt 2001/49). Karlsson
studied the occult with such intensity that his schoolwork suffered
at times. The occult studies did not, however, have a solely negative
impact on his more mundane studies, as Karlsson, at the age of 14,
held a school presentation on Aleister Crowley and magic for a
somewhat confused audience consisting of his fellow pupils and,
in Karlsson' s words, a "somewhat impressed teacher". (IF 2001/
1:3).

By the time Karlsson reached the age of 17, his small gathering
of occultist had already expanded into a regular group practising
magic and studying occultism. Karlsson himself had regular contact
with a 25-year-old male, who in turn had contacts with prominent
figures in occult circles. According to Karlsson, the focus of his group
was dark, although not satanic. Besides the workings with his own
group, Karlsson also had contact with other magicians and
occultists, attended shamanic meetings and witches meetings,
participated in Yoga-courses, met and discussed with Heavy Metal
Satanists and 'New Age' consultants. He also worked in the
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163

Vattumannen esoteric bookshop in Stockholm, as well as doing tarot
readings at the shop Jolanda den tredje. It is safe to say that Karlsson
had immersed himself deeply in the esoteric and alternative-
spiritual Stockholm of the late 1980s.

A very important influence for the forming of Dragon Rouge
was the contact with a group based in Gothenburg, Sweden,
practising yezidic and typhonian 69 magic. According to Karlsson,
the Gothenburg-based group was quite loosely and unofficially
organised and studied the darker aspects of spirituality. (IF mgt
2001/49). Karlsson reports having learnt many of the terms and
concepts later used in Dragon Rouge from this particular group, as
well as having received some important texts and artefacts from it.
The texts received mostly dealt with the Draconian force and were
inspired by the qabalah, as well as some texts consisting of yezidic
material (IF mgt 2001/49). This group gave Karlsson the impetus
to go ahead and start an actual magic order. The group also
suggested using the red dragon as the main symbol.

At about this time, in the late 1980s, Karlsson visited Morocco
in the company of, in Karlsson' s words, an insane Englishman with
suicidal tendencies. An event of crucial importance for the forming
of Dragon Rouge occurred during this visit to Morocco: Karlsson
visited the famous ]amaa El-Fna Square in Marrakech, encountered
a Dervish (a Sufi/ Muslim mystic), and received the following
prophetical announcement from him: "The old shall be destroyed
and a temple shall be build for the Red Dragon" (IF 2001/1:3 70 ).
After the encounter, Karlsson returned to Sweden and formed
Dragon Rouge with the help of his nearest friends and companions.
(IF 2001/1:3).

69 The branch of the Ordo Templi Orientis founded by Kennth Grant (see
section 2.1.4) is called the Typhonian O.T.O. It is possible that the group
mentioned by Karlsson worked with Grant-inspired magic. There are similarities
between Grantian magick and Dragon Rouge. For example, Grant speaks of
the Draconian Current as the original spirituality, incorporates the qliphoth in
his material and considers it imoprtant to balance the positive and negative
aspects of existence (see Grant 1994a; 1994b).

70 "det gamla ska ga under och att ett tempel ska byggas at den roda
draken" .

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164

At present, Karlsson is a PhD student in the department of the
History of Religions at the University of Stockholm. He is writing a
thesis on Johannes Bureus and Gothic qabala, with an approach
combining the history of religions and the history of ideas
(information from personal correspondence with Thomas Karlsson).
Karlsson points out that his aim is to keep his esoteric practice
separate from his academic work, and that his sources are different
when operating in each sphere.

4.1.2 The Founding and Development of Dragon
Rouge

On Dragon Rouge website one can read that "Dragon Rouge was
inoff icially [sic] founded 1989 by seven young magicians with Thomas
K. as the main character" (Dragon Rouge 2004b. See also Dragon
Rouge 2001c). One can further read that the organization was
founded "following the advice from a circle of old Yezidi-Tyfonian
magicians who left their great work of awakening the dragon force
to their younger inheritors". One can assume that the older Yezidi-
Tyfonian magicians consist of the Gothenburg-based group
mentioned in section 4.1.1. On New Year's Eve, 1989/1990, Dragon
Rouge was formally, and under ceremonial proceedings, opened
for the public (Dragon Rouge 2001a, Dragon Rouge 1996/1:7, Frisk
1998:142). In 1989 Dragon Rouge had existed as a closed order (IF
2001/1:8).

Thomas Karlsson says that Dragon Rouge "started as an
unprejudiced search for a darker spiritual ideology or path, with a
fascination for the symbols encircling the Left Hand Path" (IF mgt
2001/49). He goes on to say that organizations such as the
Typhonian Ordo Templi Orientis (see footnote 69) and Temple of
Seth were inspirational in the beginning, but also that Dragon Rouge
has come to evolve differently from these organizations. At first,
meetings were held in the homes of members and magic workings
in nature were important, practice being of key importance from
the very beginning, as the accentuated theory-centeredness of many
magic organizations was the very impetus for forming Dragon

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165

Rouge. Thomas Karlsson had early on been irritated by the seeming
lack of practice and all too much focus on theory found in the
magical organizations he had come into contact with. (IF mgt 2001/
49).

When asked about the importance of Anton LaVey's writings
for Dragon Rouge, Karlsson responded that they might have played
a more important part in the early Dragon Rouge, even though
Satanism has never played any major part at all (IF mgt 2001/49).
A common idea among the active members of the organization is
that LaVey's writings may have sparked the interest in the darker
aspects of spirituality among many Dragon Rouge members, but
that the members all eventually will mature, or already have
matured, beyond LaVey's kind of satanic philosophy. LaVey's
Satanism is seen as something possibly belonging to the individual
member's past but as being, at least in some ways, ill suited to the
philosophy of Dragon Rouge (see IF mgt 2001/51).

The number of members involved in Dragon Rouge grew
considerably in the mid 1990s (IF mgt 2001/49). This was probably
due to the extensive media attention given to the order. In 1995,
Dragon Rouge held a ceremony where the child of two of the
members was baptized (Frisk 1998:142; Nilsson 1995a; 1995b).
Representatives for the Swedish tabloid newspaper Aftonbladet
attended the ceremony and wrote a highly critical article labelling
Dragon Rouge a satanic organization. The child in question was
said to have been baptized in the name of Satan, when the
ceremonies involved in the event never implied anything of the
sort (Nilsson 1995a; 1995b; SVT 1 1996. Frisk 1998: 142, is also of the
opinion that the baptism was not a satanic one).

What actually took place, according to the order, was a ritual
where the Draconian force, also seen as the life-force of the universe
as well as the life-force immanent in every living being, was
channelled for the benefit of the child being baptized (SVT 1 1996).
The parents of the child were, however, outspoken Satanists and
their beliefs and values were taken to represent the totality of Dragon
Rouge (IF 2001/1:8). Dragon Rouge made the headlines due to this
incident, and the headlines consequently attracted more media
coverage (see for example Gotebrogsposten 1997; Stugart 1995; 1996;
SVT 1 1996; Tidningarnas Telegrambyra 1997). A member told me

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about an incident where Veckorevyn, a Swedish magazine aimed at
adolescent girls, had featured an article called Satanists Molest Young
Women and included a photograph of this particular member. The
photograph had been taken from the earlier article in Aftonbladet
and the article in Veckorevyn had nothing in particular to do with
Dragon Rouge (IF mgt 2001/51). Needless to say, my informant
did not have anything to do with any form of molestation of young
(or for that matter old) women. The whole incident was even given
some attention in Finland, as the anti-Satanist Riku Rinne mentioned
the baptism in his book Pimeys vdistyy (The Darkness Yields) (Rinne
1996:13-16).

Most likely due to the media coverage, more possible adherents
became to be aware of the existence of Dragon Rouge. The number
of members doubled from about 250 to 500 in a very short time (IF
mgt 2001/53). Veteran members of the organization view the events
of the mid 1990s somewhat ambiguously. On the one hand, the
media coverage gave the Dragon Rouge publicity, which helped
the organization to gain a considerable increase in the number of
serious members. On the other hand, some of the members attracted
were not interested in spiritual aspirations, but mainly in the
sensationalist Dragon Rouge portrayed by the media, a portrayal
that Thomas Karlsson and the inner circle of the order did not feel
represented Dragon Rouge very well (IF mgt 2001/49, 53).

During the early days of Dragon Rouge, the membership paper,
which in 1990 was called Quintessens (IF 2001/1:8; Bjarke 1991),
came out irregularly, largely due to the fact that it had to be copied
manually, but also because of the lack of time and material. Thomas
Karlsson was almost solely responsible for the functioning of the
organization. The meetings, the first of which were officially held
in 1991, and the organizational structure were irregular. The
meetings, mostly practice-oriented, usually took place in the home
of an early member, or alternatively as practical magic workings in
an outdoor setting. A long-time Dragon Rouge member attaches
great importance to the media attention on the organization during
its early days. He notes: "The number of members started to rise
and then one day the media became aware of us" (IF 2001/ 1:8 71 ).

71 "Medlemsantalet borjade att vaxa och sa en dag fick media nys om oss".

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The first media-appearance, apparently in 1991 (see Arlebrand 1995:
11), was on a Swedish television programme called Fri zon (Free
Zone).

My informant blames the youth and naivety of the organization
for the somewhat misrepresentative image given of the Dragon
Rouge. The media-appearances were viewed as good PR and, as
Dragon Rouge wanted to expand and attract more interesting and
suitable members in Sweden, as something necessary. The media-
appearances Dragon Rouge took part in during the following years
accomplished this. Earlier, the few non-serious, and at times even
bordering on slanderous, media statements that had not mattered
during the earlier days of the order now began to matter as Dragon
Rouge and its number of members grew. Contact with the media
started to assume large proportions, and the final blow came with
the very negative article in the Swedish evening paper, Aftonbladet,
mentioned earlier. Something radical had to be done.

The media-attention attracted an increasing number of
members, a great many of these unserious and attracted by the
misrepresentations of Dragon Rouge as something sensationalist
and satanic. This combined with a state of organizational structure,
which was not really modelled for such a large number of members,
created big problems for the order. My informant feels that the
organizational structure of Dragon Rouge in the mid 1990s could
have accommodated about 50 members, the system basically
requiring that the central administration personally knew all
members, whereas the actual number of members had grown to
about 500. (IF 2001/1:8).

Two long-time members had by this time started to help
Karlsson with the compiling and copying of membership papers
but the management of the task, based on manual labour, as well
as managing the members-register, which was a combination of
handwritten and typewritten lists, still became too big a job. For a
time, key figures in the Dragon Rouge management considered
closing the organization and going back to being a closed order.
However, the decision to go on with the help of some radical
organizational changes was taken. The following core elements
where agreed upon:

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• Withdrawal from the media, or only appearing in media
contexts which seem to have special relevance and
which are beneficial to the order and its practice in some
way.

• A rationalization of the administration, that is to say, a
more effective management.

• A division of the workload, one member taking over
the layout of the members' paper as well as the
management of the membership register.

• Leaving the task of copying of the members' paper and
other members' circulars to a professional copying firm.

• A restructuring of the register of membership, making
it easier to discover which members had renewed their
membership fee, as well as sending out remittance slips
to members when it was time for them to renew their
membership.

• Editing and introducing a correspondence course in
magic. (IF 2001/1:8).

In connection with these changes Dragon Rouge acquired its first
premises, and in these the first Dragon Rouge temple was built.
Three female Dragon Rouge members opened a magic shop called
Mandragora as well. An annual meeting was held for the first time.
During this first meeting the following was agreed upon:

• Set the publication of the membership paper (called
Dracontias since number 1/2002, earlier Draksadd for
the Swedish version and Cauda Draconis for the versions
in other languages) to four times a year.

• A slight increase of the membership fee

• The goal of attracting members outside Sweden

• A reworking of the correspondence course

• Creating a homepage on the Internet. (IF 2001/1:8).

According to my informant, most of the goals were achieved within
a year of the decisions having been made. A first homepage had
been created (Thomas Karlsson and the other key members
recognize Internet as one of the main sources for attracting foreign
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members) and a few members outside Sweden had joined the order.
The division of the workload continued, as another long-time
member took on the responsibility of translating the membership
paper into English, calling the English version Cauda Draconis. Later,
Dragon Rouge lost its first premise and acquired a new, more
permanent one. As for the membership categories, non-serious
members eventually ceased to be members, as they did not renew
their membership, and the percentage of active members greatly
increased because of this. (IF 2001/1:8)

4.2.1 Organizational Structure

Dragon Rouge is organized in three layers. The outer layer consists
of all members who have paid the yearly membership fee. (IF 2001/
1:3). These members receive a publication for members, Dracontias,
four times a year. Most courses and meetings arranged by the
Stockholm section of Dragon Rouge are open to the public, that is
to say, to people who have not paid the membership fee. Members
receive a discount on the cost of the courses though, as well as having
the possibility to attend meetings not open to the public, such as
the annual meetings, usually arranged in the summertime (see
Dragon Rouge 2000a-c; 2001a; 2001f-i). Some lodges have different
policies regarding the admittance of non-members to meetings. For
example, lodge Helheim, situated in Gothenburg, has a stricter
policy, not allowing non-members to attend so easily (Dragon Rouge
2001d).

Dragon Rouge members have the opportunity of taking
correspondence courses in magic, which in turn makes it possible
for them to be initiated and gain deeper insights into the magic
system of Dragon Rouge (Dragon Rouge 2000a-c; 2001a; 2001f-i).
Completing the first initiation gives the member access to the second
organizational level (IF 2001/1:3). Besides deeper insight into the
magic system, initiation into the degrees also gives admittance to
some of the courses in which only members initiated up to a certain
degree are allowed. Usually these courses are more elaborate and
require more serious and/ or insightful participants. The degree

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requirements for these courses are usually degree 1.0 or having
started the first correspondence course (the first degree to be
initiated into: for more information on the initiatory system see
section 4.2.4), sometimes degree 2.0 or having started the second
correspondence course (see Dragon Rouge 2000a-c; 2001a; 2001f-i).

After having been initiated into the third degree, the initiate
enters the third organizational structure, the Dragon Order. The
initiate swears the Dragon Oath, basically ceremonially declaring
him- or herself to be willing to be more deeply involved in the work
of magic, as well as in the organization's inner workings. Initiation
into the third degree and the swearing of the Dragon Oath gives
the initiate admittance to the inner core of Dragon Rouge, known
as the Inner Circle. (IF 2001/1:3). The taking of magic oaths was
seen by Aleister Crowley as beneficial for the magician's
development. He saw magical oaths as expressions of Will, and
furthermore as something that one should not, or could not, break
(see Crowley 1977: 62). The division of the system in two is similar
to the structure of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, where
members where initiated into the Second Order after receiving the
fifth degree (see section 2.1.3). The difference is that the First Order
activities of Golden Dawn where strictly theoretical, while the
Dragon Rouge initiate focuses on practice from the very start.

The administrative tasks of Dragon Rouge are divided between
five main members. Thomas Karlsson is mostly active in the
organization's ideological formation, as well as holding most of the
courses and meetings and writing a great deal of the magic material.
Another member takes care of the register of members and most of
the mundane tasks concerning magic material, such as the graphic
layout. A third long-time member is responsible for the
correspondence between the order and members abroad, as well as
holding some courses. Two more recent members have taken over
the work on the homepage and the main correspondence with
Swedish-speaking members, respectively, from the three
aforementioned persons. (IF 2001/1:8; IF mgt 2001/48; personal
observations).

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4.2.2 Membership

An article in the Swedish evening paper, Aftonbladet, in 1995 claims
a membership of about 200 members for Dragon Rouge, whereas
the organization itself is reported to claim about 300 members
(Nilsson 1995a; 1995b). In an article in Dagens Nyheter in 1996 a
long-time member of Dragon Rouge states the number of members
of the organization to be 300 (Stugart 1996). An official inquiry made
in 1998 by the social department of the Swedish government states
that the number of paying members of Dragon Rouge is 350 (SOU
1998: 65). The numbers are said to be taken from the Catalogue of
Churches, Denominations and Movements in Sweden 1998 (Katalog over
kyrkor, samfund och rorelser i Sverige 1998) and to be accurate as
of 20 th August, 1998. Liselotte Frisk writes that the organization was
said to have had about 400 members in 1997 (Frisk 1998: 143).

A long-time member of the organization stated in 1997 that the
number of members of the order was 400, and further that the
number of members was about 15 when he first joined (Johnsson
1997). In a questionnaire, one member informs me that he joined in
1991 and that the number of members at that time was about 20 (IF
2001/1:8). In Arlebrand (et al.) it can be read that the organization
reported a membership of 500 people in 1997 (Arlebrand et al. 1998:
89, 112). In 2001 the number involved in Dragon Rouge was said to
be about 200 members in Sweden, about 70 members in Germany
(information obtained at the 2001 Annual meeting) and 50-75
members outside Sweden and Germany (IF 2001/1:8). This would
give Dragon Rouge about 300-350 paying members. In
correspondence with a member responsible for the administrational
tasks regarding membership in 2004, 1 was informed that the order
had about 130 members in Sweden, 34 members in Germany and
16 members in Italy. The total number of members is estimated to
be about 250 persons.

The numbers of members given must not, however, be taken
at a face value. With movements of the network kind, which Dragon
Rouge could be described as, membership can be very loose. If one
counts a membership of 250 persons one must remember that this
is the number of people who have currently paid the annual

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membership fee of the order. Having paid the membership fee does
not mean that the member is an active member, that is to say takes
part in courses and meetings etc. Apart from this, non-members
may take part in meetings and courses, at least the courses open to
non-members. Thirdly, organizations always affect the surrounding
society and often instigate some kind of social response. In my view,
the people involved in an organization in this way may very well
be counted in the organization's field of influence. In the case of
Dragon Rouge, the organization has triggered a great deal of media
attention and thus probably, at least at certain times, instigated a
moderate response for or against the organization. One may
therefore say that Dragon Rouge, without doubt, has affected the
lives of a great many more than the 250 people enrolled as members
at the time of writing.

Regarding the age-spread of members, the official website of
the order states that it has members of all ages (Dragon Rouge
2004b). The average age of members is said to be about 18-30 (IF
2001/1:8). According to my own experience the statement regarding
the average age of Dragon Rouge members is quite correct, although
the most active members seem to be around the ages of 25-35. The
average non-Swedish member seems to be somewhat older, ranging
from about 25 to 40 years of age. According to a former member,
the order used to have members as young as 13 in 1996 (IF 2001/
1:13).

Utilizing James A. Beckford's model for classification of social
movements and, more particularly, the participation in social
movements, one may distinguish between different degrees of
participation. I consider a short presentation of Beckford's model
in order here (Based on Beckford 1985: 76-93). Beckford's model is
a twofold one, focusing on External Relationships, that is to say, the
relations between the movement members and the surrounding
society, and Internal Relationships, that is to say, the relation the
movement's members have to the movement itself and each other.
I will disregard the external relationships as they are irrelevant in
the present context. Regarding internal relationships, Beckford
distinguishes between five different types: Apostates, Patrons, Clients,
Adepts and Devotees. The types range roughly from lesser
participation to greater participation in the movement.
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The apostate and patron types differ somewhat from the other
three types. Apostates are former movement members who for some
reason no longer participate actively in the movement's activities
and, according to Beckford, therefore no longer have many social
relationships with active movement members. Patrons are non-
members who give their support to the movement, be it economic
or ideological. Beckford recognises that there are many possible
modes of apostasy, for example making it possible for an apostate
to function as a patron. In cases where the former member has a
negative attitude to his former movement, the types apostate and
patron do, of course, not correspond. (Beckford 1985: 83-84).

Clients approach the movement in order to attain certain
benefits without letting their involvement in the movement affect
their life much outside the movement. Adepts are more deeply
involved in the movement, regarding it as an important part of their
life and letting their involvement affect larger parts of their everyday
life. Devotees are members who are highly involved in the
movement and invest greatly in it, both economically, emotionally
and time-wise. For devotees, the involvement in the movement is
reflected in all or most parts of their life outside it. Movement
authorities affect the life of the three latter types in various degrees,
ranging from the subtle or implicit and encompassing only some
specific areas of the member's life in the case of clients, to the explicit
and encompassing most, or all, areas of the member's life in the
case of devotees. (Beckford 1985: 82-83).

Regarding Dragon Rouge, I have met or talked with members
who can be situated in most of the five categories. I have come across
apostates (both former members who have adopted a negative
approach to the order, as well as members who function as patrons
in giving a positive account of the order to me), patrons, adepts
and devotees. Clients could probably also be found, but may be
harder to reach as well as harder to motivate to aid me in my
research.

In my master's thesis I proposed that most members of Dragon
Rouge could probably be seen as belonging to an amalgam of the
client and adept types (Granholm 2000: 76). I would now like to
revise my statement and propose a somewhat different solution. I
still believe that most members can be seen as an amalgam of the

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client and adept types, meaning that they receive the organization's
material, at the very minimum reading the membership paper sent
to them four times a year, and maybe participating in some of the
meetings and courses. The client-adepts do not let their Dragon
Rouge involvement affect all areas of their life but do, however,
view their magic practice as being very important and influential
in their life. However, most of the members I have met, discussed
with or received answers to questionnaires from, conform to the
adept or devotee types in Beckford's model. This is only natural
and to be expected when doing research on social movements, as
the members who have taken the time and effort to aid me in my
research most likely have a deeper involvement in the organization
than members who do not feel as motivated to participate in the
research.

The question of the movement or its authorities influencing
the everyday life of members is somewhat problematic. Most
members I have heard from argue that their involvement in Dragon
Rouge, and more specifically their magic practice, has changed their
life profoundly and that all aspects of their more mundane life are
infused by their magic practice. This can, however, be seen as a
discursive strategy (see sections 7.1.1 and 7.1.2) playing on the
importance of magic, and does not necessarily mean that everyday
decisions made by my informants have changed in any major way.
Nevertheless, I feel that my informants' opinions should be treated
with respect, including their opinions suggesting a changed outlook
on everyday decisions. The decisions made have not necessarily
changed, but the way the informant views his/her choices and
decisions most certainly has. The member's magic practice and
organizational involvement has opened him/her up to a new way
of perceiving the world around him/her, filtering his/her
observations through glasses tinted by magic knowledge.

Regarding the order itself affecting the everyday life of its
members, the influence may range from non-existent to very small
for most members. As Dragon Rouge has a highly anti-authoritarian
character, similar to most (other) neopagan movements (see Lewis
1996b: 3; Harvey 1997: 212-214), and does not maintain any clear
rules about how one should lead one's life, it is unlikely that
members would approach the organization's materials searching
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for authoritative statements on how to lead their lives. For the most
active members, the ones most suitably described as devotees, the
situation is different. For these members, life in Dragon Rouge is
profoundly interwoven with their everyday life, in the form of
concerns about the organization's finances, ideological and
organizational development etc.

Beckford's model has, however, like all models, certain
limitations, particularly with regard to Dragon Rouge. Many
members express sentiments towards the order through which they
could be placed in the client category. Dragon Rouge functions as a
meeting place where the member may meet other practicing
magicians and maybe learn from their experience. When
participating in the activities no longer feels compelling they stop
going to meetings and no longer renew their annual membership
fee. However, regarding the practice of magic the answer is different.
Magic can not be abandoned so easily: "once a magician always a
magician" is something I have heard Dragon Rouge members say
on more than one occasion. Where does one place members of this
kind in Beckford's model, members who act as clients towards the
organization and as devotees towards the practice of (specifically
Dragon Rouge type) magic. I have even experienced this with
members who are apostates in relation to the organization.

4.2.2.1 Gender

According to Dragon Rouge, the percentage correlation between
male and female members in the order has varied throughout the
order's history. At the beginning the percentage of male members
was at least 75 %. During the mid 1990s, when the number of
members grew rapidly, the percentage of female members grew to
about 60 %. In recent years the percentage of male and female
members has been about 50-50, with a slight preponderance of male
members. (IF 2001/1:8). From my experience during my field work
in 2001-2004, female attendance at the meetings and courses at
Dragon Rouge Stockholm is slightly lower than male attendance.
Of about 8 to 15 members attending, about 1 to 5 have been female.

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This is, however, something that my informants recognize (IF 2001/
1:8). If one were to draw conclusions regarding the percentage of
female members in the organization from empirical observations
at meetings, one would arrive at an estimated 20-30 % . This would
not, however, include members who do not participate in collective
activities, but who have paid the membership fee and who could
be working with the correspondence course. As I cannot, and would
not out of respect for individual members' integrity, access the
register of Dragon Rouge members, I have no way of checking the
accuracy of my informant's estimate. As my informant has
developed and worked on the current members register since the
mid 1990s, and has insight on the matter, I believe he can be regarded
a reliable source.

Dragon Rouge seems to be very keen on having a balance of
female and male members. This may in part be due to the slight
preponderance of male members combined with the ideological
aspiration to focus on female magical, religious and mythic
characters and themes. According to Thomas Karlsson, about one
third of the members of the Inner Circle are female, with slightly
less in the initiatory Inner Circle and slightly more in the
organizational (IF 2001/1:3). According to another informant, a long
time-member to be considered a regular member of the Inner Circle,
most of the members in the administration and other key positions
in the order are male. He is, however, very specific in pointing out
that this is something the organization has tried to counteract. He
believes that the reason why men hold the key positions is due to
female members being less active in the collective aspect of the order
and working more individually, thus not becoming involved with
administrative and other tasks. According to one of my informants,
the male domination in the administration is proof of the order not
having any kind of gender hierarchy, as some of the most tiresome
and mundane aspects of the order's work, such as posting mail etc,
is done here. (IF 2001/1:8).

Almost all of the Dragon Rouge material is written by male
members and likewise almost all of the courses, meetings etc. are
held by male members. The order does, however, express the desire
to have more female members participating more actively and has
instigated specific female groups within the order. The belief is that
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groups of this kind can function to activate female members to
become involved in the order's inner concerns, as well as taking
care of their own individual evolution in magic. (IF 2001/1:8; IF
mgt 2001/57-58).

As one can see, the Inner Circles of the order are very male-
dominated, although the order has a stated goal of involving more
female members in its inner affairs, and has a strong discourse on
women's rights. The Inner Circles consist of long-time and high
initiated members, who have invested the most in the order, both
time-wise and emotionally (see section 4.2.3). Those who have been
members for the longest time are all male. There are no active
women in the mother-order in Stockholm who have been members
for as long as the male members of the Inner Circle. There are,
however, a few women who have been with the order for a
considerable length of time, and begin to take on more official tasks.
Examples are the Stockholm-based female members of the women's
group. Lodge Magdan in Poland is run by female members, and
the Italian lodge Sothis has at least one leading female member. I
have no current information on the other lodges.

4.2.3 The Inner Circle

The Inner Circle of Dragon Rouge is the inner core of the order
responsible for the administrative, ideological, economic and other
practical issues of the order. The Inner Circle comprises of various
individuals who have taken a more active role in the organization,
meaning that one is not elected into the Inner Circle through some
sort of democratic elections. I have been informed that the Inner
Circle has a dynamic structure, the constitution of which depends
on the questions discussed (IF mgt 2001/49; IF 2001/1:8).

According to Thomas Karlsson, the Inner Circle is not one body,
constant in its structure. The Circle consists of persons from the
following categories: members who have been in Dragon Rouge the
longest time; the most active members; the most competent members;
the members who have attained the highest degrees in the initiatory
system and the lodge masters and leaders of the various spheres of

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interest. (IF 2001/1:3). When asked what counts as being an active
member, Karlsson responded: "...someone who is involved in
Dragon Rouge on a regular basis (either as a participant in meetings,
as a practitioner of magic, as a co-worker etc.)" (IF 2001/ 1:3 72 ).

One long-time member feels that members who take part in
the correspondence course and/ or attend meetings, seminars and
courses, can be said to be active. He goes on to say that probably 75
% of the members outside Sweden are active, whereas about 50 %
of the members in Sweden are. The smaller percentage of active
members in Sweden, when compared to the percentage outside the
country, is due to the order being better known in Sweden, and
thus attracting more peripheral members. (IF 2001/1:8). The fact
that the average age of Swedish members is a bit lower than the
average age of foreign members may play a role in the lesser degree
of activeness of the Swedish members. Dragon Rouge is probably
the first occult organization most of the Swedish members have
joined, whereas the older non-Swedish members may have
participated in other orders, or at least become better acquainted
with the field, thus making their decision to join the order on a
more reflexive and aware base.

According to my observations, the ideological Inner Circle of
Dragon Rouge consists quite constantly of three main members.
Thomas Karlsson, and two other members who have been involved
in the order since 1991. These are the most long-time members, and
have actively participated in Dragon Rouge for well over ten years.
These three persons have produced the vast majority of the order's
material, and have, since they have much experience in magic
practice, largely formed the Dragon Rouge system. Other members
do produce material, published for example in the member's paper,
but are not involved in decision-making processes in any higher
degree. The lodges have their own inner circles, consisting of the
lodge leader and those active members who work in close co-
operation with him/her. Officially the lodges have five core
members: the lodge leader, vice lodge leader, treasurer, scribe and
an additional member with variable function (see section 4.2.4).

72 "...nagon som engagerar sig i DR regelbundet (antingen som
motesdeltagare, som magikursutbvare, som medarbetare e.dyl)".

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The Inner Circle of the mother-order is at times, for example
when issues of major impact for the order as a whole are treated,
complemented by the lodge leaders of the various lodges. Also,
when questions concerning various specific theme-groups, such as
the women's group, are treated, the representatives of these may
be contacted.

As Dragon Rouge is a quite small order, the administrative
Inner Circle of the mother-order, as well as those of the lodges,
consists mainly of the same persons involved in the ideological Inner
Circle. This is natural, as it is these persons who have invested most
in the order and are the most involved and active of the members.
In Stockholm the administrative Inner Circle consists of the
ideological Inner Circle aided by, mainly, two other members (see
IF 2001/1:3; 9).

Members of the Inner Circle have expressed hopes that the
situation where no individual member is crucial for the existence
of the order would arise. The sentiment that Dragon Rouge should
be able to exist even if anyone in the active core of the order ceased
to be active for some reason or another has been expressed. (IF 2001/
1:8).

When members are asked about the Inner Circle the following
picture emerges:

• The Inner Circle consists of long-time Dragon Rouge
members, with more experience than newer members

• What distinguishes Inner Circle members from ordinary
members is that the former have more insight into the
function of Dragon Rouge as an organization, concerning
membership as well as the degree of advancement of
members, the function and activities of the lodges and
taking care of various organizational tasks, such as sending
out the members' paper and other circulars etc.

• Members of the Inner Circle do not treat ordinary members
any differently and are not treated differently themselves
because they belong to the Inner Circle. Visitors to the
Dragon Rouge temple would probably not be able to
distinguish Inner Circle members from non-Inner Circle
members (IF 2001/1:1; 4-5; 8).

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Important to note is that the above is a view of the inner circle as
derived from members of the order. From my own observations, I
can agree with much of this. What could be added is that, as the
inner circle is not an elected forum, a member's entry into the circle
would have to be affected by that member's social standing among
the leading members, at least to some degree. That is to say, a person
who would be qualified on purely magical and activity-based merits
would probably not become a member of the inner circle if he/ she
were extremely unpopular among other active members of the
order. This is logical, since functioning as a person in a leading
position in any kind of organization will require that person to be
capable, willing, and indeed allowed, to deal with a vast number of
other individuals.

4.2.4 Lodges and Ritual Groups

Dragon Rouge was founded in Stockholm, Sweden, but has spread
to several other places in both Sweden and elsewhere. The Dragon
Rouge group in Stockholm is called the mother-order, and it is there
that the central administration of the order is located and where all
major decisions are made. The local sections of Dragon Rouge,
situated in various cities in Sweden and throughout the world, are
called lodges. These are groups sanctioned by the mother-
organization and officially working with the Dragon Rouge material
and magic-system.

There are at the time of writing (January 2005) one lodge,
besides the mother-organization, in Sweden, one in Germany, one
in Italy and one in Poland. The Swedish lodge is called lodge
Sinistra, is located in Malmo, and was founded in 2001. The German
lodge, which attained lodge-status in 2004, is called lodge Heldrasil
and is located in Thiiringen, Germany. Earlier a lodge called lodge
Thagirion, founded in 1999, was located in Hagen, Germany
(Dragon Rouge 2001j). The German lodge underwent some changes
in late 2001, both regarding its practice and leadership, and was for
a time called lodge Tunrida (information from personal
correspondence with a German Dragon Rouge member). The Italian

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lodge attained lodge-status in late 2003, is called lodge Sothis, and
is located in Naples, Italy. Lodge Magan, situated in Silesia, Poland,
attained lodge-status during the fall of 2004.

In the fall of 2004, information regarding the earlier lodge
Helheim, located in Gothenburg and founded in the late 1990s, was
taken off the official homepage of the mother-organization. This
was reportedly due to the inactivity of the Gothenburg-based lodge
(information received during the 2004 annual meeting). Dragon
Rouge has had several earlier lodges, most of them situated in
Sweden, but with one earlier lodge situated in Finland. The lodges
have a lodge-degree between 1 and 5 reflecting, the time the lodge
has been an official lodge of Dragon Rouge as well as the level of
activity of the lodge (Dragon Rouge 2001e). Lodges Sothis, Heldrasil
and Magan have lodge-degree 1.0, and Sinistra has lodge-degree
2.0, as did lodge Helheim. (Dragon Rouge 2004d).

Dragon Rouge currently has two ritual groups, one of them
situated outside Sweden and one situated in Sweden. The ritual
groups have no official names and are identified by their location
as ritual group Vaxjo (Vaxjo, Sweden) and ritual group Prague
(Prague, the Czech Republic). Ritual groups during the period 2000-
2003, not counting the ritual groups which have since then become
official lodges, have existed in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and at an
unspecified location in Germany (IF mgt 2001/49-50; IF 2001/1:8).

A long-time member of Dragon Rouge divides the lodges into
three generations (IF 2001/1:8). The first-generation lodges were
all situated in Sweden in cities like Gavle, Ostersund and
Gothenburg. The member in question equates these with the Dragon
Rouge ritual groups of today, as they where not as organized as the
current lodges. All of the first generation lodges have ceased to exist.
The lodge in Gavle was called Black Earth Lodge (Hakansson 1991),
and was active in the early 1990s. The second generation of lodges
consisted of lodge Helheim in Gothenburg (a new lodge, different
from the earlier one in Gothenburg), lodge Odin in Karlshamn and,
another lodge in Sundsvall. With the second generation of lodges
the activities where more organised, with some exceptions. Lodge
Helheim and lodge Odin started contributing with material and
working in closer co-operation with the mother-order in Stockholm
and the lodge in Sundsvall ceased to exist. Lodge Odin, active in

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Karlshamn from mid 1997 to 2001 (IF 2001/1:2), ceased to be an
active lodge in early 2001 due to problems in managing the lodge
as well as to the opening of lodge Sinistra in Malmo, quite near
Karlshamn.

In 1998, the members' paper began to be published in English
as Cauda Draconis, in conjunction with Draksadd, the original
Swedish equivalent, successfully opening the organization for non-
Swedish speaking members. Lodge Thagirion, opened in Hagen in
1999, took on the job of organizing lodge-activities in Germany as
well as translating Cauda Draconis into German. (IF 2001/1:8).

The first lodge of the third generation was opened in Malmo,
Sweden, in February 2001 (IF 2001/1:8). The third generation of
lodges is exposed to far stricter rules than the earlier two generations
(IF mgt 2001:49; IF 2001/1:8). Details of these rules are given further
on in this section. The lodges of the second generation have,
according to Dragon Rouge, functioned very well and continue to
exist as fully fledged lodges beside the lodges of the third generation
(IF 2001/1:8).

The characteristics of the lodges and ritual groups differ from
each other a great deal (IF 2001/1:8). Whereas the mother-order
has quite an inclusive agenda regarding its practice and overall
image, the lodges for the most part have specialized in some
particular tradition or theme. Lodge Helheim focused on the darker
aspects of Nordic mythology as well as on the Gothic in art and
literature. Lodge Sinistra has something of an academic approach.
Lodge Sinistra has also focused on the 19 th century artistic milieu
and its preference for decadence. Lodge Thagirion focused very
much on European paganism, the Nordic tradition and
Demonology. As lodge Tunrida, the German lodge reportedly
focused on much the same themes and also worked actively with
runic Yoga (personal correspondence with a German Dragon Rouge
member). Focus on the Nordic tradition, on qliphotic qabalah and
Tantrism in the form of Kundalini-Yoga is common to all of the
lodges, largely due to the mother-order's endorsement of these
themes and techniques.

The rules for opening a lodge or starting a ritual group have
become stricter over time. Earlier it was quite easy to open a lodge,
basically you just needed to get the approval from the Dragon Rouge
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183

Inner Circle, and as there where no specific rules concerning the
opening of lodges, it was quite easy to obtain permission. In 2001,
Dragon Rouge established a set of rules for opening lodges and
ritual groups. (IF mgt 2001/47; 49). The following rules apply when
opening a Dragon Rouge ritual group (Dragon Rouge 2001e):

The person wishing to start a ritual group should have met,
and been recommended for the task, by some member of the mother-
order. If this has not been possible for some reason or other, the
person in question should send a photograph and a description of
him-/ herself, as well as some proof of identity, such as a copy of
his/her passport, to the mother-order. The person wishing to start
the ritual group should also have begun the first Dragon Rouge
correspondence course in magic (although he/she is not required
to have finished it when forming the ritual group). The activity of a
ritual group is also somewhat restricted, as the group is not allowed
to call itself Dragon Rouge or to have an official name other than
the city it is located in. Furthermore, the ritual group does not have
the right to represent Dragon Rouge officially. Quoting the rules
for starting a ritual group or a lodge "The magical ritual group ...
has merely been given approval to work with Dragon Rouge's
material under organized forms ,, (Dragon Rouge 2001e 73 ).

The rules for opening a lodge are naturally somewhat stricter.
In order to start a lodge one must be initiated to at least degree 1.0
of Dragon Rouge and be at least 20 years of age. The person wishing
to start the lodge should have started and run a ritual group with
regular activity at least once a month successfully for at least a year.
The applicant should report on the activities of the ritual group to
the mother-order once a month for at least one year preceding the
opening of the lodge, including the signatures of those attending
the activities.

The lodge should consist of a minimum of five active members,
organized as lodge master, vice lodge master, treasurer, scribe and
one person with an optional function. The requirements for the three
first are the same as those mentioned for the person opening the
lodge, that is to say, initiation into degree 1.0 in Dragon Rouge as

73 "Magigruppen ... har enbart fatt godkannande att under organiserade
former arbeta med Dragon Rouges material".

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well as a personal presentation sent together with some proof of
identity to the mother-organization. The person who wishes to
become lodge master should be recommended by five active Dragon
Rouge members from the region where the lodge is supposed to be
opened, including written motivations as to why this particular
person would be a good lodge master. As a final requirement, the
lodge master is obliged to sign a contract regarding the opening of
the lodge with the mother-organization. I will deal with the specifics
of the contract further on. When all of the requirements are met,
the lodge is opened in a ceremony headed by representatives of the
mother-order in Stockholm.

In February, 2001, I had the opportunity to attend the
ceremonial opening of Lodge Sinistra in Malmo Sweden (see section
5.1.3).

The contract for opening a Dragon Rouge consists of the
following 9 points:

1. The lodge is approved as a fully fledged part of Dragon
Rouge with the signing of this contract and the approval of
the directives in it. The lodge can consequently call itself
by a specific lodge name.

2. The lodge contract is for a period of two years at a time and
is after that extended for another period if the mother-
organization and the lodge so wish. If a lodge master wishes
to resign his commission to organize the lodge before the
end of the period, he undertakes to do this with the approval
of the mother-organization in order to ensure the continuity
of the lodge.

3. The lodge receives the lodge degree 1.0 when it is approved
as a fully fledged Dragon Rouge lodge. There are five lodge
degrees, in which ritual groups have the pre-degree 0.
Lodges can improve their lodge status by: age as a lodge,
activity, members in relation to its region, the number of
initiates, magical as well as organizational, and economic
contributions to the mother-organization. At the time of

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185

writing, lodge Sinistra had received degree 2.0 whereas the
younger lodges have degree 1.0 (Dragon Rouge 2004d).

4. The lodge is obliged to have regular activity of at least six
meetings a year. The lodge shall plan and finance a visit
from the mother -organization once a year. The lodge master
shall be present at the Dragon Rouge annual meeting.
Exceptions are made in agreement with the mother-
organization.

5. The lodge is obliged to four times a year report in writing
to of its activities to the mother-order. The report should
include information on activities, budget, active members,
goals and plans.

6. The lodge should strive to have a good economy and to
expand its possibilities. Attaining premises for the lodge
are worth striving for. Surplus from the lodge activities go
to the common lodge-fund, and a surplus is worth striving
for. Purchases in addition to what is required for meetings
are to be negotiated with the mother-order.

7. Lodge leaders should strive to attract serious members.
Unsuitable members are barred only in negotiation with
the mother-order. Lodge leaders should be prepared to act
as a mediator in the lodge and should work for a good and
representative spirit in the lodge. Lodge leaders shall work
for a good and respectful relation between members and
other lodges.

8. Lodge leaders should work for the benefit of the members'
magical and initiatory advancement and lead the way in
this matter.

9. The lodge may not under its name pursue activities outside
or in conflict with Dragon Rouge. The lodge should act loyal
and in unity with the whole of Dragon Rouge and the
Draconian current.

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186

4.2.5 Finances

It is expensive to run any kind of organization, and this is true for
spiritual organizations as well. Often people have a rather negative
attitude towards religious or spiritual organizations which require
their members to pay for various services (see Rothstein 1997: 305-
306). This is seen as incompatible with the goal of spiritual progress
or salvation and, as a result of our Western, Protestant, Christian
heritage, is viewed as belonging to the material, non-spiritual realm.
The issue of the Scandinavian national churches collecting church
taxes is not considered in this view.

Dragon Rouge has, like every other organization, various
expenses that need to be dealt with. These include, for example, the
rent for the premises where the Dragon Rouge temple is situated,
costs for printing the correspondence courses, members' papers and
various other Dragon Rouge productions, costs for material needed
in the practice such as incense, music to meditate to as well as the
equipment to play this music on, candles etc., as well as various
other expenses accruing from the activities of the organization.

Dragon Rouge has various methods for financing its activities.
The membership fee is currently 250 SEK (150 SEK in 2001 and 200
SEK in 2002) a year for members living in Sweden, 30 euro for
members living in Europe and 35 euro for members outside Europe
($ 20 in 2001) (Dragon Rouge 2001a; 2004a; 2004g). Other sources of
income for the mother-organization are participant fees for the regular
Tuesday meetings and the more extensive weekend courses, and the
income from selling the correspondence courses and other printed
material. A fund was established in 2002, mainly for the purpose of
establishing a temple on the island of Gotland (Dragon Rouge 2002a).
The fund is financed by arranging special events, such as art
exhibitions and festivals, as well as by voluntary donations from
members. Dragon Rouge is registered as an ideological organization,
which means that it does not have to pay income tax.

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187

4.2.6 Initiatory Structure

Dragon Rouge has an initiatory system consisting of 11 degrees.
The system is built upon the 11 qliphotic levels (see section 1.2 for
more information on the qliphoth), and the different degrees are
consequently named after the qliphotic levels (Degree 1.0: Lilith
etc.). To proceed with the initiation, the member needs to buy the
correspondence course in magic and do the exercises described in
it. The course extends over a period of 6 months for courses 1.0 and
2.0, and one year for course 3.0. The material for the courses is
divided up over the period so that the customer receives one part
of the course every month until he or she has received all of the
course material. The initiate is also given a personal contact-person,
someone who has studied the Dragon Rouge magic system for a
longer period, who answers possible questions the initiate might
have and assists him/her in the studies. During participation in
the higher courses the contact between the initiate and his/her tutor
is said to become more and more personal (Dragon Rouge 1996).

Upon finishing the first course the initiate is expected to write a
short report of at least one page, summarizing his or her experiences
and feelings during the course. The initiate should also write at least
one page giving his or her view on the draconian magic system. The
requirements are higher for the higher courses. On completing the
second correspondence course the initiate should write a lengthier
essay on his/her experiences, and also express in which direction
he or she would like to steer his/her magical development. After
finishing the first course and having sent in the writings dealing
with the initiate's experiences and view on the Draconian magic
system, the initiate can be initiated into the first degree of Dragon
Rouge.

The initiation can be performed in the company of the initiate's
tutor or by the initiate him-/ herself, in consultation with his/her
tutor. The initiations into the higher levels can no longer be done
by the initiate for him-/ herself, the presence and assistance of at
least two persons initiated into Dragon Rouge is required. Lodge
masters can initiate members into the first degree and into half
degrees between the regular degrees (such as 2.5, a half-degree for

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a member who has already been initiated into degree 2.0 and is
preferably already working with the third course). Only approved
members of the mother-organization can, however, initiate members
into full degrees above degree 1.0.

Dragon Rouge members can buy the first and second
correspondence course without having been initiated, but the third
one is strictly for members initiated into the second degree. After
initiation into degree three, and further into the Dragon Order, the
magical development of the initiate is more closely connected with
the activities of the other members who have attained the higher
degrees and, reportedly, with the development of the organization
as well (information gained during my participation in the 2001
annual meeting). There are, as of yet, no correspondence courses
for degrees above the third one, although there has been some
discussion regarding the possibility of having courses for the higher
degrees as well. At the time of writing (January 2005), there were
no developments on this front.

The members initiated into the higher degrees of Dragon Rouge
have been reluctant to tell me what degree they hold. The reasons
given have been that it is a personal or inner issue not to be divulged
to others, and that the higher degrees are held secret in order for
the grading not to become some sort of competition. What I have
been told, however, is that not one member has reached the 11 th
degree. Even if this would happen, the progress would not stop
there, as a dark magician is never finished with his studies. The
road is as important as the possible goal.

Before the correspondence courses became available 74 , the
initiations where less ordered. During this period the number of
members in Dragon Rouge was smaller, as well as most every
member being Swedish, and the initiations were mostly carried out
on the basis of acquaintance. As it was possible for the inner core of
Dragon Rouge to personally know almost every member, and have
some insight into their magic workings and development, it was
also possible for the inner core to teach and initiate members in a

74 Correspondence courses have been available since the mid 1990s. The
first correspondence course became available sometime in 1995 or 1996, the
second in the late 1990s and the first part of the third course in the second half
of 2001.

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189

totally different fashion. With the increase of members in the mid
1990s (see section 4.1.2 for details) initiations in this fashion became
impossible to maintain. Thus the correspondence course was
developed in order to aid the situation. (Dragon Rouge 2001a). See
section 5.1.4 for an ethnographic account of a Dragon Rouge
initiation.

The Dragon Rouge degrees are number and named in the
followin manner:

Degree 1.0 - Lilith

Degree 2.0 - Gamaliel

Degree 3.0 - Samael

Degree 4.0 - A'arab Zaraq

Degree 5.0 - Thagirion

Degree 6.0 - Golachab

Degree 7.0 - Gha'agsheblah

Degree 8.0 - Satariel

Degree 9.0 - Ghagiel

Degree 10.0 - Thaumiel

Degree 11.0 - Thaumiel (Dragon rouge 2005b).

The Dragon Rouge initiatory system is similar to the initiation
system of the Golden Dawn (see section 2.1.3). The Golden Dawn
incorporated the qabalistic Tree of Life as a model for its initiatory
structure and Dragon Rouge has incorporated the qliphoth, the
shadow-side of the qabalistic Tree of Life, into its structure. Instead
of the ten worlds of the sephiroth, Dragon Rouge operats with eleven
qliphotic worlds, a number that both Aleister Crowley and Kenneth
Grant identify as the number of magic (see Grant 1994a: 9-10). Grant
also incorporates the qliphoth in his system, as a necessary element
for attaining high magical initiation (Grant 1994a: 7-8). However,
in Grant's system the qliphoth are entered through the Abyss, Daath,
which can be seen as a shadow sephira beneath the three highest
sephiroth, Binah, Chokmah and Kether (see Grant 1994a: 7-8).
O.T.O. initially operated with nine functional degrees, and one
administrational, but received an XI th degree through the
innovations of Aleister Crowley.

As said earlier, the degrees are not discussed among high
initiates of the order, and this has been said to be in order to prevent

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190

any competition in regards to degrees. The degree of the magic
initiate is not important in itself, and is only a mark for the individual
himself of his/her magical progress. This mirrors what Kenneth
Grant writes regarding the O.T.O. degrees in some way. He writes
of the O.T.O. degrees as "lesser cricles upon the rim of that greater
Cirlce or Wheel which is in process of continual revolution" and
declares that all the degrees are equivalent (Grant 1994a: xiii).

191

5 Practice

5.1 Ethnographies

In the following chapter I will provide ethnographic accounts of
various Dragon Rouge activities. In this way, I will try to share
with the reader some of the first-hand experiences I have had of the
order, and thus hopefully provide a more vivid and compelling
insight into the actual practice of the magicians of Dragon Rouge.
The names used are pseudonyms, in order not to compromise the
anonymity of participants. Regarding the different rituals and
workings of magic, I will give more detailed descriptions of these
only in cases where the ritual is widely used and has been published
for non-Dragon Rouge members to view.

I will not provide a deeper analysis of the rituals performed at
the annual meeting, due to the large number of them, but will
instead analyze the elements of the course on ceremonial magic,
the opening of lodge Sinistra and the initiation into degree 2.0 -
Samael in the chapters dedicated to them. In chapter 5.2 1 will discuss
the common trends of Dragon Rouge courses and meetings, and
discuss the order's practice in general.

5.1.1 Dragon Rouge Annual Meeting

The 2004 Annual meeting of Dragon Rouge took place on Saturday,
24 th July, in a small country location on Gotland, an island off the
southeast coast of Sweden, renowned for its numerous ancient
Norse cultic findings. Dragon Rouge has been preparing a temple
on the site and this was the second time the meeting was held at
this location. This was the first time I had attended an annual
meeting on Gotland, out of three attendances all in all. An intensive
week-long course in magic, with up to seven hours of magic
workings, rituals and meditations each day, was arranged in
connection with the meeting and the majority of the members
attending the annual meeting also took part in the course.

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192

The weather was generally cloudy when I awoke at four a.m.
on the morning of Saturday, 24 th July, ready to start my journey to
Gotland. I had already packed the necessities for the coming
weekend, of which the most important would be my sleeping bag,
my ground sheet and, of course, my trusty notebook and pencils. I
started out for Nynashamn Farjeterminal, from where the ferry to
Visby, the capital of Gotland, would leave. I met up with a bunch
of dark-clad people in their mid-20s to early 30s upon arrival. Long
hair as well as shaven heads were predominant among the male
travellers. A total of thirteen Dragon Rouge members boarded the
ferry to Gotland after shaking hands with each other and
introducing themselves to members they had not already met. The
atmosphere was quite international, as three of the travellers had
come all the way from Italy, two from Greece and one was of
German origin. Together with me from Finland, the number of
foreign participants outnumbered the Swedish members. The scene
was dominated by men, as only three female members were present,
and only one of them from the Stockholm mother-organization.

As we stepped off the ferry after the three hour long journey,
we were met by two additional members who were to attend the
meeting. The weather was still gloomy when we boarded the bus
heading towards the interior of the island. A member from
Stockholm checked that nobody supposed to be with us was lost.
Yet another member boarded the buss at the bus station at Visby.
The bus trip took one hour, and now the only stage left on our
journey before arriving at our destination was a short five-kilometre
trip by car. Arriving at our predetermined location, we were greeted
by those who had arrived earlier, mostly long-time members of the
mother-order in Stockholm. Of these six members three were male
and three were female, one of whom was a woman of Scottish origin.
Twenty-two persons in total, six of whom women and eight of
whom foreigners, were present for the annual meeting.

Those of us new to the location were shown around the site
and the two temples built there. The main temple was situated in
an old all-wooden barn of the traditional Scandinavian type. The
barn was painted in the standard earth-red colour of Swedish
country buildings of old, and had a green-painted metal roof. The
building was in two storeys, with the first floor sporting some tools
CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICE

193

and the narrow staircase to the second floor housing the temple.
While the floor of the first storey was of earth, the floor on the second
storey consisted of massive wooden boards. The wooden floor was
half covered in a floor-mat made of organic material, consisting of
several different sections with circular motifs. Three bunches of
dried flowers hung from the ceiling next to the staircase. As with
most old barn-buildings, the walls were not insulated and there
were gaps between the planks in the walls, allowing for the air to
permeate the temple room and the visitor to see outside if he/she
placed his/her eyes close enough to the wall. The slanted roof of
the building made the main temple room take on an almost
triangular shape, disturbed only by the support rods on the sides
of the room and the main supporting pillar of the room (see picture
6 for a view of the temple).

Picture 6. The Dragon Rouge temple on Gotland. The photo-
graph is taken a year before the annual meeting of 2004 and
the floor mat mentioned in chapter 5.1.1 was not present at this
time. The painting on the window (see picture 7) was not in place
at this time. The picture has been manipulated in order to re-
move a person standing at the left side of the main supporting
pillar. Photograph: Dragon Rouge.

CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICE

194

The focus of the temple was the south side of the building,
where the small, and only, gable window was painted with magic
symbols, mostly in a red colour (see picture 7). On each side of the
window there were black sheaths of canvas with magic symbols
painted onto them in a white colour. A small table housing the altar
stood in front of the main supporting pillar of the building, in plain
view as one climbed up the staircase and in line with the pillar and
the window. The altar table was covered with a dark red cloth and
had two candlesticks with dark red candles in them. The altar also
housed a small metal statue, a sort of a stylized head of a goat.

After familia-
rizing ourselves
with the temple we
sat down and had
tea and sand-
wiches provided
for us by the order.
Magic was not
really the topic of
discussion,
although a few
questions con-
cerning the practi-
calities of the order
arose. Instead
people mostly
discussed music,
issues of religious
intolerance in
various countries
as well as
engaging in

_, Tl . . ,, general small-talk.

Picture 7. The window painting at the A , u , .,
^ ^ ^ ., . -r, At about three

Dragon Rouge temple on Gotland. The , i i .. . . A .

f , ,, , , ,, . , o clock it started to

symbols on the top part of the window are A . , u . ,

/ , , , n , ^ drizzle, which we

Adulruna symbols. Photograph: Dragon , ,

^ J » r- w were not too

Rouge. i u .

9 happy about as we

CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICE

195

had really hoped to have the meeting outside. 'Aaron' 75 made a
joke about doing a sun ritual and when the rain stopped he was
humorously complemented for his potent ritual.

At about four o'clock pm, Thomas Karlsson told us that the
meeting was about to start and asked us to come to the outside
temple. Several members had the pin sporting the Clavicula Nox
symbol, a trident with a circle adjoined to it (see picture 8), on their
clothes, and three of the female ones had changed into ceremonial
robes. The outside temple was on the same grounds as the barn
housing the main temple. The outside temple was located on a
surface of earth, with four very simple wooden benches, crafted
from boards and with wooden
stumps for legs. These were placed
in a rectangular formation, for the
attendants to sit on. At the spot in
between of the benches a fireplace
had been built of an old metal barrel
buried in the earth. The outside altar
consisted of natural elements. On
top of four tree stumps objects such
as a tree branch, functioning as the
magic wand, some white- and red-

Picture 8. Clavicula Nox. A Dragon
Rouge symbol. The trident repre-
sents dark male principles, such
as Shiva and Lucifer, and the cir-
cle represents dark female prin-
ciples, such as Kali and Lilith. The
union of the symbols represents
the union of the energies and
thus the elevation and empow-
erment of the magician, (from
Eriksson 2001: 140). ByT. Ketola.

75 All of the names, except that of the order's founder Thomas Karlsson, are
pseudonyms created in order to ensure the privacy and anonymity of the members.

CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICE

196

currants with leafs still attached and a rock could be found. Also
present were a metal goblet, a bottle of beer to be used in the
ceremonies, a green candle, a metal bell and a trident, a bent bar
and a tool of some sort, all made out of iron. Behind the four tree
stumps stood a wooden pole about 1,5 meters high, and all of this
was overshadowed by an alder tree. The tree stumps were
surrounded by a circle of small stones (see picture 9).

As we sat down
on the benches,
leaving the one in front
of the altar empty,
Thomas stood at the
altar, his back turned
away from us, ringing
the metal bell and
simultaneously
moving it up and
down. After a while,
Thomas turned to face
us, whilst still ringing
the bell. Now he
moved the bell first up
and down and then
sideways, from the left
to the right. Four
burning incense sticks,
placed around the
fireplace, spread their

Picture 9. A partial
view of the outside
altar at the Gotland
temple. The picture
has been cropped
and manipulated to
remove a cat on the
left side of the altar.

CHAPTER 5 - PRACTICE

197

aroma as Thomas gave the bell to the person sitting on the bench to
his right. This person rang the bell moving it in a vertical direction
and then gave it to the person on his right. This same scenario was
repeated until the bell reached me. I rang it, moving it up and down,
and then gave it back to Thomas. After this initial ritualistic element,
the actual meeting started with Thomas giving a brief talk on the
mythical history of Gotland. The lecture ended with a short opening
ritual honouring the island and its mythical magic powers. Thomas
faced the altar and read the ritual text whilst holding the goblet
containing a small quantity of beer in his hand. At certain passages
he would hold up the goblet while the rest of us repeated the
ceremonial utterings. The ritual ended with Thomas pouring the
beer from the goblet over the circle of stones at the base of the altar.
After this he stood in silence for a while, still facing the altar.

Upon turning towards us again, Thomas started talking about
the founding of the temple in Gotland and gave us detailed
information on the progress of work on it. The next item on the
programme was the Dragon Ceremony, which is the most common
ceremony in the Dragon Rouge context. I will here give a detailed
description of the ceremony (see Eriksson 2001: 138-139).

Thomas: Melez!

Everyone: Melez!

Thomas: I call the Dragon, the lord of Ancient Atlantis, you who dwell in

the abyss in the depth of my soul. I call the Dragon. Rise up out of the

depths of the oceans. Emerge out of the darkness. Let your fires light up

the darkness of my existence!

Thomas: Lepaca Qliphoth!

Everyone: Lepaca Qliphoth!

Thomas: Marag!

Everyone: Marag!

Thomas: Tehom!

Everyone: Tehom!

Thomas: Kamusil!

Everyone: Kamusil!

Thomas: Nogar!

Everyone: Nogar!

Thomas: Leviathan!

Everyone: Leviathan!

Thomas: Ruach!

Everyone: Ruach!

Thomas: Moschel!

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198

Everyone: Moschel!

Thomas: Nagid!

Everyone: Nagid!

Thomas: Theli!

Everyone: Theli!

Thomas: May the flames from your jaws become the power of my

existence. I call you, you the most ancient of the ancient. O'Tehom, emerge

from the kingdom of shadows, rise from the black sea of chaos and destroy

the lies we take as truths. I conjure your power so that it becomes a part

of my being. May I, wanderer on the path of the Dragon, be filled up by

the life-giving and death-delivering fires from the red dragon's jaws!

Thomas: Tehom!

Everyone: Tehom!

Thomas: Harombrub!

Everyone: Harombrub!

Thomas: Roggiol!

Everyone: Roggiol!

Thomas: Buriol!

Everyone: Buriol!

Thomas: Marag!

Everyone: Marag!

Thomas: Abahim!

Everyone: Abahim!

Thomas: Theli!

Everyone: Theli!

Thomas: Ipakol!

Everyone: Ipakol!

Thomas: Loriol!

Everyone: Loriol!

Thomas: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Thomas: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Thomas: HO DRAKON HO MEGAS!

Everyone: HO DRAKON HO MEGAS! 76

After the Dragon Ceremony another long-time member stepped
up to lead us through a Kundalini-meditation practice, arguably
the most fundamental practice of the order, and one which takes

76 The words spoken jointly are different names of dragon-like creatures
from various mythologies, with the exception of Lepaca Qliphoth, which means
open up qliphoth - a request/ demand for the portal of power to manifest. Ho
Drakon Ho Megas is described in the first correspondence course as ancient Greek
for 'the great Dragon' and is typically used at the end of ceremonies and rituals.
(Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 5).

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many different forms. Thomas sat down on the bench to participate
in the meditation. We sat on the benches with our eyes closed, our
backs straight and our feet firmly on the ground, partly in order to
achieve a close connection with the magical forces of the earth. We
breathed deeply through our noses. 'Barnabas' spoke in a calm and
slow voice and asked us to feel the wholeness of our bodies and
then to feel another energy, below us in the earth. The rhythm of
our breathing corresponded with, and aligned itself to, the rhythm
of the energies below us. As we felt the energies moving up inside
us, from the ground through our spines upwards travelling through
the different chakra centres, we stood up, still with our eyes closed,
and stretched our hands towards the sky, in imitation of a tree. We
crossed our hands in front of our chests, thus closing the flow of
energy and containing it within our selves. After a while we sat
down, taking three deep breaths, and opened our eyes.

After this, Thomas presented the next item on the programme
and a third long-time member stood up to give a presentation on
the developments of Dragon Rouge during the past year, as well as
informing us on plans for the future. A few magic groups in Europe
were about to attain lodge status and several new magical groups
were to be founded. When finished, at 4.40 pm, he sat down and let
Thomas present the next item on the programme, the individual
presentations of the lodges. The lodge leader of lodge Sinistra in
Malmo started as he represented the oldest existing lodge of the
order with members present at the meeting. He gave quite an
academic address on the past year of lodge Sinistra and the future
plans of the lodge. Witchcraft was identified as one of the important
recurrent themes.

At this point of the meeting, a farmer steered his tractor to the
nearby field and started collecting hay. Because of the noise we had
a short pause while waiting for the farmer to leave. The atmosphere
instantly became more relaxed and playful, with jokes about the
farmer actually being a Swedish Secret Service agent on a mission
to spy on this "dangerous cult".

The next lodge to present its work was the Italian lodge, lodge
Sothis. The lodge leader spoke of the activities of the lodge as
"practical work on a research and theoretical basis", thus restating
the aspirations of the order to be focused primarily on practice, but

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basing this on a deep foundation of actual theoretical research (see
section 4.1.1). As he stepped down, a member from the newly started
ritual group in Uppsala, Sweden, took over and gave a short
presentation of the group's practice and aspirations. As there were
no more official representatives of additional ritual groups or lodges
present, 'Cyrus' read the greetings from the absent members. Most
of the people presenting the work in their groups also mentioned
the female circle of the order (see section 7.1.6 for more analysis of
the matter). Throughout this programme, each member present sat
patiently and attentively, listening with apparent interest to what
the current speaker had to say.

The next presentation, given by 'Barnabas', went under the title
"Initiation - to follow a Path to its end". 'Barnabas' stressed the
importance of the individual magician and his/her devotion to the
magic path taken, relating this to the importance of the group as a
supporting foundation for those who walk this path. The group is
not a rigid organization, stale and dead in its tracks, but rather a
living and dynamic organism, its body consisting of the likewise
dynamic individuals of the order.

At five-fifteen pm, the often mentioned female circle presented
its work. In distinction to the earlier speakers, all of whom were male,
the representatives of the female circle took the stand as a group.
'Drusilla', 'Eunice' and 'Hepzibah' stressed the fact that, contrary to
what one might believe because of its name, the female circle is not
only for women. The point of the circle is to work with feminine
aspects of the dark and of magic. At the time of the annual meeting
the members of the female circle were all women. They are spread
throughout the world and thus the actual practical work of the group
is rather difficult. The circle creates magic seals 77 based on combined
astral visions 78 and holds joint rituals at predetermined times during

77 Magic seals are the symbols of superhuman entities which can be used
to conjur and command these beings. Magic seals can be found in, for example,
grimoires.

78 Astral visions refer to perceptions attained on the 'astral plane'. Astral
plane refer to a certain level of existence or perception which is thought to exist
beyond the material plane. The magician travels to this planes in his/her 'astral
body', which he/she can separate from his material body when in trance.
Another idea is that the magician, using mediation, can see into the astral plane
without leaving his/her body.

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the full moon, as well as during the dark moon. In this way, rituals
in which all the members of the circle participate are possible even
though members are scattered around the world. After the rituals
the members discuss with each other, treating the effects and results
of the ritual. The members had experienced many shared visions,
and were working on creating pathworkings 79 based on these. The
premise of the circle is that women channel the feminine forces
differently from men.

The last item on the programme before the dinner break, was
'Aaron's' presentation of the Dragon in Arabic literature and
mythology. He concluded his presentation by leading the Dragon
Ceremony in Arabic. Again the rest of us repeated the power words
as 'Aaron' raised the magic wand as a signal for us. At about 17.35,
we took a break. The initial discussions mainly concerned the last
presentation, and specifically the Arabic version of the 'house-
ceremony' of the order. Quite soon the discussions extended to
include more mundane matters, such as music and film. At half
past six, we moved to the garden for dinner, which was prepared
by the female members present 80 .

At eight pm, the ritualistic elements of the annual meeting
began anew. As we moved to the outside temple, Thomas lit four
incense cones at the fireplace and the scent of musk filled the temple
area. The women who were to perform the female circle ritual later,
were initially absent in preparation for their ritual, and we waited
for them for a while. 'Immanuel', 'Barnabas', 'Jachin' and 'Kenan'
stood in front of the altar facing us. 'Immanuel' and 'Jachin' each
held a canvas with magic symbols. A jar of incense, a dagger some
folded canvas and two file folders were placed on the bench closest
to the altar. The preparatory mantra of the women could be heard
in the background. A cat, belonging to a couple of the attendants
and which had been at the temple region for most of the time, lay in
the grass beside us.

79 Pathworking is practice in which the magician in meditation visualizes
specific symbols and concepts and lets these give rise to further visions.
Traditionally pathworking is understood as a qabalistic exercise in which the
qabalist visualizes his ascent on a path on the sephirotic tree.

80 This clearly contradicts the stated absence of gender roles described by
two of my female informants (see chapter 7.1.6).

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Again, as the official programme had not started yet, the
atmosphere was quite relaxed and people were joking over the
apparent dark clothing of most of those present. One of the Swedes
made a joke about trying out a dress code prescribing that everybody
could come dressed as they like as long as the colours worn were
not black. As we sat and waited, some of us started to become a bit
impatient and Thomas went to check up on the female members.
Upon Thomas' return, at twenty past eight, we decided to start
without the women with a lecture Thomas had held earlier in
Germany. As the women not present at that moment had heard the
lecture before, they would not miss anything important. This
marked a departure from the predetermined programme schedule.
The theme of the lecture was dark magic, qliphoth and qabalah,
which are the themes of the book recently written by Thomas
(Karlsson 2004). After a little while, the women arrived one after
one, and it was decided that their ritual would be the last part of
the programme, as it would have to be performed in the indoor
temple anyway.

Next Thomas performed the Opening of the Seven Portals
ritual, which is described in his book Kabbala, kliffot och den goetiska
magin (Karlsson 2004: 115-116). With the aid of a compass, Thomas
drew out the four cardinal points around the fireplace with the
magic wand. Before starting, he waved the wand twice counter-
clockwise around the fireplace. Next follows a description of this
ritual, based on the description in the abovementioned book
(Karlsson 2004: 115-116).

Thomas turned to the east and pointed the magic wand in the same
direction.

- I open the portal of dawn in the east and conjure the element of air in
the name of Amaymon!

He turned to the south and pointed the magic wand in the same direction.

- I open the portal of noon in the south and conjure the element of fire in
the name of Goap!

He turned to the west and pointed the magic wand in the same direction.
- 1 open the portal of evening in the west and conjure the element of water
in the name of Corson!
He turned to the north and pointed the magic wand in the same direction.

- I open the portal of night in the north and conjure the element of earth
in the name of Zimimay!

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Thomas now lowered his head and pointed the wand to the ground.

- I open the portal to the underworld in the sign of the letter Mem and
conjure the element of primordial water and its salt and black colour in
the name of Lilith!

He turned his head to the sky and pointed the wand upwards.

- 1 open the portal to the skies in the sign of the letter Shin and conjure the

element of primordial fire and its sulphur and red colour in the name of

Lucifer and Samael!

Thomas held the wand at the level of his upper midsection.

- I open the portal to the astral world in the sign of the letter Aleph and
conjure the element of primordial air and its quicksilver and white colour
in the name of Chiva and Sariel!

Thomas, and all of us along with him, closed our eyes and tried to feel

the arrival of the powers conjured. After opening his eyes Thomas picked

up the goblet which was filled with beer and held it up to each of the

directions whilst greeting the forces.

- 1 greet you Amaymon and offer you a drink!

- 1 greet you Goap and offer you a drink!

- 1 greet you Corson and offer you a drink!

- 1 greet you Zimimay and offer you a drink!

- 1 greet you Lilith and offer you a drink!

- I greet you Lucifer and Samael and offer you a drink!

- I greet you Chiva and Sariel and offer you a drink!
We all joined him in saluting the forces.

Directly after performing the ritual, when the portals were opened,
'Kenan' took over and performed a ritual designed by lodge Sothis.
'Kenan' stood in front of the altar and on each side of him stood
another Dragon Rouge member, once again holding the canvases
with magic symbols. Again, the rest of us responded when the
power words were spoken, and again, the ritual was ended with
the ritualistic uttering "Ho Drakon Ho Megas!" 81 .

At about nine o'clock pm 'Barnabas' held a lecture on
Vayrayana Buddhism and spoke in particular of the Tantric aspects
of the religion. When he had finished, at a quarter past nine, Thomas
requested for some more incense to be lit and as I happened to have
a lighter I performed the task. We took a short break as it was starting
to get quite cold and some people wanted to put on more clothes.
The next item on the programme started with Thomas lecturing
briefly on Thule, as the mythical Gotland, and then he proceeded

81 In the first correspondence course in magic the uttering is said to be
Ancient Greek for the Great Dragon and is used when conjuring the Draconian
force (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 5).

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to guide us through a meditation. He consulted the compass and
we all turned to face the north, which is the cardinal point of dark
magic and demons. We performed an invocation of Odin and Hel,
after which we stood in silent meditation. The ritual, and the outside
part of the annual meeting, was concluded with a sacrifice to the
Gothic Gods and Goddesses. Thomas poured the rest of the beer
onto the altar stones and we turned to face the alder tree in front of
the altar. We stood in silence for a while, but at about ten o'clock
we prepared for the last part of the official programme of the annual
meeting, the female circle's Lilith-ritual.

The Female Circle's ritual work was a most suitable ending for
the annual meeting. After a short pause, we all gathered in the inside
temple, on the second floor of the old barn house building. The
artificial lighting was turned off and the room was lit only by two red
candles standing on the altar table. The four women who were about
to lead us through the ritual, three of whom were wearing ceremonial
robes, had gathered in front of the altar, two on each side in front of it
and facing each other. The rest of us gathered in a semi-circular
formation around them, so that no one stood behind the altar. As
ceremonial tools the women had a goblet filled with red wine, the
bell used earlier outside and one dagger each. Again the scent of
incense filled the air, this time from an incense stick sitting on one of
the candlesticks on the altar table. The ritual started with 'Eunice'
ringing the bell. The women took turns in reading parts of the ritual,
and they each read in a different language - Italian, English, Swedish
and German. Certain passages were read out in unison, but even then
in four different languages. The rest of us again responded by reading
the power words at the appropriate moments. The wine was used to
symbolize the life-giving element of blood, and perhaps in this case
the magical qualities of menstrual blood. Before taking a sip of the
wine the women stated "I drink of thee to take your power into me 82 ".
The ritual, and indeed the official programme of the annual meeting
of 2004, ended with a seated meditation. After we had finished, we
were quiet and still for a moment. Although the meeting was officially
over we were by no means about to go to sleep. We gathered around
the benches at the outside temple, lit a fire in the fireplace and enjoyed
each other's good company until the early hours of the morning.

82 The words are based on my own approximate recollection.

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5.1 .2 Course on Ceremonial Magic

On the weekend of August 5 th and 6 th , 2001, 1 attended a course on
ceremonial magic. The course was held at the Dragon Rouge temple
in Stockholm, Sweden, and the practice was performed in a nearby
forest. At about five pm on Saturday, I made my way to the metro
station where Dragon Rouge members meet up before courses. This
is standard practice, as there might be new members, or even non-
members, among the attendants, who do not know the location of
the temple, which is not publicly announced. I was met by a male
and a female member and we walked together to the temple. As we
stood outside the building housing the temple, an ordinary
residential high-rise building, we were met up by two other
members, again one female and one male. We went inside and
moved down to the basement where the temple was located. The
premises consisted of one larger rectangular room about 25 m 2 in
size, a smaller room a few square metres in size and the altar-region
connected to the main room. There was also a small bathroom with
just a toilet and a sink on the premises, to the direct right of the
outer door of the temple. The main room was furnished with two
large wooden tables with four wooden chairs around each of them
in the centre of the room, a sofa on one far side with a small table
supporting a globe 83 to the left of it and a stereo music system to the
right of it, a sideboard on the other far side - to the left from the
outer door, as well as a small Feng Shui fountain in between the
small wall space between the storage room and the Altar room.
The tables had five-candle candlesticks and incense holders on them.
The walls had borders of Egyptian hieroglyphs depicting different
aspects of Egyptian mythology. A particularly interesting passage
was one taken from the Egyptian Book of the Dead (see Budge 1960:
72, 93, 150), introducing Khepera. The passage was translated to
me as "I am the one who created myself". The room was regularly
lit up by four wall-mounted lamps.

83 A miniature flagpole with the Clavicula Nox symbol (see picture 8) on a
red flag is attached to the top of the globe, to humorously portray Dragon Rouge
world domination. This item, among many others, shows the playful atmosphere
taken to the organization and magic as such, even though the members I have
met are very serious about their magic practice and Dragon Rouge as an order.

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The smaller room functioned as a sort of storage room and held
various items not used regularly in the temple, as well as books, a
refrigerator and a hotplate. The bathroom had a few posters,
including a comic strip humorously depicting a Christian priest
(the strip was taken from a Swedish newspaper) and a poster of a
painting by Salvador Dali. On the bathroom mirror, there was an
old sign in Swedish. The sign translated roughly as "Do not take
God's name in vain. Do not swear! To swear is proof of a lack of
culture and education. 84 ".

The altar area was obviously the centre of attention in the
temple. The room holding the temple was adjoined to the main room
without any connecting door, and was beside the smaller room on
the premises. The altar consisted of a table covered with dark canvas.
On the altar were to be found the statue of a dragon, four

Picture 1 0. Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm, Sweden.
Photograph: Dragon Rouge.

84 "Missbruka icke Guds namn. Svar icke! Att svarja ar bevis pa bristande
kultur och bildning" .

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candlesticks, an incense holder and various other ceremonial items,
such as a bell, a dagger, a magic wand and metal goblet. A trident
stood behind the altar, as well as a sword on each side of it. On each
side of the altar, a black canvas with the Sorath-symbol painted in
white hung from the ceiling. There was also a pillar on each side of
the altar. On the floor, to the walls of the altar space, there were
black pillows used in different rituals and meditations as the floor
was quite hard and cold (see picture 10 for an overview of the altar
area, and pictures 11 and 12 for close-ups of the altar).

As we waited inside, the rest of the members who were to attend
the course came in, along with Thomas who had been waiting for
them at the metro station. All in all, we were six male and three
female participants, all of whom had at least some experience of
magic and the order. A few members who had not paid for the
course in advance made
their payment, and we
sat down at various
seats on the premises,
some at the tables and
others on the sofa. An
incense stick had been
lit and placed in the
incense holder on the
table I was sitting at, the
one closer to the altar

Picture 1 1 .A close-up
of the altar at the
Dragon Rouge tem-
ple in Stockholm.
What is seen here are
the trident behind the
altar, the Dragon
statue and the can-
dles on the altar-ta-
ble. Photograph:

Dragon Rouge.

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208

area. The course started at about five-thirty pm with Thomas
distributing magic correspondence tables to each of us. All except
Thomas and two other male members had note-books in which they
made notes during the lecture. Thomas stood in front of the table
nearest the altar area, with his back turned to the altar so that he
faced us.

The lecture started by treating a few basic concepts and
principles of dark magic, as discussed in section 3.1.1, and went on
to deal with dark ritual and ceremonial magic in specific. The
building of the temple, something which we were to do in the
ceremony ahead, was likened to the building of one's soul. Thomas
illustrated the difference between white and dark ceremonial magic
with an example of the temple of Jerusalem. Whereas the symbolic

Picture 1 2. A close-up of some of the items on the altar at the
Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm, Sweden. Notice the wodden
wand. Magic wands used in Dragon Rouge are always tree
branches which have not been crafted in any way. Photograph:
Dragon Rouge.

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meaning behind build-ing the temple of Jerusalem, a white magical
or religious ceremonial activity, was to recreate the original perfect
struc-ture of the Garden of Eden, dark magical ceremony could be
compared to the tearing down of the temple. This is not to be
understood in a literal, destructive fashion. White ritual magic
works to protect and establish the perfect divine sphere or circle,
whereas dark ritual magic works to destroy it and escape from it,
in order to access the divine forces beyond the ordered universe.
Symbolically, the dark magical tearing down of the temple is thus
carried out in order to build something new instead. All through
the lecture, references were made to many different mythologies
and mythological figures, and correspondences between them were
rigorously sought. Some way into the course Thomas picked up a
lecture-pad and placed it on a stand in front of us. He used the pad
to draw different symbols discussed and to further illustrate the
points of his lecture. We went on to discuss the typical practicalities
of ceremonial magic. As white magic strives for a union with the
divine, and in ceremonial form to re-establish the divine circle of
creation, the altar usually stands at the centre of the ritual sphere,
surrounded by the participants. In dark magic, on the other hand,
where the goal is to break free from the boundaries of creation, the
altar is usually placed in front of the attendants, as a portal out.

Thomas was frequently interrupted by comments and questions
from the other participants, and these interruptions often steered
the lecture into different directions, giving rise to new comments
and discussions. Towards the end of the lecture a knock was heard
at the door, and another female member entered. This was a long-
time member who had been unable to attend the course from the
very start. She sat down on the sofa. At this point, Thomas had
moved on to discuss the practicalities and symbolic significances
of the ceremony we were to perform the next day. He declared that
each of the four cardinal points was represented by an element,
and these in turn were represented by four magic tools. North
represented the element of earth and had the pentacle as its symbol.
East represented the element of air and had the sword as its symbol.
South represented the element of fire and had the staff as its symbol.
West represented the element of water and had the goblet as its
symbol. There was some discussion about the different

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correspondences between cardinal points, magic tools and the
elements, as different magic-systems link them differently. We
decided to use the above correspondences. The lecture ended At
about eight-thirty pm. Before going home, we discussed some rather
general topics not really connected to magic per se.
For my part, the second day of the course started with a
prescheduled interview with a female Dragon Rouge member. I
met her and a male friend of hers, also a member, at the temple and
started the interview at about three-twenty pm. About an hour and
a quarter later, other members, arriving for the second part of the
course, began dropping in and we ended the interview. We started
preparing for the course, the second part of which would focus on
performing a practical dark magic ceremony. At about a quarter
past five pm, we left the temple and headed for the nearby forest, a
few metro stations away from the temple. Here we were to perform
the ceremony. All of those present the day before, five male and
four female members, were present for the second day as well. Some
of us had travelled to the forest by car, whereas I and a few others
had arrived by metro.

Although August tends to be a rather warm late-summer month
in the Scandinavian countries, this particular Sunday was quite cold,
and all of us were wearing extra warm clothes. Luckily the sky was
clear and we were not expecting any rain. The forest we went to
was coniferous, although most Scandinavian forests are mixed. The
trees were mostly pines, with a small number of spruce and juniper.
We walked into the forest by a woodland path, careful not to destroy
any of the forest plants. As we walked, I was told that we were
heading for a spot where a Dragon Rouge ceremony had been
performed the previous spring.

Before seeking out the final spot for our ceremony, we stopped
by a moss-covered stony mound. Here Thomas asked us to perform
a short meditation in preparation for the ceremony. We chose places
to sit by the mound and sat down to meditate in the presence of the
forest and nature, also focusing on being in the forest. In contrast to
most of the other meditations I had performed in the Dragon Rouge
context thus far, this one was conducted privately, with no one to
lead us through it. Exactly like the other members, I sat facing the
steep with my eyes closed. After finishing and taking a few deep
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breaths we stood up and walked along for a while, until Thomas
asked us to stop again. He gave a short theoretical talk, mostly
focusing on the presence of the Dragon, or chaos, in nature. Among
the magicians and academics mentioned in the short lecture was
Mircea Eliade, whose writings have earned much respect among
the members of the order, as is the case within many neopagan and
'New Age' groups.

When he had finished, Thomas asked us to search the forest
and pick up some object which for some reason appealed 85 to us.
He asked us not to choose the dead bird found earlier, as it was to
be used as a collective item. Most of us picked up dead sticks, while
two of the female members chose pine cones and one female member
chose a fallen, but living, pine tree branch. Thomas came back with
a living pine tree branch with a cone still attached to it. We made

Picture 1 3. The mound were the initial meditation was per-
formed during the course on ceremonial magic.

85 The Swedish word 'Tilltala', which could be used both in the meaning
"to please" (as in: this object pleases me) and in the meaning "speak to" (as in:
"this object speaks to me"). In the above sentence 'appeals to' should be
understood in both of these senses.

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our way to the place where the earlier Dragon Rouge ceremony
had been held the previous spring.

We took a small break before entering the area, which for
anyone who had not been present at the earlier ceremony would
not differ in any way from the rest of the forest. There were no
visible markers to distinguish this part of the forest from the rest of
it. It was up to the magician and his feeling for, and vision of, the
woods to make up and draw out the natural magical area. In a line-
formation we proceeded to enter the area, moving in through a
passage formed by two pine trees standing next to each other. These
two trees formed the portal into our natural temple (see picture
14). Before entering, each of us ritually opened the portal to let us
in, by using the objects we had picked up in the forest. Thomas
showed us the rock used as an altar during the previous ceremony.
It stood in line with the 'portal' through which we had entered the
area, about 12 metres away from it. Before beginning, we prepared
the altar. We had brought with us four small tealights, two larger
candles of the grave candle type, the ceremonial dagger and bell
from the temple, and a jar of incense. We placed these items on the

Picture 1 4. The 'portal' through which the temple was entered.
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altar, and poured some of the powdered incense into a small fire-
proof container placed beside the tealights, on the right side of the
rock. Some twigs collected from the forest were also placed on the
rock, a bunch of them lying flat on the left part of the rock. Three
special twigs were placed in an erect position at the centre of the
altar, two of them forming a triangular shape with the third one
facing the sky between them. The carcass of the small bird found
earlier was placed on top of the altar stone. Behind the altar, slightly
to the right of it, stood a tree functioning - according to Thomas -
as an Axis Mundi.

We sat down on the ground and discussed the symbolism of
the ceremony we were about to perform, as well as the role each of
us would have to play in it. The female members were to represent
time, taking the roles of the three Norns, Urd, Verdandi and Skuld -
or the past, the present and the future, and Hel - as that which is
hidden. The six male members represented the cardinal points and
the elements - North as water, East as air, South as fire, West as

Picture 1 5. The altar for the course on ceremonial magic.

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214

earth, with the additional directions of above and below. We
identified with beings from Norse mythology corresponding to the
element in question. I was to portray Surt - the Fire Demon, as the
representative of South and Fire. Thomas, who represented 'That
which is below', portrayed Hraesvelgr - the eagle. There was some
discussion about the mythical beings connected to the elements
before we chose which particular being we should portray. After
making our joint decisions, we prepared our ceremonial utterings,
the ritual lines we were supposed to read when it was time for our
contribution to the ceremony. Lastly, we took some time to get into
the character of the mythical being we were supposed to portray,
then meditating briefly on this.

With the help of a compass, we sought out the cardinal points
in order to know at which positions we should stand. The woman
representing the past stood by the trees functioning as the portal to
the temple, the woman representing the present stood on the right-
hand side of the altar and the woman representing the future stood
behind the altar, next to a tree marking the outer boundary of the
temple region. The woman portraying Hel stood on the left-hand
side of the altar. Those of us who represented the four elements
stood at our respective cardinal points, with our backs towards trees
marking the boundaries of the temple. The male members
representing the above and the below stood at the centre of the
area, next to a circular formation of small stones. Before we started,
Thomas and the rest of us discussed and planned the specifics of
the ceremony. The following proceeding was decided upon: Hel -
the Hidden, would start and end the ceremony; the Norns - the
Past, the Present and the Future would be next in line, the four
cardinal points, starting with north and finishing with west, would
perform their part, lastly followed by the directions of below and
above. The ceremony in its totality would symbolize the creation of
the universe and, more specifically, the creation of a dark magical
universe - and in it the magician. The final act before beginning
was the lighting of the incense at the altar.

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Hel: - I am Hel, that which is hidden! (ringing the ceremonial bell).

Hel then moved into a position behind Urd.

Urd: - 1 am Urd, the border/ boundary to the past; memory, birth!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind Verdandi.

Verdandi: - I am Verdandi, the middle and the being!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind Skuld.

Skuld: - I am Skuld, the border/ boundary to the future!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind the North/ Fenris.

Fenris/North: - I am Fenris, the border to the north. Carrier of the

unyielding earth!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind East/Loke.

Loke/East: - The clear thought of the east am I, Loke of the Air!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind South/ Surt.

Surt/ South: - I am Surt, the border to the South. Fire, Energy!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind West/Jormungandr.

Jormungandr/West: - 1 am Jormungandr, the border to the west!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind 'That which is Below'/

Nidhog.

Nidhog/That which is Below: - I am Nidhog, That which is Below!

Hel rang the bell and moved to stand behind 'That which is Above'/

Hraesvelgr.

Hraesvelgr/That which is above: - 1 am the Eagle, Hraesvelgr, the border

to the above. The sky and the hail!

Hel rang the bell and moved to her own position at the left side of the

altar.

Hel: - 1 am Hel, the hidden! (ringing the bell).

Next, each of us in turn, according to our place in the ceremony, walked

to the altar and placed our sacred object from the forest on it. While at the

altar we read ceremonial lines. After this we went back to our places.

First Urd walked to the altar.

Urd: - 1, Urd, call the Red Dragon from the Past! Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Urd placed her sacred item on the altar and went back to her place.

Verdandi moved to stand at the altar.

Verdandi: - 1, Verdandi, call the Red Dragon, in the Present! Ho Drakon

Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Verdandi placed her sacred item on the altar and went back to her place.

Skuld moved to stand at the altar.

Skuld: - 1, Skuld, call the Red Dragon, in the Future! Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Skuld placed her sacred item on the altar and went back to her place.

Fenris moved to stand at of the altar.

Fenris: - I am Fenris. I call the Red Dragon from the North! Ho Drakon

Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

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Fenris placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his place.

Loke moved to stand at of the altar.

Loke: - Representative for the element of East, Air, the power of Loke,

the Dragon is called! Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Loke placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his place. Surt

moved to stand at the altar.

Surt: - 1, Surt, call the Red Dragon from the South! Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Surt placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his place.

Jormungandr moved to stand at the altar.

Jormungandr: - I, Jormungandr, call the Red Dragon from the West! Ho

Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Jormungandr placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his

place. Nidhog moved to stand at the altar.

Nidhog: I, Nidhog, call the Red Dragon from Below! Ho Drakon Ho

Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Nidhog placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his place.

Hraesvelgr moved to stand at the altar.

Hraesvelgr: - 1, Hraesvelgr, call the Red Dragon from Above! Ho Drakon

Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Hraesvelgr placed his sacred item on the altar and went back to his place.

Hel moved to stand at the altar.

Hel: - I am Hel! From the hidden I call the Red Dragon! Ho Drakon Ho

Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Hel: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: - Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Hel: - HO DRAKON HO MEGAS!

Everyone: - HO DRAKON HO MEGAS!

Hel placed her sacred item on the altar and went back to her place. We

stood in silent meditation for about two minutes, after which Thomas

pronounced:

- We can declare the ceremony ended.

We collected the items we had brought with us and removed the
dead bird from the altar stone, mostly in order not to awake
unnecessary suspicions in other people who might visit the forest.
We left the temple region through the same gate we had come in
through, and opened and closed the gate symbolically with our
hands. The sacred items picked up from the forest were left at the
altar. We left the forest and returned to the city. The ceremony took

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about thirteen minutes in its entirety, not counting the meditations
and preparations we carried out before it. In total, we spent about
one and a half hour in the forest.

The ritualistic part of the course on ceremonial magic started with
an initial meditation. The participants sat by a mound and were
specifically asked to meditate on the presence of the forest and the
nature around them. The purpose was for them to separate
themselves from their everyday reality, and focus their minds and
bodies on the magic work at hand. The collecting of natural objects
was supposed to strengthen the identification with nature, the
'totems' collected in a fashion imbuing the magicians with their
force.

The short break taken before entering the 'temple' was
important. The supposed function of the break was to separate the
sacred space, and to mark a difference between the magical and the
non-magical. The 'opening of the portal' while passing through the
passage formed by the two trees also helped in marking this
difference. By using the items collected from nature the sense of
connectedness to nature was also strengthened.

Next on the schedule was preparing the altar that was going to
be used during the ceremony. The objects brought along were
candles, incense and incense-holder, a ceremonial bell and a magic
dagger brought from the Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm. Items
collected in the forest and placed on the altar were a collection of
twigs and the dead bird found on our way to the temple-area. In
Magick Aleister Crowley describes magic tools important in
ceremonies (see Crowley 1977: 46). Among the most important are
the magic wand - representing the magician's Will, the cup (or
goblet) - representing understanding, the sword - representing
reason and the pentacle - representing the lower parts of the
magician's being. The magic attire, consisting of crown and robe,
as well as a book of conjurations and a bell, are also described as
important. In the context of this particular ceremony, and in the
Dragon Rouge context in general, the magic tools are interpreted a
bit differently. The wand and the pentacle represent Will and the
earth, the body, in a similar fashion to Crowley's description, but
the goblet is usually taken to represent water and feminine aspects,

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and the sword the element of air. Of the four key magic tools only
the sword, in the form of a dagger, had been brought along. In this
context, however, the items collected in the forest represented the
wand and Will, and the altar, and the whole temple, could be seen
as representing the earth. Magic attire is generally not used in
Dragon Rouge. The book of conjurations is similarly not as
important as in traditional magic, as the order's ritual work has a
highly improvised character.

The preparation of the ceremony mirrored this improvisational
characteristic. The participants discussed and in union agreed on
what in particular they should represent and portray, but the
specifics of the ritual text delivered by each participant was not
dictated. The beings portrayed in the ceremony were all from ancient
Norse mythology, and this element was thus interiorly consistent.
The secondary representations were similarly consistent. The
mythological beings were understood as representations of some
sorts of 'extended cardinal points', an existential continuum,
namely: Time (past, present and future), space (north, west, south,
east, above and below). The most important official in the ceremony
represented the hidden aspect, the realm of death, rebirth and chaos,
and thus as the element which all the other elements can be found
in. An interesting factor was that the participants were divided on
the basis of gender. The females represented time and the males
represented space, and the hidden aspect, Hel, was represented by
a female. That 'Hel' was placed on the left side of the altar is also of
importance, as the left is interpreted as the hidden side, representing
chaos. When deciding which mythical characters should be
portrayed the likes of Balder were ruled out, as they were taken to
represent Tighter' principles, that is to say principles of order rather
than chaos.

After agreeing on the key elements of the ceremony the
participants meditated again, and again the purpose was to focus
body and mind on the ceremony and to mark a separation of normal
and magic reality. Specifically focusing on the elements and
mythical beings each participant was supposed to portray, allowed
for them to embody the characteristics of each particular being.

The temple, as part of unbounded nature, was marked off from
the rest of the forest by the positioning of the ceremonial officials,
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the 'portal' the temple had been entered through and the tree
representing an axis mundi. The lighting of the incense at the altar
marked the start of the ceremony.

The first half of the actual ceremony functioned as a defining
of the limits of the ceremonial universe, or as expressed in the
theoretical portion preceding the practice: "the creation of a dark
magical universe". Each of the officials represented one aspect of a
continuum, and the ritual presentation of these aspects constructed
this continuum. Hel, representing 'the hidden', started and ended
the presentations, thus signalling the source of everything in the
realm of chaos. The ringing of the bell is interesting when
considering Aleister Crowley's understanding of the use of the
magic bell. Crowley writes: "At the sound of this Bell the Universe
ceases for an indivisible moment of time, and attends to the Will of
the Magician" (Crowley 1977: 111). The ringing of the bell can thus
be understood as the act through which the magician's ritual
uttering is rendered real, in the case of this particular ceremony the
act through which the aspects of space and time came into existence.
That it was the official representing Hel, chaos - the source of
everything in the Dragon Rouge view, is also important in this
context.

The second part of the ceremony, in which each participant in
due order approached the altar and offered their magic item to it,
can be seen as a symbolic act endowing the newly created magic
universe, and the inhabitants of it - the ceremonial officials, with
power. The ritual act consisted of, in a way, sacrificing the magic
item, representing the will, to the forces of chaos, which in this case
was also the magician offering the item. Thus the magician sacrificed
his/her person, his/her Will, to him-/ herself, in order to attain
power. This sort of sacrifice is much discussed in the order, and
acts of mythological beings such as Khepera and Odin stand as a
model for the magician.

The meditation, performed while standing after all of the
ceremonial officials had finished their parts, functioned as a focusing
and processing of the ritual elements, and as a return to normal
reality and a normal state of mind. The declaration of the ceremony
as ended strengthened this sentiment. The final aspect was the
cleaning of the temple, in practice meaning the gathering of the

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items brought along. The 'closing of the portal', performed when
leaving the temple-area, functioned psychologically as a final
marker differentiating between magical and non-magical reality.

The differences to traditional magic ceremonies are quite
noticeable. In Aleister Crowley's account of magic ceremony the
particular shape of the temple, as well as the shape and size of the
altar, is of key importance. Similarly, Crowley describes the use of
a magic circle as very important. The magician should stand inside
the circle and never leave, or otherwise the 'hostile [magic] forces'
outside the circle could harm the magician. (Crowley 1977: 46-50).
In Dragon Rouge magic circles are never used. The argumentation
behind this is that the dark magician works with these 'hostile forces'
(not understood as hostile, but rather as misinterpreted) with a
different approach, and a protecting circle is therefore unnecessary
- in fact it might even be a hindrance.

5.1 .3 Ceremonial Opening of Lodge Sinistra

During my early field studies, I was invited to experience something
quite rare and unique, the ceremonial opening of an official Dragon
Rouge lodge. The date was Saturday 17 th - February, 2001, and the
place was Malmo, Sweden. I had arrived in Stockholm two days
earlier in order to participate in some other Dragon Rouge activities,
and took the train from Stockholm to Malmo on Friday morning. I
had corresponded with representatives for the soon-to-be lodge
Sinistra earlier, and was met by three Malmo-based members at
the railway station. Dragon Rouge members from Stockholm soon
joined us, as well as a few more members from the Malmo region.
The evening was spent in a Chinese restaurant discussing various
subjects, some of which concerned Dragon Rouge and magic, some
of which did not.

Before heading for the location where the ritual was to be held,
we met up with a few other Dragon Rouge members not from
Malmo, this time a man and a woman from Gothenburg and a man
from a small city in the south of Sweden. At about four pm, we
travelled to the location of the opening ceremony. It was to be held

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in the home of one of the Malmo-based members. He had arranged
a room in his apartment for the occasion. At twenty to six, the last
person attending had arrived. In total, there were 17 persons present,
of whom six were women. Before starting the opening ceremony, a
few of the Malmo-based members were initiated into the first degree
of the order. The leaders of the lodges, the core-persons of the order
- the long-time Stockholm-based members - and those about to be
initiated moved to the main ritual room, while Thomas asked the
rest of us to move to another room. Chanting, ringing of the
ceremonial bell, and what I made out to be the 'invocation of Lilith'
ritual, were heard from the ritual room. As usual the initiations
concluded with the ritual uttering "Ho Drakon Ho Megas!". I will
present a Lilith invocation as described in Kabbala, kliffot och den
goetiska magin (Karlsson 2004: 118) as an example.

Thomas: Lepaca Lilith!

Everyone: Lepaca Lilith!

Thomas: Ruach!

Everyone: Ruach!

Thomas: Badad!

Everyone: Badad!

Thomas: Arioth!

Everyone: Arioth!

Thomas: Samolo!

Everyone: Samolo!

Thomas: Sched!

Everyone: Sched!

Thomas: Lilith, open your womb, open the shell of darkness and appear

from the cave of dark dreams! Lilith, let your blood stir like the lava from

the volcano to become the force through which the Dragon rises!

Thomas: Opun Lilith

Everyone: Opun Lilith!

Thomas: Ama!

Everyone: Ama!

Thomas: Layil!

Everyone: Layil!

Thomas: Naamah!

Everyone: Naamah!

Thomas: Rimog!

Everyone: Rimog!

Thomas: Arioth!

Everyone: Arioth!

Thomas: Lirochi!

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Everyone: Lirochi!

Thomas: Lilith!

Everyone: Lilith!

Thomas: O' Lilith, in your embrace the world is seduced and there the

remnants of the ages meet under the shadow of your cruelty!

Thomas: Naamah!

Everyone: Naamah!

Thomas: Rimog!

Everyone: Rimog!

Thomas: Arioth!

Everyone: Arioth!

Thomas: Lilrochi!

Everyone: Lilrochi!

Thomas Lilith!

Everyone: Lilith!

Thomas: Lilith, you hold the sceptre and you hold the domination. Give

us dominance and the fulfilment of dreams!

Thomas: Lepaca Lilith!

Everyone: Lepaca Lilith!

Thomas: Ruach!

Everyone: Ruach!

Thomas: Arioth!

Everyone: Arioth!

Thomas: Naamah!

Everyone: Naamah!

Thomas: Samalo!

Everyone: Samalo!

Thomas: Shed!

Everyone: Shed!

Thomas: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Thomas: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Everyone: Ho Drakon Ho Megas!

Thomas: HO DRAKON HO MEGAS!

Everyone: HO DRAKON HO MEGAS!

As usual, Thomas read out the power words of the invocation in an
intense voice, and the rest of us responded in unison in an equally
stern fashion.

The initiations were finished in about half an hour, after which
we all took a short break. Before starting the opening ceremony,
Thomas showed the soon-to-be lodge officials and me the lodge-
contract, a document stating the rights and duties of a Dragon Rouge
lodge (see section 4.2.4).

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When we were ready to start, all of us moved into the ritual
room. The room was a standard living-room in a residential
apartment, about 3x5 meters in size, but the appearance of the room
was quite different from what one is used to. The walls were painted
in a dark red colour, emphasizing the dark wood panels of the room.
The only lighter colours in the room were the ceiling and the radiator
by the window which were white. The window, on one short side
of the room, was covered with black canvas. An altar, consisting of
a table covered with black cloth was placed in front of the window,
at the very centre, and on each side of it an ordinary kitchen chair
had been placed. There was no electric lighting in the room, but a
metal chandelier housing four candles hung from the ceiling and
an iron candelabra about 1.2 meters high stood on the left side of
the altar. While the six red candles in the candelabra were lit, the
candles in the chandelier were not. Placed on the altar were a
wooden Western-type dragon statue - positioned in the centre, six
lit red candles - three on each far side of the altar-table - and three
additional unlit ones in various colours, a ceremonial metal bell, a
metal cup for incense and a ceremonial dagger with its sheath. The
altar was decorated with red roses and rose-petals, and housed a
wooden stick functioning as the magic wand (see picture 16). On
the left wall of the room (taking the side with the altar as the front
side of the room) hung two leather whips and a bouquet of dried
roses.

Picture 1 6. Altar at the ceremonial opening of lodge Sinistra.

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As we entered the room the atmosphere was expectant. The
esoteric atmosphere of the room was further intensified by the scent
of Dragon's Blood incense and the scant candlelight casting its shine
on the altar. Thomas stood in front of the altar, wielding the magic
wand, and on each side of him, on the chairs beside the altar, sat a
female Dragon Rouge member from the Stockholm mother-
organization. The rest of us stood in a semi-circle around Thomas
and the altar, with the three lodge leaders present, and me, closest
to them. We started off by Thomas leading us through a Dragon
ceremony (see section 5.1.1), directly followed by a standing
Kundalini-activating meditation - directly connected to the earlier
ceremony. After three deep breaths, Thomas continued by
ceremonially proclaiming the reason for those present having
gathered on that day, the ceremonial opening of lodge Sinistra.

He spoke of the mythical being Lucifer, and this being's role in
dark magical settings. Lucifer is seen as the light-bringer, the one
who can show the magician the path out of creation, and lead him/
her to become a creator in his/her own right. He held a copy of Le
Grand Grimoire 86 in his hands, which he soon passed around the
room. He had opened the book on a page displaying a Lucifer-seal,
and we were to focus on the seal and say the name Lucifer. As the
book made its way back to Thomas, the two women sitting on the
chairs beside the altar drew the shape of the seal in the air, using
the magic wand. We read an invocation of Lucifer from the grimoire,
in the customary fashion. Thomas read it out loud first, and the rest
of us repeated it, the language being French. Thomas drew an
inverted pentagram in the air with the wand. The time for the official
part of the ceremony had arrived. The lodge leader of lodge Sinistra
stepped up to the altar and signed two copies of the lodge-contract.
In conclusion, Thomas drew yet another symbol from the grimoire
in the air, using the magic wand.

The whole ceremony was very intensive. The darkness of the
room combined with the scent of incense, and the fact that a whole
room was occupied by a group of people all focusing on one
ceremonial ritual, made the experience very powerful. After the

86 Le Grand Grimoire, also called Le Dragon Rouge, is a handbook in magic
originating from France in the 1850s.

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ceremony, we blew out the candles and left the room. The topic of
discussion was the atmosphere and intensity of the ceremony and
many of those present were almost in a state of ecstasy. The common
opinion was that it all amounted to a feeling of strong presence in
the room, almost as if some sort of being or force had been present
during the rituals.

After relaxing a little and gathering our strength, we headed
out to the city centre in order to start the more mundane celebrations
in a restaurant where we had booked a table.

The Lilith invocation is one of the more basic Dragon Rouge rituals.
As the first qliphotic level, the opening to the qliphotic spheres,
Lilith represents the dark side of the normal world. Lilith' s sephirotic
counterpart is Malkuth, which in qabalah represents the material
world. The first uttering of the invocation, Lepaca Lilith - meaning
"open up Lilith", is a summoning of the qliphotic force. The
terminology used in the invocation is quite powerful, such as
references to 'the cruelty of Lilith' and a request to 'let Lilith' s blood
stir like lava'. This is to be understood as a reflection on Dragon
Rouge interpretation of the character and nature of the qliphoth.
Lilith is attributed power, in the phrase "you hold the sceptre and
you hold the dominance", and the magician doing the invocation
seeks to attain this power. The power-words uttered are the names
of various demons, demonesses and 'chaos-dragons' (mythological
dragon-like beings, which in Dragon Rouge are seen as representing
chaos). The uttering Ho Drakon Ho Megas, the common ending of
Dragon Rouge rituals and invocations, summons the power of
chaos.

Concerning the room in which the ceremonial opening of lodge
Sinistra was performed, it must be said that it was not solely devoted
to magic - except for on this particular occasion. Consequently, the
dark red colour of the walls represented the aesthetic preferences
of the inhabitant of the apartment first and foremost.

As said, the room had been specifically prepared for the
opening ceremony. The room had been cleared of everything not
essential for the ceremony. The sole window of the room had been
covered by black fabric, and the altar had been arranged in front of
it. The covering of the window can be seen as an isolation of the

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temple from the outside world, effectively rendering it a sacred
space - effecting the magician's attainment of an altered state of
consciousness. The items on the walls of the room, the dried roses
and the whips, as well as the chandelier and the candelabra,
probably illustrated the aesthetics of the apartment's inhabitant,
although they suited the atmosphere sought. For example, the dried
roses could be seen as a symbolic representation of negative and
destructive forces.

The items on the altar, on the other hand, were of particular
importance, and represent the typical content of a Dragon Rouge
altar. The dragon statue (see picture 17) is a central piece on any
Dragon Rouge altar. It represents the chaos-forces, the life-force in
the form of the kundalini-serpent, and in extension the innate occult
powers the magician can learn to control through the use of magic.
The magic wand, an essential part of almost all magic as a
representation of Will (see Crowley 1977: 46), is of particular design
in the Dragon Rouge context. The wand is always a tree branch
which has not been crafted in any way. It represents the magician's
Will as a natural thing, as chaos in contrast to crafted items, which
represent order. Candles are generally used in inside ritual-contexts,
as electric lights are always turned of. On this occasion the number
or colour of the candles were of no particular importance. The roses
and rose-petals covering the altar had no particular importance,
other than as celebratory for the opening of the new lodge. The
metal bell is often used in Dragon Rouge rituals (see sections 5.1.1
and 5.1.2. See section 5.1.2 for the symbolic purpose of using the
bell). The Dragon's Blood incense is used on rarer occasions, as it is
rather expensive. The incense is made of the dried fruit of a palm
tree, Daemonorops Draco, and gives of heavy smoke and has a strong
and distinct scent. The name, of course, indicates a significance in a
magic order called Dragon Rouge.

The female members seated on both sides of the altar, active
members of the mother-order, represented the feminine qliphotic
forces. That the members seated on the chairs were female was of
particular importance, and this is interesting when considering the
generally non-essential view on gender in the order.

The opening started with a Dragon Ceremony, which involves
the magician conjuring the power of his own life-force, as the
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Picture 1 7. The dragon-statue on the altar at lodge Sinistra.

kundalini, as well as the magical powers in existence. The kundalini
is represented as a serpent coiled in the base-chakra, and the first
passage of the ritual quite obviously specifies the rising of the force.
The kundalini is also called 'the fire serpent', as the rising of the
force is said to produce a warm or burning sensation along the spine.
In the second passage the words "flaming jaws" are uttered, again
in combination with requesting the dragon to 'rise from the depths'.
The Dragon Ceremony was combined with a kundalini-meditation,
in which the previously performed ritual was performed in order
to strengthen the effects of the meditation. The meditation also
functioned to focus the body and mind on the magic process at
hand.

Before treating the next ritual element, the Lucifer-invocation,
the character of Lucifer must be discussed shortly. Lucifer is
conjured as the light-bringer, a force which guides and helps the
magician see his/her way in darkness. Thus, invoking Lucifer is
not seen as sinister or destructive in any way (see Kaczynski 2002:
505 n37). The invocation was said to be performed in order to
"provide the Luciferian light" for the work of the new lodge. This

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can be compared to the Neophyte initiation of the Hermetic Order
of the Golden Dawn, in which the initiate was to declare "My soul
is wandering in darkness, seeking for the Light of Occult
Knowledge, and I believe that in this Order the knowledge of that
Light may be obtained" (see Bogdan 2003b: 185). The painting of
the Lucifer-seal in the air was an act of visualization, further focusing
the mind on the process of magic. The participants were not using
a wand, but using the finger represented the directing of Will. The
grimoire the seal was taken from, Le Dragon Rouge, is of particular
significance, as this is one of the stated origins of the name of the
order. The grimoire is used on rare occasions.

The signing of the lodge contract, when done in a ritual context,
can be seen as a magic oath. Magic oaths are not to be seen as general
oaths, as they are supposed to reflect the Will of the magician. In
Crowley's words, magic oaths cannot be broken (see Crowley 1977:
62). The signing of the contract also signalled the end of the
ceremony, which was cemented by Thomas - as ceremonial leader
- drawing yet another seal from the grimoire.

5.1 .4 Initiation into Degree 2.0 - Gamaliel

I did my initiation for the second degree, 2.0 Gamaliel, on Tuesday,
30th November, 2004. About a week and a half prior to the initiation
I had sent a text of about two A4 pages dealing with my experiences
and reflections of the second course to my contact person in the
order. The text also dealt with my view on the Draconian magic
system. It is a standard and generally required procedure in Dragon
Rouge to send texts of this kind to the order, along with the request
for initiation, before the actual initiation is to be performed. The
order then considers the reflections and decides if the person in
question is suitable for initiation or not. I have been told that
initiation is not often denied a person. It is only if the person
requesting initiation appears to be seriously unbalanced or mentally
unfit that it is suggested to the individual that initiation would
perhaps not be suitable.

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The initiation ceremony was preceded by a regular Tuesday
meeting, the last one for the month of November, and thus the last
one before going on to another theme. I arrived at the metro station
where members meet before courses and gatherings at five minutes
to seven pm. A few members where present and more arrived as
the time approached seven. At about seven minutes past seven, we
started to move towards the Dragon Rouge temple, as it was not
likely that any more members would arrive. I will here skip the
proceedings of the Tuesday meeting, which focused on shadow-
meditation, and go straight to the initiation.

At about twenty past eight, most of those attending the meeting
were about to leave. Thomas had told us before the meeting that
we were going to do a second degree initiation, and that those
members who already have taken the second degree could stay for
the initiation. Thomas, 'Drusilla', 'Malachi' and 'Lael' stayed for
the initiation, whereas the other members were either in a hurry
somewhere or not initiated into the second degree. I asked Thomas
if he might have a piece of paper so that I could write my ceremonial
text into a finished form, and 'Lael' gave me a sheet from his
notebook. I sat down at the table to write my text and the rest of
those present stood by the sofa and discussed unrelated things. At
about a quarter to nine I was finished and handed the notebook
and pen back to 'Lael' and the text to Thomas. Thomas asked me if
this was the version for the archive and I answered yes, but that I
would first be using it during the ceremony. As we prepared for
the ceremony, I asked Thomas if I was to be reading the Dragon
Ceremony, which I do not know by heart. He told me not to worry
as there was a book with the text by the altar. Thomas turned to the
others and asked their opinion about what kind of music we should
be using. 'Lael' made a suggestion and accepted this. The music
had some (shamanic) drumming in it, which at first affected my
concentration a little, as I was quite nervous. Later on, as I became
more involved in the ceremony, the music did not bother me at all.

Thomas went to the sideboard and took out the grimoire Le
Dragon Rouge, also called Le Grand Grimoire (see footnote 85). The
Lucifer invocation from the grimoire was to be used in the ceremony.
Next, Thomas asked us to move to the altar region and the ceremony
was about to begin. The lights in the temple were switched off and

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the only illumination came from, the candles in the altar region.
One red candle in a dragon-shaped candleholder, placed on a large
mirror on the floor, and four red ones on the altar. Thomas took out
the two swords standing by the altar and placed them in the corners
by the altar.

Thomas informed us that we were going to start with a short
meditation and we all sat down around the mirror, clock-wise me,
'Lael', Thomas, 'Malachi' and 'Drusilla' - Thomas with his back
towards the altar and me facing him. We focused on the candle in
front of us and conducted a short meditation. After the meditation,
Thomas briefly discussed the second initiation. It is particularly
important as it is the last initiation before the Dragon Oath (see
section 4.2.1) and thus before entering the Inner Order - Ordo
Draconis et Atri Adamantis. It is also an initiation which one cannot
perform by oneself, as is possible with the first one. Afterwards,
Thomas asked us to stand up and 'Lael' and 'Malachi', who were
going to act the guardians during the ceremony, to take their places.
They both moved to a corner of the altar region, 'Lael' to the left of
the altar and 'Malachi' to the right of it, each of them facing me and
away from the altar region. Thomas stood in front of the altar and I
stood behind him, with 'Drusilla' on my right side, slightly behind
me.

Thomas picked up the magic wand in his right hand and the
book with the Dragon ceremony in his left. The grimoire was placed
on the right side of the altar. Thomas started by reading the Dragon
ceremony (see section 5.1.1) from the book, whilst pointing the wand
towards the altar. As usual, we responded by repeating the power
words and the reading was ended by the ceremonial uttering, Ho
Drakon Ho Megas. Next, Thomas picked up the grimoire Le Dragon
Rouge and opened it up at the page with the Lucifer invocation.
The same invocation was used in the ceremonial opening of lodge
Sinistra in Malmo, Sweden (see section 5.1.3). Thomas briefly
explained that we were going to read the Lucifer invocation in order
to bring the Lucifer ian light into the ceremony. Thomas read the
invocation out loud, first with doing it individually and then with
us repeating each word. When he had finished he put down the
grimoire and turned to me. He invited me to step up to the altar in
order to be initiated. I responded by doing so, and he gave me the
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book with the ceremony to read from. I read the ceremony out aloud,
using my magical name, and the others present repeated the power
words. After that, I read the ceremonial text which I had prepared
myself before the initiation.

I put the book down on the right side of the altar and lifted up
the paper with my ceremonial text, which I had held in my hands
for the duration of the ceremony. I read the text aloud and the others
responded to certain phrases.

The ceremonial text:

I, Daemon Gaeh'Nae'Ha, invoke Lilith, Hel, Hekate and Kali. I invoke
you in the name of Tiamat, Leviathan, Jormungand and Nidhogg - in
the sign of the Dragon. Give me power to tear down and destroy the Old
in order to give birth to the New.

I promise to go deeper into the unknown and hidden in my Self and in
existence. I want to walk in the darkness of the night and the black fires
in order to be born in a new dawn. Give me strength, courage and
endurance to tread the paths that lead to the dark mysteries. Give me
courage, strength and endurance to face and embrace the dangers and
setbacks I encounter on my journey. Give me courage, strength and
endurance to walk my path to its end.
Lepaca Lilith!
Everyone: Lepaca Lilith!

Initiate me in your mysteries. Take me in your dark embrace and
envelop me. Burn away the restricting and make me free.
Lepaca Gamaliel!
Everyone: Lepaca Gamaliel!

Lilith, take me in, give me your dark kiss and lead me on your
night-time journey. Take me beyond my limitations and show me the
possible in the impossible.

I swear an oath to unrelentingly continue my journey on the path I
have taken. I willingly step into the jaws of the Dragon, into the womb
of Lilith, and am tempered in the destructive fires. Kali, ancient/ original
mother, show me the secrets to giving birth to myself. Lilith, Hel,
Naheema, Hekate, Kali - embrace me and come in me. Consume me so
that I may create myself anew!

I swear an oath to give to my order as my order has given to me. I
stand by my sisters' and brothers' side and face the unknown together
with them.

Ho Drakon Ho Megas!
Everyone: Ho Drakon Ho Megas 87 !

87 The text was, as mentioned, created by me and a few remarks on its
composition may be in order. In Dragon Rouge initiations, the initiate is

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After I had finished, Thomas turned to me again and declared me
initiated. He welcomed me into the second degree of the order. I
shook hands with those present, and Thomas declared the initiation
ended and said that we could leave the altar region. I left first,
turning towards the altar when at the exit and bowing to it. The
rest left after me. We turned on the electrical lights in the temple
and Thomas blew out the candles. We had a brief discussion, after
which I handed my ceremonial text over to Thomas for archiving 88 .
We put on our outdoor clothes and left the temple.

In comparison to the initiation into the first degree, the second
initiation was more complex and elaborate. The texts required for
the first initiation, both the reflective account and the ceremonial
text, were shorter and much less personal than those required for
the second initiation. Otherwise the ceremonial settings were quite
similar.

The initiations of a magic order are, naturally, of central rituals in
an initiatory order's practice. In Dragon Rouge the road to initiation
goes through performing exercises described in correspondence
courses, and then providing the order with a report of one's
progress. The documents an initiate needs to provide in order to be

supposed to provide an individual ceremonial text, which the initiation
ceremony revolves around. Each successive initiation will require a more and
more extensive, elaborated and personal text. The text for the second initiation
was supposed to include ceremonial oaths in which I declare my future magical
intents, as well as my role with regard to Dragon Rouge. The oaths are, as said,
ceremonial, and are not to be viewed as mundane promises. Their purpose is to
focus the initiate's attention and consciousness on the magical progress at hand.
The text is, as said, something which the initiate is supposed to construct by
him-/ herself and will therefore mirror the special interests and dispositions of
the initiate. In my text, I chose to deploy mythological creatures from various
different mythologies. I also consciously included a lot of sexual references,
since I felt that this would be suitable in my initiation. Likewise, I chose to
invoke feminine deities and demonesses. The sexual references were combined
with self-annihilating passages indicating submission to the forces called upon.
The text has a religious tone comparable to Tantric texts, especially those
commonly defined as Left Hand Path.

88 The reflective accounts of the initiation courses and the ceremonial texts
are archived by Dragon Rouge. They become a sort of documentation of the
initiate's magical progress.

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approved for initiation can be likened to the system of university
exams. The student of magic does the exercises required of him,
and then writes a paper on his/her reflections on the material, his/
her experiences during the course as well as on the general topic of
his/her interpretation of draconian magic. The order then decides
whether or not to approve the candidate for initiation. The
documents the candidate provides can be seen as a form of 'proof
that the individual has undergone the necessary training and that
he/she is proficiently advanced in his/her practice of magic.
Interesting as this is, I will focus on the actual ritual of initiation.

The Dragon Rouge rituals of initiation are from the very outset
different in character in comparison to traditional rituals of
initiation, as they are found in, for example, Freemasonry and the
Hermetic Order of Golden Dawn (see Bogdan 2003b for examples
of these). Traditional initiatory orders usually have fixed rituals, to
be performed in the same fashion each and every time. This is the
opposite to Dragon Rouge initiations. First and foremost, the initiate
is supposed to write the text for his ritual of initiation for him/
herself - and thus the ritual text will be different on every occasion.
The purpose is to foster the initiate and his/her imagination, and
train him/her in the construction of rituals. This could also be seen
as a difference stemming from the primary forces conjured. The
focus of Dragon Rouge rituals, especially in an initiatory sense, are
chaos-forces, whereas Right Hand Path rituals focus on order and
structure. The rituals of Dragon Rouge seem to mirror this focus.
The ritual text should include a magic oath, which is of great
importance, as discussed in chapter 5.1.3. Displaying the ad hoc
character of the ritual setup, the number and function of ritual
officials was not determined beforehand. The only rule was that
those attending had to be of at least the degree the candidate was to
be initiated in.

Before the ritual started the candles at the altar-area were
lighted and the electric lights were turned off and meditative music
was played. This was all in order to set the mood for the ritual, and
help the initiate, and the ritual officers, focus on the ritual reality,
and marking the border between magic and non-magic. In choosing
roles for the officials the male members present acted the guardians
- again a traditional gendered role. Thomas, as highest initiate, and

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my tutor in the order, acted ritual leader. Persons were situated so
that the person initiated was at the centre, and thus at the centre of
attention.

The ritual was started with meditation, again focusing the mind
and body on the act of magic. The magic wand was used in the
incantations and invocations, directing the Will of the person
reading the invocation. See section 5.1.3 for the purpose of the
Dragon Ceremony. The Lucifer-invocation was also used in a similar
fashion as in the opening of lodge Sinistra (see section 5.1.3). Before
performing the reading of the ceremonial text written by myself, I
also read the Dragon Ceremony. In this way I was supposed to
become more deeply involved in the ritual, and attain a closer
connection to the forces conjured. My reading of the text prepared
by myself ended the ritualistic part of the ceremony. The shaking
of the ceremonial officials hands represented a formal welcoming
of me into the second degree of the order, and also signalled a return
to normal reality. This was again cemented with Thomas declaring
the initiation ended. Leaving the altar-area I was again the centre
of focus, as I left the altar-area first.

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5.2 Discussion and Analysis

The above examples from my fieldwork show the standard structure
of Dragon Rouge courses and meetings. First, the person who will
be functioning as course-leader, usually one of the active long-time
members, starts by giving a theoretical talk on the subject of the
course. Various sources for the information given are used but,
almost without exception, some kind of scientific works from
comparative religion, anthropology or some related field of science
which pertain to the phenomenon in question, are referred to. Works
by Mircea Eliade and Carl Gustav Jung, for example, are frequently
used. Other common sources are works on magic, or the
phenomenon in question, written by insiders. This literature is too
extensive to be treated in detail, but books by Julius Evola and
Kenneth Grant can be mentioned. Of course, the works referred to
and used vary according to the theme of the course. As almost all
of the leaders I have witnessed giving courses have some
background in academia, some having taken a few courses while
others have a university degree, it is no surprise that the academic
lecture functions as the pattern for the theoretical portion of a
Dragon Rouge course.

The course leader stands in front of the sitting audience while
delivering his/her lecture and often utilises some form of visual
aid, such as a lecture-pad to make illustrations on. The course
participants often take notes and ask the course leader questions
when something is not clear to them. Comments are also common.
Literary references are similar to those a university lecturer would
make, say for example in a course on ancient Egyptian religion.

The point I am trying to make is not that the course leaders of
Dragon Rouge use deceitful means in order to make their activity
more credible, or that the Dragon Rouge course is a false simulacrum
of the genuine thing, a regular university lecture. What I am saying
is that for both the course leader and for most of those participating
in the course, the university lecture is an accessible and familiar
pattern to model the learning situation on. Much Western magic
literature strives to study and explore the unknown, and then
communicate the results to the audience, in much the same external

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fashion an academic work would, granted the fact that the
epistemology, subjects and methods of insider occult literature are
not accepted as such in an academic setting.

After the theoretical part is over a short break is taken, after
which the actual main part of the course, the practice, commences.
Representatives of Dragon Rouge frequently criticize what they
experience as the exclusive focus on theory in many other magical
orders and occult organizations (IF mgt 2001/49). It is felt that both
parts are necessary. On the one hand: theory without practice would
be rather pointless, in fact a person not putting into practice what
he/she has learnt would not be considered a magician, but rather
an occult theorist. I have been told on many occasions that there is
no such thing as a theoretical magician (see Dragon Rouge 1996/1:
4). On the other hand: practice would become almost impossible if
one did not ground it on a theoretical basis. At the Stockholm temple,
which is the location of most of the courses I have attended, the
practice is performed in the altar-room. After the short break
following the theoretical portion of the course, the participants move
to this area. The course leader usually puts on a record with some
kind of meditation music and lights the candles and some suitable
type of incense at the altar, while the electric lights are turned off.
As the room is lit only by the dim glow of the candles, the
participants sit down on the pillows in the altar-area, in a circular
formation, with the course leader closest to the altar. During courses
that involve the participants standing during the working of magic,
the pillows are naturally not used. The practice is usually begun
with some kind of Kundalini-meditation, which the course leader
guides the other participants through. After the meditation, the
actual practice commences and at the end of it another, shorter,
meditation is held. Typically, members sit down in the chairs around
the tables in the main room, after getting their breath back and
relaxing briefly, to discuss the experience of the practice. It is during
these analyses that the members can draw on each other's experience
and construct a logical and coherent totality out of the practice.

In his doctoral thesis, Henrik Bogdan provides a description of
the Neophyte ritual of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn,
the introductory initiation into the order (Bogdan 2003b: 180-192).
The ritual is ordered in a strictly regulated fashion, with prescribed
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ceremonial officers located at fixed positions and the ritual text and
proceedings to be performed in an ordained way. The Dragon Rouge
ritual is much less rigidly bound, to the extent of being constructed
individually for each and every new occasion, even involving
improvised elements. Dragon Rouge ceremonies too, which in other
ways are set in the tradition of early 20 th century magical orders,
follow the occasion-bound and improvised model (see section 5.1.2
for an example). In comparison to Wiccan neopagan rituals and
initiations, the Dragon Rouge variants likewise appear much less
rigid (see Bogdan 2003b: 220-233; York 1995: 225-230 for examples
of Wiccan rituals and initiations). Many neopagan rituals are,
however, much more flexible than the Gardnerian Wiccan rituals,
as demonstrated by Graham Harvey (Harvey 2000).

Galina Lindquist uses the notion of play when discussing
neoshaman ritual activity (see Lindquist 1997: 124-125, 294-296),
and this notion is suitable for the Dragon Rouge attitude towards
ritual, as well. Lindquist uses play in the sense of "a basic existential
modality generative of spirituality and creativity, where an
agreement on the altered conventions of behaviour allows the
players to generate alternative social spaces which can be
subjectively experienced as a different reality" (Lindquist 1997: 124).
In this approach, the ritual reality is collectively crafted in the context
of the ritual and, in the rules of the play and during the play,
becomes the relevant reality. A stage play is a suitable comparison.
In performing Shakespeare's Hamlet the actors take on the qualities
of the characters in the play. The stage becomes the court of the
King of Denmark, and, if the actors are good, the audience can for
the duration of the play experience the course of events as reality.
At the very least, the emotional attachments and reactions should
be genuine.

Related to the notion of play, and also relevant in the context
of Dragon Rouge ritual, is playfulness. As noted in the above
ethnographies, the mood of the participants in between specific
ritual elements is very light-hearted. While the actual ritual elements
are performed in a serious state of mind, the shift to a much more
relaxed atmosphere can be almost instantaneous when the ritual
elements are interrupted or the ritual is ended. The participants are
determined and take their activities seriously, but this does not

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hinder them from joking about it when the time is appropriate. This
is an immanent factor in late modern alternative spirituality, and
the ritual-as-play approach can shed light on how it functions. The
actors in the ritual adhere to the rules of the play, when the play is
being acted. In a largely improvised ritual, which is common in the
Dragon Rouge setting, there are nonetheless conventions and rules
of conduct. Each actor knows the modes and approximations of the
ritual setting and can play them out. When the ritual is over, or
pauses for some reason, the participants no longer follow the rules
of conduct. In fact, maintaining the serious atmosphere might
detract from the ritual, as the period in between might then be
experienced as a part of the actual ritual setting. In a way, the jokes
before and after a ritual delimit the actual ritual, and mark the
borders between ritual and non-ritual.

As the order is not limited to any one system of magic or to a
strict focus on one specific religious tradition, the courses function
mainly as an introduction to the issues dealt with. It is then up to
the individual members to dive deeper into the form of practice
they have just been introduced to, if it is felt to be something worth
exploring in greater depth. As I have not studied members of Dragon
Rouge involved in individual magic practice, something which
would be extremely difficult to do, I cannot say much more on the
subject of individual practice. The order's correspondence courses
in magic do however shed some light on the issue. The first part of
the first correspondence course teaches the basics of meditation -
focusing on Kundalini-meditation - and guides the student through
fundamental practices in which the will and concentration are
trained.

The second part focuses on rituals, teaching the student how
to construct his/her own rituals rather than giving ready-made
recipes for them, although a basic purification ritual is described.
The practice of dream control, and consequently astral travel and
projection, is also described and recommended. The astral plane is
also the theme of the next two parts of the course. Part five of the
course treats Tantra, and hence goes in more depth into the practice
of Kundalini-meditation by focusing on the energy travelling
through the different chakras, as well as offering the basics of sex
magic. The concluding part of the first course describes a quite
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elaborate ceremony as a form of conclusion to the first part of the
magician's journey. (Dragon Rouge 1996). Most of the exercises
prescribed are described in only the most basic fashion. The theory
and ideas behind the exercises are, however, treated at length. In
this way, the adept will be able to mould the rituals and practices
in a way that suits him/her best and gives him/her the most efficient
means with which to approach magic. Even the rituals described at
length function mainly as examples of how to possibly go about
practising magic.

The second correspondence course gives even less detailed
descriptions, and here as well the emphasis lies on explaining the
idea behind the exercises. The description of a witchcraft ritual and
a few demonic invocations are the exceptions. A few exercises
prescribed in the second course are: Kundalini-meditations, astral-
/ dream-travels, various meditative exercises in nature, invocations
and visualisation exercises. (Dragon Rouge 2001j). The practices
learnt earlier, however, are not something to forget and leave by
the wayside as one progresses. For example, much of the material
in the second course consists of more advanced continuations of
subjects introduced in the first course.

Common to both courses is that the exercises are designed for
an individual practitioner, not for a group of magicians. This is also
the case with the majority of the courses I have attended. What is
learnt can be practiced without the aid of other magicians.
Exceptions occur, of course, such as the course on ceremonial magic
described in section 5.1.2 above, and ceremonies performed in this
fashion, which requires the co-operation of a number of magicians.
The point of focusing on the individual is not to foster an attitude
of isolation among adepts. On the contrary; an overtly
individualistic approach to magic, in which the adept disregards
all and everything outside him/ herself, is strongly discouraged in
the material (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2; 2001J/1: 6). Since the
correspondence courses are meant to work for anyone interested in
the practice of the Dragon Rouge type of dark magic, and as many
would-be practitioners are likely to be the only ones in their
respective regions, forms of exercise which do not require the
attendance of more than one practitioner are taught. The magician
who masters the exercises by him-/herself, will master the

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techniques when doing joint practice as well. The elementary
descriptions of possible exercises, combined with the advice for the
adept to construct his/her own forms of practice, also foster the
novice magician a pragmatic attitude towards the practice of magic.
As stated earlier, the courses of the order mainly function as
introductions to specific forms of practice or to new ideas, with a
few exceptions where a course dives deeper into themes explored
in prior courses. Courses arranged by the Dragon Rouge mother-
organization in Stockholm from early summer, 2000, to fall, 2004,
have, for example, treated the following subjects:

- Ancient Norse magic and rune magic

- Magic in the confines of nature

- Tantric Kundalini/ Chakra-exercises

- Goetic magic 89

- The exploration of magical forces, such as Vril and Od 90

- Ancient-Egyptian based magic

- Qliphotic exercises

Among the more in-depth courses, which often require that the
participant has already been initiated into at least the first degree
of the order, from the same period, the following themes can be
found:

- Advanced rune magic

- Preparatory courses for initiates into the first and second
degrees, treating the subject themes of the correspondence
courses

- The course on ceremonial magic described above in section
5.1.2

- Advanced Tantric practices

- Faustian magic (focusing on the legend of Dr. Faust)

- Advanced qliphotic practices

89 Goetic magic is a common term for so called 'low magic' (see chapter
1.2.2). The term is also used for magic based on grimoares, especially the goetia.

90 Vril and Od are terms used in Dragon Rouge as more or less synomynous
with kundalini, reflecting slightly different aspects of the life-force.

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- A week long intense magical course

- A weekend-long course, focusing on the magical use of
total silence (meaning that the participants will not speak
at all during the course) (Dragon Rouge 2000a-c; 2001f-i;
2002a-d; 2003a-d; 2004a; 2004e-f).

In the advanced courses the same themes surface more frequently
than is the case with the more basic courses. Tantric and qliphotic
practices, along with runic, Ancient Norse and nature-based themes,
form the more common areas of course-activity.

The practices described are those that are arranged by the
mother-order, and which even low initiated members can partake
in. As the order mainly consists of these low initiated members,
there are no officially arranged courses that deal in specific with
higher degree practice. It would simply be more or less pointless,
as there might not be enough people to attend. Correspondence
courses are available for the first three degrees, and after this the
practice for initiations is done in closer and more personal co-
operation with one's tutor in the order. Higher initiated members
may do practices together, but this is not in an official Dragon Rouge
capacity but rather on a personal level. In the spring of 2005 it was
announced that there will be some co-ordinated workings initiates
of degrees 2.0, 3.0 and 4.0 arranged later in the year (Dragon Rouge
2005a).

Due to my choices concerning research methods and
delineations, as I have chosen to focus on the official practice, and
due to my low initiatory level, I have not had access to higher degree
magic practice. Courses beyond the first do, however, shed some
light on higher degree work. Courses two and three mainly provide
deeper focuses on themes already present in the first course. Stated
goals and focuses of degrees beyond the first are:

• Degree 2.0 - Gamaliel - Astral magic, withcraft, the
mysteries of the dark moon and the dark goddess

• Degree 3.0 - Samael - The philosophy of the left hand path,
the wisdom of insanity, Yezidic magic and the dark side of
the charkas

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Degree 4.0 - A'arab Zaraq - Luciferian magic, the dark side
of Venus, Eroto-mysticism and the path of the warrior
Degree 5.0 - Thagirion - The illumination of the night-side,
the dark sun and the union of the god and the beast
Degree 6.0 - Golachab - Ragnarok, the activation of Surt/
Sorath and the magnetism of lust and suffering
Degree 7.0 - Gha'agsheblah - The higher levels of Eroto-
mysticism and preparations for the abyss
Degree 8.0 - Satariel - The opening of the eye of Lucifer/
Shiva/ Odin and the Drakon principle
Degree 9.0 - Ghagiel - The lighting of the Luciferian star
Degree 10.0 - Thaumiel - The accomplishment of the
promise given by the serpent, divinity
Degree 11.0 - Thaumiel - The black hole, the step into the
new creation, Universe B (implying the magician's creation
of an existence of his/her own) (Dragon rouge 2005b).

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Part III - Meaning Making

6 Theoretical Perspectives

In this section, I will investigate different approaches to meaning
making, i.e. the way meaning is attributed to reality in the Dragon
Rouge context. Studies in the psychology of religion have of late
been mainly informed by two distinct theoretical schools, namely
the social constructionist school, with a more humanist approach,
and cognitive psychology, which is based on positivist natural
sciences. Constructionist approaches have been around for a long
time, a classic work in the field being Peter Berger and Thomas
Luckmann's The Social Construction of Reality from 1966 (Luckmann
& Berger 1966). The school is used in social psychology, as well as
in gender and queer studies by authors such as Judith Butler (Butler
1990; 1993; 1997a; 1997b). Cognitivist approaches have gained more
recent popularity in the study of religion as they begun to be used
more in the late 1980s and in the 1990s, with authors such as Dan
Sperber and Pascal Boyer (Sperber 1996; 2000; Boyer 1993; 1994;
2001).

I have chosen to take a social constructionist approach, with
focus on language as a meaning-making device, instead of basing
my analysis on cognitivist theory building. I consider this approach
more helpful in analysing the particularities of the field of study,
the informants and my own role in the process of research. I regard
cognitive science's relative lack of interest in the communicative
processes involved in meaning-making as a serious drawback. As I
have no way of accessing the inner thought processes of my
informants, and, even more importantly, as my informants have
no way of accessing the inner thought processes of their fellow
Dragon Rouge members, other than through language, I regard the
study of language as - not only the mediator of meaning but rather
the mechanism through which meaning is constructed - as a highly
important focus. However, as different tools for analysis highlight
different areas of the field of research, and give different and often
equally valid results, I welcome research that focuses on different
aspects of the field.

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6.1 Social Constructionism

Social constructionism is the main foundation on which discourse
analysis builds (Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:11; Jokinen 1993:39).
Kenneth J. Gergen identifies five different kinds of constructivist
stances in his book, An Invitation to Social Construction (Gergen
1999:59-60). These are:

1) Radical constructivism, in which emphasis is laid on
the ways in which individuals construct what they take
to be reality in their minds.

2) Constructivism, which like radical constructivism sees
the mind constructing reality, but here in a systematic
relationship to the external world outside the
individual.

3) Social constructivism, in which the inner mental
process of reality construction is highly dependent on
the individual's social relationships.

4) Social constructionism, in which emphasis is placed
on discourse as the means through which reality is
communicated and constructed.

5) Sociological constructivism, which focuses on the ways
in which social power structures influence the human
construction of reality, meaning and self.

As the focus in this study is on discourse, I will focus on social
constructionism and only in passing treat the other four
constructionist stances. Kennet Gergen discusses four working
assumptions which social constructionists usually support (Gergen
1999:47-50). Gergen does, however, point out that these assumptions
are not, and should not be viewed as, finite conclusions (Gergen
1999:47). The four assumptions are:

1) "The terms by which we understand our world and
our self are neither required nor demanded by 'what
there is" (Gergen 1999:47). This means that our
language and other means of communication cannot

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provide an objectively true map of the world "as it is".
Any number of alternative explanations could have
similar value (as long as people respond to them in an
approving manner, as explained in assumption 2).
Gergen is careful to point out that this is true for all
forms of human communication, not just spoken and
written language. By extension, this assumption could
be understood as a declaration of the total equality of
all and every account of a specific event etc. It would,
for example, be just as right to state that an apple will
float in the air if you let go of it as it would be to state
that the apple will fall to the ground. In criticising social
constructionism on this basis, one does not take into
account the other assumptions that the theoretical
school works with.
2) "Our modes of description, explanation and /or
representation are derived from relationship" (Gergen
1999:48). This assumption holds that our ways of
understanding the world and events etc. are constructed
in a meaning-making endeavour with other
communicative beings. The tool is mainly language but
also other communicative systems, and the endeavour
is impossible without co-workers. We do not construct
meanings in our individual minds as such, but rather
construct them in communicative events with our
fellow humans. As the accounts of the nature of reality,
a specific event etc. are dependent on the co-operation
of our fellow humans, an account that no-one else
adheres to is without value. A convincing reality is
constructed when people produce it in social relations.
Gergen also points out that we, and thus our
communication for that matter, are not able to exist
without the natural surroundings which sustain us.
These natural surroundings cannot, however, be
understood outside communication. Peter L. Berger
expresses the same view in the following way:

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Society is a dialectic phenomenon in that it is a
human product, and nothing but a human
product, that yet continuously acts back upon
its producer. [ . . . ] There can be no social reality
apart from man. Yet it may also be stated that
man is a product of society (Berger 1969: 3).

3) "As we describe, explain or otherwise represent, so do
we fashion our future" (Gergen 1999: 48). The
communicative endeavour of constructing meaning is
an essential form of social action. When we, in our social
relationships, construct meanings we create other forms
of social practice. In Gergen' s account social institutions
such as law, education and intimate relationships are
dependent on the words we use to describe and define
them. In the communicative process of meaning-
making, we are constantly involved in a
retransformation and reproduction of social
relationships and institutions. Social relationships and
social institutions cannot exist without and outside the
communicative acts producing them. Relationships and
institutions are never finitely made, and defined and
exist in a state of constant reproduction and
reconstruction through communicative renegotiation.
Our futures are constructed in the ways we reproduce
and transform existing institutions.

4) "Reflection on our forms of understanding is vital to
our future well-being" (Gergen 1999: 49). For our
futures to develop into desirable and beneficial
directions we have to assess our present standpoints.
A traditional resorting to 'common sense' and 'shared
values' is not all that helpful, as 'common sense' and
'shared values' are situated in specific discursive
realities and thus give no objective guidance as to how
one should progress. The constructionist has to think
and judge reflectively and grasp multiple standpoints
to one and the same question. He/she has to submit
personal standpoints and 'obvious truths' to
interrogation. By attaining a view from a multitude of

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standpoints and criticising 'self-evident truths', the
constructionist can see and judge his own standpoint
better.

The four main features inherent in most social constructionist works
as presented by Vivien Burr are very similar to Gergen's
assumptions (Burr 1995: 2-5).

1) A critical stance to seemingly self-evident knowledge,
meaning that the categories we use to divide up and
make sense of the world are not the only ones possible.

2) Our way of understanding the world is historically and
culturally specific.

3) Knowledge is created and maintained in social
processes in our daily interaction with our fellow
humans.

4) Knowledge and social action are linked, meaning that
our way of understanding the world results in concrete
acts.

The specific examples Burr gives to explain the main features are
very helpful and enlightening (Burr 1995: 2-5; see also Granholm
2004: 194-196). As one can see, the main concern in social
constructionist theory is to question historically and culturally
created, apparently self-evident truths, not the least of which are
the constructionist researcher's own truths, and to examine what
consequences these truths have on life as we live it.

I will highlight the assumptions/ main features in the following
examples (based on Burr's example in Burr 1995: 3).

Take, for example, our everyday categorisation of humans into
two distinct groups, men and women. One might argue that there
are strong grounds for maintaining this distinction as there are
important physical (and many would say psychological) differences
between men and women. There are, however, many other
differences between humans; for example, length, colour of skin,
eyes and hair, build etc. Any one of these differences could stand
as the key factor for dividing humans into specific groups. We could,
for example, divide humans into blue-eyed, short and fat ones, and

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brown-eyed, brown-haired and thin ones; we have, however, chosen
to use the categories of man and woman.

In addition to this, the distinguishing traits defining what it
means to be a man and what it means to be a woman have varied
throughout history and have been different in different cultures.
The specific characteristic traits associated with men where different
in medieval times than from what they are in Western society today.
Likewise the traits associated with masculinity in Japanese society
are different from the traits associated with masculinity in the
Western cultural sphere. The traits and characteristics linked to
femininity and masculinity are constantly produced and
renegotiated in social interaction and are never finitely defined and
laid down.

The splitting up of mankind into the two categories of men
and women, and the defining of the characteristic traits associated
with the categories, has resulted in actual repercussions for both
men and women. For example; as women have been thought to
have inferior analytical intellectual capabilities to men and, in turn,
have superior empathic and nurturing capabilities, women have
been relegated to the domestic sphere to take care of the household
and the offspring, whereas men have dominated the public, political
arena. This has, in turn, created an imbalance of power in which
men have had the opportunity to dominate women in largely any
way they have felt like. This has further resulted in an ideology
which condones, supports, and indeed encourages, male
domination over women, on the grounds that this is beneficial both
for women and for society as a whole.

In accordance with the fourth assumption in Gergen's model,
it would be beneficial and perhaps even necessary for the individual,
society and humanity as a whole to reflect over the male-female
dichotomy, looking for differing examples from different cultural
spheres and historical periods and to question the 'self-evident'
truths regarding men and women. This is, however, not relevant
within the scope of the present study.

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6.2 Discourse Analysis

As stated earlier, discourse analysis builds on a social constructionist
foundation (Jokinen 1999:39; Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:11). In
discussing discourse analysis, the first task should be to define
discourse, something ignored by many scholars, which has
consequently resulted in confusion surrounding the concept and its use
in academic works. Another reason for the confusion concerning
the term is its the widespread use in various disciplines, often with
widely varying meanings (Wetherell & Potter 1987: 6-7).

In the Merriam- Webster online dictionary, discourse is defined
as "verbal interchange of ideas" or "formal and orderly and usually
extended expression of thought on a subject" (Merriam-Webster
2004b). As used in discourse analytic research, the concept is defined
somewhat differently, but still focusing on the 'speech in use' notion
given in the dictionaries. Jonathan Potter uses discourse for "texts
and speech in use", 'in use' meaning in actual situations where
language or other symbol-systems are used (Potter 1996: 15; see
Wetherell & Potter 1987: 7; see also Suoninen 1999: 19-20). Important
to note is that discourse is not only bound to written or spoken
language (as discussed in section 6.1), but to all communicative acts.
For example, a certain composition of pictures in an advertisement
or the creative use of musical notes played by specific musical
instruments can communicate meaning in the same way as a verbal
statement. Vivien Burr describes how it is possible, and often done,
to 'read' other people's clothing, behaviour etc. for meaning in the
same way we read texts for meaning (Burr 1995: 50-51; Fairclough
1992: 3-5; 1995a: 54). Norman Fairclough defines text as the written
or spoken product of the text-producing process (Fairclough 1992:3).
I would like to state, however, that text should not be understood
simply as human language communication produced in written
form, but rather in a more inclusive way as everything we can 'read'
meaning into. Not all of our human communication, and thus
discourse, takes place on a conscious level. A major part of our
communicative acts are on a subconscious level, expressed in the
way we act, move, look, talk and remain silent.

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Eero Suoninen (et al.) likens discourse to meaning-systems
(Suoninen et al. 1993:26) which construct reality in a certain way
(Suoninen 1999:21). Michel Foucault uses discourse in the sense of
speech and texts in use, as well as the practice responsible for a
certain type of speech and text (see Rosengren 1993:57). A clarifying
example could be medical discourse, in and through which for
example alcoholism is treated in a different way than in an economic
discourse. Louise Phillips and Marianne Winther j0rgensen define
discourse as "a fixed way of talking about and understanding the
world (or a section of it)" (Phillips & j0rgensen 2000:7). Vivien Burr
describes discourse as "a set of meanings, metaphors,
representations, images, stories, statements and so on that in some
way together produce a particular version of events" (Burr 1995:48).

According to Helena Hurme and Sirkka Hirsijarvi, discourse
constitutes an organized whole which is a time-bound process
containing an attempt to influence the listener or the reader
(Hirsijarvi & Hurme 2000:51). A distinction should be made between
themes and discourses (see Suonien 1997:67-68). To use an example
I employed in an earlier essay (Granholm 2001a). A thematic field
could, for example, be Satanism, as in all the discussion surrounding
the subject of Satanism in a TV-programme focusing on this
particular subject (see SVT 1 1996). Discourses, on the other hand,
are the different viewpoints and ways of seeing and experiencing
the subject-matter which are expressed in the program. For example:
the discourses of 'Satanism as a legitimate philosophical way of
thought', 'Satanism as a danger for society' and 'Satanism as
harmless and naive' could all be expressed in the same theme of
discussion, namely 'Satanism'. The same discourses could also be
expressed on completely different themes, such as 'Adolescent
violence' or 'Religion and spirituality'.

Suoninen (et al.) list five basic presumptions that discourse
analysis builds on (Suoninen et al. 1993: 17-18; Suoninen 1999: 18;
see also Phillips & j0rgensen 2000: 11-12).

1) Language use constructs social reality

2) There are several competing systems of meaning

3) Acts of meaning-making are bound to the context they
appear in

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4) Actors are attached to meaning systems

5) Language use has consequences (see also Hirsijarvi &
Hurme2000:51).

As we can see, the basic tenets of discourse analysis are very similar to
those of social constructionism. One could perhaps even say, at the risk
of oversimplifying, that social constructionism is the theory and
discourse analysis is the practice. As Gergen states, however, there
are many different forms of constructivism and not all forms focus
as much on language and other symbol systems as the vehicles of
social reality construction (Gergen 1999: 59-60).

To further highlight what the basic assumptions signify, some
clarifications might be in order (based on Suoninen et al. 1993:18-
45). In discourse analysis language is not seen as a direct reflection
of an underlying true reality (see Hirsijarvi & Hurme 2000:17;
Marander-Eklund 2000:19, 48-50). For example, the word 'table'
does not in itself spring from the physical object 'table'. A clearer
case would be Suoninen's (et al.) example of something as abstract
as colours (Suoninen et al. 1993:19-20). When we see living grass
and say that its colour is 'green', it is so because of cultural
convention. We could just as well call it black, if the case were that
'blackness' was the common and socially accepted denominator of
the object. Concepts are defined in relation to each other. Again, in
the case of colours, the colour 'red' is defined in relation to other
colours and vice versa.

Likewise, other concepts and words are defined in relation to
each other. For example, 'table' is defined in relation to 'chair' 'wall',
'ceiling' etc. Language use not only describes the world but
constructs it to a high degree, or as Margaret Wetherell and Jonathan
Potter express it, discourse is "not partially constitutive, but
thoroughly constitutive" (Wetherell & Potter 1992: 62).

The word 'table' not only refers to the object 'table', but also
brings with it a whole mass of ideas concerning the nature, use and
purpose of the 'table'. An object defined as a 'work bench' is
something completely different from a 'dinner table' even if the
objects were physically completely identical. The understandings
we connect to different words and concepts are the result of social
convention. When we see a wooden board elevated on top of four

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wooden legs, we interpret it to be a table because our cultural and
social knowledge, communicated to us through language, tells us
it is a table. If we lived in an English-speaking community without
tables we would not understand the object as such. Even though
the connection between objects, meanings etc. and words is quite
arbitrary, the individual is not able to attach meanings to words
equally arbitrarily, as the understandings we attach to words spring
from social conventions. In order for communication to be fruitful
and even possible the individuals communicating must have similar
understandings of the subject matters communicated. Suoninen (et
al.) are careful to point out that the importance placed on the
constructive nature of language and other meaning-systems does
not entail the separation of 'real reality' and language, but rather
language is very much part of and in 'real reality' (Suoninen et al.
1993:21). Quoting Wetherell and Potter:

New Zealand is no less real for being constituted discursively -
you still die if your plane crashes into a hill whether you think
that the hill is the product of a volcanic eruption or the solidified

form of a mythical whale (Wetherell & Potter 1992: 65).

Wetherell and Potter go on to say that this materiality of reality
does not mean that it is less discursive. The way that death due to
the plane crashing into the hill is understood is thoroughly
discursive (Wetherell & Potter 1992: 65).

The second basic tenet of discourse analysis deals with the fact
that there are many different ways to understand and interpret any
one single situation, event, thing, object etc. In discourse analysis,
the different ways of interpreting it are called discourses or
interpretive repertoires, and consist of relatively coherent systems
(see Suoninen et al. 1993:26-29). Quite often, the separate discourses
pertaining to an object of communication are in conflict with each
other, even though this does not always have to be the case. For
example, when discussing propagation in a country such as Finland,
several distinct discourses frequently arise. Someone might argue
for the benefits of adoption and labour immigration as a means to
increase population, on the grounds that overpopulation is a global
problem and that no one country should be viewed as an isolated

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unit, whereas someone else might argue for the importance of
supporting increased procreation among the populace, on the
grounds that the population of the country is not growing at a
sufficient rate. Each of these discourses contains a plethora of
assumptions and ready-made convictions. The second discourse is
the dominant one in Finnish discussion and can, if and when it
comes to totally overshadow any possible conflicting discourse, be
called a hegemonic discourse, that is to say, a discourse which is
taken for granted and considered as objective truth (see Jokinen &
Juhila 1996:20, 53-61).

As discourses are language and other symbol-systems in use,
they cannot be studied independently from their contexts. The
context is always a social-relational situation in which the actors
are engaged in communication. This would be the case, for example,
with an advertisement in a newspaper, where the message is
communicated through a medium where the two parties of the
process probably never meet in person and the actors need not be
in actual contact with each other. In the above example, the actor
communicates in a mediated way and the respondent interprets
the message through the culturally, socially and ideologically
available tools he/she has at his/her disposal, and then perhaps
communicates it further. Discourse exists in the act of
communication, with the creator of the advertisement
communicating his/her idea and the respondent interpreting this
idea in the same way as two persons physically at the same location
would communicate. Many discourse analysts see the interaction
between actors in communication as an area of special interest (see
for example Fairclough 1995a:125-128; Jokinen et al. 1993:31-32;
Jokinen & Juhila 1996:45; Suoninen 1997:77-78)

The context of the communicative process must be taken into
consideration in order to perform an adequate analysis. Context
might not necessarily mean the physical circumstances of the
communicative process, but rather the context of the text segment
being analyzed in relation to the textual and intertextual setting it
is embedded in. For example, the researcher cannot simply extract
a segment of text in which the informant states that 'Lesbians
shouldn't get medical help to become pregnant' and simply leave
it at that. If the informant goes on to say 'We have a problem with

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overpopulation and adoption should always be the first alternative',
it gives the earlier segment a completely different meaning than if
the informant claims 'Homosexuality is an abomination'.

The researcher always uses his previous cultural knowledge
and initial assumptions in the course of doing an analysis (Jokinen
& Juhila 1996: 45-46). It is important for the validity of the study
that the researcher identifies his/her initial assumptions (and
prejudices for that matter), and reflects on how these influence the
analysis, and in the case of the researcher creating his/her material
in fieldwork and interviews, influence the material in itself. With
reflection on one's assumptions and the use of earlier cultural
knowledge the study can be made better.

The basic notion of the actor being attached to meaning systems
delineates a path for the researcher where he/she concentrates on
the social conventions of communication and the systems of
meaning produced, rather than on the individual actors themselves.
Whereas cognitive science usually focuses on the inner mental life
of the individual, discourse analysis focuses on relational
communication and meaning-making through symbol-systems in
use. Cognitive science views human communication as the
manifestation of inner thoughts already formulated in the mind of
the person communicating. Consequently, discourse as such is only
interesting for the cognitivist as a means to access the inner processes
of the human. In discourse analysis, on the other hand, discourse is
seen, not as a simple and direct mirroring of the individual's
thought-processes, but rather as a tool to formulate and maintain
thought-processes. Discourse, and accordingly human meaning-
making, is something which is not situated outside the context of
discourse. To put it simply: an event may occur in a real world
outside human discourse but we have no way of attaching meaning
to that event outside discourse. The event of, for example, becoming
pregnant only gains meaning in and through discourse. The
pregnancy is represented as a blessing, or a nightmare, when we
communicate it to someone else.

With the above example of pregnancy, the event becomes a
positive or negative thing in our communicating it to others. To
quote Wetherell and Potter again: "discourse and ideological
practice are inseparable from other social practices" (Wetherell &
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Potter 1992: 61). Every aspect of societal life is steeped in ideology
and discourse and, furthermore, there is "no 'versionless' reality"
(Wetherell & Potter 1992: 61-62). In societal convention the
interpretation of the situation depends much on the circumstances
of our life. If my partner and I were a happy couple with a stable
economy, most people in our circles would probably consider the
pregnancy a joyous event. If, on the other hand, I was a 15-year-old
girl and the pregnancy was a result of rape, the situation would be
completely different. In the latter case, societal norms maintain that
pregnancy through rape is never a good thing, and that teenage
pregnancy is likewise a negative thing for child, mother and society,
and as such I would have considerable difficulties in convincing
people that I was happy to be pregnant and that my pregnancy was
a good thing. Through the discourses of 'teenage pregnancy is
negative' and 'pregnancy through rape is negative', my possible
prior self-identification (although the discourses mentioned may,
and likely will, already have influenced my initial interpretation of
the situation) as a happy future mother is rendered null. The most
likely consequences are that I will be approached with ample
information about the possibilities of aborting the foetus or adopting
the child after birth and strongly advised, or even compelled, to do
this. At the very least, I will be bombarded with gestures of
sympathy for my 'unfortunate condition'. The pregnancy is thus
through the discursive acts of others, due to the societal conventions
identifying it as undesirable, represented as a bad thing and the
consequence might very well be abortion or subsequent adoption.
Discourse is social action (see Suoninen 1997: 56-57), and discourse
analysts such as Norman Fairclough see the main task of the analyst
as the illumination of the connections between discursive practice
and social practice (Fairclough 1995a: 16-17).

Discourse is also an integral part of identity, or more specifically
the process of constructing and negotiating identity (See Gee
1999:13-17; see also Fairclough 1995a:12 regarding mass-mediated
identity-construction). Identity is not something an individual
acquires when growing up, and which then stays basically
unchanged until the individual dies. According to Mia Lovheim,
identity is a continuing process in which the individual ref lexively
constructs a meaningful and coherent narrative based on his/her

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experiences and which is then revised in relation to others as well
as in relation to new experiences and information (Lovheim 2003:
120-121; based on Giddens 1996). When identity is analysed through
discourse, it tends to be seen as something even more flexible and
variable. Individuals have many different identities, all constructed
and expressed in relational contexts. " You project a different identity
at a formal dinner party than you do at the family dinner table", as
expressed by James Paul Gee (Gee 1999: 13). Although people have,
most likely, always expressed and constructed various distinctive
identities, the extent of the variation and the reflexivity and openness
of the process may be in response to the particularities of late
modern society (see Giddens 1996). Although an intriguing issue,
the question of identity will not, however, be treated in greater depth
in the present study.

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7 Dragon Rouge and Meaning Making
7.1 Discursive Strategies

I have focused on six major discourses that I have found in my
material. I call these the Magic-is-all-encompassing-, the Self-
evolvement-, the Individuality-, the Magic-is-Demanding-, the Nature-
and the Women's Rights discourses. These discourses are key
elements in the Dragon Rouge magic system and the order's practice
of magic. There are other repertoires to be found in my material,
but I have identified these six as the most important. In sections
7.1.1 to 7.1.6, 1 present the discourses, give examples of the contexts
in which they are used and discuss their importance for Dragon
Rouge's overall conceptual world. In section 7.2, I treat the
interlinking of the discourses. The discourses exist in a complex
and thus work in unison, supporting each other. On the other hand,
some of the discourses contradict each other. This is a common trait
of human meaning-making, and I will show how this works
logically.

In his PhD thesis, Claiming Knowledge, Olav Hammer discusses
certain discursive strategies employed by adherents of various
Western Esoteric and 'New Age' movements (Hammer 2001). The
first of these strategies is the appeal to tradition, in which a historical
lineage is constructed for the spiritual ideas of the movement. Not
uncommonly, the idea of a philosophia perennis or a universal core
of truth to be found in all religious traditions in the world, and
delivered in pure form by the movement in question, is present in
the appeal to tradition. This particular strategy is a key element in
much Western esotericism and falls under the characteristic element
identified by Antoine Faivre as transmission (see Faivre 1994: 14-
15). A 'New Age' group could, for example, include the practice of
shamanism on its schedule and seek justification by recognizing
shamanistic elements in as wide an array of traditions as Native
American religious practice, Tibetan Buddhism, Old Norse religion,
Ancient Greek religion and the ancient religions of the Middle East.
Shamanism is thus asserted as a genuine and pure form of
spirituality.

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The second strategy discussed by Hammer is the scientification
of the esoteric worldview. This means that adherents to the
movement claim a scientific, rational base for their belief and
practice. An example would be Chaos magic, which builds on Chaos
theory and Quantum Physics. A further, more common, occurrence
is the psychologization of many esoteric theories. Here, movements
draw on popularized psychological theories, especially Jungian, to
seek justification for their worldview. Henrik Bogdan discusses this
briefly in his PhD thesis dealing with Western Esoteric initiatory
movements (Bogdan 2003b: 19).

The third and last strategy is that of experience. Here, the
members of a movement place authority on their personal
experiences in the realm of esotericism, as well as on the experience
of others. It is not uncommon for movements to be formed on the
basis of the religious visions or experiences of a certain founding
member. New members attain their own experiences modelled after
the founding ones, and these are, in turn, incorporated into the
religion to give it further authority. Although Hammer's analysis
is sound, the underlying tone of his work is critical. In addition to
analysing, he also questions the claims made by esotericists on the
grounds of theim being false (see section 1.3.3 in the present work
for an example). In my view, one should take into account that the
discursive strategies constructing a legendary past history of the
esoteric movement in question are part of the founding myth of
such movements. As Henrik Bogdan puts it when discussing the
founding myth of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn: "this
should not be viewed as a simple fraud or an attempt at deceiving
would-be members, but rather as an expression of a certain form of
thought in which legitimacy can be founded on spiritual rather than
on historical grounds" (Bogdan 2003b: 173-174).

All of these strategies can be found to a greater or lesser extent
in Dragon Rouge as well. Like most esoteric movements in the West,
Dragon Rouge incorporates elements from diverse religious and
esoteric traditions around the world, such as Tantrism, core
shamanism (with distinct Old Norse traits), post-enlightenment
magic currents and qabalah. All of these traditions, and many more,
are said to contain elements of truth - and almost every religious
tradition to be found in the world can have some usable traits or
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something of interest (see IF mgt 2001/14; 2001/52; 2001/54; 2001/
56; 2001/58). Even more apparent, is the use of various myths in
the Dragon Rouge context. Many " world-creation" myths are shown
to incorporate some sort of dragon as the powerful chaos-element
which must be defeated and controlled in order for the world as we
know it to be brought into existence.

The discourse of a philosophia perennis does not, however,
necessarily mean that the members accept at face value the claims
of an underlying "true" esoteric religious core behind all of the
exoteric religions of the world. As my informants have said to me,
and as I have discovered for myself: magicians and the practice of
magic are pragmatic. The magician uses what he or she needs in
order to complete the ritual etc. For example, one of my informants
told me that he can be a devoted worshipper of Christ in one ritual
and a devoted worshipper of Satan in another, all according to the
nature and requirements of the ritual in question (IF mgt 2001/13-
14). On the Dragon Rouge homepage, one can read a critique of
overly analytical thinking. For the magician, it is better to practice
analogical thinking, in which connections between things are seen
instead of differences as in analytical thinking (Dragon Rouge
2004c).

Scientification, mostly in the appeal to psychological theory, is
also a much employed strategy in Dragon Rouge. There is evidently,
however, a conscious attempt to place higher authority on purely
mystic or esoteric models of explanation, as one would expect from
a postmodern re-enchantment of the world. Among the discursive
strategies identified by Hammer, the appeal to experience is the
strongest one in Dragon Rouge. The most common way to claim
the truthfulness of one's beliefs is to appeal to personal experiences
of the magic realm. Personal experiences are, as a rule, discussed at
the end of a magic meeting (see section 5.2). Here, the members can
put their experience of the magic just performed into words and
put it all into context. The early magico-mystical experiences of
founder Thomas Karlsson are also of importance. These experiences
are not directly referred to as a source of authority, but they function
as a legend legitimating Thomas Karlsson as a genuine magician,
and thus legitimating Dragon Rouge as a genuine magical order.

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Important as the discourses of tradition, science and experience
are, they do not reflect the core discursive practice in Dragon Rouge.
The abovementioned discourses are general components of
occultism, or secular esotericism. They do not provide insight into
the particularities of the order, and do not form the basis of the
Dragon Rouge worldview and value-systems. The discourses
treated by Hammer are more of rhetorical tools, providing a
believable foundation for esoteric worldviews otherwise ill fit in
the frame of mind of a rational-secular world. I have chosen not to
focus on the aspects legitimating an esoteric interpretation of the
world, but rather on the more interior aspects of an occult worldview
- aspects fusing the components of occult practice into a coherent
and, for certain individuals, compelling worldview. The majority
of the discourses treated can probably be found in some form in
most late modern neopagan and magic movements, and are thus
not unique to Dragon Rouge. Rather, they point to important
connecting points in the cultic milieu.

Discourse analysis is an intricate matter. There are no clear rules
or conventions as how to conduct an analysis, and the main tool is
the subjective mind of the analyst - combined with his/her nature
as a communicative and interpretative being. The key point is,
however, quite simple. The researcher is to analyze his/her material
thoroughly and find and identify recurrent meaning-conveying
elements. One is also to reflect on how these elements occur in the
material. Are they of a primary character, or is their main function
to support other argumentative segments? Discourses are, as
defined in section 6.2, more or less coherent meaning-complexes.
Discourses can in this way be separated from themes, which are
the subject matters in, and through, which the construction of
meaning-systems is performed. To provide a visual; one could say
that themes are horizontal - concerning general topics of discussion,
whereas discourses are vertical - cutting through several themes,
providing meaning-systems in which the subjects of discussion are
evaluated and placed in relation to other subjects, (see Granholm
2004).

The discourses treated in this chapter surfaced in both my
ethnographic research and the official material of the order. When
conducting the interviews and when pre-analyzing the
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261

questionnaire answers certain interpretative repertoires seemed to
take dominating positions. My informants regularly stressed the
demands this specific form of magic places on the practitioner, and
often talked of the higher goals of one's magic practice. The
important role magic played in the informant's lives combined with
the unique and total character of dark magic seemed to frame the
discussions as well. The difficulties Inner Circle members had in
finitely defining the Dragon Rouge magic system for each and every
individual suggested that individuality was highly praised, and
many members went to lengths in order to stress that female
members had a very important standing in the order. All of this
was done although the questions I asked did not seem to demand
answers of this sort. When analyzing my material in more depth
these initial interpretations only grew in strength.

The discourses treated in the following chapter provide the
frame in which the subjects discussed among Dragon Rouge
members, and treated in courses and meetings, are placed. For
example, discussions on magical progress were variously infused
with notions of the importance of nature, of finding one's own
individual path and on finding ways out of restricting gender roles,
in a self-evolutionary process, of dealing with the demands imposed
by the work undertaken and of the holistic nature of the process.
By and in themselves the subject themes of initiations, rituals,
meditations and astral journeys mean little. It is in placing them in
meaning-systems that they gain importance and form a worldview
and provide a sense of purpose.

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7.1.1 Magic is All-encompassing

The Magic-is- All-encompassing discourse is twofold. First, it treats
the Dragon Rouge system of magic as a more complex and inclusive
system than many others, in particular systems of white magic and
religion. Second, it deals with the idea of magic as pertaining to all
fields of the practitioner's life. The reason for my treating it as a
single discourse instead of two separate discourses, is the
interlinking and basic oneness of the two themes. The Dragon Rouge
system of magic permeates all fields of the practitioner's life because
it is so complex. The following excerpt illustrates my point.

Light magic, is more related to religion as I see it because there
is a desire to, leave things in the hands of I mean that one views,
cosmos and existence, like, things, how should one put it, that
there are, laws and there are obviously laws but the dark
magician and the light magician view these laws differently a
light magician sees these laws as, I mean the laws, start out
from some kind of reason I mean that that which to human
reason seem good, are the laws this classical that the Greek
philosophers, some kind of, a bit Platonic I don't know, but the
dark magician, perhaps dives deeper, and sees so to say tries
to see what it is that actually controls I mean what do the actual
natural laws look like. (IF mgt 2001 /47 91 ).

In the same context, the informant stresses that dark magic entails
a more active stance to life, in which one assumes control of one's
life instead of letting some higher force steer one's fate (IF mgt 2001/
47). The Dragon Rouge magician lives his/her magic. In the practice
of magic, the magician learns the deepest secrets of the universe

91"Den ljusa magin, ar val mera beslaktad med religionen som jag upplever
det for det finns en bnskan att, lamna saker i handerna alltsa man man man ser
val pa, kosmos och pa pa pa skapelsen, som att, saker och ting, hur skall man
saga, att det finns, lagar, och det finns sjalvklart lagar men den morka magikern
och den ljusa magikern ser pa de har lagarna annorlunda en ljus magiker ser pa
att de har lagarna ar, alltsa lagarna, utgar oftast fran nagon slags fornuft alltsa
det det som for det manskliga fornuftet verkar bra, det ar lagarna det har
klassiska som de grekiska filosoferna, nagot sa har, nagon sorts, lite platonskt
jag vet inte, men men alltsa en morkmagiker, kanske gar djupare, och ser liksom
forsoker se vad egentligen ar det som som styr alltsa hur ser de har egentliga
naturlagarna ut" .

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and existence and this obviously affects his/her life. The complexity
of the Dragon Rouge magic system creates a situation where the
practice of magic comes to affect all aspects of the magician's life.
The same respondent goes on to criticize religion and white magic
for weighing the forces, and especially the darker, hidden aspects
of existence, on a moral scale.

...so that I see it as a natural development, I see it as qliphoth
that the dark side exists is natural, it's not like, it's something
that's wrong but, but, it's something that's completely natural
in other words not to take in the dark side, that's unnatural
like, it's something which is a part of us in the same way as we
have a shadow, and it's a bit interesting because, I think that,
there is some theory that, that, that Jesus, that he cut off his
shadow and thus created the Anti-Christ and it's a bit interesting
if we are to see it like that, because it has to be in some way the
worst thing one could do to, cut off one's shadow because the
shadow is a natural part of you as long as you are in harmony
everything will be, good, but if you cut it off then it means that,
it becomes the total duality where one part is totally good and
the other is fully evil, or fully if one now should say which
means that it has to be very dangerous to let loose, this, other
side it is really not taking one's responsibility in some way. (IF

mgt2001/47 92 ).

What the respondent says, is that not having such a complex system
as Dragon Rouge is inharmonious, and possibly dangerous. The
magician has to use all aspects of him-/ herself and not be limited
to only one side. The Dragon Rouge system is a way to do this. In

92 "...sa att jag ser det som en naturlig utveckling, jag ser det som att kliffot
att den morka sidan finns det ar naturligt liksom, det ar inte som att, det ar
nagonting som ar fel utan, utan, det ar nanting som ar fullkomligt naturligt
alltsa att inte ta med den morka sidan, det ar onaturligt alltsa sa att, det ar ju
nanting som ar en del av oss precis som vi har en skugga, och det ar lite intressant
for att, jag tror att, det finns nagon teori om att, att Jesus, att han klippte av sin
skugga och dar igenom skapade anti-krist och det ar ju lite intressant om vi ska
se det sa, for att, det maste ju pa nagot satt vara det varsta man kan gora att,
liksom klippa av sin skugga for att skuggan ar ju en naturlig del av dig och sa
lange som ni ar i harmoni sa kommer allt och vara, bra, men om du klipper av
den sa innebar det ju att, det blir den totala dualiteten liksom att den ena sidan
ar totalt god den andra sidan helt ond da, eller helt om man da ska saga vilket
innebar att det maste ju bli valdigt farligt att slappa los, den har, andra sidan
det blir verkligen att inte ta sitt ansvar pa nagot satt"

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incorporating all aspects of his/her person, a magical and highly
significant task for the practitioner, the use of magic quite naturally
affects the magician's whole life. Later on in the interview, the
respondent dives deeper into the idea of cosmic harmony, and in
the process demonstrates the interconnectedness of everything.

it is something we usually call the breath of the dragon, which
is in some way a pulse in the cosmos which some also call chaos,
this breath like, you have a dissolving phase and a joining phase
and they go in waves and as a magician one learns to ride this
one finds this pulse in oneself for example we have the breath
we have the heart we have like, the seasons we have night and
day we have it everywhere so it's very easy to use it. (IF mgt

2001/47 93 ).
Two female members of the order speak in a similar fashion.

I mean if one did not, believe that everything was linked then
one wouldn't even be a magician, because it's then when you
can really influence something when you believe that there are
connections, and then it's self-evident that if I do a lot of negative
things, then it has a negative affect and then it rebounds on me
in the end. (IF mgt 2001 /55 94 ).

These two examples show how the practice of magic can affect daily
life. Everything is interconnected and thus everything you do
through magic affects everything else you do, and vice versa. In
fact a magician cannot really do anything which is not magic, as
everything he/she does affects everything else he/she does.

93 "det ar nagonting som vi brukar kalla drakens andetag, som ar pa nagot
satt en puis i kosmos som aven vissa kallar for kaos, den har andningen liksom
att, du har en upplosande fas du har en sammanf ogande fas och det gar liksom
om vart annat och som magiker lar man sig att rida pa det har man hittar den
har pulsen i sig sjalv till exempel att vi har ju den har vi har ju andningen vi har
hjartat vi har vi har liksom, arstiderna vi har natt och dag vi har det har overallt
sa det ar valdigt enkelt att anvanda sig av det".

94 "alltsa om man inte, trodde att allting hangde ihop da skulle man ju inte
ens vara magiker, for det ar ju da man faktiskt kan paverka nanting nar man
tror att de har samband, och da ar det sjalvklart att om jag gor massor med
negativa saker, sa paverkar det ju negativt och da slar det tillbaka pa mig i
slutandan".

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The discourse appears frequently in the official Dragon Rouge
material, such as the correspondence courses in magic and on the
Dragon Rouge homepage. On the Dragon Rouge homepage, the
'Five Elementary Draconian Principles' are part of the Magic-is-all-
encompassing discourse.

All is one

Ouroboros or the dragon that bites its tail shows the eternal
return and that the beginning is the end and the end is the
beginning, in the small is the great and in the great is the small,
the one is the all and in the all is the one. That which is above

is like that which is below (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

In the first correspondence course in magic, it is stated that "The
universe is a gigantic unit of different forces that move in different
ways." (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: l 95 ), and in treating the control of
power-points in the magician's life that "... man is connected to
countless points in existence ..." (Dragon Rouge 1996/3: 10 96 ). Magic
is a way of seeing, experiencing and controlling the myriad of forces
that constitute existence. Effecting changes in existence through the
means of magic is made possible by the fact that everything consists
of power, forces and energy in one form or another (see Dragon
Rouge 2004c), and that the individual magician is, as a part of these
forces, connected to everything else. On an individual level, with
reference to the second quotation above, the magician can, and
indeed needs to, explore how he/she is connected to different
influencing points in his/her existence. The magician needs to
explore these points of influence in depth and learn of their origin,
mechanisms of influence, and go beyond their seemingly trivial
points of reference. In this way the magician, according to the order,
becomes the one who controls these points of influence instead of
simply being controlled by them.

Magic and magic power in itself, is defined as being the
prehistoric, original and all-encompassing force of existence. "Magic
is force, the force of Will, and this force exists in the magician and

95 "Universum ar en gigantisk enhet av olika krafter som ror sig pa olika
satt".

96 "...ar en manniska knuten till orakneliga punkter i tillvaron ...".

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around him/her." (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 97 ), and in discussing
the Dragon as a symbol of chaos "which is the original and limitless
force" (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2 98 ).

The Magic-is-all-encompassing discourse has similarities to
item number one in Faivre's characteristics of esotericism, the idea
of correspondences (see Faivre 1994: 10-11).

7.1 .2 Self-evolvement

The discourse of self-evolvement deals, as the label implies, with
the personal growth on many levels of the practitioner of magic.
Commonly, members of Dragon Rouge see the practice of magic
primarily as a road to personal evolution, although not necessarily
in the secular, or in the often more restricted 'New Age', aspect of
the term. The personal evolution of the Dragon Rouge member is
not limited to this plane of existence, but reaches into the astral
planes and the afterlife. The magician's personal evolution is about
transcending human limitations and becoming something more
than what he/she is. As stated in the first correspondence course in
magic, the goal of the dark magician is to "develop an elevated
consciousness" (Dragon Rouge 1996/6: 1"). The magician should
"work with the dark forces in order to dissolve all his/her limitations
and thereby come into contact with the magical forces and
capacities" (Dragon Rouge 1996/6: 3 100 ). Reference is also made to
C.G. Jung and his psychological notion of the "process of
individuation" (Dragon Rouge 1996/6: 2).

Similarly, the self is not understood exactly as the self of self-
help manuals. The self of the magician is something which is carved
out from underneath the layers of false selfhood veiling the True
Self (called the Will, as is the case in most forms of contemporary

97 "Magin ar kraft, viljekraft, och denna kraften finns i magikern och runt
denne".

98 " . . . vilket ar den ursprungliga och granslosa kraften'' .

99 "att utveckla ett upphojt medvetande...".

100 "...arbeta med de morka makterna for att losa upp alia sina
begransningar och darigenom komma i kontakt med de magiska krafterna och
f ormagorna" .

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magic). The task of the magician is to find this core-self and to
strengthen it gradually, by the use of magic, so that it can grow and
evolve. By exploring him/ herself and existence in meditation and
other activities, the magician acquires a deeper understanding of
the interconnectedness of everything.

An advanced member of the order defines the Dragon Rouge
system of magic in the following way: "It is the frame you could
say, the dark alchemical path of evolution" (IF mgt 2001/ 47 101 ).
Alchemy, as understood in contemporary occult interpretations of
the documents and texts of medieval alchemy, is an esoteric practice
with the goal of purifying the soul until a divine state is attained, in
the metaphor of transmuting lead into gold. This practice of divine
transmutation is primarily the becoming-a-god of Dragon Rouge.
Diving further into the discussion of Dragon Rouge dark alchemy,
this same member says:

To evolve oneself if we say it like that, to become a more, a
more enlightened, and to be able to have access to more energy
to, really go in to the deep in oneself, it's certainly something
really demanding and it's not something which gives immediate
rewards but it's rather the way that you become a more, how
should I put it a more, you live more you get more out of life
and you can do more stuff which results in that, you in that
way, in some way become a, what should I say, a more, yes, a
more, you give back you can't avoid giving back I mean that if
you as a dark magician you reach, different enlightenments
different energies through these different systems and
techniques then it will surely get that way that in your magic
practice you work, you should attain these things for yourself
of course but, when you do then, you will unavoidably spread
it further to others. It will surely be like that. (IF mgt 2001/

47 102 ).

101 "Det ar stommen om man sager den morka alkemistiska
utvecklingsvagen" .

102 "Att utveckla sig sjalv om vi sager, till att bli en, en mera upplyst, och
kunna liksom ha tillgang till mera energi att, liksom ga verkligen pa djupet i
sig sjalv, det ar ju nagot som ar valdigt kravande och det ar inget som ger
omedelbar vinning utan snarare ar det val sa att du blir en mera, hur skall man
saga en mera, du lever mer du far mer ut av livet och du kan gora mer saker
vilket gor att, du pa det sattet, blir ju pa nagot satt en, vad skall man saga, en
mera, ja, en mera, du ger ju ocksa tillbaka du kan inte undga att ge tillbaka jag

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One can see that although the informant is answering a question
about magic as good or evil, and pointing out that the evolved dark
magician is a force of harmony, he must still point out that the magic
evolution is first and foremost a magic evolution for the individual.

According to the first correspondence course in magic, man
attains free will in the alchemical process of dark magic (Dragon
Rouge 1996/6: 9). Before this process, man's destiny is pre-
determined.

Dragon Rouge is about total personal development. In the
process the magician will live a fuller life, thus becoming a more
harmonious person and in the end be able to overcome death (see
the quotation below). The magician is said to be able to fulfil all
his/her dreams and the magic power of the magician is the power
of his/her own spirit (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2-3). The magician
who has reached the highest stage of magic evolution has perfected
him-/ herself and become a god (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 6). The way
to perfecting the self is through awakening the internal Dragon-
force, and in doing this it is important to direct the force to the
specific goal and purpose of perfecting oneself, and, furthermore,
actively reflecting on exactly how one wants to evolve (Dragon
Rouge 1996/1: 8; 1996/3: 1). The magician's personal evolution is
thus no passive process. The magician must constantly be aware of
the process and actively work for his/her progress.

A good idea of the extent of the self-development is revealed
in the way the order defines the higher will.

it's about a sort of more instinctive inner will, which is similar
to what Crowley means by the True Will although perhaps not,
it was his definition and we have another perhaps, and, to, in
some way, fulfil, one's existence, we feel is, to like, create for
oneself a so, how should I put it such a complete a so, perfect
and whole, soul, that it can withstand, just about everything if
we say it can withstand, death it can withstand, it is like its
own universe like its own, how should one say and only then

menar att om du som en morkmagiker du nar, olika upplysningar olika energier
genom de har olika systemen och teknikerna sa kommer det ju att bli sa att i
ditt magiska arbete jobbar du ju, du skall ju uppna det har for dig sjalv sa klart
men, nar du gor det sa, kommer du oundvikligen att sprida det vidare till andra.
Det blir ju sa.".

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can one complete one's existence as one isn't any longer
controlled by, the limitations we have here, and to reach a, to
reach a god-stage. (IF mgt 2001 /47 103 ).

Personal evolution is the main concern of the Dragon Rouge
magician. A male member of the order criticizes the practice of white
magicians and 'New Age' practitioners of using their magic to help
others in mundane matters. The respondent cast light on the issue
by pointing out that it is almost impossible to see all the
consequences of one's actions. A superficially benevolent thing, like
healing a sick person, can backfire, for example, if the person healed
then neglects the reasons why he or she became sick in the first
place, whereas a superficially malevolent thing such as injuring a
person can be the right course of action, for example, if the person
injured otherwise would have caused greater suffering to others.

This thing with constantly running around helping others
on a pretty, low level like Oh you've hurt your knee now I
must help you and this, it is a bit that, people want to justify
themselves by, by becoming good, on paper, it's a bit this
Jesus-thing now we shall sacrifice each other a bit that that I
have to I mean the classic thing is that people who cannot
manage to face their own problems, they fill their lives with
others' problems, ... and I have seen this in many light
magicians who I have, met . . . You cannot help anyone else
before you have been helped yourself, and this is probably
my basic view on dark magic that one, helps oneself, but not
in order to help others but you help yourself in order to,
like, advance in your life and... (IF mgt 2001/47 104 ).

103 "det handlar om en sorts mera instinktiv inre vilja, som ar liknande det
som Crowley menar med the True Will fast det kanske inte, det var ju hans
definition vi har val en annan kanske, och, att, pa nagot satt, fullborda, sin
existens, anser vi ar, att liksom, skapa sig en sa pass, hur skall jag saga en sa
pass komplett en sa pass, fullkomlig och hel, sjal, sa att den kan sta emot, i stort
sett allt om vi sager den kan sta emot, doden den kan sta emot, den ar liksom,
sin egen, sin egen, sitt eget universum ungefar sin egen, vad man skall saga och
da forst kan man ju fullborda sin existens genom att da ar du ju inte langre
styrd av, de begransningar som vi har har, och att na ett, att na ett gudastadium".

104 "Det har med att hela tiden springa runt och hjalpa andra pa ett ganska,
lagt plan att oj nu har du skadat knaet nu maste jag hjalpa dig och det har, det
ar val lite grann att, folk vill liksom rattfardiga sig sjalva genom att, genom att
bli goda, pa pappret, det ar lite det har Jesus vi skall offra oss for varandra lite

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270

In the first correspondence course in magic, a method of training
through creating a 'soul-mirror' is introduced. The adept has to list
his character traits; the ones he/she thinks are good on one list and
the bad ones on another. He/she should then meditate over the
lists and go deeper into his/her real self, in order to explore whether
the traits considered good really are good and vice versa. The lists
should then be revised and the list of bad character traits burned.
(Dragon Rouge 1996/3: 1). The magician thus goes beyond a secular
psychological reflection over his/her personality; he/she actively
seeks to refine his/her person through a ritual. Later on in the
course, it is stated that the common man uses less than one
thousandth of his/her potential, and that, through magic training,
one can access and achieve the totality of oneself and one's potential.
The magician expands beyond his/her limits. (Dragon Rouge 1996/
3: 2-3).

There are however many ways to use magic and not all of them
are only beneficial for the magician's personal evolution. Instead
of focusing on mundane things one can achieve with magic, such
as gaining riches or other physical benefits, the magician should
"concentrate on [magic] which is self-developing" (Dragon Rouge
1996/3: 6-7 105 ). In order to break away from limiting everyday
inhibitions, the magician can perform a 'death-ritual', in which he/
she symbolically dies and is reborn purified and re-energized
(Dragon Rouge 1996/3: 11).

The discourse of self-evolvement has similarities to
characteristic number four of the intrinsic elements of esotericism
in Antoine Faivre's classificatory schemata: transmutation (see
Faivre 1994:13-14).

grann att att jag maste jag menar det klassiska ar att personer som inte klarar
av att mota sina egna problem, de fyller sina liv med andras problem, . . . och
det har jag sett hos manga ljusmagiker som jag har, traffat ... Du kan ju inte
hjalpa nagon forran du sjalv har blivit hjalpt, och det ar val min liksom grundsyn
pa morka magin att man, hjalper sig sjalv liksom, men inte for att hjalpa andra
utan du hjalper dig sjalv for att, liksom, komma vidare i ditt liv och..." .
105 "[den magi man bor] koncentrera sig pa ar den sjalvutvecklande".

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7.1.3 Individuality

The individuality discourse seems to be the distinctive discourse of
late modern society, and in this regard Dragon Rouge is no different
from the rest of society. The discourse stresses the individual
freedom of the Dragon Rouge member. Each Dragon Rouge member
is free to, and indeed expected to, make his/her own choices
regarding the practice of magic, progress in his/her magical journey,
level of commitment to the organization and magic in itself. The
leading members I have interviewed go to great lengths to express
how important it is that the member is his/her own person and has
the right to choose the ways of practicing magic that best suit him/
her. At the same time, the total indulgence in individualism of
certain satanic organizations is discouraged. It is stated that Dragon
Rouge consists of its members, is formed by its members and that
the organization therefore is in a state of constant change. As one
leading member says:

Dragon Rouge we. It's such a wide spectrum of people involved
and our magical system grows all the time and evolves with
the members which means that, one can very one can really,
take in anything, with some, limitations but if somebody is for
example really interested in shamanism then then, it's a part of
the system. So that, people, perhaps wonder okay what is your
system, and it's a bit difficult to describe because it can be quite
individual. (IF mgt 2001 /47 106 ).

What the member is saying here, is that the individual member is
totally free to choose the forms of practice that suit him/her and
that a once-and-for-all definition of the Dragon Rouge system of
magic is impossible. In the first correspondence course in magic it
is said that Dragon Rouge introduces and works with many different

106 "Dragon Rouge vi. De ar ju sa pass brett spektrum med manniskor som
ar med och var vart magiska system vaxer ju hela tiden och utvecklas ju
tillsammans med medlemmar vilket gor att, man kan ju mycket man kan
egentligen, ta in vad som heist, med vissa, begransningar men om nagon till
exempel ar jatteintresserad av schamanism sa sa, ar det en del av systemet. Sa
att, folk, kanske undrar okej vad ar ert system, och det ar val lite svart att beskriva
for det kan vara ganska individuellt".

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forms of magic, and that it is up to the individual magician to test
them out and decide which he/ she wants to work with and which
of them work best for him/her. Later on during the interview the
interviewee says that the basis of Dragon Rouge is a "dark
alchemical road of progress", and that this is the only idea required
that members adhere to (IF mgt 2001/47). However, he quickly
retracts this with the words:

Or required..., [...] a member for example who, does not
partake in a correspondence course and isn't initiated, who just
is a member, can basically [believe what he/she wants to] we
have no control over that similarly to political parties for
example. They do not know what alignment all the members
have. I mean you can become a member of the Conservatives if
you want to even if you're a communist for example the same
way as a Satanist could become a member of Dragon Rouge
and that does not mean that we are Satanists. A nonconformist
religious person could become a member and it's not we who
are nonconformists because of that but, you could say, the outer
members. (IF mgt 2001/47 107 ).

Even though he does speak in the discourse of individuality, the
specific individual's freedom to define Dragon Rouge is linked to
his/her level of activity in the organization.

As the order is dependent of its members, to the degree of being
non-existent without them, total individualism would not be
beneficial to it, and thus not for its members either. Dragon Rouge
can be seen as a group of individuals, where the one strong thing
keeping them together is the discourse of individuality. The first
correspondence course states that the magicians of course
"constantly help each other" but that it still is of crucial importance
that the magician "stands for himself and only after that collaborates
with the other magicians" (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 3). The magician

107 "Eller maste och maste man, [...] en medlem till exempel som, inte gar
nagon brevkurs och inte invigs utan bara ar medlem, kan ju i stort sett [tro vad
han/hon vill] det har vi ju inte nagon koll pa det pa samma satt som ett politiskt
parti t.ex. de vet ju inte vad alia medlemmar har for inriktning jag menar du
kan ju ga med i moderaterna om du vill fast du ar kommunist t.ex. pa samma
satt sa skulle ju en satanist kunna ga med i Dragon Rouge och de betyder ju inte
att vi ar satanister det skulle ju kunna komma med en frikyrklig person och da
ar vi ju inte frikyrkliga utan om man sager dom yttre medlemmarna" .

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should not be a burden on the other magicians or the order. On the
Dragon Rouge homepage, the individuality of dark magic is said
to be something completely different from the individuality of
modernity, which is so prevalent in contemporary society.
According to Dragon Rouge, " Materialism ... leads to a superficial
and desperate form of individualism" which is characterised by
"Ego trips and superficial satisfaction", and which "becomes
destructive both for the individuals and their surrounding world"
(Dragon Rouge 2004c). The individualism of modernity, and most
people, is thus no real individualism at all. According to Dragon
Rouge, individualism for the dark magician is:

an on-going transformation and development process that can
lead the magician to a divine state and make the self break the
boundaries of this life. The magician will realize that desperate
egoism does not benefit his individualism, but that
individualism is developed through an un-egoistic and
dedicated fellowship with equals. (Dragon Rouge 2004c).

What the real individuality of the dark magician consists of is
demonstrated in the ritual of the seven power-points, discussed
briefly in section 7.1.1 (the ritual is described in Dragon Rouge 1996/
3: 10). The magician liberates him-/herself from the dependence
on factors that have controlled him/her earlier in his/her life, for
example, an important relationship. This liberation not only frees
power for the magician, but he/she is additionally free to choose
the things important for him/her freely. In contrast to the preceding
state, when the magician was in the relationship because of his/
her dependence on it, the magician is now in the relationship
because he/she chooses to be in it.

The individuality discourse goes even deeper. It is stated in
the first correspondence course that "Reality is individual" 108 ,
meaning "That which one understands as reality is reality" 109
(Dragon Rouge 1996/2: 4). In this way, the dark magician constructs
his individual reality in the same way he constructs him-/ herself,
through the practice of magic.

108 "Verkligheten ar individual".

109 "Det man uppf attar som verklighet ar ocksa verklighet" .

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The individuality of Dragon Rouge is, like the discourse of self-
evolvement (see section 7.1.2), something different from the
individuality of society in general. The dark magician goes through
two distinct processes of becoming an individual. The first is the
stage which all humans go through, the process of becoming an
individual in relation to the mother. The second stage is the stage
dark magicians can go through; they can, in and through their magic
evolution, pass through another birth and "become individuals in
relation to existence" (Dragon Rouge 2004c). In short, the magician
becomes a god, deifies him-/ herself. Not only is the dark magician
an individual, for him/her all answers, morality and reality is
individual (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 3; 1996/2: 4).

When discussing such a personal issue as sexuality, and its
influence on the practice of magic 110 , two female members of the
organization replied as follows:

[Homo- bi- and heterosexuality in, magic, in Dragon Rouge? . . . Does
it have any magical significance?]: Yes, it can probably have, mm,
yes in the way that one that, or yes, for my own part at least
that one is so, so open as one can be that I don't have any
restriction there either, if one like if one sees when one works
magically with, some form of sex magic, I don't have any
restrictions so, whether it should be masculine or feminine,
so in that way, one is probably more open [... OT Ofor example
have, some initiations, where it is like, like with homosexual
intercourse ... is there like any, anything where for example
heterosexuality, has a, a role, or where homosexuality has a role, where
for example, either has a, unique position?]: ... no but I believe
actually on the whole that openness, is that which, which is
yes but we do not use, as far as I know, no, in the form that n

110 I asked the question because sex magic is a common feature in
contemporary magic. The Great Beast 666, Aleister Crowley (see section 2.1.3),
was a strong advocator of sex magic. Or do Templi Orientis, a magical order that
Crowley was linked to, had sex-magical initiations in its higher degrees. The 8 th
degree involved an auto-sexmagical, masturbatory, initiation, and the 9 th a
heterosexual initiation. Crowley introduced an 11 th degree which involved an
anal-sexual initiation, which has often been described as a homosexual initiation.
According to Henrik Bogdan, the initiation was not strictly homosexual, but
opened up the possibility for male-male sexual initiation (Bogdan 2004: 30).
Sex-polarity is an important factor in Wicca and many other neopagan and
esoteric movements as well. See Bogdan 2003b: 218-233 for the importance of
sex-polarity in Wiccan initiation.

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no, not ceremonially at least, it is probably then if one does it
privately but nothing which is a part of, Dragon Rouge's of
the system system, no it's not. (IF mgt 2001 /55 111 ).

What I intended to ask, and what I thought I was asking, was if the
dark sex-magical ritual should be of a hetero- or homosexual nature
or if it made any difference, but my question was taken as an
invitation to explore the respondents' view on sexuality. They stated
that each individual member chooses the forms of practice that suit
him/her and his/her sexuality is of no importance for magical
progress.

When discussing early magic experiences and the possibility
of his siblings having had similar experiences, an advanced member
said:

that is very difficult to conclude as these kinds of experiences,
are, I mean often very strictly personal, since they can be
interpreted in so many different ways, so that even if she had
them her context, so to say, would not so to say, so to say
legitimize it, for her to talk about it. (IF mgt 2001/ ll 112 ).

111 "[Homo- bi- och heterosexualitet i, magi, i Dragon Rouge? ... Har det ndgon
magisk, betydelse?]: Ja, det kan det val ha, mm, ja, pa sa vis att man att, eller ja,
for min del i alia fall att man ar sa, sa bppen som man kan vara att jag inte har
nagon begransing dar heller, om man liksom om man tanker nar man arbetar
magiskt med, nagon form av sexmagi, sa har jag inga begransningar sa, om
det att det skall vara manligt eller kvinnligt, sa pa sa vis sa, ar man val mera
dppen [... O T O till exempel harju, vissa invigningar, dar det ar liksom, liksom med
homosexuellt samlag . ..finns det liksom nagon, nanting dar till exempel heterosexualitet,
har en, en roll, eller dar homosexualitet har en roll, dar till exempel nagondera har en,
sarstallning?]: . . . nej men jag tror faktiskt overhuvudtaget att oppenhet, ar det
som, som ar ja men vi anvander oss inte av, vad jag vet, nej, i form att inte nej,
inte ceremoniellt i alia fall, det ar val kanske i sa fall i fall man gor det privat
men ingenting som ingar i, Dragon Rouges i systemet system, det gor det
inte". This was an interview with two respondents. The questions in parentheses
and italics were asked by me and the two respondents are identified with answers
by respondent number two being in bold font.

112 "det dar ar ju valdigt svart att avgora eftersom den har typen av
upplevelser, ar ju, alltsa ofta valdigt strangt personliga, eftersom de kan ju tolkas
pa sa manga olika satt, sa att aven om hon skulle ha det sa skulle kanske hennes
kontext, sa att saga, inte sa att saga, sa att saga legitimera, for henne sjalv att beratta
omdet".

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He states that each person has the right to, and indeed has to, define
his/her experiences 113 for him-/ herself. This concerns active Dragon
Rouge members as well. The order does not have a rulebook which
states how experiences should be interpreted, although the common
thing after a meeting including practice is to sit down and discuss
the experience with all other members present. In this setting the
personal experience is brought to a social level and the meaning of
the experience is negotiated with the others who had a similar
experience.

7.1 .4 Magic is Demanding

The Magic-is-demanding discourse centres on the idea of the
practice of magic as an activity which demands much of the
practitioner, physically as well as mentally. The discourse presents the
magician as a balanced, capable and courageous individual, distinct
from ordinary people, non-magicians. The dark magician gains
control over his life and situation, as well as knowledge, through
" seeing under the surface", but this art is a "difficult, demanding
and dangerous" one (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 1). As stated in the
first correspondence course in magic: "Magic is not for the weak" 114 ,
"It is tiring to become aware" 115 and "It takes power to acquire power
and to have power" 116 (Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 2. See also Dragon
Rouge 1996/3: 4). For most people, magic is far too demanding,
and even the would-be magician should be dedicated to his/her
craft.

113 In the Swedish language the English word 'experience' is conveyed by
two different nouns, 'erfarenhet' and 'upplevelse', depending on the use and
context of the word. 'Erfarenhet' (Erfahrung in German) is used in the context
of something which has given a person some kind of knowledge - as in the
sentence "I have much experience of childcare". 'Upplevelse' (Erlebnis in
German) refers more to the emotional interpretation of an event, such as in the
sentence "That car-crash last night was a terrible experience". In the context of
magic experience the simultaneous usage of both meanings could be argued.

114 "Magi ar inte for de svaga".

115 "Det ar anstrangande att bli medveten".

116 "Det tar kraft att fa kraft och att ha kraft".

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The magic of Dragon Rouge is frequently distinguished from
the magic of white magicians and from religion.

Religion, it's like, describes a relation to, we'll say, the hidden
forces that is more passive, that is to say we say a religious
person, can be in contact with forces which are similar to the
forces a magician is in contact with but, he has a more passive
relationship and he sees his life situation as controlled, by
these forces rather than that he himself can control the forces,
one could say and as I would describe magic it's that, one,
confronts different forces and, different concepts and one
goes into this, in order to, discover one's own, connection to
them, and in order to, be able to yes [control them]. (IF mgt

2001/47 117 ).

Here, the magician presents himself as a person actively in control
of his own destiny. The control he has reached as a magician is not
something given to him. He has worked hard to attain it and is
working hard to keep it. According to the Dragon Rouge position,
dark magic is much more demanding than religion or white magic.
Even white magic is demanding, and the white magician should be
mentally and physically fit, but the dark magician working with
the forces of chaos has to be even more stable (Dragon Rouge 1996/
1:3).

That we step into the, unknown to illuminate it one could
say and there we have the Lucifer, principle the one who,
who, illuminates the unknown and who has, the power and
it requires a lot of power and an energy and a lot of Will and
a lot of, dedication to be able be able to walk this road, and it
is probably this that many take for some form of elitism [. . .]
What we have it's, it's, an initiatory system which must be
able to offer a, like, a form of connecting thread on this
journey because it can be dangerous perhaps to be thrown

117 "Religion, det ar liksom, beskriver en relation till, vi sager, de dolda
krafterna som ar lite mera passiv, alltsa vi talar en religios person, kan vara i kontakt
med krafter som ar liknande de som en magiker ar i kontakt men, han har ett mer
passivt forhallande och han ser sin livssituation som snarare styrd, av de har
krafterna an att han sjalv kan styra krafterna, kan man saga och som jag skulle
beskriva magi sa ar det att, man, konfronterar olika krafter och, olika begrepp och
man gar in i det har, for att, upptacka sin egen, koppling till dem, och for att, kunna
ja [kontrollera dem]..."

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into this kind of development if one doesn't know what one

is doing (IF mgt 2001 /47 118 ).

What the magician does, is not something for the faint-hearted. The
magician has to throw him/ herself fully into the practice of magic,
he/she has to eat, drink, breathe and sleep magic. Already from
the start, the adept has to be a balanced and powerful individual in
order for him/her to become a true magician. Here, we also see the
courageous aspect of the magician. The practice of magic can be
dangerous and the magician is someone who has the courage to
travel his road.

[Psychic stability and instability and magic?]: I believe it can
be dangerous (laughter) [Magic can be dangerous?]: Yes yes
yes, at least this form of magic that we work with mm, I mean
one goes, down so much in, into one's hidden parts and so
so I believe it can be, if one is unstable then it can, 'easily be
too much chaos' like mm wow, and not being able to, it is
that which is so important as a, chaos magician like to be
able somewhere to, keep an eye (laughter), no like keep, have
to work it is so important to work upwards and if one is a bit
unstable no it can be really dangerous mm one can become
insane, one loses oneself I believe one has to have a quite
basic lose oneself exactly, I believe one has to have a quite
basic somewhere still, I mean order, in one self not on a
superficial plane but as a basic order and somewhere a quite
open, self-image, yes and contact and so that one so as to
say somewhere has it is difficult to say what 'reality' is but
one has still have to have some kind of contact with the
outside world, which is somewhere, which lies at a level at
least adjusted to society (laughter) so to speak, because,
otherwise I believe that it is really easy to get lost in all
sorts of things in one self and, in everything one drags up
because one draws up pretty strong forces sometimes, that
is true so I believe that it can be very dangerous if one is,

118 " Att vi gar in i det, okanda for att belysa det kan man saga och dar har vi ju
Lucifer, principen den som, som, belyser det okanda och den som har, liksom den
kraften och det kravs ju en valdig kraft och en energi och en valdig vilja och ett
valdigt, liksom dedikation for att kunna kunna ga den har vagen, och det ar val det
sedan som manga kan kunna tolka som en form av elitism [...] vad vi har det att,
det ar, en ett initiatoriskt system som skall kunna erbjuda en, liksom, en sorts, rod
trad pa den har vandringen for det kan vara det kan vara farligt kanske att kastas
in i en san har utveckling om man inte vet vad man gor".

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unstable, or if one like is just depressed or something for a
while then I believe that it can be, to do too big things then

can be, that is true dangerous, but at the same time it is good
to have a system to go by as we have here mm, that is really
true I believe that it would be really dangerous in any case
for me as a private in other words I mean that if I worked
completely by myself and not have any contact with any
other, chaos magician or something ... it is that which can be
good with us all having a system to go by, exactly, one has
to have a light in the dark. (IF mgt 2001 /55 119 ).

The above excerpt demonstrates the courage aspect of the discourse,
as well as the relatively tough requirements on the magician. The
magician should "dedicate all his power and attention" in his
magical activities and progress is only attained through "great
sacrifices" (Dragon Rouge 1996/3: 10). The magician has to be in

119 "[Psykisk stabilitet och instabilitet och magi?]: jag tror att det kan vara
farligt (skratt) [Magi kan varafarligt?]: ja ja ja, i alia fall just den har formen som
vi jobbar med mm, alltsa man gar, ner sa mycket i, sina dolda sidor och sa sa
tror jag att det kan vara, om man ar ostabil sa kan det, 'latt bli for mycket kaos'
liksom mm huj da, och inte kunna, det ar ju det som ar sa viktigt som,
kaosmagiker liksom att kunna, nagonstans, halla ogat (skratt), nej liksom halla,
maste jobba det ar sa viktigt att jobba upp och ar man lite ostabil nej det kan
vara riktigt farligt mm man kan ju bli, sinnessjuk, man gar bort sig jag tror att
man maste ha en ganska grund forvilla sig ja precis, jag tror man maste ha en
ganska grundlaggande nanstans an da, alltsa ordning, i sig sjalv inte pa ytligt
plan men som en grundlaggande ordning och en liksom nanstans ganska
oppen, sjalvbild, joo och kontakt och sa att man liksom anda nanstans har
det ar ju svart att saga vad 'verkligheten' ar men man maste anda ha nagonslags
kontakt med omvarlden, som ar nanstans, som ligger pa en niva som i alia
fall ar samhallsanpassad (skratt) om man skall saga, for att, annars tror jag
att det ar jattelatt att man bara gar vilse i allt mojligt i sig sjalv och, i allt som
man drar upp for man dra ju anda upp ganska starka krafter ibland, verkligen
sa jag tror att det kan vara valdigt farlig if all man ar, instabil, eller om man
liksom bara ar deprimerad eller nagonting under en period sa tror jag att de
kan vara, att gora for stora grejer da kan nog vara, verkligen farligt, men
samtidigt ar det ju anda bra att ha ett system att ga efter som har mm, det ar det
ju verkligen jag tror att det skulle vara jattefarligt anda for mig som privat
alltsa jag menar att om jag skulle helt jobba sjalv och inte ha kontakt men nagon
annan, kaosmagiker eller nagonting . . . det ar det som kan vara bra med dethar
att vi alia har ett system att ga efter att, precis, man maste ju ocksa ha en lykta
i mbrkret". This was an interview with two respondents. The questions in
parentheses and in italic font were asked by me and the two respondents are
identified by answers by respondent number two being in bold font.

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touch with him/ herself and be in a sound and fit mental state.
Practicing dark magic can be downright dangerous for the mentally
unstable or otherwise problem-ridden individual (Dragon Rouge
1996/1: 3). The order is a quintessential tool for the adept, and it is
an order of exceptional individuals. As two female members state:
"(Is magic something that you, in other words wouldn't recommend for,
all humans?) No, I would No not no, not this form of magic" (IF
mgt 2001 /55 120 ).

Dark magic can be dangerous even for the aware and stable
magician. In the first correspondence course in magic, a magic
experiment which almost resulted in disaster is described (Dragon
Rouge 1996/4: 3-4). A group of Dragon Rouge magicians had
gathered in order to perform a joint astral journey. As the magicians
gathered on the astral plane, they discovered that one of them was
missing. He had got lost on the astral plane and had ended up in a
form of astral labyrinth from which he could not find his way out.
It took the joint efforts and assumed risk of all the other magicians
in the group to help him find his way back. After waking up, he felt
ill and was disoriented. Several Dragon Rouge members have also
told me how they have experienced nausea and almost physical
injuries in Kundalini-meditations where the Kundalini-force has
been awakened all too rapidly and strongly (personal
correspondence with Dragon Rouge members).

The talking of the dangers of certain spiritual activities is
common to many religious and spiritual traditions practising
extreme forms of mediations, rituals etc. In Tantric Yoga, the dangers
of the tradition and the practices linked to the tradition are often
treated at length. In Tantra, it is often stated that acts that would
condemn a normal man to eternal suffering in Hell mean salvation
for the Tantric adept. Tantra is said to be the path for Viras, heroes.
(Woodroffe 1956: 112-117). Common to many expositions of
different LHP traditions is that the tradition is a quick but extremely
dangerous road to salvation (see Svoboda 1986: 12). The discourse

120 "(Ar magi nagot som ni, alltsa inte skulle rekommendera for, alia
manniskor?): Nej, jag skulle Nej inte gora det nej, inte den har formen av magi
nej". This was an interview with two respondents. The question in parenthesis
and in italic font was asked by me and the two respondents are identified by
answers by respondent number two being in bold font.

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of magic as demanding establishes dark magic as an activity for
unique, brave and exceptional individuals; individuals who are out
of the ordinary. The discourse can also help to protect the
practitioner from the possible lack of understanding, and in many
times probably even ridicule, from outsiders to the tradition.
Through the magic-is-demanding discourse the individual can stand
on his/her own and gather strength from the fact that he/she has
had, and still has, the courage, conviction and insight to make more
out of his/her life than the common man, even if he does not have
any magic-performing colleague in his/her immediate physical
vicinity to draw support from.

The discourse of magic-as-demanding also portrays the dark
magician as an elite a some sort. I refer to the discussion on the
subject in section 3.1.

7.1.5 Nature

The concept of correspondences, the idea that everything in the
cosmos is interlinked in someway and that everything you do affects
something else as well, is, as a rule, an important aspect of esoteric
world views. Nature is something which is often viewed as sacred
in a magic reality, and as a key to the mysteries of the universe.
This is apparent particularly in contemporary esoteric spirituality
and neopaganism. The critique of monotheistic religion and its
devaluation of nature, is a key factor in the Dragon Rouge nature
discourse.

. . . there was a harmony somewhere that one did not destroy
nature unnecessarily for example, but then, when this started,
in and with Christianity, all forms of nature, worship like
this, it is sort of like this, it's a miscreant it's idol-worship ...
sure I mean in for example Sweden this form of earth-religion
continued for a very long time there was this with instead of
calling for Odin one called for Jesus but it was exactly the
same force that came. (IF mgt 2001/47 121 ).

121 "... det fanns en harmoni nagonstans att man forstorde inte naturen i
onodan till exempel, men sen sa, nar det har liksom borjade, i och med

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The discourse plays an important part in the 'Contra 3' statement
on the official homepage of the order, much in unison with the above
quote. Instead of a dualistic monotheistic world view, Dragon Rouge
adheres to a monistic worldview where " there are connections
between everything" and "where the divine light is [still] present
in man" (Dragon Rouge 2004c). Nature is thus living and divine.
Dragon Rouge is opposed to the materialistic notion which,
according to Dragon Rouge, stipulates that "nature and the animals
are made for man to use" and that "Man can do what he likes with
animals and nature" (Dragon Rouge 2004c). Another result
experienced with materialistic ideology is that man himself becomes
a "soulless organism being compared to cars or computers" (Dragon
Rouge 2004c). This view of man, animals and nature naturally limits
man's possibility to reach beyond his limitations and fulfil his
potential.

As everything is connected, harming nature would be harming
oneself. Man should respect the divine nature and all parts of it.
Many Dragon Rouge members are vegetarian or even vegan, often
because of a respect for animals, which in itself is a magic act. It is
stated on the Dragon Rouge homepage that "Man can become god
by entering outside the humans limits and recognizing the
importance of the beast" (Dragon Rouge 2004c). The magician thus
frees him-/ herself from the ideology of materialism and experiences
him-/ herself as a part of the divine nature. In realizing his/her
connection to everything else the magician has a great tool for magic
development.

Nature is not just something outside oneself, outside the urban
environment; nature is inside the magician.

What one as a dark magician does, is to, one starts to, animate
nature again through experiences we say that one one, we
work with the Kundalini which is the life-force which is,
incorporated in the body and it's awakened then, through

kristendomen sa 'ah' men vad da, all form av natur, dyrkan sahar, det ar liksom
sa har, det ar en avart det ar avgudadyrkan . . . visst jag menar till exempel i
Sverige fortsatte ju den har typen av jordreligion valdigt lange det fanns ju det
har istallet for att kanske ropa pa Oden sa ropade man pa Jesus men det var
precis samma kraft som kom".

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different channels and [illegible word] and when this force is
awakened then one can more easily have magical experiences
and and, and all of this, and this means that, one gets a slightly
different, different view of things suddenly the trees aren't
pieces of wood but can they again become cosmic. (IF mgt

2001/47 122 ).

Nature, and the care of everything living, is important as it all is a
part of the magician. What the magician does, reflects upon him/
her, and therefore it would not be proper for him/her to do
destructive things to nature, magically or otherwise. As nature is a
powerful and important force for the magician, it would be plain
stupid for him/her to disturb or destroy it unwarrantedly.

Yes for me it's self-evident that everything, everything is
linked, everything belongs together everything I do affects
somebody else, both humans and animals and the whole
planet, so to me it's really important that I do not, destroy,
unnecessarily, I do as much as I can in order to like, take
care of everything living, this I feel is strongly connected to
magic, exactly because one is aware of I mean otherwise one
wouldn't, I mean if one did not, believe that everything was
linked then one wouldn't even be a magician. (IF mgt

2001/55 123 ).

Much Dragon Rouge magic practice employs nature in one form or
another. In the Dragon Rouge correspondence course in magic, the
adept is encouraged to write down a list of what he/she wishes to

122 " Vad man som morkmagiker gor, ar val att, man borjar, besjala naturen
igen genom upplevelser vi sager att man man, vi jobbar ju med kundalinin som
ar livskraften som finns, forborgad i kroppen och den vacks upp da, genom
olika, kanaler och [otydligt ord] och nar den har kraften ar uppvackt da sa kan
man ju lattare, fa magiska upplevelser och och, och det hela, och det innebar ju
att, man far ju en lite annan, annan syn pa saker helt plotsligt sa ar inte traden
tradbitar utan det har ar de kan igen bli kosmiska".

123 "Jo for mig ar de sjalvklart att allt, allt hanger ihop, allt hor ihop allt
som jag gor paverkar nagon annan, bade manniskor och djur och hela planeten,
sa att for mig ar det jatteviktigt, och sjalvklart att jag inte, forstor, i onodan, jag
gor sa mycket jag kan for att liksom, ta vara pa allt levande, det tycker jag
hanger ihop jattemycket med magi, just eftersom man ar medveten om alltsa
annars skulle man ju inte, alltsa om man inte, trodde att allting hangde ihop da
skulle man ju inte ens vara magiker" .

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accomplish in his life and to bury that piece of paper in the soil or
in a natural body of water, such as in a natural pond (Dragon Rouge
1996/1: 15). Although not stated explicitly, the idea seems to be
that nature, through the soil or the natural water, imbues the
magician with power in order to effect the realization of the wishes
on his/her list. A similar strategy is described in the ritual of creating
a 'soul-mirror' (described in section 7.1.2), in which the magician is
told to "plant" (note the choice of word, my translation from the
Swedish "plantera") a list of his/her character traits considered good
in a place in nature which feels personal for the magician (Dragon
Rouge 1996/3: 1). Powerful magic items can be found when
"strolling in the forest" (1996/3: 7).

When using living parts of nature, such as cutting a branch of
a living tree as opposed to using a fallen branch, in magic rituals,
the magician should "ask the living natural object for permission"
before doing so (Dragon Rouge 1996/5: 9). Hurting nature is thus
not something which is totally out of the question as long as the
magician recognises nature as alive and pays it due respect. In
discussing witchcraft, as a distinct form of dark magic, nature is
often said to be the best teacher the witch and warlock can have. It
is said that the best places to come into contact with the truly magical
forces are in nature untouched by human hands (Dragon Rouge
2001J/1: 5-6). The structured existence and surroundings of the city,
human civilization, are said to complicate and hinder the magician
in his/her magic development (Dragon Rouge 1996/2: 5). The city
is the pivotal creation of human civilization and represents, as such,
the forces of order and structure, the light forces of existence. Nature,
on the other hand, represents primordial chaos and the dark forces
of dissolution and creation. The forces of order are passive and
stable, and cause this reaction in humans as well, whereas the forces
of chaos are active and instable, and thus support and strengthen
the creative and active agency in man.

The nature discourse partly corresponds with elements one and
two in Faivre's intrinsic characteristics of esotericism, the notion of
correspondences and the idea of a living nature (Faivre 1994: 10-
12). The nature discourse of Dragon Rouge does, however,
incorporate a form of ecological thinking and action, possible
through, but not required in either, the notion of correspondences
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285

or the notion of a living nature. This form of ecological thinking is
very common in neopaganism and in much of the 'New Age' milieu
(see Harvey 1997: 126-142; York 1995: 166).

7.1 .6 Women's Rights

The women's rights discourse is most prominent among the female
members of the order, but is also more indirectly produced in the
teachings of the order. Female deities and demonesses, such as Kali,
Hel and Lilith, are of special importance in rituals and texts. Male
deities play a much less visible role. On an organizational plane,
the order has a women's ritual group. The group is not strictly
limited to female magicians, although it focuses on feminine aspects
of magic and at the time of writing consisted of only female
magicians (see section 5.1.1 for an example of the Women's Circle's
magic work). A female member active in the formation of the
women's group has the following to say about the group:

For the order itself, it [the women's group] is very important
because, if it would only be, men, who hold the threads all
the time things will obviously take a special direction. So I
think that it is very important and I know that, Thomas, and
the others also feel that it is important. (IF mgt 2001/

57 124 ).

The leading members of the order are also careful to point out that
the percentage of female members in the order is high (see also
Dragon Rouge 1996/1: 7; 2004b).

[The position of woman and man in Dragon Rouge?]: There's
No, I mean there's no difference we're humans we're magical
creatures I'm of the opinion that it really feels like we've
moved beyond those, there aren't any gender roles in DR,
it is, I've never felt that it's of any significance that I've

124 For orden i sig sa, ar den [kvinnogruppen] jatteviktig for att alltsa, om
det bara skulle vara, man, som haller i saker hela tiden det far ju en speciell
riktning sjalvklart sa blir det ju sa. Sa att, jag tycker att det ar jatteviktigt och jag
vet att, Thomas, och de andra tycker ocksa att det ar viktigt.

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been treated, in any other way because I am, a woman but
then again we are quite untypical also, I mean purely like,
if one is to be superficial then we're very untypical, when
it comes to purely normal I mean it is the girls who have
driver's licences and fix the cars and it's the boys who sit
and, sit at home and, never having done military service
(laughter) no exactly no one has done military service and
it is that is to say we are very untypical so also so that we,
we've probably moved beyond at least these traditional,
gender roles. (IF mgt 2001/55 125 ).

The above excerpt is the response from two female members of
Dragon Rouge concerning the position and role of women in the
organization. As one can see, the members are careful to give the
image of women in the organization having an important role and
emphasize this through inverting the traditional gender roles of
men and women. It is the women who are technologically capable
and active, and it is the men who have taken on a more female
passive role. The point is not to exhibit the male magicians as lazy
and incompetent, but rather to stress the fact that the female
magicians have a strong standing in the organization. The excerpt
also employs the discourse of individuality, in stating that the
members of Dragon Rouge are untypical. The magicians of Dragon
Rouge create their own roles and are not bound to traditional gender
roles.

In practical matters the order operates with non-essential gen-
der, the case seems, however, to be different in certain practices.

125 "[Mannens o kvinnans stallning i Dragon Rouge?]: det finns Nej, alltsa det
ar ingen skillnad vi ar manniskor vi ar magiska varelser liksom jag tycker att
det kanns faktiskt valdigt mycket som att man har gatt bortom de dar, det
finns inte nara konsroller i dr, det ar, jag har aldrig kant det att det ar nagon
betydelse att jag har blivit behandlad, pa nagot annat vis for att jag ar, kvinna
men sen sa ar vi ganska otypiska ocksa, alltsa rent sadar, om man nu ska vara
ytlig sa ar vi valdigt otypiska, vad det galler, rent vanliga alltsa typ det ar
tjejerna som har korkort och lagar bilarna och det ar killarna som sitter och,
sitter hemma och, aldrig har gjort lumpen (skratt) nej precis ingen har gjort
lumpen och det ar alltsa vi ar valdigt otypiska sa ocksa sa att vi, vi har nog
gatt bortom i alia fall de har traditionella, konsrollerna". This was an interview
with two respondents. The question in parenthesis and italics was asked by me
and the two respondents are separated with the answers by respondent number
two being in bold font.

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For example, in presentation of the women's group's work at the
annual meeting of 2004 (see section 5.1.1) it was said that women
channel the feminine forces differently from men, in the ceremo-
nial opening of lodge Sinistra (see section 5.1.3) two female mem-
bers had a specific ritual function, in the course on ceremonial magic
(see section 5.1.2) the participants were divided into groups accord-
ing to gender, and in the initiation into the second degree of the
order (see section 5.1.4) the male officials played traditionally male
roles. A division is also made into the feminine and the masculine,
although these forces are thought to exist in both men and women.

Obviously the male-female dichotomy does play some part in
the Dragon Rouge context. Whether the dichotomy is based on a
psychological notion, that women are more easily associated with
the feminine and men with the masculine - both for the person tak-
ing on the role and for the other persons participating, or on a meta-
physical level, where women and men are viewed as actually em-
bodying actual feminine and masculine forces, is difficult to an-
swer. In the light of Dragon Rouge discursive practices and phi-
losophies I deem the first interpretation to be more likely, although
this probably varies among individual practitioners. The order does,
however, operate on a more gender-de-essentialized level than, for
example, Gardnerian Wicca. In the above examples from the
ethnographies, the division into males and females was not abso-
lutely necessary. In the pragmatic nature of the order the rituals
and ceremonies could have been performed equally well even if
there had been only men or only women attending.

The relative lack of women in the Inner Circles of Dragon Rouge
does, however, show that the women's rights discourse need not
have practical consequences to its fullest suggested degree.

In the official Dragon Rouge material, the women's rights
discourse rears its head most clearly in the critique of dominant
contemporary religion and values. In stating what terrible atrocities
the all-powerful Christian monotheistic God is involved in
according to the Bible, the repression of women is specifically
mentioned, together with genocide (Dragon Rouge 2004c). The other
acts are lumped together as "most thinkable atrocities" (Dragon
Rouge 2004c). The reason for the down- valuation of women and
the feminine is said to be the fact that "The monotheistic god is
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generally always a man" and that this, in turn, has resulted in the
defining of women as the evil and dangerous Other (Dragon Rouge
2004c). When asked about her view on Christianity, a female
member responded: "I don't like Christianity, because, it is a, denial
of femininity on the whole" (IF mgt 2001 /58 126 ). Moslem religion
and culture is criticised for being oppressive and violent towards
women, and the same is said about medieval Christian religion and
culture (Dragon Rouge 2001J/3: 3; 2004c).

The women's rights discourse has to be understood in the context
of contemporary Swedish society in which the order was born and
developed. The idea of equality between the sexes is a very important
and normative guideline in Swedish society. As in all of contemporary
Western society, the aspiration in Sweden has since the middle of the
twentieth century been to forge a society where individuals of both
sexes have equal opportunities and possibilities. The political powers
have attempted to effect this process through law and education. The
Scandinavian societies have been forerunners in the ideology of
equality, and Sweden has taken an especially active role in the process.
This is not to say that the ideology has had all the desired effects, or
that it in itself does not fall short in some way. Even in Swedish society,
women are generally in a less advantageous position than men, and
lack the power status that men have in their capacity as men. As Dragon
Rouge is a part of Swedish society and adheres to many of the
dominating ideas of Western society, even though it still criticises some
of the key dogmas of the secular west - as I have shown earlier in this
text, the order, quite naturally, also agrees with the ideology of equality
between the sexes. In this ideology no human should have his or her
possibilities or rights decreased (or increased for that matter) because
of their sex.

In addition to this, the discourse of women's rights is to be
understood in the context of the appraisal of the feminine aspects
of the divine, which is of such great importance in Dragon Rouge.
As shown in section 4.1.2, the usage of female symbolism in dealing
with the divine is a key concept in Left Hand Path traditions. The
feminine represents the dark and hidden aspects of reality, whereas

126 "Jag tycker inte om kristendomen, eftersom, det ar ett, fornekande av
kvinnlighet overhuvudtaget" .

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the masculine represents the light and obtrusive forces. In the second
correspondence course in magic, the woman is said to "represent
the gate to the dimensions of magic" (Dragon Rouge 2001J/3: 3 127 ).
"She is Mother Earth and through her womb life is born and dies.
[. . .] She is the underworld and the mother of all life." (Dragon Rouge
2001 j/ 3: 3 128 ). The physical human female represents the actual
feminine forces of existence and, as such, repressing her would be
a symbolic act of repressing the feminine forces, and would thus
hinder the magician in his magic development. In Tantrism one
can find several good examples of how women are praised, and
even worshipped, as representatives of Shakti. One example is Yoni-
Puja, in which a human woman and especially her genitals are
worshipped (see Grondahl 2000: 63; Walker 1982: 59).

Reverence for the feminine divine, with special attention being
given to the needs of female members, is typical of neopagan
movements. In the early fall of 2004, Dragon Rouge was defined as
a feminist magic order on an online-encyclopaedia website. There
was some discussion on the Dragon Rouge members' board about
this identification, most of which took the slightly amused stance
"now we have been identified with every single existing political
ideology" . As the order wishes to stay independent from any specific
political ideology or movement, and feminism is generally
considered as such, the identification was not popular and the text
on the encyclopaedia website was changed.

127 "...representerar porten till magins dimensioner.".

128 "Hon ar Moder Jord och genom henne fods och dor livet. [...] Hon ar
dodsriket och modern till allt liv.".

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7.2 The Web of Discourses

All of the above-mentioned discourses are deeply interwoven and
exist in a dialogical relation to each other. For example, the magic-
is-all-encompassing and the nature discourses are deeply coexistent
and build on and support each other. This same relation can be
seen between the nature and the women's rights discourses, between
the self-evolvement and the magic-is-all-encompassing discourses,
the women's rights and the individuality discourses, and so on.
The prerequisites of a discourse can be seen in one or many of the
other discourses and in this way the discursive complex is built
into a coherent whole. I call this condition and process of coexistence
and interdependency the web of discourses. Another suitable
metaphor is that of a tunnel-system. A system of tunnels consists of
several tunnels which intersect at various points along their
individual paths. Although each tunnel is a separate whole, there
is no tunnel-system without the intersecting of the tunnels. In the
web-metaphor, each of the threads of the web are necessary in
constructing the web, as well as in keeping it functional.

In the Dragon Rouge context, the nature and women's rights
discourses are closely connected. As the feminine aspects of the
divine, of existence and of cosmos/ chaos are the ones focused upon,
and viewed as inherent in nature, interlinking quite naturally occurs.
Feminine magic powers and female divinities are considered to be
more representative of the dark and unknown forces which the
Dragon Rouge magicians strive to reach, and nature in itself is where
these forces are to be found. To quote passages from the first
correspondence course in magic: " [The woman] represent [s] the gate
to the dimensions of magic" and is "Mother Earth" through whose
"womb life is born and dies" and who is furthermore "the
underworld and the mother of all life" (Dragon Rouge 1996/3: 3).
Woman and nature are quite obviously closely connected, even to
the extent of existing within each other. With this in mind, both the
women's rights discourse and the nature discourse can be more
easily understood, and become more coherent and viable. Within
the nature discourse, nature is seen as the source of magic, the living
thing from which the magician draws his/her power and through

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which the magician can access as well as strengthen the powers
and forces inherent within him-/ herself. Nature gains a twofold
value. As the source of magic forces, nature is quite obviously
important for the magician and should thus be preserved and
protected. As a living entity, nature should gain the same rights as
any other living entity, and included in this view is the moving
away from the human being as a rightly privileged organism. The
woman, as a part of all of this, is seen in a different light than
traditionally and gains a status as an equal to her fellow man. The
recognition of the relative disadvantages for the female sex craves
conscious and active action in order to counteract these
disadvantages.

Similarly to the nature and the women's rights discourses, the
discourses of magic-as all-encompassing and nature are closely
linked, perhaps even more closely than the aforementioned
discourses. In a large part, the esteem for nature stems from the
idea of the interlinkage of everything, which is the key concept of
the magic-is-all-encompassing discourse. I will return to an
interview excerpt introduced in section 7.1.5 in order to demonstrate
this more clearly.

Yes for me it is self-evident that everything, everything is
linked, everything belongs together everything I do affects
somebody else, both humans and animals and the whole
planet, so to me it is really important that I do not, destroy,
unnecessarily, I do as much as I can in order to like, take
care of everything living, this I feel is strongly connected to
magic, exactly because one is aware of I mean otherwise one
wouldn't, I mean if one did not, believe that everything was
linked then one wouldn't even be a magician. (IF mgt

2001 /5b 119 ).

129 "Jo for mig ar det sjalvklart att allt, allt hanger ihop, allt hor ihop allt
som jag gor paverkar nagon annan, bade manniskor och djur och hela planeten,
sa att for mig ar det jatteviktigt, och sjalvklart att jag inte, forstor, i onodan, jag
gor sa mycket jag kan for att liksom, ta vara pa allt levande, det tycker jag
hanger ihop jattemycket med magi, just eftersom man ar medveten om alltsa
annars skulle man ju inte, alltsa om man inte, trodde att allting hangde ihop da
skulle man ju inte ens vara magiker".

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As we can see, the high valuation of nature stems directly from the
idea of the interconnectedness of all and everything. In this view,
the human being steps down from the god-given position of absolute
ruler of things material, and takes up residence as a part of
everything else. The divine essence of nature is recognized and
reasserted, as shown in earlier quotations in section 7.1.5. Included
in the magic-is-all-encompassing discourse is the truer and more
total position of dark magic, in comparison to religion and "white"
spirituality - even nature-based such like Wicca, as advocators of
the total unity of everything. It is felt that "white spirituality"
disregards the dark as a part of the totality, and falsely attribute
lighter aspects to nature. As a result, dark magic becomes the more
functional advocator of the protection of nature as well, although
this is not directly stated in any of my source material.

As said earlier, the magic-is-demanding discourse represents
the magician as a person actively in control of his/her own life and
destiny. The way to achieve this control is through the identification
of the interconnectedness of everything, which is the tenet of the
magic-is-all-encompassing discourse.

mgt 2001 /47 130 ).

This quotation, first presented in section 7.1.4, shows the connection
between the two aforementioned discourses. Everything is
connected, it is the magician's task to show the interconnections -
mainly for him-/ herself in order to progress in magic, and this
pursuit is potentially dangerous for, and demanding of, the would-
be magician. Seeing the interconnectedness of everything, fully -
also including the dark aspects regularly neglected by white

130 " Att vi gar in i det, okanda for att belysa det kan man saga och dar har
vi ju Lucifer, principen den som, som, belyser det okanda och den som har,
liksom den kraften och det kravs ju en valdig kraft och en energi och en valdig
vilja och ett valdigt, liksom dedikation for att kunna kunna ga den har vagen".

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magicians, means experiencing them. Experiencing the dark is
dangerous, demanding and exerting, partly due to inherent
psychological defence mechanisms, and partly due to the cultural
and religious expulsion of these aspects into a dark void.

The self-evolvement and the individuality discourses are
interconnected at the most basic level. The ultimate goal with the
dark magic of Dragon Rouge is, as stated earlier, the attainment of
god-like status for the magician. God-like status is signified by the
magician identifying, communicating with and strengthening his/
her core person, talked of as the Inner or True Self/ Will etc., in the
end becoming a creator of his/her own reality. In the process of
personal evolution, the magician is indeed obliged to nurture his/
her individuality. As noted in section 7.1.3, the Dragon Rouge
discourse of individuality does not specifically separate the
individual and the collective, but rather the two of them - and the
well-being of the two - are dependent on each other. In the following
interview excerpt, presented earlier in section 7.1.3, the intermixing
of the two discourses becomes clear.

2001/55 131 ).

The intimate question of sexual orientation becomes the pivotal
point of the nurturing of the person's individuality, in an obvious

131 "[Homo- bi- och heterosexualitet i, magi, i Dragon Rouge? ... Har det ndgon
magisk, betydelse?]: Ja, det kan det val ha, mm, ja, pa sa vis att man att, eller ja, for
min del i alia fall att man ar sa, sa oppen som man kan vara att jag inte har nagon
begransing dar heller, om man liksom om man tanker nar man arbetar magiskt
med, nan form av sexmagi, sa har jag inga begransningar sa, om det att det skall
vara manligt eller kvinnligt, sa pa sa vis sa, ar man val mera oppen". This was an
interview with two respondents. The questions in parentheses and italics were asked
by me and the two respondents are identified by answers by respondent number
two being in bold font.

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294

exercise in personal development. Although a key notion in the
individuality discourse is the freedom of the individual to make
his/her own choices, the inter linkage of the discourse with that of
personal evolution highlights a perhaps more basic, and arguably
more magically oriented, point in the discourse. The individual
freedom is not only, and perhaps not primarily, for the mundane
freedom of choice but serves higher purposes in the process of
becoming a god.

In addition to the self-evolvement discourse, the individuality
discourse is also closely linked to the discourse of women's rights.
The individuality discourse entails the freedom and, as stated
earlier, the outright responsibility of the individual magician to be
and become what he/she is. The women's rights discourse, on the
other hand, maintains the tenet of the female members to have the
freedom to stay clear of constricting gender roles. The two discourses
operate together quite easily. As the quotation below shows, the
two discourses tend to coexist, lending authority and credibility to
each other.

Tin of the opinion that it really feels like we've moved beyond
those, there aren't any gender roles in DR, it is, I've never
felt that it's of any significance that I've been treated, in any
other way because I am, a woman but then again we are quite
untypical too [...] we've probably moved beyond at least
these traditional, gender roles. (IF mgt 2001/55 132 ).

The absence of traditional gender roles in Dragon Rouge is not
simply a worldly and political undertaking, but goes much deeper
in the task of stressing the individual freedom of the magician to
go beyond traditional gender roles. The Dragon Rouge magicians
are depicted as untypical, and thus exceptional and enlightened

132 "jag tycker att det kanns faktiskt valdigt mycket som att man har gatt
bortom det dar, det finns inte nara konsroller i dr, det ar, jag har aldrig kant

det att det ar nagon betydelse att jag har blivit behandlad, pa nagot annat vis
for att jag ar, kvinna men sen sa ar vi ganska otypiska ocksa [...] vi har nog
gatt bortom i alia fall de har traditionella, konsrollerna". This was an interview
with two respondents. The question in parenthesis and in italic font was asked
by me and the two respondents are separated by the answers by respondent
number two being in bold font.

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295

individuals, who have had the courage, conviction and insight to
discard gender roles when they are not beneficial. The excerpt plays
on the discourse of self-evolvement as well, in stressing the 'moving-
away' from traditional gender roles. Gender roles are not mentioned
as something that has always been viewed as false in the order, but
rather as something which has been forsaken in the process of magic,
and its inevitable personal, development. The women's rights and
the individuality discourses could, however, come to some sort of
clash concerning the extreme importance of female symbolism and
female deities and demonesses in the Dragon Rouge context.
Hypothetically, the focus on femininity could result in an
essentialization of the feminine, with an accompanying
essentialization of the femininity of the female members. I have
not, however, noticed any development in this direction and do
not consider it very likely to occur, especially in view of the critique
of the experienced 'white' spirituality-gender dichotomy, as
expressed by various Dragon Rouge members.

The self-evolvement and the magic-is-demanding discourses
are very strongly associated. Dark magic is seen as the ultimate
path to godhood and, although not clearly stated in the material I
have access to, basically the only really effective way of gaining
it 133 . The magic-is-demanding discourse functions partly as a form
of explanatory device. If dark magic is the best way to attain the
goals sought, something I imagine most spiritual persons would
argue of the path they have taken - if not universally then at least
for themselves, then why is it not more popular than it is? The
answer comes from the great demands and possible dangers which
this effective means of spiritual progress places on its practitioner.
The interview segment below highlights this quite clearly.

To develop oneself if we say it like that, to become a more, a
more enlightened, and to be able to have access to more energy
to, really go into the deep part of oneself, it is certainly

133 Dragon Rouge does not view other spiritual paths as truly inferior, but
simply notes the different goals of other paths. For example, the goal of
traditional qabalah is not personal godhood, but rather union with the godhead.
The critique is mostly directed at what are viewed as undue fear of and untenable
moral judgments on dark magic practice and dark magic forces.

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something really demanding and it is not something which
gives immediate rewards. (IF mgt 2001 /47 134 ).

The process of personal evolution through magic is difficult at times,
requiring sacrifices and total devotion of the practitioner. Although
the rewards are not immediately experienced, the magician will
progress and become a more harmonious person, which in turn, as
becomes clear later in the interview, reflects back on the magician's
surroundings.

The magic-is-all-encompassing discourse, in the specific sense
of dark magic as all-encompassing, and the self-evolvement
discourse support each other as well. In the excerpt below, a Dragon
Rouge member discusses the difference in the view on natural laws
between white and dark magicians.

. . .there are obviously laws but the dark magician and the light
magician view these laws differently a light magician sees these
laws as, I mean the laws, start out from some kind of reason I
mean that that which for the human reason seem good, are the
laws this classic that the Greek philosophers, some kind of, a
bit Platonic I don't know, but the dark magician, perhaps dives
deeper, and sees so to say tries to see what it is that actually
controls I mean what do the actual natural laws look like. (IF

mgt 2001/47 135 ).

Dark magic is more truly all-encompassing as it dives deeper into
the structure of existence. The process of dark magical exploration
is a process of personal evolution, since the gaining of insight takes
place on a cosmic level as well as a personal level. Magic forces and

134 "Att utveckla sig sjalv om vi sager, till att bli en, en mera upplyst, och
kunna liksom ha tillgang till mera energi att, liksom ga verkligen pa djupet i
sig sjalv, det ar ju nagot som ar valdigt kravande och det ar inget som ger
omedelbar vinning" .

135 "...det finns sjalvklart lagar men den morka magikern och den ljusa
magikern ser pa de har lagarna annorlunda en ljus magiker ser pa att de har
lagarna ar, alltsa lagarna, utgar oftast fran nagon slags fornuft alltsa det det
som for det manskliga fornuftet verkar bra, det ar lagarna det har klassiska
som de grekiska filosoferna, nagot sahar, nagon sorts, lite platonskt jag vet inte,
men men alltsa en morkmagiker, kanske gar djupare, och ser liksom forsoker
se vad egentligen ar det som som styr alltsa hur ser de har egentliga naturlagarna
ut".

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the practice of the art infuse every aspect of the magician's person
and existence. The practice of magic without the accompanying
personal evolution is pointless and, one could argue from the
standpoint of the above discourses, not real magic at all.

I have not treated every possible interlinkage between the
discourses in the above discussion. Important to note, however, is
that even those discourses which are not directly connected are
linked through the mediating agency of another discourse. The point
of this section has not been to refute the claims made by the
magicians of Dragon Rouge, and I fail to see any academic relevance
in such an approach. What I have set out to do is to show how the
different discourses encircling and permeating the phenomenon of
magic practice in the Dragon Rouge context are employed in
supporting each other, thus making the field of magic practice
inherently solid in communicating it to oneself, other magicians
and outsiders. Discursive practices which rhetorically reinforce
different areas of human understandings of the world and events,
occur constantly in every field of human communication, ranging
from children in the playground arguing who is the strongest comic
book superhero, through scientific research to political practice on
a global level (see Potter 1996).

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Part IV - Finale

8.1 Summary

Chapter one of the present study was an introductory section
focusing on background factors pertaining to the study. I presented
the outlining purpose of the work as an effort to understand the
magic order Dragon Rouge, and to put it into the context of the
alternative spiritual milieu. The guiding questions for me were
'What is Dragon Rouge?', 'How does Dragon Rouge operate and
function?' and 'What is specific to Dragon Rouge and in what way
does this order fit into the contemporary Western alternative
spiritual milieu?'. As the subject area is fairly unknown in the
academy 136 , not to mention virtually quite unstudied, I also
presented key terms and concepts used in the Left Hand Path
tradition to which Dragon Rouge belongs.

My research is based on primary source material collected by
myself. During 2001-2004, I carried out field study in the order,
including participant observation. I also completed qualitative
interviews with active members of the order. These two materials
constitute my main source material, but I also handed out
questionnaires to members, collected official member's material that
the order distributes, and acquired literature connected to the order.

Apart from the introduction and the conclusion, the bulk of my
thesis is divided into two distinct main sections. The first of these,
part two, consisting of chapters 2 to 5, is mainly a historical-
descriptive account of Dragon Rouge and the background context
of Western esotericism.

Esotericism has a long and profound history in the Western
world, with notions and currents that surfaced in the milieu from
the early first millennium onwards having a continued influence
in later esotericism. Greatly influential notions and currents are,

136 One work dealing with spirituality which could be defined as belonging
to the Left Hand Path is Justin Woodman's unpublished PhD thesis, Modernity,
Selfhood and the Demonic: Anthropological Perspectives on "Chaos Magick" in the
United Kingdom (Woodman 2004).

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for example, alchemy, which articulated the rhetorical language of
Western esotericism and introduced the concept of transmutation,
and qabalah, Jewish mystic speculation on the nature of the
Godhead. Esotericism, in the current academic understanding of
the term, came into existence in the renaissance, when earlier esoteric
elements where fitted into a 'common frame of mind'.

Of importance to 20 th century neopaganism in particular, is the
changing view of nature, which began to take hold with the writings
of 16 th century esotericists such as Paracelsus. It was stipulated that
nature was part of the divine, and not something separate from it.
This was to be even more strongly articulated in the Naturphilosophie
of Romanticism. Rosicrucianism became an esoteric trend in the
17 th century, and countless initiatory orders were founded,
Freemasonry being the most influential of these.

The enlightenment, and the ideologies of reason and rationality
it introduced, introduced trouble for both traditional religion and
esoteric worldviews. With increasing secularization the esoteric
worldviews adapted to the rational-scientific frame of mind, and
the idea of correspondences was generally more or less transformed
into a causality -based approach.

With European expansion into Africa and Asia, inspiration for
esoteric spirituality began to be sought outside the home ground of
Europe. Egypt was the focus of 18 th century esotericism, whereas
India was the focus of the 19 th century. The Theosophical Society,
founded in 1875, introduced concepts such as the chakras and
reincarnation to the Westerners, and Aleister Crowley brought Yoga
and Tantrism to the west in the early 20 th century. Crowley also
established the True Will as the prime foundation of a magician's
power, and the Theosophical Society introduced new forms of
spiritual practice and the eclecticism which came to rule the esoteric
milieu in the 20 th century. The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn,
founded in 1888, modelled its initiatory system on the qabalistic
tree of life, and this came to have a huge influence on later magic
orders. The Golden Dawn was also the generator of many figures
important for the magical community. One of these was the
aforementioned Aleister Crowley.

The fascination with pre-Christian religion and culture, which
had been expressed with increasing intensity from the beginning
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of the 20 th century, was put into practice in modern-day forms of
spirituality from the 1950s onward. Gerald Gardner founded Wicca,
as the first true neopagan religion, based on a fictive account of a
pre-Christian witch cult. Orders of Druids, Nordic Asatru
organizations and feminist Goddess Worshippers, were soon to
follow. Reverence of nature and the conceptual fusion of body and
soul were prime foundations, and academic research on tribal
religion became the inspiration for neoshaman practices (see, for
example, Svanberg 2003).

The 1960s counterculture ushered a 'New Age' in spirituality.
Time-proven esoteric elements were mixed with non-European
components in the eclectic example set by the Theosophical Society.
The focus was on the self and personal evolution, instead of on a
distant divinity, as in 18 th century - and earlier esotericism. The
1980s saw a mass-popularization of this 'New Age' spirituality, and
terms such as charkas, crystals and healing became almost
household words.

The alternative spiritual milieu of Sweden and Stockholm is
broad and varied. The country exhibits esoteric movements ranging
from Spiritualist organizations, through neopagan and 'New Age'
-groups, to initiatory magic orders such as Or do Templi Orientis and
the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn.

In section 2, I also briefly discussed postmodernity,
globalization, secularization and identity, and assessed the effect
of these social factors' on religion and spirituality.

Chapters 3 to 5 dealt with Dragon Rouge from the point of
view of the order's philosophical tenets, organization and praxis.
The principal term used in Dragon Rouge to describe the system of
thought and practice is dark magic. The term signals the exploration
of the dark and unknown, both in the self and in existence. The
ultimate goal of the Dragon Rouge magician is to become a creator,
in contrast to a Right Hand Path-approach in which the goal is to
become one with God. In the process of magic progress, the
individual dark magician transmutes his/her core being into a more
and more aware and godlike state.

The three basic principles of draconian magic (which is another
term used in defining the philosophy of the order), vision, power
and action, provide the guiding line for the magicians of Dragon

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Rouge. The magician perceives the totality of existence and
visualizes what he/she wants to occur. Through this perception of
totality, and through different magic practices, the magician then
gains power to express his/her Will. Action is the above put into
practice, and is the manifestation of magic.

As it is a Left Hand Path order, feminine symbolism is of grave
importance to Dragon Rouge. It is felt that mainstream religion has
pushed the feminine forces of existence into the dark and focused
unhealthily only on the light male forces. As in mainstream religion
and culture, nature is linked to femininity, although the difference
here is that nature is seen to have a value in itself - not only as a
means to an end.

According to Dragon Rouge, morality is a key point for the
dark magician, although not as collective ethical norms. In the
order's view, the dark magician is required to explore his/her self,
and consciously develop a morality which suits the individual
magician. Accordingly morality is seen as something that cannot
be codified in a rule-governed system, in which each situation that
arises has a clear-cut and definite answer. The magician must,
however, take absolute responsibility for his/her actions and
choices, as this entails the taking charge of one's own destiny.

The overall attitude towards Christianity is generally negative
in Dragon Rouge, as is the case in much of contemporary alternative
spirituality. Christianity is seen as being responsible for a host of
atrocities, such as the subjugation of women and the abuse of nature.
Individual Christians are not, however, scorned in any way, and it
is stated that Christians are welcome to join the order, although the
common view is that the life-philosophies and goals of the two
spiritualities would probably be an ill match.

Dragon Rouge was founded in 1990, and is thus a relatively
young organization. The key founding figure is Thomas Karlsson,
who felt that existing esoteric groups and movements could not
provide what he sought. In the mid 1990s Dragon Rouge received a
great deal of, mostly negative, mass media attention. The publicity
received led to the order attracting many new members. This, in
turn, led to administrational changes in the order. Dragon Rouge
has, at the time of writing, about 250 members, of whom about half

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are located outside Sweden. According to the order, about half of
the members are female.

Beside the mother-organization in Stockholm, Dragon Rouge
is organized in a number of lodges and ritual groups. Lodges, at
the time of writing located in Sweden, Germany, Italy and Poland,
are sanctioned by the mother-organization to work officially with
the Dragon Rouge material and magic-system. Ritual groups are
groups of members working with Dragon Rouge material, with the
aim of attaining lodge-status. A members' paper, called Dracontias,
is published and sent to members four times per year.

The Dragon Rouge initiatory system consists of 11 degrees,
based on the qliphoth - the shadow side of the qabalistic Tree of
Life. For the three first initiations the adept progresses by working
with correspondence courses in magic, and requesting to be initiated
into the corresponding degree when finishing the course. Initiations
beyond the third degree are dealt with in a more personal and
individual fashion. At the third initiation, the adept also swears the
Dragon Oath, and is initiated into the Dragon Order, which is the
inner magic core of the order. The organizational and ideological
Inner Circles consist of those long-time and higher initiated
members who work actively with the organizational and ideological
aspects of Dragon Rouge.

Dragon Rouge is a highly eclectic movement. Elements from
most mythologies are incorporated in one way or another, although
certain themes surface more often than others. Tantric practices,
including Kundalini meditation; Old Norse mythologies, including
shamanic techniques and rune-magic practices; Goetic magic and
qliphotic exercises; and magic workings within the confines of
nature, appear most often on the schedule. The different techniques
are often mixed in ways that appear most functional for members,
and each individual member is supposed to find ways of practicing
magic which work best for him/her. The typical Dragon Rouge
meeting and course usually consists of a lecture, practice - often
including meditative elements, and a discussion following the
practice. The Dragon Ceremony and the Lilith Invocation are
recurring and central pieces of the ritual practice.

In sections 5.1.1 to 5.1.4, 1 dealt with four different kinds of
Dragon Rouge activities in detail. These were: an annual meeting,

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a course on ceremonial magic, the opening of a Dragon Rouge lodge,
and an initiation ceremony into the second degree of the order.

In the second separate analytical section, part three, I studied Dragon
Rouge from a discourse analytical point of view in order to highlight
themes which are distinctive to the order, and which make Dragon Rouge
what it is.

Discourse analysis is grounded in social constructionist
epistemology, which entails that human beings are involved in
processes of social reality construction. This does not mean that
there is no objective reality, only that we are not able to access this
objective reality other than through the interpretative mechanisms
of social communication. Social constructionism, which is a form
of constructivism emphasizing the importance of language and
other sign systems in social reality construction and meaning-
making, works with the following four assumptions:

• Our means of communication are not able to provide an
objectively true account of the nature of reality.

• The way in which our social reality is formed is directly
linked to our social relationships with other communicative
beings.

• Communication is a form of social action, and thus
constructs and reproduces what it is communicating.

• Seemingly self-evident knowledge must be viewed
critically, as this does not consist of objective truths and
often maintains hegemonic power-relations.

In discourse analysis, discourse is defined as "communicative
systems in use", suggesting a focus on actual communicative events,
instead of viewing communication as a means to access the inner
thought patterns of persons. Meaning is produced and reproduced
within communication. Discourses are meaning systems, that is to
say specific ways of interpreting the world, aspects of the world
and specific events, and contain as such ideological dimensions.

In my research, I found six major and recurrent discourses,
which were essential to my informants in Dragon Rouge. The magic-
is-all-encompassing discourse expresses the Dragon Rouge system
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of magic as more complex and comprehensive than many other
spiritual systems. The discourse also formulates magic as something
that is deeply woven into all fields of the practitioner's life.
Furthermore, everything in existence is deeply interwoven, and this
through forces that the magician can access and control. The self-
evolvement discourse concerns the primary goal of the magician to
grow both personally and spiritually, ultimately to the extent of
the magician becoming a god. The personal evolution of the
magician requires him/her to dig deep into the core of his/her self,
in order to access the totality of his/her person and to transmute it
into a more compact and perfected state. In the individuality
discourse the magician has total freedom and responsibility for his/
her own actions and choices. No one else can make these decisions
for the magician, and this is also expressed in the prerequisite of
the practitioner to find his/her own way of doing magic, the order
simply providing some of the tools.

The magic-is-demanding discourse represents the magician as
a courageous and exceptional individual, as one who has taken a
step into the unknown, although well aware of the enormous task
ahead. Magic, especially dark magic, is also risky, if not outright
dangerous. The magician should therefore be focused and
determined in the process of magic evolution. The reverence, and
magic importance, of nature are the focus of the nature discourse.
Nature is divine and has an intrinsic value. In addition, forces of
chaos can be most easily accessed in nature, as untamed nature is
the opposite of the structured city and civilization. Founded and
developed in egalitarian Swedish society, a women's rights
discourse is more or less bound to be found in the order, but the
Dragon Rouge variant extends further than this. Monotheistic
religion is seen as the principal cause for the feminine aspects of
existence having been pushed aside into the dark, and to access a
total spirituality the feminine forces have to be approached. In the
effort to access these feminine forces, the positions and situations
of women often come into focus, especially in the critical view on
Christianity.

These six discourses are intertwined in what I call the web of
discourses. The discourses are co-existent, support each-other and
appear in each other's company. Together they form what could be

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called a discourse complex, which more or less produces a coherent
and complex system of meaning-making.

8.2 Dragon Rouge in Context

In section 2, I briefly discussed the history of Western esotericism
and, in greater depth, the Theosophical Society, the Hermetic Order
of the Golden Dawn, Aleister Crowley, 'New Age' spirituality,
neopaganism and the Swedish alternative spiritual milieu of the
late 20 th and early 21 st centuries. I also treated societal changes that
have had a profound effect on spirituality and spiritual life. How
does this connect to Dragon Rouge, which is obviously my point of
focus? Dragon Rouge is firmly grounded in Western esoteric
traditions, as are the Theosophical Society, the Golden Dawn, 'New
Age' spirituality and neopaganism. Earlier esoteric currents and
notions provides the backdrop to movements such as Dragon Rouge,
as does the late 19 th and early 20 th century esoteric and occult
movements discussed in chapter 2. 'New Age' spiritualities and
neopaganism spring up slightly before Dragon Rouge, but are as
phenomena contemporary with the order. The Swedish alternative
spiritual milieu is the locality and cultural-ideological framework
in which Dragon Rouge is immersed.

The rhetoric of spiritual alchemy, a longstanding esoteric
current and notion, is one of the main communicative strategies in
Dragon Rouge. In alchemical language use, the process of magical
progress is referred to as a compression and transmutation of the
magician's True Self (see Eriksson 2001: 124-130). In line with the
Egyptology which became prominent in the 18 th century, Egypt is
identified as a, or perhaps the, origin of esoteric wisdom. Instead of
finding the elixir vitae one manufactures the Black Diamond, the
life-providing black-earth shores of the Nile being the obvious frame
of reference. Qabalah, another influential notion and current, is of
vital importance to Dragon Rouge. Following the Golden Dawn's
incorporation of the qabalistic Tree of Life, the sephiroth, as a model
for the initiatory system, Dragon Rouge has adopted the eleven
spheres of the qliphoth, the shadow side of the sephiroth - or the

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Tree of Knowledge, as a model for its initiatory system (see Bogdan
2003b: 238). Dark astral planes, magic experiences and various
mythological elements correspond to the qliphotic spheres.

The three Proto-Rosicrucian texts attributed to the imaginary
Christian Rosencreutz, and his mythical secret initiatory society,
were the inspiration of real initiatory societies. Freemasonry was
the most successful of these and has in turn become a model on
which other initiatory societies are modelled. As an initiatory order,
Dragon Rouge builds on the roots planted by Freemasonry.
Furthermore, as an esoteric order founded in Scandinavia, the
runologic and rune magic works of the Swedes, Johannes Bureus
and Sigurd Agrell, are also important for the order.

Elements from Indian religiosity, especially Tantrism, are very
central in Dragon Rouge. The concepts of chakras and that of
Kundalini, which in Dragon Rouge is identified as the inner Dragon
or life-force of man - and which is thus pivotal to the magic works,
were largely introduced to the west by Charles Leadbeater of the
Theosophical Society. The Theosophical Society was also the most
important movement in terms of the focus of esoteric interest in
India. Aleister Crowley explored Tantric Yoga and crafted Western
sex magic out of it. Sex magic has become one of the key elements
of contemporary magic, and as the life force is identified as the libido
in Dragon Rouge, sex magic is central to this order as well. Crowley
was also the mage behind defining and establishing Will as the
agency of magic. Will, or True Will, is the organ of magic, and indeed
the core of the magic personality, in most of contemporary magic
and neopaganism, and Dragon Rouge is no exception.

In combining the rhetoric of alchemy with Crowleyan concepts,
the Black Diamond is identified as the core of the magician, or his/
her Will manifest. Crowley also broke with earlier esoteric tradition
in turning from God-centeredness to the pursuit of becoming a god
himself, which is the precise goal of the Dragon Rouge magician.
Although Aleister Crowley dismissed black magic, and had a bit
more 'right-handed' approach to magic and the goals with it, he
canbe seen as the inspiration for and forefather of Western Left Hand
Path magicians. Dragon Rouge shows many similarities to Kenneth
Grant's, who has been highly influenced by Crowley, ideas on
magic. For example, Kenneth Grant frequently names the

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"draconian current' as the original form of spirituality, and
introduced the qliphotic as a noteworthy concept in contremporary
magic, and not just as something to be avoided.

On a more contemporary note, recent societal transformations
have played an important role in the way which spirituality has
come to be formed in contemporary Western society. Late modernity
brought with it distrust in older authoritative institutions, including
institutional religion, and is in itself a factor in the birth of new
spiritualities such as 'New Age' and neopaganism. The
fragmentation of late modernity generated a situation where there
no longer existed a single true alternative in the religious sphere
for many individuals, which in turn favoured an eclectic and
syncretistic approach, where components from various religions
and mythologies are disembedded from their original contexts and
freely re-embedded in new spiritual constructs. 'New Age'
spiritualities, where almost everything can be incorporated in one
fashion or another, are the most apparent contemporary example
of this phenomenon, but Dragon Rouge is no stranger to eclecticism.
There is probably no mythology known to Western comparative
religion or anthropology which has not been, or will not be, explored
by some Dragon Rouge magician.

The transnational connections of a globalized world have made
distance a minor factor in the spread of spiritualities. Dragon Rouge
was founded in Stockholm, Sweden, but was soon discovered by
would-be-magicians from all around the Western world. The first
foreign members were Germany, where the number of members
might exceed the number of Swedish members in the near future,
but nowadays the order has members in Europe, North, Central
and South America. With the conception of correspondence courses,
and the advances in communication technologies, physical
proximity is no longer a prerequisite for working with the Dragon
Rouge magic-system.

The similarities between 'New Age' spiritualities and
neopaganism are numerous, as are the similarities between the
aforementioned and Dragon Rouge. They are all mainly
spiritualities of life (see Heelas 2002), where the self is placed at
centre, and discourses of personal evolution, individuality, nature
and women's rights, identified as key elements in Dragon Rouge,
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permeate them all. The resacralization of the world, in a world after
secularization, is central to these kinds of spirituality. The
similarities between neopaganism and Dragon Rouge are
particularly striking. From the list of characteristic traits of
neopaganism in section 2.1.5, all but one could be used to describe
Dragon Rouge. The importance of gender polarity is played down
in Dragon Rouge, as it is in most Left Hand Path organizations,
where both the feminine and masculine forces and traits are thought
to exist to a higher degree in each individual, regardless of sex.

When discussing the similarities between 'New Age'
spirituality and Dragon Rouge, the difficulties in defining 'New
Age' become apparent. In Olav Hammer's list of possible elements
of 'New Age' spirituality, presented in section 2.1.4, most features
could be said to exist in almost all contemporary esotericism. In the
instinctual feel for "what 'New Age' is", which most people who
are familiar with this form of spirituality have, Dragon Rouge would
most likely not be grouped in this category. Nevertheless, as both
are parts of - and share the prehistory of - the overarching tradition
of Western Esotericism, there are similarities and connections.

The Swedish context, and especially that of Stockholm, is of
particular interest when discussing Dragon Rouge. This is, after
all, the locality and milieu in which the order was founded and in
which the headquarters of the order are still located. Thomas
Karlsson, the primary founding member of Dragon Rouge, was
involved in much of the spiritual underground of Stockholm before
founding the order. As discussed in section 4.1.1, he tried out several
spiritualist movements in his youth. He also used to work in at the
'New Age' bookshop Vattumannen, the focal point of alternative
spirituality in Stockholm. The Swedish neoshaman circle was
centred on the bookshop in question, as described in section 2.2,
and Dragon Rouge has no doubt been influenced by this group, at
least in the early stages of the order. Many of the same themes have
been touched upon by both orders, such as ancient Norse
mythology, and runology - and particularly the Uthark theory of
Sigurd Agrell - and neoshaman techniques. In the early days of
Dragon Rouge the order was criticized by the neoshamans of
Yggdrasil (see Bjarke 1991), although this has not been the case later
on, at least not to the same extent.

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Generally, views of, and relations to, neopagan organizations
are positive in Dragon Rouge, although Wicca is an exception. Many
Dragon Rouge members criticize Wiccans for being too light-
oriented and condemning the exploration of the dark (see IF mgt
2001/50; 2001/52). At times, the dislike has been mutual (see Wiberg
1999a; 1999b). I have, however, met one member of the order who
identifies herself as Wiccan (see IF 2001/1:5).

The links between Dragon Rouge and the Swedish 'New Age'
milieu are not as apparent, although they exist. Thomas Karlsson
was involved in the publication of the esoteric magazine,
Quintessens, which was later on amalgamated with the 'New Age'
magazine, Alpha/Omega. Generally the focus on the dark aspects of
existence are not favoured in 'New Age' spirituality (see York 1995:
159-161).

8.3 Conclusions and Discussion

In closing, I underline the results of my study by briefly discussing
the key points. They are - as one can see from the subsequent
passages - the following:

Age-old esoteric traditions are maintained in Dragon Rouge.
The order has a distinct and formative founding figure. The order
is characterized by eclecticism, but with a special focus on Indian
and Old Norse mythology and religion. In the programme lectures
on various topics are important, but actual practice is seen to be
more central. With the help of discourse analysis, I have shown
that there are certain guiding principles common to most members
of Dragon Rouge, and that it is through communicative praxis that
a comprehensive worldview is produced in the order.

Dragon Rouge is a contemporary alternative spiritual
organization. Dragon Rouge is also a magic order in a lineage,
existing in a continuum of earlier esoteric and occult phenomena.
Esoteric ideas and practices have co-existed with mainstream
Christianity for the extent of the latter' s existence, and has at times
had a major impact on the development of mainstream religion,
philosophy, science and art. Central notions and currents in Western

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esotericism, such as alchemy, qabalah, Rosicrucianism, and magic,
all play a part in the background and present reality of Dragon
Rouge, as discussed in section 8.2. Obscure as the order might seem
when viewed in the context of present day Swedish society and
religious tradition, it nonetheless stands on the shoulders of long-
lasting traditions. The concepts and terminology Dragon Rouge
operates with are neither novel nor anomalous, when considering
Western esotericism as a whole.

Although existing in a long line of esoteric predecessors,
Dragon Rouge is, nonetheless, a distinctly late modern phenomenon.
The disembedding of elements from foreign spiritual traditions and
reembedding them in new contexts has been the practice of Western
esoteric movements since the move of the Theosophical Society to
India (see section 2.1.1). The eclectic imaginative reincorporation
of foreign spiritualities has however accelerated since the 1960s,
most notably with the 'New Age' movement. This acceleration has
in turn resulted in a more accentuated decoupling of chosen
elements from their origins, in order to more smoothly be able to fit
the often disparate components into a coherent system and a
Western late modern way of thinking.

Dragon Rouge is strongly eclectic, in many ways more so than
individual 'New Age' groups are. Spiritual practices, philosophies
and mythologies are ransacked for useful elements, and when found
these are tried out and possibly incorporated into the Dragon Rouge
system. Several Dragon Rouge members express the sentiment that
the very foundation of 'the Dragon Rouge system' is inclusiveness
(see IF mgt 2001/47). Any element an individual practitioner is
interested in exploring may be a part of that individual's personal
magic system, and if this person is active in the order, the elements
incorporated will most likely be tried out by other members. The
key -word here is eclecticism, coupled with pragmatism. This is also
clearly exhibited in the improvised fashion in which rituals and
ceremonies are composed - marking a difference to many other
earlier and contemporary orders and movements, in which the form
of the ritual is strictly dictated by tradition. Also in contrast to
traditional esotericism, as well as to the 'New Age' movement,
Dragon Rouge is strongly grounded in practice. The intellectual
capacity to interpret esoteric source material is also valued, but it is

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in practice that magic is manifested. In the latter aspect, Dragon
Rouge bears more resemblance to neopagan movements than to
earlier esotericism.

Even though Dragon Rouge incorporates elements from most
religious traditions, two cultural spheres function most often as
sources for inspiration, namely, the Scandinavian and the Indian.
Old Norse mythology, including the esoteric speculation and
interpretation of runes, is a fundamental for the order. In the
footsteps of Johannes Bureus, the nine worlds of Old Norse
mythology are incorporated into a qabalah-like system, this time
around into one which centres around the qliphoth. From Indian
spirituality especially Tantrism is an element of great importance.
The concept of Kundalini, the life-force and sexual energy of the
human - with the feminine Shakti as its active focus, is central to
Dragon Rouge. In a most eclectic fashion a Kundalini-awakening-
exercise can be performed in a Scandinavian shamanistic setting -
performed as a drum-journey. Qabalistic demonesses such as Lilith
are addressed together with Indian deities such as Kali and Old
Norse deities such as Hel, all in a syncretistic mix. Distinct, but in
some way similar, deities and demons are thought to ultimately
represent the same hidden forces, and thus addressing them in the
same ritual setting is only natural. Another central source, perhaps
even more central although most often situated in the context of
the abovementioned ones, is the qabalistic tradition.

As already demonstrated the eclecticism of the order is
governed by the discourse of individuality. The order is extremely
reluctant to dictate choices, and the members have a responsibility
to explore and choose their spiritual path for themselves. The
resulting magic system becomes a highly individual one,
constructed from a vast array of different components. In
simplification one could say that for the Dragon Rouge magician
there is no higher authority than the self, not when it comes to
choices regarding magic progress.

The process of magic progress is also a process of identity
construction for the dark magician. In a predominantly reflexive
way, the magician goes into him-/ herself and dissects his/her self,
in order to 'access his/her true self. In a society and an era marked
by secularism, the magicians of Dragon Rouge are involved in a re-
CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

313

sacralization and re-enchantment of daily life. Through magic, most
every event and choice can be rendered universally meaningful to
the individual, and mundane incidents become something far more.
The dark magician seeks an answer to the question 'what is the
meaning of life and existence', and finds it in him-/ herself.

Social movements of the late modern period are characterized
by transnational connections. Dragon Rouge has in a short time
spread throughout the Western world. The Swedish originated
order has not spread in such a high degree to its neighbouring
countries - Finland, Norway or Denmark, but instead to countries
such as Poland, Germany and Italy, and even to North and South
America. The interplay between members in different countries is
widespread, and there even exist ritual groups the members of
which live far away from each other. Rituals and ceremonies are
performed in unison, although individually, and the results are then
communicated through the mediation of e-mail.

Although Dragon Rouge is a non-hierarchical organization,
there nonetheless exists one central person behind the foundation
and ideological development of the order, namely Thomas Karlsson
- who was only 17 years of age when founding the order. Besides
being the key founder of the order, Karlsson has also been the
driving force behind Dragon Rouge, his early and later occult
experiences leaving their mark on the order as a whole. Karlsson' s
non-magical experiences, as well, have had an impact on the paths
Dragon Rouge has come to take. He is at present enrolled as a
doctoral student at the institution for the History of Religions at
the University of Stockholm, and has a M.A. degree in the History
of Ideas at the same university. Considering the similarity between
the theoretical portion of a Dragon Rouge meeting and a university
lecture, whilst remembering that the Theosophical Society was also
involved in lecture-like activities, the university background of
Karlsson is not unimportant in assessing Dragon Rouge and
engagement in the practice of magic.

When considering the eclectic, pragmatic and improvised
character of Dragon Rouge, the conclusion might easily be drawn
that there can not exist any general ideological basis of the order.
This is however not the case. The discourses which I treated in
chapter 7 give expression to the formative principles. They provide

CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

314

the mold in which the different components of dark magic
philosophy and practice are set and combined, and the glue which
holds them together. In the discursive praxis of Dragon Rouge, the
often discrepant elements incorporated are forged into a coherent
system. Through the web of discourses, a comprehensive view of
reality is produced and maintained.

As a result, it can be argued that Dragon Rouge as an order,
although not explicitly advocating any one way of interpreting the
world, does indeed operate with a general worldview. Whereas the
occult and metaphysical interpretations may vary to a large degree,
the views on the mundane world, society and morality are more
generally held in common. Similarly to most neopagan movements,
nature and femininely interpreted forces and characteristics are
highly valued in Dragon Rouge. Civilization is considered to
represent the structures of cosmos, whereas nature represents the
potentials inherent in chaos. Masculine forces are linked to exoteric
mainstream religion - the Right Hand Path, whereas feminine forces
are connected to chaos and nature - the Left Hand Path. Mainstream
religion, represented by Christianity, is criticized for wrong-doings
against nature and women - and even more centrally, for
maintaining ideological structures which legitimize these wrong-
doings. The dark magician needs to appraise nature and the hidden
feminine forces of existence, naturally extending to a discourse of
women's rights.

In opposing civilization and nature, and in appraising
individual responsibility and choice, the ethical code systems of
traditional Christian culture are discarded. The choice is to go for
an individual situation based morality, also a feature common with
most neopagan movements. The main exercise the dark magician
is involved in is self-evolvement on an elevated level. Combined
with the critique of materialism this striving displays a search for
'something more out there', and involves a re-sacralization of the
secular world. The Dragon Rouge magician is not content with what
secular society has to offer concerning the meaning of life. Indeed,
he/she is on a trek to find better alternatives. This common 'Dragon
Rouge-frame of mind' does not necessarily involve each and every
member in the same fashion or to the same extent, although it is
likely to be more and more adopted with increasing participation
CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

315

within the order. In the spirit of eclecticism, human communication,
individual responsibility and choice, the discourses of Dragon
Rouge are negotiated in joint operations. The discourses do not exist
outside communication, and each member communicates and
highlights differently.

Research on alternative spiritualities is on the rise in different areas
of religious studies. Research paradigms concerning contemporary
esoteric trends are in the process of formulation, and questions
concerning what the overarching subject field should be called are
being negotiated. Perhaps the subject field is in itself so different
from traditional religion that traditional methods and approaches
will no longer suffice. Will the study of contemporary Western
Esotericism constitute a new strand of the academic study of
spirituality, in such a way as to require its own theories, methods
and approaches? Questions such as these surfaced at the
international ASANAS (Alternative Spiritualities and New Age
Studies) conference in Wolverhampton, England, in 2004 137 , and the
answer was generally a hesitant yes.

Studies in alternative spiritualities such as the 'New Age'
movement, contemporary magic orders and neopagan organisations
suggest that the methods of traditional comparative religion may
indeed be unable to provide sufficient answers. Whereas world
religions such as Christianity, Islam and Hinduism have scriptural
canons and are constructed on authoritative doctrines, the case is
generally different with alternative spiritualities. There are no
authoritative doctrines, no official scriptural documents or
authoritative organisations. Individuality is highly valued, and
groups are loosely organized and dissolve and reform in a fluid
fashion on a regular basis. Participant observation is almost a
requirement if the researcher is to truly catch the nature of the
movement, and while ethnographic research has a long tradition

137 See, for example, the paper delivered by Graham Harvey at the 2004
ASANAS conference (Harvey 2004), in which he argues that the research tools
need to be further refined, as studies in the field of neopaganism have
highlighted the shortcomings of current positions and methods.

CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

316

in anthropology, the cultural anatomy of the informants is largely
different from that of the informants the traditional anthropologist
is familiar with. Neopagans and contemporary magicians are often
highly educated and self -reflexive individuals, and are more often
than not familiar with the academic fields the researchers hail from.
The dialogical nature of the research progress will necessarily be a
key element. It is probably not an accidental occurrence that a large
number of academics studying neopagan movements, for example,
consider themselves to be neopagans. This is an issue often viewed
as awkward in religious studies, but is something which will have
to be discussed openly sooner or later.

Whilst 'New Age' spirituality and neopagan communities have
received a huge increase in academic interest, apparent in the
increasing number of academic dissertations and publications on
the subject area, so called Left Hand Path spirituality is still basically
virgin territory in terms of research. Although the Left Hand Path
is a much rarer spiritual tradition than the Right Hand Path, it
nonetheless plays a culturally far more important role than the
number of people actually involved in Left Hand Path organizations
suggests. Popular culture is one field where Left Hand Path themes
rear their heads with increasing frequency. One example is the film
The Ninth Gate, directed by Roman Polanski in 1999, which contains
apparent LHP themes. The present work is a case study of a Left
Hand Path organization. As organizations such as these are very
varied in form and function, my findings are not directly valid for
other Left Hand Path organizations. Research on Dragon Rouge
can, however, shed some light on the nature of the form of
spirituality in general.

Recent societal change favours alternative spiritualities. The
possibilities and insecurities of a late modern world, combined with
its globalized and glocalized nature, place individual experience
and life in the here-and-now at the centre. Many spiritually inclined
individuals can no longer motivate any authority outside the
experiences of the self. Spirituality has become a major factor in the
process of identity formation, and in the fluidic framework of the
late modern world, identity is never something finitely defined.
The late modern spiritual individual is one who is always a seeker.
He/she expresses him-/ herself through spirituality and finds like-
CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

317

minded persons at great geographical distances, brought close
through advanced communication technologies. Alternative
spiritualities matter, as they provide people with a sense of purpose
and direction, and not least, because people choose to engage in
them.

CHAPTER 8 - FINALE

319

List of References

Unpublished

Questionnaires

IF 2001/1:1. Male
IF 2001/1:2. Male
IF 2001/1:3. Male
IF 2001/1:4. Male
IF 2001/1:5. Fema
IF 2001/1:6. Male
IF 2001/1:7. Male
IF 2001/1:8. Male
IF 2001/1:9. Male

H] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001
I] informant. Sweden, 2001

A] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001

B] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001
[e [C] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001
[J] informant. Sweden, 2001

K] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001
L] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001
M] informant. Stockholm, Sweden, 2001

IF 2001/1:10. Male [N] informant. Former member. Sweden, 2001

IF 2001/1:11. Female [E] informant. Germany, 2001

IF 2001/1:12. Male [O] informant. Finland, 2001

IF 2001/1:13. Female [F] informant. Former member. Sweden, 2002

Interviews

IF mgt 2001/11-12. Interview with a Swedish male [A] and female

[A] Dragon Rouge member in a cafe in Stockholm. 4.2.2001
IF mgt 2001/13-14. Interview with a Swedish male [B] Dragon

Rouge member at the home of the informant in Stockholm.

5.2.2001
IF mgt 2001/47-48. Interview with a Swedish male [C] Dragon

Rouge member at the home of the informant in Stockholm.

1.4.2001
IF mgt 2001/49-50. Interview with a Swedish male [A] Dragon

Rouge member at the Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm.

2.4.2001

320

IF mgt 2001/51-52. Interview with a Swedish male [C] Dragon

Rouge member at the home of the informant in Stockholm.

3.4.2001
IF mgt 2001/53-54. Interview with a Swedish female [A] Dragon

Rouge member at the Dragon Rouge temple in Stockholm.

At the end of the interview, two Swedish male [A & D]

members joined the discussion. 6.5.2001
IF mgt 2001/55-56. Interview with two Swedish female [B & C]

Dragon Rouge members at the Dragon Rouge temple in

Stockholm. 6.5.2001
IF mgt 2001/57-58. Interview with a Swedish female [D] Dragon

Rouge member in a park outside the Dragon Rouge temple

in Stockholm. 8.5.2001
IF mgt 2002/49. Interview with a Swedish male [F] Dragon Rouge

member in a cafe in Gothenburg. 29.5.2002

Interview A 2001. Interview with a German male [E] Dragon Rouge

member in a Cafe in Stockholm. Interview not recorded.

July 2001
Interview B 2002. Interview with a Swedish male [G] Dragon Rouge

member in a cafe in Gothenburg. Interview not recorded.

30.5.2002

Official Dragon Rouge Material

Dragon Rouge (1996): Magikurs 1. The first correspondence course

in magic, parts 1-6
Dragon Rouge (2000a): Draksadd 2/2000. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2000b): Draksadd 3/2000. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2000c): Draksadd 4/2000. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2000d): Valkomstbrev till nya medlemmar . Introductory

letter for new Dragon Rouge members

321

Dragon Rouge (2001a): Homepage of Dragon Rouge. URL: http://

www.dragonrouge.net/English/general.htm 11.12.2001

16:21
Dragon Rouge (2001b): Members' Words. Bulletin board for Dragon

Rouge members. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/

robboard02/ index02.cgi
Dragon Rouge (2001c): Homepage of Lodge Odin. URL: http://

wl.454.telia.com/~u45402340/faq.html. Accessed

11.12.2001
Dragon Rouge (2001d): Homepage of Lodge Helheim. URL: http://

www.geocities.com:80/Area51/ Cavern/ 9759/

toppage5.htm. Accessed 11.12.2001
Dragon Rouge (2001e): Reglerfor att starta en magigrupp och loge inom

Dragon Rouge. Rules governing the starting of a lodge and

magical group in Dragon Rouge
Dragon Rouge (2001f): Draksadd 1/2001. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2001 g): Draksadd 2/2001. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2001h): Draksadd 3/2001. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2001i): Cauda Draconis 4/2001. Dragon Rouge

member's publication
Dragon Rouge (2001j): Magikurs 2. The second correspondence

course in magic, parts 1-6
Dragon Rouge (2002a): Dracontias 1/2002. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2002b): Dracontias 2/2002. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2002c): Dracontias 3/2002. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2002d): Dracontias 4/2002. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2002g): Fiat Nox. Magickal Bulletin of Dragon Rouge

Italy. 1/2002. Unpublished magazine by the Dragon Rouge

magic group in Italy
Dragon Rouge (2003a): Dracontias 1/2003. Dragon Rouge member's

publication

322

Dragon Rouge (2003b): Dracontias 2/2003. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2003c): Dracontias 3/2003. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2003d): Dracontias 4/2003. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2004a): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge; the

Current issues section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/

Swedish/ aktuellt.htm. Printed 9.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004b): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge; the

General Information section. URL: http://

www.dragonrouge.net/english/general.shtml. Printed

9.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004c): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge; the

Philosophy section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/

english/ philosophy.htm. Printed 9.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004d): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge; the

Lodges section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/

english/lodges.htm. Printed 13.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004e): Dracontias 1/2004. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2004f): Dracontias 2/2004. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2004g): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge; the

Swedish General Information section. URL: http://

www.dragonrouge.net/swedish/allmant.shtm. Printed

13.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004h): The homepage of Lodge Sinistra; the general

presentation section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/

sinistra/ index. html. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004i): The homepage of Lodge Sinistra; the library

section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/sinistra/

bibliotek.html. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004j): The homepage of Lodge Sinistra; the programme

section. URL: http://www.dragonrouge.net/sinistra/

program.html. Printed 25.4.2004

323

Dragon Rouge (2004k): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the general

presentation section. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/

DR.htm. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (20041): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the presentation

of the lodge. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/Heldrasil.htm.

Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004m): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the

presentation of magic traditions. URL: http://

www.heldrasil.de/GOTA.htm. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004n): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the

presentation of Draconian magic. URL: http://

www.heldrasil.de/draconische%20magie.htm. Printed

25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004o): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the

presentation of Draconian philosophy . URL: http://

www.heldrasil.de/philosop.htm. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004p): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the

organization section. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/

geschich.htm. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004q): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the Frequently

Asked Questions section. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/

Fragen.htm. Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004r): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the membership

section. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/Mitgliedschaft.htm.

Printed 25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004s): The homepage of Lodge Heldrasil; the activities

section. URL: http://www.heldrasil.de/treffen.htm. Printed

25.4.2004
Dragon Rouge (2004t): Dracontias 3-4/2004. Dragon Rouge member's

publication
Dragon Rouge (2005a): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge;

Swedish information on upcoming courses section. URL:

http:/ /www. dragonrouge.net/ Swedish/ aktuellt#3. htm.

Accessed 27.4.2005
Dragon Rouge (2005b): The official homepage of Dragon Rouge;

English information on Initiatoric Draconian Magic. URL:

http:// www. dragonrouge. net/ english/general#2.htm.

Accessed 27.4.2005

324

Karlsson, Thomas (2002e): Sithra Ahra och Kelippot. Ondskans vdsen
inom kabbalan. Unpublished essay by Thomas Karlsson

Karlsson, Thomas (2002f): Nutida esoterisk runologi och dess
idehistoriska rotter. Unpublished essay by Thomas Karlsson

Other Unpublished Material

Granholm, Kennet (2000): Dragon Rouge: Religion, magi, nypaganism,
satanism. Beskrivning och klassifikation av ett alternativandligt
fenomen. Unpublished M. A. thesis in Comparative Religion.

Abo Akademi University
Granholm, Kennet (2001a): Talet om ondska. Diskursanalys av ett
televisionsprogram. Unpublished B.A.-essay in Folkloristics.

Abo Akademi University
Brakenhielm, Carl-Reinhold (2004): Religion och livsaskadning efter

sekulariseringen. Forelasning vid Abo Akademis teologiska
fakultets 80 ars-jubileum den 1 oktober 2004. Speech given at

the 80 th anniversary of the Theological Faculty at Abo

Akademi University. October 1st 2004.
Marin, Andrei (2000): The Dragon and the Northern Star: An

Anthropological Insight of a Magical Order in Northern Europe.

Unpublished paper
Nobell, Margareta (2002): Den vanstra handens vag: Om morkmagiker,

satanister, djavulsdyrkare och konstruktion av identitet och

karisma pa natet. Unpublished paper in the Anthropology

of Religion. University of Stockholm
Rodenborg, Erik (1998): Lagen och dess profet. Aleister Crowley, thelema

och satanismen. Unpublished Licentiate thesis. Stockholm,

University of Stockholm
Svanberg, Jan (1994): Den skandinaviska nyschamanismen. En

revitaliserande rorelse. Unpublished M.A. thesis in

Comparative Religion. Abo Akademi University
Woodman, Justain (2004): Modernity, Selfhood and the Demonic:
Anthropological Perspectives on "Chaos Magick" in the United
Kingdom. Unpublished PhD Thesis in Anthropology at
Goldsmiths College, University of London

325

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Embracing The Dark

Abo Akademi University Press
ISBN 951-765-251-8

Kennet Granholm

9 789517 652513

Embracing the Dark

The Magic Order of Dragon Roug

Its Practice in Dark Magic
Band Meaning Making

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